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'~L·JJ9 (r_ B8J04) C Canada Collected Ethnographie Objects as Cultural Representations:
Rev. Robertson's Collection from the New Hebrides [Vanuatu]
by
Barbara Lawson Anthropology Department McGill University, Montreal November 1990
A thesis submined to the Faculty ofGraduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree ofMaster ofAns
(c) Barbara Lawson 1990 National Lilxary Bibliothèque nationale 1+1 of Canada du Canada Ca~adian Theses Secvice Service des thèses canadiennes
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Canada 11 Abstract
AUTHOR: Barbara Lawson
DTLE: Collected Ethnographic Objects as Cultural Representations: Rev. Robertson's Collection from the New Hebrides [Vanuatu]
DEPARTMENT: Anthropology Department, McGiIl University
DEGREE: Master ofArts
This study compares a collection ofdecontextualized objects in McGill's
Redpa:h Museum with contemporary historical accounts to see what congruencies can be established between them. It focuses on 125 artifacts gathered in the New Hebrides by a Nova
Scotian missionary living on Erromanga between 1872 and 1913. These objects have never been smdied before. Collected ethnographic objects are usually studied as they are found in the museum or as they might have been in the field- the movement from one place to the other is not considered significant. Critical consideration of the collecting process imparts information about the manufacture and use of objects, offers insights regarding the relation between local and introduced material culture, and reveals the historically contingent, intercultural relations that made collecting possible. It also exposes the foreign, local, cultural, and individual influences at work when certain items were selected, while others were left behind. 1I\
Résumé
AVŒUR: Barbara Lawson
TITRE: Une collection d'objets ethnographiques en tant que représentations culturelles: La collection du Révérend Robertson provenant des Nouvelles-Hébrides [Vanuatu]
DÉPARTEMENT: Anthropologie, Université McGill
PROGRAMME: Maîtrise ès arts
La présente étude compare une collection d'objets décontextualisés, conservés "li Musée Redpath (Université McGill), avec des récits historiques contemporains afin d'établir lellr
congruence. Cette collection, jamais étudiée auparavant, comprend 125 artefacts rassemblés dans
les Nouvelles-Hébrides par un missionnaire de Nouvelle-Écosse, vivant à Erromanga entre 1872 et
1913. Les objets de collection ethnographique sont généralement étudiés tels que trouvés dans un
musée ou tels qu'ils se présentent sur le terrain -leur déplacement n'est pas jugé significatif. Une
approche critique face à la cueillette de ces matériaux fournit de l'information sur leur fahrication ct
leur utilisation, offre des aperçus sur la relation entre culture locale et apport extérieur et révèle les
relations interculturelles historiquement contingentes qui ont permis la cueillette. Elle présente
aussi les facteurs extérieurs, locaux, culturels, et individuels qui ont influencé le choix des articles
sélectionnés. iv
Contents
PRE F ACE page v
NOTE ON THE USE OF TERMS xi
1. Artifact Collecting and Anthropology ••.•••••••••••.••••••.•••••••••..••••..••. 1
II. The Redpath Museum and Robertson's Collection •••••••••••••••••.•••.••.•• 21
III. European Activiiies in the Southern New Hebrides (1774.1883) 54
IV. Missionary Interactions with Erromangan Material Culture 87
V. Robertson's Collection as a Cultural Representation 122
ApPENDIXES:
A. ROBERTSON'S DONATION TO THE REDPATH MUSEUM 153 B. ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE OF ROBERTSON'S COLLECTION 154 C. MAP OF NEW HEBRIDES [VANUATU] SHOWING COOK'S 1774 VISIT 198 D. MAP OF ERROMANGA [ERROMANGO] 199 E. PRESBYTERIAN MISSIONARIES STATIONED IN THE SOUTHERN NEW HEBRIDES 200 (1848-83) F. MAP OF MISSION SCHOOL-HOUSES ON ERROMANGA [ERROMANGO] c.1884 201 G. CHRISTIAN VS. "HEATHEN" DRESS [PHOTO] 202
BIBLIOGRAPHY •••••••••••••••••.••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 203 v
Preface
The ideological assumptions implicit in the display of eùmologieal attifaets in museums have been discussed by several writers. 1 During the past deeade. seholars have devoted particular attention to messages conveyed in speci5e exhibits.2 While museum exhibits provide fettile ground for the analysis ofethnographic representations, other situations involving the selection and manipulation of objects and their meanings have been vittually ignored,3 Several works questioning assumptions of seientific objectivity in ethnographie writing suggest possibilities for a dynamic understanding of attifactual representations.4 1 believe that an approach consiâering the discursive and subjective nature of ethnographie investigation may be l:sed for analyzing collected objects in museums. Ali artifactual interpretations are influenced to sorne degree by the actual process whereby cultural objeets are removed l'rom their original context and re-situated in museums. This study will foeus specifically on the relation between ethnogmphic collecting and cultural representation.
Before the emergence of popular photography, objects provided an important means ofrepresenting exotic places and peoples visited by explorers, traders, missionaries, and a variety oftravellers. The situation of "drawing room anthropology" is aptly deseribed by Miller:
... objects were a convenient symbol for actual peoples whose presence was neither required nor desired, The selection of abjects is signifi.cant: ... insignia of power, emblems of status, and fetishes of supernatural power [were] taken l'rom colonial realms , ... [and] used to objectify the notion of the romantic innocent or the barbarie savage depending upon the argument being engaged upon (Miller,1983:5).
1 Including, Avé (1980), Boas (1887,1907), Borhegyi (1964,1969), Cannizzo (1989" Canniz>.o ct al. (1982,1987), Clifford (1988:189·214), Digby (1959), Dorsey (1907), Hainard (1984,1985), Halpin (1983), Harris (1987), Jamin (1985), McFeat (1976), Mcleod (1985), Morphy (1986), Pearce (1986c), Priee (1989). 2 Such as, Alexander (1985:134-6), Altick (1978:268·301), Cannizzo (1987), Chapman (1985), Cnombcs (1985), "agin (1984), Faris (1988), Fischer (1989), Jacknis (1985), Keuren (1984), Leone (1981,1983), Leone ct al. (1987), McEvilley (1984,1985a,1985b), O'Reilly (1959), Stanley (1989), Thomas (1989). 3 For a recent contribution in this area, sec Thomas (1989). 4 Sec, for example, discussions of auLhority and aumenticüy in: Clifford (1983.1988), Clifford and M?.fcUS (1986), Fabian (1983), Marous and Cushman (1982), Marcus and Fischer (1986), Rabinow (1986), Stocking ~1983), and Wagner (1975), VI
These idiosyncratically assembled souvenirs of indigenous production were not suited 10 the developing museum anthropology, with its emphasis on well-documented, systematic collections (Cole,1985:48-51; Stocking,1985:7-8). The artifacts required for research during anthropology's "Museum Period", with its focus on classification, typologies, and geographical distribution, were those methodically gathered during fieldwork (Sturtevant,
1969:622-3).5 However, even meticulously documented field collections came to play a diminishing role in most research institutions by the tum ofthe century, as the discipline's theoretical focus tumed towards social organization and related concems. In more recent times, the unpopularity of collected objects for study has been compounded by their evocation of colonialism's ignoble history. This precariously poised skeleton in anthropology's closet is treated in Asad (1973), Leiris (1950), Maquet (1964), and Morphy (1986).6 Yet, it is precisely this colonial past that provides new opportunities for investigation.
The early decades ofcollecting coincided with a period ofrapid, intensive culture change in many non-Western societies and the artifactual record ofthese cultural encounters provides a valuable profile ofacculturative processes. Critical consideration of the context ofthe collection ofethnographic materials imparts information about the manufacture and use ofobjects, offers insights regarding the relation between local and introduced material culture, and reveals the historically contingent, intercultural relations that made collecting possible. Il also exposes the types offoreign, local, cultural, and individual influences at work when certain items were selected, while others were left behind. This study will compare a collection ofdecontextualized museum objects with a variety ofcontemporary historical accounts 10 see what congruencies can be established "etween them.
5 Scholars disagree regarding the duration of anthropology's "Museum Period." Sturtevant was the frrst to forrnal1y suggCSl 1840-90 (1969:622). Stocking contends that anthropology's presence in the museum is less easily defined and suggests the beginning of the "great period of museum anthropo~ogy" as the 18905, simultaneous wiili the university's emergence as Û1e discipline's institutional seuing (1985:6-8). 1 have used the tenn here loosely to correspond with the founding of the fml major anthropological museum in 1866 and carly museum-bascd collecting aClivities. and continuing until the end of the nineteenth century (see Chapter 1). 6 The colonial rclalionship thal has existed between native peoples, anthropologists, and museums, has rccently becn dramatizcd with the controversy surrounding a Canadian exhibil entilled, "The Spirit Sings," see Ames (1988), Halpin (1988), and Trigger (1988a.b). Vll l The focus here is on a collection donated to McGill University's Redpath Museum between 1883 and 1896, consisting of 125 objects from the New Hebrides7 (see
map, Appendix C). This material was gathered by RA. Robenson,8 a member of the Nova
Scotian Mission, who resided on the island of Erromanga from 187210 1913 (see map,
Appendix D). Although Robertson's donation belongs to the genre of idiosyncratic rather than
systematic collections, it appears to represent a cross-section of utilitarian and ritual objects,
including material used by bath men and women. In spite of the factthat this material has been
in Canada for a cenlUry never been studied. Chapter 1discusses the history of the relationship belWeen artifact collecting and the discipline of anthropology and describes a variety ofresearch strategies using artifacts as cultural 'documents'. One of the major difficulties in using museum abjects for anthropological research, is that muswm collections vary drastically from the material culture found in any living society. The problem of'representation' and the extent of variance between the object in the museum and in the 'field' i, treated in detail, with special reference to nineteenth century artifact collecting. Recent disciplinary discussions by Clifford and others suggest that the problem of ethnographie representation can be dealt with by considering the discursive processes integral to data gathering and recognizing the subjective nature of ethnographic accounts.9 1 believe that theoretical considerations applied to collected ethnographie facts may be equally appropriate 10 an investigation ofcollected ethnographic 7 The islands now known as Vanuatu. See ''Note on the Use of Terms" (p. xi), for an explanation of place name usage. S ln aU probabiliry, this collection was a joint effort by Robertson and his wife, Christina. She was an aClive member of tlle missionary leam and no doubt involved in the actual collecling of many of the abjects donatcd la the Redpath Museum. Arùfacts in the Australian Museum in Sydney were donaled by bath Robertson and his wife. Of parùcular note is a collection of barkcloth in that Museum donated by Mrs. Robertson. In spite of several factors indicating Mrs. Robertson's probable contribution, the collection in the Redpath Museum is attributed solcly lo Rev. Robertson in all museurn documentation. Acknowledgement of Mrs. Robcrtson's participation in coilecting activilies is also absent from aIl sources consulted in this research, although this is not surprising in nineteenth cenlUry works of the geme consulted. l refer te the artifacts under consideration throughout this thesis as "Rev. Robcrtson's collection" because of lack of any other explicit evidence; however, Mrs. Robertson can he assumed to he the silcnl partner whenever such mention appears. 9 See, for examp1e, Clifford (1983,1988), Clifford and Marcus (1986). Fabian (1983), Marcus and Cushman (1982). Marcus and Fischer (1986), Rabinow (1986). Stocking (1983). and Wagner (1975). Vlll objects. This thesis does not anempt to present a complete account of anifact collecting during t~e contact pcriod. The aspects ireated are only those that can be sllffi1ised frem European derived perceptions of objects, individuais, and events. Chapter II describes the history and documentation accompanying the Redpath Museum's Ethnology Collections, as weIl as provenances arld types of artifacts donated by Robertson. The sources and mllseum collections consulted for anifact-based research are also discussed in detail. FinaIly, a summary offrndings is presented related to the verification of existing data and the additional information uncovered describing manufacture, use, provenance, and local context ofobjects in Robertson's collection. Chapter ru discusses the nature and extent ofEuropean activities in the southem New Hebrides. European experiences of local material culture and introductions of new materials are then considered from the time of Captain Cook's visits in 1774 until the end of 1882. This end-date is based on Robertson's two-year sabbatical in Canada, when he made the fmt of his three donations to the Redpath Museum. Chapter IV focuses on Erromanga and describes the nature of missionary contact on the island, from the first resident missionaries in 1857 unti! Robenson's leave of absence in 1882. The extent ofmissionary interactions with local material culture is examined, as weIl as the specific effects ofthe introduction ofnew materials and the withdrawal of others as a result ofchanging local practices. Finally, Chapter V evaluates the extentto which Robertson's assemblage of objects from the New Hebrides conforms to contemporary descriptions ofmaterial culture in the area. Ofcritical concern is an assessment of over one hundred years of contact with European goods and its effects on local ma.erial culture, as weIl as whether the content of Robertson's collection was deterrnined by what was available, what he knew to be typical (which would ofcourse be largely contingent upon his knowledge of traditional, as weII as accullUrized material culture), or by his personal or professional views. IX 1 ln mentioning those who have pided and inspired this work, 1 would like to acknowledge the late Richard F. Salisbury, whose insights conuibuted grently to ils fonllative stages. 1 am deeply indebted to Professor Bruce Trigger, who Idndly offered to take Professor Salisbury's place as thesis supervisor, and whose encouragement, rigorous reading of chapter drafts, and own love of scholarship enriched this academic sojoum immeasurably. 1would like to thank Dr. Robert Carroll, former Director of the Redpath Museum, whose belief in museums as reJearch institutions provided strong incentive to pursue this study. 1 am very grateful to Professor Christine Jourdan and Professor Ken Little for reading drafts, for their insightful cornrnents, and for their enthusiasm and support throughout this endeavour. J would also like to thank Professor Lee Drummond for his involvement during the early stages of this project. 1 wish to acknowledge the assistance and cordiality of archivists, librarians, curators, and other staff at numerous institutions, most particularly the following: the University Archive" Blacker-Wood Library of Zoology, McLennan Library, Presbyterian College Library, Rare Books Library, and Religious Smdies Library of McGill University (M:ontreal); the AustraIian Museum (Sydney); the First Presbyterian Church (Pictou); the Maritime Conference Archives (Halifax); the Museum ofMankind (London); the New Brunswick Museum (St. John); the Nova Scotia Museum (Halifax); the Nova Scotia Provincial Archives (Halifax); the Pitt-Rivers Museum (Oxford); the Agnes-Etherington Art Gallery of Queen's University (Kingston); the Royal Ontario Museum (Toronto); the University Museum ofArchaeology and Anthropology (Cambridge); and the Vanuatu Cultural Centre (Port Vila). Special thanIes are due to my colleagues and friends at the Redpath Museum and McGiIl University, who have unwittingly withstood the testing of count1ess paragraphs and turas ofphrase. Mrs. Louise Stevenson, for many years Curator of Geology and now Geology Advisor, has been especially generous with her knowledge of the Redpath Museum's early history and has enriched my perspective with anecdotes l'rom her near forty-year association with the Museum. 1 wish to acknowledge also the computer expertise of Marie La x Ricca and her assistance with the presentation of museum catalogue data in Appendix B, as weil as the drawing skills ofDavid Rose, who painstakingly sketched ail artifacts appearing in the appended catalogue, with the exception of ace. 471.02, drawn by Susan Wade. 1 am also especially grateful to Shamas Nanji for his assistance in laser printing the final version of this thesis. FinaIly, and perhaps the most difficult ta articulate, is my appreciation for the patience and understanding ofDana and Bahiyyih, for the encouragement of my parents, and above ail, for the unfailing support of my husband Todd. Xl 1 NQte Qn the lJse Qf Terms The area named the New Hebrides by Captain James Cook has been known sinee 1980 as the Republic of Vanuatu. l have chosen to follow historical usages for place names throughout L!]e "New Hebrides" for c1arity in the use of historical sources that are relied upon extensively in this work. This usage is also appropriate to the subject of nineteenth century western representation treated in this thesis. Due to eertain variations in these spellings, l have adhered to those employed by Robertson, as published in his 1902 work, Erromanga, the Martyr Isle. JO This work has also been used as a standard for words in Erromangan dialects transliterated into English, unless otherwise indicated. Indigenous tern1S throughout the text are distinguished by bold type.11 10 The following is a list of historical island narnes cited frequcnlly in this thcsis. accompanicd by CUITent names in square brackets. The latter are as indicated in the 16th edition of the Pacifie Islands Yearbook (Douglas and Douglas, 1989): Ambrim [Ambrym). Aneityum [Anatoml. Aniwa [Aniwal. Aurora [MaewoJ. Erate [Erate], Epi [Epi], Erromanga [Erromango]. Futuna [Futunal. Lepers Island [Aoba], Mae [Emae]. Maleleula [MalakulaJ. Malo [Malo]. Nguna [Ngunal. Pentecos, [J'entecost]. Santo [Espiritu Santo]. Tangoa [TangoaJ. Tanna [Tanna]. Tongoa [Tongoa]. Robertson is inconsistent in bis use of accents for place narnes; e.g. "Aniwa" and "Futuna" (p.5), "Malckula" (p.3), whereas throughollt the text these often appear without accents. For the sake of consistency, all place narncs arc pre,.. ented without accents in this thesis. Il Robertson is also inconsistent in bis use of accents for transliterated words. As a result, translitcrated words arc presented without accents. 1 I.. Artjfact Collecting and Anthropology Even if our own approach to things is conditioned necessarily by the view that things have no meanings apart from those that human transactions, attributions, and motivations endow them with, the anthropological problem is that this formai truth does not illuminate the concrete, historical circulation of things. For that we have to follow the things themselves, for their meanings are inscribed in their forms, their uses, their trajectories. It is only through the analysis of these trajectories that we can interpret the human transactions and calculations that enliven things. Thus, even though from a theoretical point ofview human actors encode things with significance, from a methodological point ofview il is the things - in - motion !hat illuminate their human and social context (Appadurai,1986:5). The practice ofcollecting ethnographic materials prior to the twentieth cenmry for "cabinets of curiosities" and later for museums has been documented by several writers. 1 Objects were gathered and placed in museums in connection with the large-scale historical processes of economic development and nationalism in Europe and North America, especially those relating to colonial domination. These same historical processes were responsible for the emergence of anthropology as a distinct discipline from its roots in the natural sciences (see Dexter,1966; Gruber,1970; and Stocking,1968,1987). Towards the latter part of the nineteenth cenrory, methodological conventions that evolved for the 'scientizing' of anthropology were adopted as appropriate for the handling of ethnographic objects. Procedures ofclassification included the treatment ofexotic people and their objects as natural history specimens representing typological or evolutionary sequences, as exemplified in the writings and collections of General Pitt Rivers (Lane Fox,1874:293-308; discussed in Chapman,1984,1985; Frese,1960:49-51; and Keuren,1984), and those with a geographical focus, as frrst introduced by P.F.B. ',on Siebold in Leiden (see Chapman,1985:24 and Frese,1960:39-42). Although ethnographic materials were part of museum collections in bath 1 See, for example, Avé (1980:11·14), Altick (1978:5·33). Bernstein (1989), Cannizzo (1989). Carpenter (1973). Cole (1982.1985). Dickmann and Wilcke (1979), Ewers (1981). Frese (1960:5.35). Guiart (1983:57·60), Kaepple.r (1978.1985), O'ReiIly (1959). Urry (1989). For an account of the collecting of antiquities, touching upen collecting activities of tribal societies and ancient civilizations. as well as the Chinese, Japanese, medieval and laler Europeans, see Trigger (1989:27.52,69). 2 1 Europe and North America by the early nineteenth century, it was not IIr:til 1866 that the fïrst majOi anthropological l1luseum was founded at Harvard (see Hinsley,1985).2 The developing museum-based anthropology with its emphasis on classification, typologies, and geographical distribution required methodically gathered and well-docl'mented collections for research. In Britain, the Royal AnthropologicaI lnstitutc's Notes and Gueries on Anthropology. fust published in 1874, provided guidelines for anthropologicaI data gathering and included a specifie section on collecting material culture. lt should be noted that there were occasionally collectors of the pre-disciplinary period, whose methodologies prefigured later systematic collecting activities. Anatole von Hügel, who collected in Fiji during the mid-1870s, is described as as being self-consciously scientific in his attempt to obtain a wide range of materiaI, including mundane items as weil as decorativc or ceremonial, and standard forms as weil as unusual variants (Thomas,1989:46). The systematic collecting of objects in the field and their anaIysis in the museum was a prominent feature of the discipline's "Museum Period" (see Preface, p. vi, n. 5). In the United States, the first expedition designed to collect ethnological objects systematically was organized by the Smitl1.sonian's Bureau ofEthnology in 1879 (Hinsley,1981:194-200; Parezo,1985). The expedition team collected over six thousand objects from the American "Southwest". Documenting collections meant that: ... [the artifact] was numbered and labeled in the field. Then, preferably two knowledgeable ... [local] informants were asked to provide the native term for the object, describe ils use and function, record its previous history, identify the design and its meaning, tell how il was made, discuss the history of the craft, state whether it was rare or common, and COmment on the quality of the workmanship. Construction techniques were recorded in minute detail and raw materials identified ... (Parezo, 1985:765). Artifact collecting steadily declined in importance from its peak at the tum of the century, as advancing acculturation and dwindling native populations changed the focus of field research to salvaging those less tangible aspects of traditionallife. 2 For an overview of museums and their role in the instirutionalization of anlhropology, sec Frcsc (1960:36-72); the discipline's institutionalization in England is discussed in Stocking (1987:262-5). 3 Franz Boas, considered to be the founder ofprofessional anthropology in the United States, held a joint appointment at the American Museum of Natural History and Columbia University from.1895 to 1905.3 One of his major museological contributions was to popularize cultural context as the organizing principle for ethnological collections, an approach that has prevailed to the present day (Jacknis,1985). However, Boas found objects and museums far too limited for his research interests (1887:587-9; Jacknis,1985). Dissatisfacllon with museums and their collections grew arnong an increasing number ofacademic anthropologists, who found the ethnological significance ofobjects 10 be devalued or 'descientized' by the processes ofcollection and 'museumification'. These early crities of museum anthropology called attention to the problems created by isolating objects from their specific contexts and by museums with their schemes ofclassification for storing and displaying artifacts (see, forexample, Boas,1907 and Malinowski,1916:238). Malinowski took particular exception to the non-scientific nature ofmost museum collecting ventures and described the failure of objects in a museum setting to convey "ethnographic reality" as follows: A canoe is an item of material culture, and as such it can be described, photographed, and even bodily transported into a museum. But-and this is a truth too often overlooked - the ethnographic reality ofthe canoe would not be brought much nearer to a student at home, even by placing a perfect specimen right before hirn. The canoe is made for a certain use, and with a defmite purpose; it is a means to an end, and we, who study native life, must not reverse this relation, and make a fetish of the object itself. In the study of the economic purposes for which a canoe is made, of the various uses to which it is submitted, we find the flfst approach to a deeper ethnographic treatmenl. Further sociological data, referring to its ownership, accounts ofwho sails in it, and how it is done; information regarding the ceremonies and customs ofits construction, a son oftypicallife history ofa native craft - ail that brings us nearer still to the understanding ofwhat his canoe truly means to the native (Malinowski,1922:105). Although Malinowski's own dealings with ethnographic reality have been questioned in recent works (Clifford,1988:29-32; Stocking,1983:97-1l2), the passage eloquently captures the inadequacy of objects to respond to the then pressing disciplinary 3 For a comparison of the museum-related activities of Boas and the University of Chicago's Frederick Starr, see McVicker (1985,1989). 4 concerns. As Anglo-American anthropology developed a dynamic view of culture based on 1 fieldwork experiences, collected ethnographic objects, which were perceived as representing static realities, were relegated to the rear guard as having little to offer in terms of theoretical development or modern anthropological perspectives. Material corroboration of the 'other' could be provided by photography, film, sound recordings, and other media better suited to contextual tasks (Avé,1980:16). This shift away from museum anthropology and objects was reinforced by extensive foundation-based support which considered a behaviourally oriented discipline more suited to its interests (Stocking,1985:112-45). In spite of the separation of museums from the interests ofmainstream anthropology during the first half of the twentieth century, vast collections of cultural material exist in museums around the world. Sturtevant estimated the total world holdings of ethnographic materials in museums to he four and one half million artifacts (1969:640). As several scholars note, most of these holdings are poorly documented (Avé,1980: 12-13; McFeat,1967; Reynolds,1979:9-11; and Sturtevant,1969,1973). Recent studies suggest an upward revision ofthis figure, and also indicate that documentation for as much as eighty per cent of this material is inadequate (Reynolds and Stott,1987:5,8). A number of anthropologists have concerned themselves with the research potential of these collections.4 There is sorne evidence ofa revival ofinterest in material culture within the disciplines of anthropology and history,5 and in a variety ofinterpretative innovations by archaeologists (including Deetz, 1977; Hodder,1982a;1982b; Leone,1981,1983; Leone et al.,1987). If tms renewed interest in material culture is to extend to numerous ethnological collections languishing in museums around the world, objections raised earlier this century regarding museums and their tendency to isolate and obfuscate must be addressed. The problem, sometimes unwittingly perpetuated by museological mandate, is that the physical 4 See, for example, Ames (1986). CanlWell et al. (1981), Fenton (1960,1974), McFeat (1967), Nason (1987), Pearce (1986.,b,c;1989), Reynolds (1979,1984,1986), Stunevant (1969,1973). 5 Such "",App.durai (1986), Koepping (1979), Lauer (1979), Miller (1983), Pearce (1986a,b,c;1989), Reynolds .nd Stott (1987), Richardson (1974), Schlereth (1982,1985b), Stocking (1985). 5 aspect of a collection and its coherent classification often override the specific history of the 1 production, use, and appropriation ofindividuai objects (BaudriIlard,1968:120-50; Lowenthal, 1985:287-9; Stewart,1984:161-5). What is called for is an archaeology of the museum with ils foc us on the stratigraphie deposits of acculrurative process. It is the intention of this study to grasp these specific cultural and historicai threads and unravel the fabric of collected 'reality' represented ill a given museum collection. Artifacts as Cultural Documents A single ethnographic object, considered apart from its documentation and context, may be described in terms ofits materiai composition, manufacture, shape, and decoration. Its very existence provides tangible evidence ofthe production ofpartieular individuais localized in space and rime; its physicai properties may even suggest its probable function. Wilhout any supporting documentation, however, questions conceming the culture that produced such materiai evidence, as weil as the distribution, typicality, or purpose of such manufactures remain unanswered. A number ofworks have caIIed attention to the role of museum artifacts as historicai documents of particular cultures (see Fenton,1966,1974:26-8; Reynolds,1986,1989; Schlereth,1985a; Sturtevant,1969:637-8,1973:47-9,1977:1-4) and various efforts have been made to situate types of artifacts within a general materiai culture scheme by means ofhistoricai research and field investigations. Historicai contextualization has formed the groundwork of severd! museum-based studies, such as Waite's investigation of a relatively smail number of Solomon Islands' shell-inlaid shields surviving from the mid nineteenth century (Waite,1983) and Brasser's large-sample study of basketry techniques and their relation to indigenous acculturation in northeastem North America (Brasser,1975). Other works have advocated the use ofmuseum artifacts in field research, using coIIected objects in combination with archivaI documents to elicit information from informants on artists, changing styles, ceremonies, techniques, or obsolete activities (Fenton, 1966; Stotl,1975; Tippett,1968). l, Studies of individual artifaets or types of artifaets can provide important evidence concerning broad changes reflected in collected material culture. One inhcrcnt difficulty with these investigations, however, is timt they deal with a very selective histnrica! record: that which ended up in museums, with no indications of biascs in the selection of museum samplcs. The absence of precise historical data as to when, where, how, and by whom objects were removed from tileir local context makes it very dimcult to evaluate whethcr decontextualized objects arc 'typical' of the cultural past they are assumed to represcnt. Waite's study is narrowly focused on one specifie item, the shell-inlaid shicld. The specificity of her investigation has allowed intensive research on ethnohistorical sources and the rather limited existing museum sample. In spite of her intensive investigation, only four of the twenty-five shields located in various museum and private collections arc described as having a "reasonably known pedigree", i.e., identification of the latest possible collection date and the manner in which the shield was procured from the Pacific islands. In spccific tenns: ail four shields were known to have been collectcd before 1850; three were determined to have been collected during naval tours of the islands, while the fourtll was collected by an individual in the shipping business. Important infol111ation as to whether a shield was obtained during long tenn or superficial contact with the Solomon Islands, or perhaps without any direct contact at ail is unknown. In only one instance was there cven an indirect association established between the ship it was collectedby and a particular island in the Sololllon group. When provenance is included with the sparse documentation, Waite is carcfulto qualify that those island names recorded with artifacts generally refer to wbere the object was obtained, not necessarily ta where it was manufactured or used. This distinction is of particular importance, as shields were traded between islands (Waite,1983: 115-1 t'i). \Vaite indicates that shell-inlaid shields were produced in small numbers (1983: 114). Yet it is difficult to detel111ine to what degree they might have been kept from the view ofoutsiders ami \Vere therefore infrequently mentioncd in the ethnohistoricalliterature or collected. /n spite of Waite's careful scouring of historieal records, there is insufficient documentation to allow 7 evaluation of the typicalily of these shields, or a basic understanding of their ownership, ornamentation, or function. Brasser's study (1975) is of interest because il suggests that woodsplint basketry was neither indigenous to Eastern Woodlands material culture, nor made by the Indians for their own use, but was manufactured instead for the colonial market. He compensates for the lack ofartifacts with adequate historical documentation by examining a large number of collected baskets. AIthough he addresses the problem of sarnples being skewed by individual biases or by exceptional objects being collected, we have no way of determining what the collecting biases were for the period in question or how collected objects compare to the material culture repertoire of the areas under investigation. The possibly skewed perspective towards woodsplint basketry represented in the historicallilerature or in museum collections is not discussed. As the manufacture ofwoodsplint baskets developed to suit a colonial market (Brasser,I975:14-34), il might also have been an activity more frequently observed and described in the contemporary literature. It would certainIy be expected that these favoured baskets would be represented in large numbers in collections made by Europeans, and in donations to museums. AIternately, when il is stated that undecorated baglike baskets were produced in diminishing numbers (Brasser,I975:7), can we be certain that actual production had lessened or is it possible that only descriptions and collections ofthis basket type had become less frequent. Ifthese were exclusively utilitarian items, their survival rate would be diminished by mere use, even if they had been manufactured in large numbers. Furthermore, the generally unattractive physical attributes ofuse (i.e., soiling, deterioration, and ungainly repairs) might make them unsuitable or undesirable as collected specimens, depending on the collecting aesthetic ofthe period in question. The possible biases ofthe sarnple are necessary considerations in any museum-based investigation. The importance ofcareful assessment ofthe museum sarnple is strongly supported in Stott's study (1975) ofthe changing role ofBella Coola ceremony and art. Stott observed that certain crudely executed masks found in great numbers in musellm collections 1 were likely the result of the changing role of the secret society, rdther than evidence of a decline in Bella Coola art and ceremony. In earlier times, these masks had been hastily produced, llsed for specific dances, and then immediately destroyed to insure that the society's initiates retained exclusive knowledge of their production. When the secrecy of this society began to diminish at the turn of century, the destruction of its rnasks became unnecessary. As a resllit of this cultural development, a type ofcrude mask that had been a standard, if short-lived item of Bella Coola ritual production, suddenly became available for collection by museums. Had the museum sample been analyzed without consideration of changing Bella Coola society, il might be assumed that carving skills had declined and that masks used for ceremonial occasions were not as highly regarded as they had been in previous times (Stott, 1975:90-2). Tippett's fUllctional analysis ofFijian material culture alse illustrates the c itical nature ofcontextual evaluation ofmusellm artifacts (Tippett,1968). Ethllohistorical and field investigations were combined to reconstruct the changing cOlltexts of clubs, watercraft, tunle nets, and houses. Tippett relied on museum collections for his study of clubs, because they had become functionally obsolete by the 1880s as a result of the suppression of warfare which followed the local acceptance of Christianity. Museum specimens were used to elicit indigenous classifications from informants and these were found to reflect a fUllctional typology relating the artifact to its creator or user, and to political, social, and religious contexts (Tippett,1968:25,36). Although the historical record revealed a graduaI increase ofWestern anns and arnmunition during the [lfSt halfof the nineteenth century, Fijian warfare utilized both local and introduced annaments for almost eighty years (Tippett, 1968:76). Between 1839 and 1846 dramatic changes took place in Fijian war patterns, and it was noted that during this particular period "a large percentage of the world's museum specimens [clubs] were collected" (Tippett, 9 1968:54). 1t is evident from his investigation tha' a study based exclusively on the museum sample of Fijian clubs would be misleading.6 The Prublem of Representative Collecting The few examples discussed thus far illustrate that research based on collected ethnographic materials is influenced by the degree to which types and quantities of artifacts included in a study sample are representative of a particular cultural situation. These considerations are not exclusive to ethnographic collections.? It is difficult, and sometimes Impossible, to address this issue when ccnsidering those undocumented objects typical of early non-systematic ethnographic collections. Even where systematic collections are concerned, the evaluation of museum samples is problematic. The collecting process introduced new materials and ideas to indigenous cultures, which conflicted with prevailing mandates to gather 'traditional' or 'pure' manufactures. This predicament made early systematic collections far from representative. An early example ofthis dilemma is cited in Parezo (1985:766) and the sampling biases of several early anthropologists are discussed in Bernstein (1989). Comments by McFeat (1967:93) indicate that problems ofa similar nature still plagued the National Museum of Canada in 1963. The same issue forms the basis of Clifford's inquiry into the meaning ofculture (1988). The desire for representative sampling was the motivating force behind the development of 'museum anthropology' and systematic ethnographic collecting at the end of the last century. Yet, in spite of this concern, the determination of guidelines for the objective sampling ofcultural materials has remained a challenge. Criteria for ethnographic collecting were set forth in 1874 by the Royal Anthropological Institute in Notes and Gueries on Anthrooology, the sixth and last edition of which was published in 1951. More recent is Sturtevant's Guide to Field Collecting ofEthnographic Specimens, fust issued by the 6 See, for example. Bailey (I947) and Churchill (1917); for an insigntful ana!ysis of manipula,ed culrura! identities and biases represented in coBected Fijian material culture. see Thomas (1989). 7 For a discussion of distorted samples in historical collections, see Richeson (1983). 10 1 Smithsonian Institution in 1967, and revised in 1977. Aithough not guides in the sense of the earlier works, Newton (1981) and Hitchcock (1984) make several useful suggestions regarding field sampling. Both accounts pay special attention to the problem of subjectivily in collecting and discuss the inevitability of samples being affected by difficulties beyond practical control. It has been suggested that there are probably no truly random ethnographie collections, but that representation may be evaluated by examining accompanying documentation and collecting methods (Newton,1981:268). This approach indicates that in terms of historical materials a biased museum sample may not be problematic, ifils biases l'an be assessed. Inadequate documentation can often be compensated for by investigating the history of the contact between the cultural area in question and the country, institution, or individual in possession of the collection. Obviously ail collections are not suitable for such analysis. Research of a collection's history is complicated by the fact LIJat transfer is often not direct from collector to museum. Collections may pass through numerous hands, be disassembled or sold, and lose valuable documentation before arriving in their institutional home (see, for exampie, Brasser, 1976; Kaepp1er,1978,1985,1989; Nason,1987; Reyno1ds,1986). Recontextuaiization is aiso restricted when collections have been purchased through dealers or by individuals having no direct contact with the culture in question. In sorne cases, the collector is simply a name and nothing can he established about the actual historical situation of the collection's formation. However, ifone can reconstruct the collection history for decontextualized objects, there is a possibility of evaluating their authenticity and the soundness ofdetails regarding provenance. age, and other supporting documentation.8 1 believe that the bias of historical materials can be assessed if the collection history is examined within the context of contact history. 8 See Cannïzzo (1989), Cooper (1979), Ewers (1981), Feldman and Rowlell (1981), Guian (1983:61), Kaeppler (1978,1985,1989), McLendon (1981:201), Reynolds (1986:309), Stanley (1989), Thomas (1989). II Although the problem of representative sampling has not been the specific focus ofresearch on early ethnographic collections, a number of works elucidate particular aspects of collecting which may be vital in evaluating museum samples. These observations are given only passing notice in any of the works cited here; however, when considered as a whole, they present a striking overview. Inciuded are studies of the large-scale institutional collecting that was typical during anthropology's "Museum Period" (see, for example, Cole,l982,l985 and Parezo,1985). Although insights regarding the collecting process are frequently cited from these works, it should be noted that the purpose and intensity ofinstitutional collecting varied markedly from the 'pre-disciplinary' phase treated in this thesis. Collecting must be understood as a two-way process, with local concerns and collecting interests working occasionally in concert, but often in opposition to one another. Early collectors of etlmographic material included sea captains and sailors, traders, naturalists, missionaries, military personnel, administrators, and travellers. Objects were received as gifts, in exchange for trade goods or cash, or occasionally taken as souvenirs of hostile or pleasant encounters (see, for example Ewers,1981:258; Kaeppler,1978:246; Reynolds, 1986:308; Stanley,1989: 112-13). They were also stolen. Yet thefts were likely to incur more in the way ofrisk than advantage, since collecting endeavours prior to the twentieth century were generally subordinate to other activities, which might be placed in jeopardy by the unethical removal of objects. Most items removed by early collectors were replaceable; however, there were many local manufactures that became obsolete as cultures were transformed by extensive contact.9 9 Grabum's study of ethnie and lourist arts offers insights regarding the persistence of traditional manufactures, essential 10 an understanding of th~ relation between acculturation and collecting material goods (Grabum.1976). He emphasizes mat people do not continue wilh their traditional manufactures for the pleasure of <)utsiders. if local incentives have been destroyed by contact and new technology. Those factors cited as significant for sustained production include: continued demand, availability of local raw materials, lime ta work and lack of cornpeting attractions, knowledge of local skills and aesthetics, rewards and prestige from peer-group members, and a continuing role for these items within local belief and exchange syslems (1976:13). 12 , ,\ Kaeppler's investigation of material gathered on Cook's three Pacifie voya~es during the late eighteenth century is particularly insightful regarding the interplay of local and outsider interests: Although Hawaii was visited only on the third voyage, there is a large number of objects from Hawaii .... The objects collected are primarily those of a spectacular nature, or objects significantly differet" from their counterparts in southem Polynesia .... One wonders if the Europeans consciously collected things that were different from those they had collected in other places; ifHawaiians were loath to trade things they needed every day; or if the items traded are related to where the interaction betwecn Hawaiians and Europeans took place. If a food pounder or a bark c\oth beater was traded, everyday activities would be interrupted, whereas, if the bark c\oth itself was traded, more could easily be made the next day. Feathered obje>;ts couId be given away or traded (by chiefs) - they were not needed often and new ones could be made. Household objects are rare - no pillows, no [ami/ami massage sticks - while fishhooks and weapons are relatively abundanl. In short, the objects traded wcre primarily those things that were carried or wom, or those appropriate to Cook's status as a god (Kaeppler,1978:51). The problem ofrepresentive sampling is also discussed in relation to the collections made by the U.S. Exploring Expedition (1838-42), led by Lieutenant Charles Wilkes: Because such collections are by their very nature selective - depending on the quality of the contact as well as the length of time spent in an area - a complete statement about the society or culture of any group visited during the voyage cannot be made. Even the Fijian collection, which is by far the largest [approximately 1,200 objects], lacks many objects of everday [sic] and ceremoniallife (Kaeppler,1985:121). One important factor in judging ethnographic collections is the general availability ofmaterial goods. Although sorne areas were object-rich relative to others, a surplus of objects could occur when local items were replaced by an influx of introduced goods, when traditional practices were altered, or when populatior,s declined due to disease. Availability ofobjects also depended on local use and seasonal needs for objects, and whether objects were owned by individuals or groups (see Cole,1982:441,445-7; Ewers,1981 :262; Hinsley,1981:21O; Parezo;1985:769). Among the peoples of North America's "Northwest Coast", the propensity to sell varied greatly according to the kinds of objects concerned: Household utensils, implements, weapons, and lools were in various degrees obsolescent with the availability oftrade substilUtes or were easily replaced by new native rnanufacture[s]. These were readily sold and so bowls, baskets, spoons, knives, and fish hooks are abundant items in every collection. Objects that still 13 possessed cultural meaning were very much more difficult to get .... Sorne items were replaceable: Kwakiutl masks, for exarnple, might be sold and new ones made, since the prerogatives they represented were retained (Cole,1982:449). In the American "Southwest", it was also the case that the availability of utilitarian objects increased when replacements were provided for material currently in use. "Trading for discarded items of rnaterial culture such as old pots or rabbit sticks was acceptable .... [however, the] Hopi objected vehemently to the trading ofceremonial paraphernalia and other objects currently in use" (Parezo,1985:769). Ewers noted that sorne objective expressions ofPlains Indian religious beliefs were never offered for sale or exchange, because theirretention was thought to be essential to local welfare and survival (Ewers,1981:262). An unwillingness to sell certain secretly guarded objects was also observed arnong the peoples of the Northwest Coast. Ownership was another factor affecting availability. Many objects were not owned privately or exclusively, but were considered communal possessions of societies, farnilies, or lineages (Cole,1982:449). A surplus ofceremonial items often occurred, however, when religious practices were altered or when the population declined. Many of the ritual accessories collected by missionaries during the nineteenth century were provided by recent converts to Christianity, although converts were also known to bum or otherwise destroy individually owned objects associated with their former religious beliefs (Cole,1982: 441,447; Ewers,1981:262). Object availability could he influenced by local needs for cash (Cannizzo,1989: 26; Cole,1982:445-8; Hinsley,1981:210): The attitude ofthe Northwest Coast Indians toward selling their goods was partly conditioned by their need for money and partly by the degree oftheir retention of aboriginal values. Few Indians after the 1870s were impervious to the cash economy and, with the close relationship between wealth and status within their social system, the demand for money, whether as cash, blankets, or other media of exchange, was always very strong (Cole,1982:448). The outcome ofa collecting venture also depended on what was offered in exchange for desired goods. Ifa collector was provided with insufficient barter, or goods that were not in demand locally, his success could he severely limited (Parezo,1985:767). Local 14 willingness to surrender goods could also be dramatically influenced by the collector's manner. 1 Sensitivity to local custom, patience, and often the assistance of a local intermediary were important; occasionally vendor resistance to the sale of sacred objects was overcome by privacy or nighttime transactions (Cole,1982:449-54; HiI,sley,1981:210; Parezo,1985:767-70). At other times, more drastic measures were taken (Carpenter, 1976:65-6; Cole,1982:454-8; Parezo,1985:668-70). The selection of goods was always contingent upon access to localmateri:ù culture. A collector's activities were often restricted by the difficulty of travel ~o remote areas. The Wilkes Expedition, which made collections on a number of Pacifie islands, acquired most of its Fijian objects from coastal areas, even though it was recognized that soci:ù and cultural institutions varied considerably between inland and coastal peoples (Kaeppler,1985:123). Waite ascribes the large numberofweapons, personal ornaments, and small objects among the material collected from the Solomon Islands by Julius Brenchley, to the circumstances of trading. She suggests that objects ofthis type, especially ornaments, tended to be the most visible in the initial and often brief contacts between European visitors and islanders, typical of Brenchley's voyage on H.M.S. Curaçoa in 1865 (Waite,1987:12,14). Distance and weather conditions were other factors that limited collecting activities (Cole,1982:446). As the trade in artifacts became lucrative and competitive in certain areas, efforts were focused on remote areas, as they were more likely to have desirable objects at reasonable priees after supplies had dwindled in more frequented areas (Cole,1982:442). The difficulty of transporting large or heavy objects and the ease oftransporting smaller ones also influenced what was collected (Parezo,1985:767; Reynolds,1986:307; Waite,1987:14). The length of an encounter and its season also deterrnined what could be collected. Short visits often did not coincide with seasonal hunting, cultivation, or ceremonial activities, and therefore limited opponunities to collect related materials. The presence of strangers frequently caused sacred objects or those of special importance to be hidden (Cole, 1982:446; Reynolds,1986:307). Access to certain sectors of the population and their 15 belongings was also limited. Early collectors were predominantly male, and as outsiders were often regarded with distrust, their contact with women and children was minimal. Personal possessions, particularly intimate female items associated with menstruation, childbirth, or initiation were clearly offlimits (Reynolds,1986:307-8). A final, but nontheless significant consideration are those intellectual criteria lffecting the choice ofobjects. Ifa collector was subsidized by a particular institution or individual, he was usually provided with specific collecting guidelines. Selection criteria might focus upon aesthetic qualities, object types, professional interests, or ideological concerns.10 As Cole notes in his study of large-scale collecting : Nearly everything ofethnological interest on the coast, from large sculpture to small charms, from finely crafted masks to fishhooks and arrows, was ornarnented in sorne way. This feature made Northwest Coast material showy and desirable. Museum officials had various desiderata, but evidence of native artifice was li consistent feature over the half-century. Antiquity was another, though new pieces were acceptable if 'genuine.' [Systematic collections] ... might include undistinguished everyday articles such as dried seaweed cakes or clarning sticks, but ornarnented artifacts always possessed an appeal for the museum curator, his patrons, and his public (Cole,1982: 441). Although the physical circurnstances and intensity ofvarious professional contacts with local populations exerted significant influence on what was collected, 50 did other concerns. Ewers noted that army officers were the most prevalent occupational group represented in his study ofPlains Indian material and that their collections exhibited a bias towards weapons. The weapons gathered by army doctors at frontier posts and on battlefield sites were often put to practical use in ongoing studies concerned with the effects ofarrow and lance wounds upon civilian and military personnel (Ewers,1981:256,258-9). Yet most army officers did not restrict themselves to weapons, but included a broad range of manufactures illustrating technological knowledge, handicraft skills, and local artistic talents in their collections. General Pitt Rivers, who had access to numerous military souvenirs by virture of his profession, devoted his collecting enthusiasm to a variety offarniliar and exotic weapons 10 Sec Bernstein (1989). Chapman (1985:16-19). Cole (1982:441,1985:75). Ewers (1981:251-62). Keuren (1984: 174-8). Slanley (1989:118), Thomas (1989), Waile (1984:51). 16 that showed a "slow progression" of development over time. Despite his opportunitics for l field collections, his thematic adherence was better served by acquisitions made in port cities. London shops, and from friends returning from abroad (Chapman,1985:l6). Collections made by missionaries included 'fetishes' and charms surrendered by recent converts to Christianity. These trophies ofspiritual triumph were often intended to accomplish specific ends: ... sorne missionaries collected medicine bundles and traditional religious effigies as evidence of the superstitious beliefs of the heathens they were trying to save. There is evidence that both Catholic and Protestant missionaries took sorne of those objective symbols of traditional Indian religious beliefs back to New England and other eastern settlements when they sought financial support for their labors among the Indians (Ewers,198I:262). A similar motive can be assumed for Rev. Sheldon Jackson who, as superintendent ofPresbyterian missions for Alaska and the Rocky Mountains region, managed an intense campaign to funher school and mission work, and sent: ... ethnological objects from Alaska and from the western tribes within his Rocky Mountains mission superintendency to his alma mater, the Princeton Theological Seminary. There they formed part of a "Missionary Cabinet" intended to illustrate "the present condition and needs ofPagan lands" as well as "the Archaeology of the Bible and early Christian archaeology and history" (Cole,1985:75). The prevalence ofcertain types ofobjects in museum collections, while due in part to regularities in the contact situation, also indicates that particular items were preferred amongst collectors. Dodge notes that weapons and fish-hooks were favoured by sea captains in early collections made for the Peabody Museum of Salem, although he does acknowledge that they rnay have been more readily obtainable than other things (Dodge, 1965: 190). Ewers observed that certain kinds of Plains Indian artifacts were desirable "collectables" over an extended time period. Moccasins were the most popular item, because they were both inexpensive and useful as carpet slippers. Other favoured nineteenth century collectables were those illustrating the uses of tobacco. War bonnets were much-coveted war trophies and, despite size and bulk, a number oftipis were collected prior to 1900 (Ewers, 1981 :251 ,253, 256). 17 Also important are those objects that were intentionally not collected, such as certain utilitarian objects, intimate items, and those showing evidence of acculturation. Ewers observed that the simple digging stick, although once very common among Plains lndians and available at litùe cost to collectors, is rarely found in museums (Ewers,1981:253). Artifacts that gave evidence ofculture contact were often ignored by collectors in the field because they were "impure" (Bernstein,1989:6-8; Quimby and Spoehr,1951:108). Although the Smithsonian's collecting activities in the southwestern United States were carefully designed to be systematic and comprehensive, and inc1uded objects used in daily and ceremoniallife, their researchers were insttucted not to collect anything that showed European or American influence: Costumes made of store-bought cloth were not to be gathered although the collectors often traded calico to obtain "purer" types ofcostumes, such as those used in ceremonies and made of native materials. As a result ofthis attitude, there is very Iittle ofEuro-American manufacture in the whole Southwest collection from this period. An important criterion for the Smithsonian colleetors was that the object had to be handmade, preferably by Ù'e Indians from whom it was obtained. It was less important that an object was being used by the culture in 1880 than that it had been made by a "primitive technology" (Parezo,1985:766). A further complication in 'representative' sampling is that artifacts available for collection were not necessariIy limited to locally produced goods or items that were actually locally used. Sometimes objects belonging to local individuals were acquired by trading relationships with neighbouring and possibly very distant cultures. A study ofethnographic objects collected during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in Canada, indicates that Indians frequenùy preferred to sell pieces that they had acquired from other "tribes", and that collectors were usually unaware of this practice (Brasser,1976:29). Kaeppler encountered material in the collections made by the U.S. Exploring Expedition from areas they did not visit, including objects acquired from other vessels in the same ports at the same time, or from natives who had themselves acquired them when travelling abroad or from earlier visiting ships. Among the intriguing examples cited are a Kamchatka sied acquired in Hawaii from a ship's captain; a paddle club, and numerous bows and arrows from Bougainville in the 18 Solomon Islands acquired in New Zealand from a whaling ship that had visited the area: and an 1 Aleut gut skin garment, evidently collected in the Society Islands from a local man, who was wearing il when he came aboard the Expedition's ship (Kaeppler,1985: 145). Collectors frequently commissioned new, unused objects when local examples were unavailable or difficult to acquire because of their rimai significance (see Cole,1982:441. 452;1985:291; Ewers,1981:264; and McLendon,1981:217). Objects acquired by collectors prior to the twentieth century also included locally-produced items made exclusively for sale to outsiders and often adjusted to collecting convenience, budgets, or fashions by modifications in size, material, quality, or function from their traditional prototypes.11 Although early 'tourist' productions are plentiful in museum collections, they are often not distinguished as such in the docuroention, and indeed, many collectors were likely unaware that they were purchasing non-traditional, 'made for sale' items. Several smdies have stressed the importance of collection history as a means of determining the authenticity of objects and the soundness of details regarding provenance, age, and other supporting documentation. As the foregoing discussion indicates, a number of smdies have recognized that ethnographic collecting is historically and geographically contingent and mediated by a variety of local factors and collecting interests, including seasonal cycles, remuneration, aesthetic fashion, and individual bias. In spite of these insights, evaluation ofwhat specific ethnographie collections represent has been limited to considering them as reflections of an ethnographic past, with most traces of the relations integral to their collection carefully erased. The critical question is how do we evaluate what is represented in a collection ofethnographic material. 11 Early examples of 'made for sale' items are described in Bascom (1976:309), Brasser (1975:14-34; 1976:13), Brody (1976:74), Cole (1982:458-9;1985:291-3), Dawson (1880:152-3), Edge-Partington (l890[1969J:123;1901: 68-9;1905:71-2), Ellis (1976:25-7), Ewers (1981:250-1), Grabum (1976), Kaufman (1916), Kent (1976:96), McLendon (1981:217). Mcleod (1976:31,48-51), Neich (1983), Phelps (1976:32), Stanley (1989:112-16), Wade (1985:171-2). 19 Collected Ethnographic Objects as Cultural Representation The discussion ofethnographie representation has been a focus of several recent works. 12 Clifford, in panicular, is interested in Western collecting systems and their relation to the anthropological representation of the 'other': Anthropological "specimens" - texts and artifacts - brought back from the field should not be seen primarily as evidence ofa distinct other reality or even as signs, traces to be interpreted, ofthe "native point ofview." Rather, anthropological data must be seen as referring to the research process itself, reflecting its specifie dialectics of power, of translation, ofinterpersonal exchange (Clifford,1982:125). His work calls attention to similarities in the gathering ofdata and the collection ofobjects, and compares authenticating practices within the discipline of anthropology and in museums (Clifford,1985:244-5;1988:12-13). Within the former context, ethnographers "textualize" unwritten behavior, speech, beliefs, oral tradition, and ritual by gathering data into a corpus, thereby isolating it from the immediate discursive or performative situation. The collected data are taken away and eventually constructed into a final representative text for a specialized readership, which generally excludes the dialogical and situational aspects (Clifford,1983:130-2). A similar process is at work when cultural materials are selected and gathered into a corpus by individuals influenced by personal, professional, or institutional agendas. abjects were removed from their cultural milieu by an often complex set ofpriorities and negotiations, the details of which are only vaguely suggested in a museum's catalogue data, if any traces survive at ail. Once objects are isolated from their cultural role, new relations are established with items gathered by the same collector, or with other artifacts in the museum. 1 propose that undocumented, historical collections of ethnographic material may benefit from an analytic strategy that approaches collected objects as a form ofrepresentative text constructed by an authoritative assembler. 12 See. for examp1e. Clifford (1983,1988), Clifford and Marcus (1986), Fabian (1983), Fischer (1989), Marcus and Cushman (1982), Marcus and Fischer (1986), Rabinow (1986), SlOcking (1983), Wagner (1975). 20 My interest in a textual approach for analyzing artifacts, is not meant to suggest support for an anthropology based exclusively on interpretive theory. The limitations and indulgences ofthis school have been sufficiently criticized by others (see, for example, Keesing,1987 and Spencer,1989). Nor do 1 propose that ethnographies and collections of ethnographie artifacts bear any profound resemblances to one another. Much of this chapter, in fact, has been devoted to discussing how far artifact collecting, including discipline-based systematic collecting, is from the methodological rigours of the full range of modem ethnographie practice. Textual analysis provides a method of documenting not only the physical properties and situation of cultural objects, but also the process of collecting and related aspects ofcontact history. This approach is not offered as an unqualified solution 10 the problem of underutilized, undocumented museum collections, but as a means ofidentifying objects more precisely and making them more useful for research. The material selected for this investigation is a coilection of 125 objects gathered from the New Hebrides by Nova Scotian missionary, H.A. Robertson. Rev. Robertson donated his collection to McGill University's Redpath Museum in the late nineteenth century. The following chapter describes Robertson's collection wilhin ils museum context. 21 .,.. ".- II. The Redoath Museum and Rey. Robertson's Collection The connection between Canada and the isolated islands in the southwestern Pacific where these objects were in everyday use is fairly obscure. Yet the passion for evidence ofdistant lands and linle-known peoples was quite typical ofmuseums of the day, incluG:ng those colonial institutions striving to align themselves with the powerful and distinguish themselves from the weak. The placement ofobjects made by men and women in a museum devoted to fossils, minerals, and zoological specimens may be troubling to contemporary consciences; however, this too represents a particular past reality (Trigger,1985: 58). The historical association between the development of anthropology as a discipline and the natura! sciences was reflected in the collections ofnumerous nineteenth century museums, most particularly those in North America. The Peabody Museum of Harvard University (Boston), the American Museum of Natural History (New York), the Smithsonian Institution (Washington), the Field Museum of Natural History (Chicago), the Royal Ontario Museum (Toronto) are ail products ofthis tradition. The former National Museum ofCanada, now reconstituted as the National Museum of Natural Science and the National Museum of Civilization, is another example. However, while the ethnological and archaeological materials in these museums were increasing in number and being enriched by active research programs, those in the Redpath remained marginal in relation to the Museum's natural history holdings and became increasingly isolated and deprived ofthe disciplinary life force burgeoning in comparable institutions. 22 1 The Ethnology Collections! ofthe Redpath Museum belong 10 a period which in essence, if not chronologically, is that of pre-disciplinary anthropology. These sparsely documented and idiosyncratically gathered collections are typical of those found in mliSelll11S that came into existence during the last century, when nationalistic ventures and economic development facilitated Western contact with a variety ofdistant lands and peoples. The continued association ofthe ethnological collections with the Museum's natural history roots coupled with a lack of engagement in research-driven programs distinguishes the Redpath Mus'~um as an artifact of nineteenth century thought and historical relations with 'other' peoples and 'other' lands. It also provides an interesting opportunity to evaluate how accurately objects selected by outsiders presented the cultures from which they are collected. This chapter will describe the formation and early years of the Redpath Museum, the situation ofethnological materials in the Museum from its inception to the present day, and finally the particular methodology by which 1 have investigated a specific collection within this contex!. It is my contention that the study of museum objects rightly begins with the careful consideration ofthe museum or 'collected' context, rather than with the objects as if they were unfettered by historical and human biases. Ethnological objects in museums are not merely tangible evidence of an 'other' reality, but also strong and revealing indices of intercultural processes. This approach is a departure from traditional studies described in the previous chapter, because it seeks to examine the situations integral to the collecting of goods from other culrures, rather than merely considering these objects as passive reflections of an un-negotiated cultural pas!. Ethnological collections made outside the purview of anthropology, even those with minimal documentation, are potential sites for examining acculturative processes. The very lack ofdisciplinary methodology in the gathering of these 1 The collections of both ethnological and archaeological materials of the Redpath Museum were offïcially narncd the "Ethnology Collections" in 1988 (Redpath Museum,1989:12). This measure, which revives the name of McGill's Ethnology Museum (opened in 1926 and closed in the forties) was taken to avoid the confusion resulting from inconsistent use of "Anthropology Division", "Ethnology/Archaeology Departmenl". and a variety of other informal designations. 23 1 objects has resulted in a 'natural' layering of material goods, corresponding in kind and quantity with successive cultural encounters. A cross-section of these deposited cultural symbols reveals articles that were discarded as they were being replaced by non-indigenous materials, goods that were sold or exchanged to participate in an increasingly cash-oriented economy, or items intentionally rooted out by those with plans to alter local behaviour. The Ethnology Collections of the Redpath Museum have been selected for this examination ofmuseum stratigraphy, because they reveal a virtually undisturbed pattern of Canadian contact with 'exotic' peoples. Although these collections have endured their own particular history ofisolation and obfuscation, very few alterations to the original corpus have occurred. The cultural materials assembled by Rev. Robertson will be fmt approached from their museum context with the intention oftracing the artifacts in question to their culture of origin, as weil as investigating the cultural interactions for which their very presence in Canada is evidence. The Founding of the Redpath Museum The rational study ofnature figured prominently in the interests ofVictorian culture and provided the practical means to control the vast and intractable wilderness ofBritish North America. Science enhanced possibilities for basic survival, natural resource development, and technological progress; it also contributed to Canada's expanding national identity CZeller,1987). It is not surprising that Montreal, vital commercial and cultural centre that it was during the nineteenth century, should have become home to three important institutions occupied with the classification and display of natural phenomena The Natural History Society of Montreal (N.R.S.M.), the Geological Survey of Canada CG.S.C.), and the Redpath Museum developed from the same scientific tradition; their histories are intimately 24 1 bound with one another and their membership !ists included many of the same individuals. Although each organization maintained a museum and collections, as prescribed by institutiona! fashion of the day, their holdings were distinct and served the needs of different audiences. The collections of the N.H.S.M. were the most eclectic and were intended to introduce basic scientific principles to the general public. The museum of the Geologic.ù SUlvey of Canada served primarily as a storage depot and laboratory for the large num;;~rs of specimens gathered during the Survey's field seasons. The thrust of the G.S.C. exhibition activities in Montreal and elsewhere was to present specimens ofeconomic importance with the express purpose of stimulating the financial support and public interest necessary to further the activities of the Survey. The Redpath Museum developed from the teaching collections of McGill Urtiversity and was based on the research interests of the University's principal and professor of namral history, John William Dawson. It offered a more refined inventory of the natural world to an audience primarily, but not exclusively, composed of students and scientists. '!'he Redpath Museum was the last and most enduring manifestation ofVictorian Montreal's preoccupation with natural science. A briefdescription of its predecessors will shed light on the Redpath's origins and the legacy it inherited with the eventual passing of the two earlier institutions from the Montreal scene. The Natural History Society ofMontreal was established in 1827 and had the distinction of being the oldest scientific organization in Canada, and one of the earliest such societies in North America (Frost,1982:31). The Society played a major role in introducing science to the public, and perhaps the greatest asset in this regard was its museum, or 'cabinet' as it was called, containing zoological, botanical, and mineralogical specimens, as weil as a section including various man-made souvenirs and curiosities. It was into this latter domain of "miscellanies" that archaeological and ethnological materials donated by the Society's members -'- were grouped. The Society maintained a library, organized public lectures, published The 25 Canadian Naturalist and Geologist; il also hosted field days, contests, and social events on an annuai basis. Its membership included several clergymen, physicians, and individuals affiliated with McGill. One of ilS most significant actions was a petition presented in collaboration with the Literary and Historical Society ofQuebec, to Canada's frrst united parliament in 1841, requesting a systematic geological survey of the province. Montreal was selected as the headquarters for the Geological Survey and the new provincial geologist, William Logan, became a staunch supporter of the N.H.S.M. The field survey began in 1843 and included the collecting oflarge quantities ofminerai and fossils. Storage of these specimens was one ofthe ftrst problems encountered by the team and space in a warehouse was made available by Logan's brother for a museum, where specimens were "unpacked, labelled, catalogued, and repacked in numbered boxes" (Collins,1928:35). Logan's strategy for ftnancing his Survey, since sufficient funding was not available from government sources, was to make conspicuous public displays of impressively large or otherwise notable specimens, especially those having economic patential (Zaslow,1975:48; Zeller,1987:60). In 1846 the museum and office ofthe Geological Survey were moved to a building leased from the N.R.S.M., which retained rooms on the third flocr for its specimens and books. In the years that followed, Logan expanded his museum activities to include a series of highly successful displays of Canadian minerais and minerai products al a variety of international exhibitions. In 1852, the Survey's museurn and office were once again moved to improved quarters and it was at this time that the reference was fust made to the Geological Survey Museum as a national museum (Collins,1928:37). The good fortune of the Geological Survey in the early eighteen-ftfties was unfortunate!y not shared by the Natural History Society, which faced an apathetic and dwindling membership. One factor that would influence the future of both organizations was 26 1 the arrivai of John William Dawson in 1855, as McGill University's fifth principa1.2 Dawson was already known to Logan, who had met him in the company of the celebrated English geologist Charles Lyell in 1841, during a tour ofa Nova Scotian coalfield. The two men came to be close associates over the years; Dawson assisted Logan with a variety of sciemific problems at the Survey and Logan supponed Dawson's effons to strengthen the University's geology curriculum. McGill's new principal also immediately associated himself with the N.H.S.M. and was elected president soon afler his flfst year. One of his early achievemems in office was to invite the prestigious American Association for the Advancement of Science to hold its 1857 meeting in Montreal, an event which focused scientific anention on the Society and on McGiIl University. Logan and his staff were also actively involved in the meeting ,md succeeded in stimulating interest in the work ofthe Geological Survey of Canada. The G.S.c. museum played a vital role in publicizing the Survey's accomplishments and considerable energies were expended on the building and its exhibits in preparation for the A.A.A.S. meeting (Zaslow,1975:68). Dawson sporadically served as the N.H.S.M.'s president for more than half of his forty-fiveyear membership. The Society met with both popularity and neglect during its history, as reflected by numerous changes of address. Its most permanent residence was a building at the corner of Cathcart and University streets that it occupied for close to fifty years on land provided by Dawson's influence and the largesse of McGill's Board of Governors. Like Dawson, many of those who supported and donated materials to the N.H.S.M. were also affiliated with McGili University. Logan, was actively involved with the N.H.S.M. and served as president, after retiring as director of the G.S.C. in 1869. During the same period, Logan endowed a chair ofGeology at McGill. The flfst Logan Professor of Geology was Dawson, who had been a loyal supporter of Logan and the activities of the Geological Survey. ...,,. 2 The discrepancy between references to Dawson as McGill's third principal (Sheets-Pyenson.1982a:50) and as firth principal (Frost,1980:169-72) presumably results {yom the ronner author's exclusion of the two l2I9 t&nlmT.c principals. Bethune and Day (Fros~1980:66-7,n.7.75.155). 27 When Dawson arrived in Montreal in 1855, the extent of McGill's 'museum' was a lone fossi! fragment, unencumbered by any trace ofdocumentation (Dawson,1901:l69 70; Sheers-Pyenson,1982a:50). The Edinburgh-educated Dawson believed that McGill required a natural history museum in order to establish itself as a university ofrepute and a centre for the advancement ofnatural science. Dawson was detennined to remedy what he perceived to be a serious shortcoming and amassed over 10,000 natural history specimens by the early sixties. These were used for teaching and research by students and local naturalists and were housed in the west wing ofthe Arts Building (Dawson,1862:22l-3). Although this was the third 'museum' of seemingly similar materials to emerge in Montreal during the mid- nineteenth century, Dawson publicly announced his intention to avoid duplicating the established local collections: No attempt will be made to amass a large general collection like that of the Natural History Society, or to rival either that institution or the Geological Survey in the departments in which they are eminenl After securing a sufficient general collection of types for educational purposes, any farther additions will be made as far as possible in objects not adequately represented in the other collections in the city (Dawson,1862: 223). Dawson's vision of the modest role to be held by the University teaching collections became radically altered, however, when it was announced in 1877 that the Geological Survey wOllkl be transferred to Ottawa. The G.S.C. had only recently moved to a new Montreal site in 1874; its museum had expanded its holdings enormously and placed new emphasis on serving the public under Logan's successor, A.R.C. Selwyn. In spite of Dawson's enormous influence, strenuous opposition, and interest in keeping nearby the specimens his collections were designed to supplement, the G.S.C. was installed in the new national capital in 1881.3 Dawson's anger and frustration over this incident became a personal challenge, and he proceeded to build up collections at McGill that would surpass those he felt had been so wrongly expropriated. 3 For a discussion of the Survey's attachment to Montreal, see Zaslow (1975:126~7); the maye of the a.s.c. to Ottawa is diseusscd in Shccts-Pyenson (1982.:50-3). 28 A building was commissioned early in 1880 by Montreal industrialist Peter Redpath, who generously offered to finance the construction of a museum as a tribUle to Dawson's twenty-five years as principal ofMcGill (Dawson,1894:20). The Redpath Museum was designed to exhibit fossils and other natural history specimens gathered for teaching al the University, as well as those contributed by local residents. The museum building was also intended to console Dawson for the loss ofthe G.S.C. collections and to enkindle his loyalty, after lie had been offered an attractive professorship at Princeton (Dawson,1901: 173; O'Brien, 1971:18-22). The Redpath Museum, built by Montreal architects Hutchison and Steele, had the distinction of being the nation's first specifically designed museum of natural science and the second most important museum in Canada in its heyday, after the National Museum in Ottawa (Sheets-Pyenson,1988:17,22). The formal opening on the 24th of August 1882, coincided with the annual meeting ofthe American Association for the Advancement of Science held at McGill. Dawson served as the Museum's director from 1882 to 1892 and was actively interested in attracting world attention to the University and to Canada; he hosted beth the American and British Associations for the Advancement of Science at the Museum during their Montreal meetings in the early 1880s (Dawson,1893:8;1901 :202-10,225-6). The annual meeting ofthe British Association for the Advancement of Science in Montreal was the first held by that organization outside ofthe British Isles and served to consolidate scientific interest in the colonies, as weil as bestowing both honour and legitimacy upon McGill and Canada (DeVecchi,1982:524).4 Dawson used both the success of the Museum and the hosting ofinternational scientific meetings to stimulate local scientific interests and to justify futttre undertakings (Dawson,1901:204; Sheets-Pyenson,1982b:500). For example, the preparations for the A.A.A.S. and B.A.A.S. meetings rallied Montrealers to 4 The extent of influence exened on Canadian science by British scientific institutions is a contenlious subjccl (sec, for ex ample, DeVecchi.1982; Jarrell,1982). Il is interesting to note that Jarrell, an advocate of the 'little influence' position, cites Dawson and his strong affmity to the British scientific community as an anomaly withir:. the Canadian context (Jarrell,1982:543,747). The Redpath Museum. which embodied Dawson's science and ambition during the nineleenth cenrury. should therefore he regarded as being within the sphere of British influence, regardlc:ss of one's position in the larger debate. 29 ::., donate and purchase specimens for the Redpath, which in tum ensured collections befitting the dignity of the newly-conslIUcted building and provided international visitors with culturally- . enriched surroundings resembling those to which they were accustomed (Dawson, 1894:28; 1901: 175-6; Sheets-Pyenson,1982b:500). This was an especially critical task in the case of the B.A.A.S. Although there were many enthusiastic supporters favouring a Canadian venue for the meetings in 1884, the British press and numerous members ofthe Association questioned the suitability of Canada for hosting the prestigious scientific gathering. Particular concerns included the considerable distance, the assumed lack ofsophistication, and the expected limited scientific abilities oflocal inhabitants (Hopper,1982:486-7; Sheets-Pyenson,1982b:507). The Redpath Museum was never intended to house a large general collection, but rather was designed to exhibit "a series of typical specimens for teaching purposes in ail departrnents of Natural Science, and to render these as accessible as possible, both for the use of individual students and for dernonstrations by professors and lecturers to large classes" (Dawson,1894:17). A vestibule on the main floorS presented the Museum's "archaeological and miscellaneous collections" and included antiquities and ethnological objects from the Near East, Canada, and the New Hebrides. The great "Museum Hall" on the sarne floor of the Redpath displayed fossils according to geological age, with subordinate classifications reflecting wological or botanical taxonomies. The collections ofminerals and rocks were systematically presented at the far end ofthe Hall. The focal point ofthe main floor was the towering cast of the British Museum's skeleton of the giant sloth Megatherium. The uppermost floor was used to exhibit vertebrate and invertebrate zoological specimens, which were organized to feature local and representative exarnples. In addition to the public exhibit areas, the Museum accommodated a large lecture theatre, classrooms, offices, and reference 5 The floor designations used in this description correspond to mase outlined in the nineteenth century visitars' guide (Redpath Museum,1885). In modern tenns. the "ground floor" is the present fust floor, the "main floor of the great Museum Hall" is the second floor. and the uppermost floor or "gallery of [he gre81 Hall" rcfers to the third flocr. 30 library on the ground f1oor, as well as preparation and stornge areas in the basell1ent (Bail. 1884; Redpath Museull1.1885; Dawson,1894:17-20). Dawson's vision ofthe pedagogical potential of museUll1S extended weil beyond acquainting students and the public with a multitude of naturnl history specimens anù artifaclS. He was a finn believer that museums were an effective means for cultivating interest in naturnl resource development and. more importantly. in the "higher interests ofhumanity" / :-;:::: (Dawson,1894:22-3). This latter mission was expressed in an àddress he made in 1880. during the founding ceremonies for the Redpath Museum: Nature proclaill1s the power and divinity ofits Author; and however its testimony may be obscured by any temporary influence of false philosophy, no human power can ultimately silence this testimony, which is, perhaps. more profoundly impressed upon tlJe mind by well-arrnnged collections of natural objects than in any <;lther way (Dawson.1894:23). . Dawson brought considerable attention and prestige to tlle Redpath Museum during his ten years as director from 1882 to 1892. This period was highlighted by mcetings ofinternational societies and visits from distinguishcd scientists. The collections were augmented by numerous giflS and exchanges, although meagre funding kept purchascd material to a minimum. Seriously limited financial resources plagued the Museum from ilS carly years; its stalus as a university museurn operating without government support left the Redpath unable to sustain its intendcd level of activity. The ch:mging scientific methoùo!ogy, exemplified by the move from systematic to experimental biology and the abandonmelll of rnuseurn collections in favour oflaboratory activities,left !ittle motivation to overcome the Museum's mounting financial difficulties (Clark,1950:2-3). In an assessment of McGill's museurns carried out fifty years after the Redpath's auspicious opening, the Museum was described as being starved, unable to develop, and having passed out of the active life of the University (Fox,1932:20). The situation is aptly summed up in the following passage: In the case ofthe Peter Redpath Museum development depended upon strong persona!ities [such as Dawson and Redpath) rather than sound economics. Once the 31 museum lost its early directors and patrons, collections grew erratically, research declined, and public support waned. Ali too quickly the Redpath Museum had ceased to be a scientific showcase for McGiIl, and had become instead a poignant reminder of a glorious past (Sheets-Pyenson,1982a:50).6 In spite of the death knell sounded by these and other remarks describing the various stages of the Redpath's history, the Museum has survived. Emphasis on various collections has shifted over the years, as have views regarding the delicate balance between public access on the one hand and teaching and research on the other.? The Redpath was officially closed to the public for budgetary reasons in 1971. Admission was restricted ta students and staff, or those having appointrnents, but these regulations were fairly relaxed. In 1987, museum policy was again modified to admit the public during working hours and the possibility ofincreased access remains ofinterest at this writing. The Redpath's Ethnology Collections Archaeological and ethnological materials were intended to be a part ofthe Museum from its inception, although subordinate in number and emphasis to the other collections. This was made explicit when the foundation stone for the building was laid and Peter Redpath announced that the new building was to serIe as a "place of deposit and study of specimens in Geology, Mineralogy, Palaentology [sic], Zoology, Botany and Archaeology [italics added]" (Redpath,1890). 8 6 Il is interesting, in this regard. to contemplate ilie very different destinies of me Redpath Museum and the present Royal Ontario Museum, bath institutions having had somewhat sirnilar early histories. For a description of the origins of the R.O.M .• sec Dickson (1986). 7 For infonnation regarding the Museum's more recenl history, see the annual reports of the Redpath Museum. Twentieth cenlury developments are also dealt with in: Clark (1950); Stevenson [1976J.(l981). Carle and Mongeau (1988); Carle ~ (1988.1990). 8 This statemenl appeared in a Montreal ~ article describing the founding day ceremonies and was cited by Dawson in his memorial ID Peter Redpath (Dawson.1894:21). .'-") Cultural materials were among the earliest exhibits of the Museum. ln 1885. "Archaeological and miscellaneous collections" were displayed in the "ante-chamber at 1ùle 1 head ofthe stair" adjacent to the Museum Hallon the main floor. These included objects from the Queen Charlotte Islands and British Columbia; antiquities from the site of "Hochelaga",9 stone implements and other artifacts from pre-historic sites in Canada, Palestine. and Egypt; a series of skulls representing the "principal races of men"; objects from the New Hebrides; miscellaneous archaeological materials from England, the Canary Islands, and other locales; sorne casts of Greek and Assyrian "antiques", a cast of the Rosetta stone; and a large model illustrating the topography ofJerusalem (Redpath Museum,1885:3-4). A goodly proportion of the material exhibited in 1885, with the exception ofDawson's "Hochelaga" material, appears to have been lent or donated specifically for the A.A.A.S. and B.A.A.S. meetings (Redpath Museum,1883:17-21). The Redpath's ethnological and archaeological collections were aligned with similar museum endeavours elsewhere in Canada.lO One particularly significant institution was the Canadian Institute in Toronto. Ils founding in the mid-nineteenth century and the hiring of Scottish archaeologist, Daniel Wilson, as professor of English literature and history at University College were integral to the development of a "pre-professional" period of anthropology (Cole,1973:33; Trigger,1966a;1981). The Canadian Institute, although not the earliest natural history society established in Canada,Il served as the major venue for those individuals with scientific interests in archaeology and ethnology. The founding of the Royal Society of Canada in 1882, provided a more prestigious forum for these interests and it was during the 1880s that Canadian anthropology began to come into ils own (Cole,1973:37). Another important measure ofdisciplinary consolidation was the establishment ofa new section devoted exclusively to anthropology at the 1884 RA.A.S. meeting held in 9 This important Iroquoian sile has been subsequently renamed "ilie Dawson site", sec Pcndcrgast and Triggcr (1972). 10 For an overview of collections assembled by religious orders. developing Mechanics' Inslitutes, and lcarncd societies in nineteenth century Canada. see Key (1973:97-167). 11 The Natural History Society of Montreal was founded in 1827. 33 ;1 Montreal. Anthropological topics had previously been discussed in the biology sessions. The ~l newly forrned section "H" was presided over by British ethnologist E.B. Tylor.12 Other members of the section included Daniel Wilson (University ofToronto), John Wesley Powell (American Bureau ofEthnology), F.H. Cushing (B.A.E.), Horatio Hale (linguist, Wilkes Expedition, later chairrnan of the A.A.A.S.), and F.W. Putnarn (Harvard Peabody Museum).13 Cole cites the appointrnent of the Committee on the North-western Tribes of Canada at the Montreal meeting as "the most significant feature ofthe eighties and the vital turning point in the history of Canadian Anthropology" (1973:40). The Committee brought together the representatives of Canadian anthropology as it existed to the mid-eighties (Wilson, Dawson, and Hale) and was charged with the task ofrecording: ... the characteristics and condition ofthe native tribes of the Dominion before their racial peculiarities become less distinguishable through interrnarriage and dispersion, and before contact with civilised men has further obliterated the remains of their original arts, customs, and beliefs (B.A.A.S.,1888:173). Cole alSI) credits the B.A.A.S. committee as being significant in establishing Franz Boas' dominant position in Canadian anthropology and influential in the eventual establishment ofa professionally staffed anthropological research centre at the Victoria Museum in Ottawa (Cole, 1973:42). Although anthropology emerged as a distinct discipline in many academic circles during the last decades ofthe nineteenth century, the Redpath's ethnological and archaeological collections were neither systematic nor the work of anthropologists, but were assembled by individuals having professional orother interests in different regions of the world. Doctors, missionaries, geologists, and travellers were among the Museum's early donors, rnany of whom had been enlisted to participate in various British irnperial or 12 The anthropology meetings were held in Wesleyan College on University Street, while the auditorium of the Redpath Museum was the site of the geological sessions. The Herald of 29 August 1884 notes that ilie Redpath Museum also feature Dawson's interest in human history can be traced to his strong attachment to fundamentalist Christianity and his involvement with the excavation of an Iroquoian village site in 1860, located opposite the McGill campus and thought to be the "Hochelaga" visited and described by Jacques Cartier in 1535 (Dawson,1860b;1861; Trigger,1972). His profound interest in the Bible caused him to focus his anthropo10gical researches upon the origin and history of the human race.14 He frequently used artifacts and specimens in the Redpath Museum's collections to i!lustrate his arguments. Given his stated helief in the value ofcarefully arranged specimens for cu1tivating higher interests in the museum visitor (Dawson,1894:22-3; quoted above, p. 30), one may assume that the religious questions he pondered were intimately connected with the prevailing ideologies inflU'oncing the Museum's exhibits. The artifacts and specimens exhibited in the early anthropological displays of the Redpath Museum reflected topics dealt with in several ofDawson's published works (Redpath Museum,1885:3-4). Fossil Men (1880) focused upon Dawson's belief in the unity and unchanging nature of the human species, and was supponed by a refutation of human bio10gical and cultural evolution. A presentation of material manufactures from the Dawson site and descriptions of the "Hochelaga" visited by Cartier were central to his discussion, and 14 Dawson's published works relating to this topic include: Archaia or Studies in the Narrative of Creation in the Hebrew Scriptures (1860a), later rewrinen and republished as The Origin of the World According te Revelation and Science (1877); Fossil Men and their Modem Representatives, appearing firsl in serial fonn in 1874 and then rcvised and expanded in book fonn (1880); and Modern Science in Bjble Lands (1888). FessjJ Men represcnts the summation of Dawson's anthropological investigations and is cenO'al to Trigger's analysis of Dawson as anthropologist (l966b). 35 were used with other North American examples as evidence of a general cultural homogeneity in the New World, whieh in turn was extended to the European context (1880:4). The following objects displayed at the Redpath Museum indicate this same argument: antiquities from the site of "Hochelaga", stone implements and other objects from pre-historie sites in Canada and elsewhere, and miscellaneous archaeological specimens from England, the Canary Islands and other places. Objects from the Canary Islands and the Guanche skull displayed at the Redpath Museum were specifically presented in Dawson's written work as tangible evidence in favour ofthe unity and continuity linking the oldest peoples of western Europe and Africa with the indigenous populations of America (Redpath Museum:1883:17-18; Dawson, 1897). Important to Dawson's argument against cultural evolution was his degradationist or degenerationist position, given particular emphasis in his chapter "Lost Arts of Primitive Races" (1880:146-76). This discussion cited G.M. Dawson's collection of carvings and other objects from the Queen Charlotte Islands, as weil as various manufactures from "Hochelaga" as examples of "Iost arts"; these objects were displayed in the Museum. Also exhibited were "collections to illustrate the various rocks and useful ornamental stones employed by t.l-je ancient Egyptians, and their modes ofworking these materials"; these objects were published in a later work as examples of "the enterprise of an early and active-minded state of society, as distinguished from the fixity and conservatism which appear in later times" (Dawson,1893b:17). Although several other examples connecting exhibited materials and Dawson's written works may be cited, the last to be mentioned here will be the collections from pre-historic caves in the Lebanon and stone implements from Egypt, which were used to refme a long-time presence for man on earth (Dawson,1885).l5 Without detailing his views on the theories ofevolution and uniformitarianism, so vital to the establishment ofanthropology as a modem discipline, suffiee it to say that 15 Sec also) Dawson (1880:1-12). 36 Dawson envisioned God as the only possible creator, maintained the falseness of the docrrine • of biological evolution, and argued that there was no evidence that cultures at different levels of complexity had not existed throughout human historyl6. His position was totally out of line with contemporary developments influencing anthropology and museum presentations of material culture elsewhere (see Frese,1960:36-72).17 Although palaeontologists still regard his descriptive contributions as significant,I8 there is little question that his faith deflected anthropological attention from the ethnological and archaeological collections of the Redpath Museum. In 1925, the collections ofthe Redpath Museum were supplemented by material that had been donated to the Natural History Society of Montreal. The N.H.S.M.'s entry into the twentieth century had been precarious and after several abortive revivais, it disbanded in the early twenties. As McGill's Board of Governors had provided land for the Society's headquarters and other assistance over the course of a half century, the University became a logical depository for its various collections (Frost,1982:40-1). The natural history specimens, artifacts, and books were passed on to the Redpath Museum, the McCord Museum,I9 and the Redpath Library. The addition of the Society's natural history collections made heavy demands on the Redpath Museum's limited space and precipitated the removal of ethnological and archaeological holdings to the ground flocr of McGill's Strathcona Medical Building, where a separate Ethnological Museum was established in 1926. Fox indicates that 16 For an analysis of Dawson's theoretical stance in relation to anthropological issues, see Trigger (I 966b; 1989: 102-3); for an overview of Dawson's treatrnent of these tapics within a broader disciplinary framework, see O'Brien (1971). 17 Compare Dawson's views to those of bis Canadian contemporaries Wilson, Hale, and Boyle; or to Boas, a dominant figure in Canadian anthropologieal eireles (Cole,1973: Trigger,1981;1985:39-43). To evaluate the Redpath Museum in tcrms of contemporary nineteenth practice relating 10 material culture collections in North America. see Boas (1887), Hinsley (1981;1985), Jaeknis (1985), Trigger (1981:76·9). 18 The 1982 meetings of the North American Paleontological [sic} Convention in Montreal held a symposium entitled "Sir William Dawson's Contributions to Paleontology" and included seven papers detailing his legacy to present studies in vertebrale and invertebrate palaeontology, as weil as palaeobotany lThjrd North American paleontologieal Convention Proeeadings,v.1 ,pp.iv ,71·5,91·2,143.6,199·204,243·9,435·9). 19 The McCord Museum, presented 10 ilie University in 1919, and ilien siruated in ilie old Joseph mansion at the corner of McTavish and Sherbrooke, was historica1 in focus but also had ethnological collections; for more details, sec Fox (1932:9.18·19). 37 not only lack of space, but also lack ofinterest on the part of the Redpath Museum's various departments was responsible for the transfer ofthese collections. A reference to the Ami prehistoric collection being included with the permanent palaeontological exhibits in the early thirties, indicates that stone tools remained in the Redpath Museum after the other materials had been transferred (Fox,1932:10,13). The Ethnological Museum also received material from other sources, including 'miscellanies' from the N.H.S.M., which had been divided berween the McCord Museum and the Redpath Library when the Society disbanded. According to the distribution list, the Redpath Museum and its affIliated staff members received very few archaeological or ethnological objects from the former N.H.S.M. when its holdings were divided up in 1925 (N.H.S.M.,[1906-25J). The Strathcona Building a1ready housed museums connected with the departments ofAnatomy and Pathology, and had employed Mr. Lionel Judah in the latter museum since 1908. Judah, although specifically trained in matters related to medical museums, served as the University's Curator of Museums from 1925 to 1941, and was responsible for organizing and displaying the collections in the Ethnological Museum (Clark, 1950:4-5). Exhibits were arranged geographically and included artifacts manufactured by Canada's indigenous peoples, Garstang's Egyptian collection,20 miscellaneous Egyptian, Greek and Carthaginian materials, and material transferred from the Redpath Museum (Fox, 1932:14-15,22). The war years put space at a premium throughout the University, and the area occupied by the Ethnological Museum in the Strathcona basement was required for physiotherapy. The Museum was closed to the public in 1940, but requests to study or borrow artifacts were still honoured. It was also during this period that long-time guardian ofthe collections Lionel Judah retired, and Alice Johannsen, who had contributed two years of 20 Purchased in 19.'-' by the Joint Board of the Theological Colleges affiliated with McGill University. 38 volunteer service, became Assistant Curator for McGill's museums.21 Sorne of the ethnological collections were stored in their cases in the Strathcona building; the Egyptian and Near Eastern materials were displayed in Divinity Hall; other anifacts were used in temporary exhibits in the Redpath Library and Redpath Museum. The remaining material joined that of the McCord in storage.22 Although the Ethnological Museum was reopened alongside the Arctic Institute for a brief period between 1947 and 1949, major portions of its collections remained in storage for over thirty years until their return to the Redpath Museum in the early seventies.23 The Ethnology Collections of the Redpath Museum include close to 17,000 archaeological and ethnological artifacts and are maintained as a historical collection. Additions are limited tO donations that confotrn to the cultural and historical profile of the existing holdings. Their geographic scope is global and reflects national and commercial endeavours of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The archaeological holdings include ceremonial and religious items from Ancient Egypt (murnmies, stonework, rnetalwork, polychrome figures, papyrus, pottery),24 Middle Eastern antiquities (weights and measures, 21 Alice Johannsen (l'urnham) was Assislllnt Curator (McGiIl University Museums) 1941·9, Curator of Ethnology 1949-55, Assislllnt Directer (M.U.M.) 1949-51, and Direct~r (M.U.M.) 1951-70. 22 The McCard was clased ta the public in 1936, because af inadequate funding and recommendations made by an extemal examiner (Fax.1932). Althaugh Û1e clasure was intended as a temporary measure, the McCord's status remained the same far more than twenty years. In 1954 the building which housed Û1e McCord collections was declarcd structurally unsound, and the entire contents were moved to quarters on Drummond Street where they were availablc tu researchers upon request. Selections from this collection were displayed as often as possible in ilie RcdpaLh Museum. The McCord reopened in 1968, closed in 1970, and reopened again in 1971. In 1989, it was again temporarily closcd to Û1e public. but this Ûffie with a more positive end in sight - an expanded and modemized building to bc complclcd in 1992. 23 In November 1931. Cyril Fox, Directer of me National Museum of WaIes, was requested by the Principal of McGill to evaluate the University's sixteen deparunental musewns and make recommendations regarding ilieir future development and possible collaboration WiÛ1 institutions outside McGill. Fox's report strongly suggesled the amalgamation of the prehistoric and historic collections of McGill into a single museum building (Fox,1932:24·33). Although me centralization of Û1ese collections in a new museum facility was never rcalized, severa! of the collections examined have since been regrouped. The major realignment has been the gradual localization of all inaterials relating to Canada's indigenous peoples and domestic history in the McCord and the consolidation of aIl other ethnologica] and archaeological collections, including Palaeolithic tools and classicaI coins in Û1e RedpaÛ1 Museum. 24 See Ferrier (1859) for a description of his donation of severaI mummies and various antiquities ta Ù1e N.H.S.M.; Naville (l891:54,66,pJ.XXXVl h) for mention of the monumental granite fragment from Bubastis, part ai which was donated ta Û1e Redpath Museum; Dawson (l893b) for a discussion of the Egyptian omamental stones; Badawy (I972: 1l.n.52) for mention of a fragment of an ancient model for a temple of Sety 1; Zahn (1984) for a brief overview of mummies in the Museum, which are aiso noted in El Mahdy (1989: 177); and Berg (1983) for a description of a fragmentary Book of the Dead papyrus and (1990) for an overview of Egyptian and Nubian antiquities in the Museum. 39 seals, pottery, cuneiform texts, stonework),25 stone tools from Europe and the Near East (see Dawson,1885), a Guanche murnmy and anifacts from the Canary Islands (see Dawson,1897), and artifacts from the Classical civilizations (coins, metalwork, pottery, and glass).26 The largest collection ofethnological material is from Mrica and includes household and ceremonial objects, weapons, tools, musical instruments, omaments, and textiles, much ofit collected in Angola and Zaïre circa 1900.27 Barkcloth, weapons, fishing equipment, household Iltensils, ornaments, shel1 currency, and ceremonial objects were gathered throughout Oceania during the latter half of the nineteenth century;28 materials from Vanuatu [New Hebrides], the Solomon Islands, Fiji, and Kiribati [Gilben Islands] are the most numerous. There is also a collection ofweapons and other items from Sri Lanka, rniscellaneous materials from Asia and the modern Middle East, Pre-Columbian pottery and varied objects from other regions of the Americas, as wel1 as a sizeable twentieth century col1ection ofbeadwork, textiles, ceremonial and household objects from the Gran Chaco region of South America (described in Arnon [1942]). 25 For a discussion of Hebrew stone scale-weights and other weights now in the Redpath Museum. see Scott (1964b; 1965;1970); a small group of dome-shaptld stone weights from Ophel are illustrated in Pritchard (1969:341/fig.776a f,373). Scott a1s0 treats a Samarian griffin seal (1954) and a scarab sea1 (l964a) that are now in the Museum, as weU sorne papyrus fragments from the Oead Sea Serolls (1981); sec also, Runnalls (1981). A brief account of the Scott collection is presented in Runnalls [1980],(1987). A collection of tomb pottery from Bab edh-Dhra acquired by the Faculty of Religious Studies is described by Runna1ls (1979). An account of the obscured recant history of the cuneifonn texts now in the Redpath Museum is offered by Yetman (1983). An overview of this collection is presented in Frame et al. (1989); this latter work notes (p.l) that seven fragmentary clay cones hear Ur excavation numbers. indicating that they are the same texts listed in Gadd (1928). Specific texts in the Museum are dealt with in McEwan (1986) and Frame (1987). 26 The coin collection appears in part in Whitehead (1975) and Shlosser (1975,1984); the works are combined in Woloch (1987). The uncertain recent history of this collection is diseussed by Sullivan (1975). To be added to SuIlivan's discussion is Ù1e fact that Fox's survey refers 10 the "Peterson Coin Collection" (Fox.1932:16). This suggests that the unknown resting place of Mrs. Murray's coin collection mentioned by Sullivan (p. vii) was likely to have been with fonner McGill principal and classical scholar. Sir William Peterson. A small collection of terracotta masks in the Musewn has been described in Dearden (1972). Archaeometric analyses of Lakonian pottery, Joad figurines, and Tarentine didraehmas appear respectively in AllaS et al. (1982), Hedgcock ~ (1986), and Atlas (1987). 27 An article by Frank Read discusses native blacksmithing and includes several wols now in the Redpath Musewn (Read,I902); examples from the Collections are published in Thomas (1989:15-24,28-34,36-40); a number of objects manufaetured from gourds appear in Dagan (l988:65/pl.44,76-7/p1.59-60,110/pI.93,138/pI.127,143/p1.136). Severa} collections are supp>rted by donor catalogues of significant detail: the Todd catalogue [1910] is of special importance; sec also, descriptive Iists by Collins [1938], Hodgson [1939], Mullin (1943), and Annie Read [1902]. 28 A rough breakdown of the collection by island group appears in Kaeppler and Stillman (1985:333-5). 40 Artifacts from Oceania in the Redpath Museum There are approximately 750 objects from Oceania in the Ethnology Collections; among these are sorne of the earliest donations ofethnographie material in the Redpath Museum. Museums in North America with ethnological material collected from Oceania during the nineteenth century are relatively few, because most of them were established after the peak period ofcollecting in that area. Notable exceptions to this statement include the Peabody Museum (Salem) established in 1799, the Smithsonian Institution, the University Museum (University ofPennsylvania), and several other institutions in New England. An examination ofthose instimtions listed in Kaeppler and Stillman (1985) indicates that less than twenty-five North American Museums have collections from before 1900.29 The donations from Oceania in the Redpath Museum were made by over futy different individuals; sorne were presentations of single objects, while others included fifty or more artifacts. The largest of these was made in 1881 by a young man named Albert Lewis and comprised 189 objects from the Fiji Islands, the Solomon Islands, the Santa Cruz Islands, the Kingsmill Islands [now part of Kiribati], and the Marshall group. Although there is very Iittle detail conceming these objects, the year and the island groups involved suggest a probable connection with labour recruiting activities for sugar plantations on Fiji. Another collection includes nineteen objects donated to the Natural History Society of Montreal in 1867 by the Smithsonian. A ledger entry indicates that the N.R.S.M. was one of twenty-one institutions receiving miscellaneous "curiosities consisting of N. W. Coast arrows & bows; Fijee [sic] clubs & c1oth; Fijee baskets; shell bracelets, etc.; in each about 14 specimens" (Smithsonian Institution,1867). A letter from a Smithsonian researcher suggests that several ofthese items came from LI. Charles Wilkes and the United 29 Il should he nOled that this publication was intended as a general overview of collections and, as tile firsl ancmpt al snch a task. has severa! omissions. Il is particularly lacking in infonnation about Canadian collections; several of thase discovered in the course of researching this thesis were not included. probably bccausc they are in very small Museums, or mixed in with historical or art collections, rather than known ethnologiea! ones. This rescarch has revealed that severa! museums in Canada have nineteenÛl century material Crom Vanuatu. Most of il resulling from the connection between the Nova Scotian Presbylerian Mission and its work in the southem New Hebrides (sec Chapter III). 41 States Exploring Expedition of 1838-42 (Walsh,1982).3° It is interesting to note that other objects in the Redpath Museum may have a connection with the Wilkes Expedition, apart from those received from the Smithsonian.31 An additional aspect worthy ofnotice with regard to the Redpath Collections is the relatively strong representation ofmaterial from the southern New Hebrides [Vanuatu]. The hypothesis that North Arnerican museums having nineteenth century material from southern Vanuatu would be few in number, because the area was essentially a British colonial domain, was confirmed by a series ofleners written in 1989 to the ten museums in the United States with the largest Vanuatu collections. The museums to be contacted were determined from Kaeppler and Stillman's Pacific Island and Australian Aboriginal Artifacts in Public Collections in the United States ofAmerica and Canada (1985). The size of the collections of these ten museums varied considerably, ranging from 2252 artifacts to 61, with the average of the group being roughly 300 objects. The ten were selected by virtue ofthe magnitude of their Vanuatu holdings rather than whether they indicated collections earlier than 1900 in Kaeppler and Stillman, becausc these data were not consistently present for ail geographic regions in their survey. The results yielded by my inquiry, which received responses from eight museums, indicated that the vast majority ofartifacts were gathered during the twentieth century, and were from the middle and northern islands in the group. Those museums with nineteenth century material generally purchased it from collectors or dealers, and these objects usually had no more specific provenance than "New Hebrides". The one notable exception was a donation ofseventy objects from the southern islands at the University Museum 30 See aIso Kaeppler (1985:120) for a discussion of the distribution of rnaterial from this Expedition. 31 A Samoan club (ace. 519). one ofoine donations made by W. Prior Crom Halifax 10 the N.H.S.M., is faintly inscribed with the following, "Porpoise, June 1840, War Baton". According ta Ûle itinerary for the vessels. of the V.S. Exploring Expedition appearing in Viola and Margolis (19g5:268). there are no journal entries in the V.S. National Archives for the Porpoise's landings Crom November 23,1839 to November t5,1840. Exarnination of the landings that are listed for the Porpoise (September 1838 - May 1842, excluding the above mentioned perîod), indicates that a stop at Samoa in June 1840 would have been possible. Aiso of interest is an October 1896 donation by Horatio Hale of "wampum Crom Kingsmill Island" (Redpath Museum.[1881-1917]). This donation is another probable Wilkes' item, as Hale was the V.S. Exploring Expedition's " "philologist". This object has not been identified in the present Redpath Collection. 42 l (University ofPennsylvania), collected by W. Paton, and three additional artifacts in the same museum donated by H. A. Robertson. Still in keeping wilh the original hypothesis is the fact that Paton was a Scottish rnissionary and part of the same Presbyterian enclave as Robertson and the other members of the Nova Scotian Mission. The most likelY North American recipients ofmaterial werc therefore Canadian museums, which were few in number at that time. In addition to Rev. Robertson's collection of 125 objects from the New Hebrides are approxirnately twenty-five nineteenth century artifacts donated by six different inc!ividuals. What is ofparticular interest is that several of these donations mention specific island names.32 A1though this fact alone may not seem over1y irnpressive, it is unusual in the case ofrandom collections such as these, and was one of the important clues in unravelling the context of Robertson's collection, which will be discussed later on in this chapter. Documentation of the Redpath's Ethnology Collections For the most part, the Redpath's Ethnology Collections are poorly documented, and inaccurately, or at best inadequately identified; scanty museum records rarely include information on date and place ofcollection, or even collector. The "culturallag" (Stocking, 1985:4), resulting from removing and preserving everyday objects for long periods of time in museums historically and geographically far removed fTom a collected object's original contexl, appears in chronic forro in the case of the Redpath because of the long periods during which material was packed up and unavailable for research. This particular aspect was 'commended' by an extemal examiner inviled to assess the Redpath Museum, who remarked that "since ils collections for the most part represent museum technique as il was in the nineteenth century, it 32 These inc1ude ten from Erromanga (l musical instrument, 9 stone axes), threc from Aneityum Cl basketry bag. 1 haïr sample, l "lemon-shaped" stone), one from Tanna (1 haïr sample), and one from Efale (pol shcrds). lntriguing, but not included in the twenty-five items listed above, is a piece of barkcloth with lhe ward "Aneiteum" printed in brown pigment (ace. 746.04). This barkcloth is part of an accession described as "native c10th made from the inner bark of trees. Tahita [sic]. (5 pieces)." Il is possible that ''Talùta'' is used generically, as sorne of the cloths appear tO he Hawaiian, and one is possibly Melanesian (ace. 746.01). Unforrunately. there is no information rcgarding donar or donation date in this entry. 43 forros a remarkably complete and unusual example ofconservation and inertia in this educational field" (Fox,1932:20). This fonunate situation of neglect rather than the more frequent alternatives of dispersal, disposal, or sale has been a crucial factor influencing the survival of the artifacts, as well as the preservation of the hislOricallinks necessary for contextual interpretation.33 Th" Redpath's state of suspended animation has provided opponunities to establish connections between the museum and the field, allowing the dating and contextualization of artifacts randomly collected during the last century. Analysis ofthe Ethnology Collections' five hundred donors has indicated that many had sorne connection with McGill University or the anglophone sector of Montreal's population during the last century. One additional advantage of the Redpath rnaterial for study ofnineteenth century collecting practices is that most ofthe material was donated by collectors or their families, rather than purchased from hislorically unconnected sources. Rev. Robertson's Collection from the New Hebrides There are 122 obje.:ts collected from the New Hebrides in the Redpath Museum that are known to have been donated by Rev. H.A. Robenson during the nineteenth century. An additional three objects, all barkcloth beaters from Erromanga, are also assumed to be from Robertson, based on the descriptive entry in the accession book.34 Although this material has 33 For anoth.er account in which documenES and artifacts are reunited by virtuc of the forces of inertia. sec Cooper regwing the Burke Memorial Museum in AUSlralia (1979:18-19). 34 The entry for ace. 835 includes all three beaters and rcads: "Sticks with which me Erromangan women make their native cloth from bark of banyan Iree" (Elhnological Museum,[1926-64]), Although there are artifacts from Erromanga in the Redpath Museu~ that have been donated by other individuals*, the dctail of this entry is marched only by that describing other Robertson donations. The fact that all Erromangan barkcloth in the Redpath Museum has been donated by Robertson, wo suggests that the barkcloÙl beaters come from me same !.ource. An accession of seeds from Erromanga (ace. 6348) may alse he from RoberlSon. as "seeds" are mentioned in the enlry [or his March 1896 donation (Redpath Museum,(1881-1917]). They have been excluded.from this srudy, however, because there is not sufficient evidence ta connect them with Robertson ramer than the other donors of Erromangan material. Another possible Robertson donation is a package of red clay from Erromanga (ace. 1366). Red clay is described as a highly valued local commodity and as being import3l1' in inter-island Irade (Beaglehole.1961 (Cook,I774):480), It was obtained from the peak of Nilpon-u-moap near Cook's Bayon Erromanga's east side (nilpon=place and moap=red clay). According to Robenson "great quantities of the clay were dug [from the mountainl, the people using it largely at their heathen feasts. when thcy smeared their faces and bodies" (Robertson, 1902:9). A note accompanying the package in the Redpath Museum. however, is not very informative. It reads: .. ··Soft 44 been in Canada for a century and was among the early donations to the Redpath Museum, il has never been studied.35 Actual documentation of the Robertson Collection existing in the Redpath Museum when this project was begun in 1985 consisted oftwenty-seven entries in the Museum's accession books, each with the donor's name, an accession date of 1927, and minimal descriptions of artifacts, averaging two words in length.36 Approximately 1JUlf of these accession entries a1so mention the name of specifie islands. Similar information appears on cards in a donor index file, which were proba.bly compiled in the mid-thirties from data in the accession books.37 Despite the sparseness ofinformation, the inclusion of relatively specifie geographicallocales and the occasional reference to indigenous object names distinguished this a~ being a fairly focused collection.38 There was neither an address for Robertson nor any clue to his connection to the objects other than the title "reverend" that preceded his name. The initial assumption was that he was a local clergyman, connected with McGill or the Natural History Society ofMontreal, orperhaps an acquaintance of Dawson; however, further investigation yielded no support for these suppositions. The earliest documented date for Robertson's collection at this time was 1927, as listed in the accession books. This would have remained the extent ofinformation available, had not extensive research uncovered details regarding the cultural and historical context of the material isolated in the Museum. red clay eaten by the Erromangan as children. At home used 10 eat soft slate pencils. = earth W. Namap". ljOThc Enomangan artifacts donated by other individuals include: cight stone axes donatcd by Rev. Patterson, one set of "pan pipes" danated by Rey. Geddie, and ane stone axe danated by Miss R. Gardan (Ethnalagieal Museum,[1926.64J:aee. 752.01·.08,749,5871 ). 35 The artifacts in Robertson's collection are illustrated and described in detail in Appendix B. 36 The accession books are kept with the Ethnological Collections of the Redpath Museum. and arc four volumes pholocopied from an original set of five volumes (Ethnological Museum,[1926-64]"'). They appear ta he an auempt to arganize material from severa! collections that were amalgamated to forro the Ethnologieal ~useum in 1926, and rarely include any information as to when artifacts were actually collected from the field or donated ta Ûle Museum. In the case of the Robenson collection. artifaets were collecled a minimum of ùùrry-one to fOIty·four years prier ta the date of June 1927 appearing in the books (see accession nos. 464-490). *Although the Ethnologieal Museum was elosed in 1949. the books eontain entries made until 1964. 37 Index cards for Robertson's donation are reproduced in Appendix A. 38 See, far example, ace. 435, ace. 474, ar ace. 480 in Appendix A. 45 A chance encounter with a footnote in They Came for Sandalwood provided the vitallink between the Montreal collection and the unknown reverend (Shineberg,1967). One of the major sandalwood-trading islands of the mid-nineteenth century was the island of Erromanga. Shineberg quotes liberally from a work entitled Erromanga:The Martvr Isle written by RA. Robenson, who was a missionary on that island from 1872 to 1913 (see Shineberg,1967:23-4,141-3,153-4,156,159-61,176,186,191,207). Subsequent research linked Robenson to a group of thineen Presbyterians affiliated with the Nova Scotian Mission, who serve(} in the New Hebrides during the nineteenth century.39 This connection also led the writer to severallittle-known collections from that area scattered in museums in eastern Canada, including the Nova Scotia Museum (Halifax), the Maritime Conference Archives (Halifax), the New Brunswick Museum (St. John), and a few items displayed in the First Presbyterian Church (Pictou, Nova Scotia). 40 A collection at the Royal Ontario Museum (Toronto) is also connected with the Nova Scotian Mission, as is one at the Agnes Etheringron An Gallery of Queen's University (Kingston).41 Although this thesis is solely concerned with the materials collected by Robertson and donated to the Redpath Museum, artifacts and documents from other institutions have been examined for reference purposes. In addition 10 those mentioned "bove, are catalogue descriptions for approximately 150 objects and more than sixty samples ofraw materials donated by Robertson to the Australian Museum in Sydney, as weil as nineteenth and early twentieth century non-missionary collections from the University Museum ofArchaeology and Anthropology (Cambridge), from the Pitt-Rivers Museum (Oxford), and the Museum of Mankind (London). The Vanuatu Cultural Centre (Pon Vila) has also been contacted regarding this research. 39 Ten serving in Ûle soUÛlem New Hebrides (see Appendix E). three on Efate. and one on Santo (Boyd,[1955J:2); s•• Chapter III. 40 A student guide at Û1e lauer institution reported hearing of a church on Prince Edward Island displaying a few items from the New Hebrides. but did not know the specifie church or its location. 41 Il is interesûng to note that me only collections of this group listed in Kaeppler and Stillman's 1985 survey are Ù10se of the Redpath Museum and R.O.M. In the case of the latter listing, there is mention of malerial from the New Hebrides but no indication that il is nineteenth century maleria! or COIUlected with missionary activities. 46 Robertson and his farnily left Erromanga at the end of 1882 for a two year sabbatical in Canada (Robertson,I902:405). During this period he visited Montreal on at least three occasions (Robertson,1902:407,409-11). This information helped to focus archivaI research and careful reading of the old records of the Redpath Museum eventually revealed much sought after information regarding the artifact collection. Robertson donated matcrial to the Redpath Museum in September 1883, January 1890, and March 1896 (Redpath Museum. [1881-1917]). Unfortunately, entries forthese dates are not itemized and it is difficult. excepl in a few instances, to deterrnine which specific objects were included in each ofthe three donations. An early guide to the Museum's collection indicates that "objects collected by Rev. Hugh Robertson in the New Hebrides Islands" were on permanent display at least as early as 1885, but again this is not too helpful for deterrnining specific artifacts and their dates of enny to the Museum (Redpath Museum,1885:3). Also interesting, although significantly muddled, is local hearsay regarding the collection presented in 1930 during a public talk by McGill curator, Lionel Judah: From here we go to the South Sea Islands where the New Hebrides group is particularly weIl represented. The collection from the Island of Erromango [sic] is very rare -in fact about five years ago Cambridge University sent a special expedition there, but was unable to obtain a single specimen [42], while we are the proud possessors of nearly 200 [italics added] objects (Judah,1930:7). A Montreal newspaper article offers certain embellishments to this description, but presumably derives from discussion with Judah: More than that, there are many exhibits which cannot be replaced, even if a million were asked, for the things shown represent a culture that has passed away. Such for instance are the displays from the Island ofErromanga in the New Hebrides. A few years ago, Cambridge University savants went out loaded down with money, to buy all they could and they came back almost empty handed. They were about 20 years too late. McGill representatives had been there as rnissionaries away back in the '70s, and as a result, McGill has this valuable South Island [sic] collection. This almost 42 This refers ta the visit by Cambridge-affùial.ed C.B. Hwnphreys who did fieldwork in the souÙlcrn New Hcbridcs in 1920 (Humphreys,1926). Contrary to the Montreal reports, twenly-one Erromangan abjects collecled by Humphreys are in the University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology al Cambridge (accession numbcrs 24.1128-24.1137). 47 unique display is also characteristic ofmany other McGill exhibits [Montreal Daily Star, 1931]. A summary of Roberlson's donations based on accession book entries includes seventeen "native dresses", four pieces of barkcloth, five mats, one "cap and coat", one mask, three baskets (one is rnissing), one hat, two fans, five neck omaments, one water container, thirly-eight arrows, three pudding dishes, one "fetish" stone, ten combs, one adze, seven arrnbands, five pieces ofcarved bamboo, four clubs, two bows, and eight spears.43 Of the 125 objects in this collection, thirty-six are indicated in the accession documentation as being from Erromanga,44 three from Ambrim (acc. 475, 478, 483), two from "Ernie" (acc. 473.01 .02, probably Mae [Emael), two from "Tougan" (acc. 479, 486),45 one from "Malikolo" (acc. 488), one from "Efate" (acc. 477), fOrly from "N. New Hebrides"(acc. 476.01-.40),46 and forly artifacts with no provenance listed. Signs ofregular use such as patina, surface abrasion, chipping, discolouration, or encrustation indicate that most objects had been used before they were collected, rather than having been "made for sale". With the exception of IWO items, none ofthe objects include beads, cloth, metal, or other components ofEuropean manufacture. The only two articles bearing evidence ofintroduced materials are an adze from Ambrim with a small piece oftrade cloth wrapped around its blade and a barkcloth "coat" ofEuropean design sewn with cotton thread. One hat woven oflocal material is also ofintroduced design, its flat crown and brim resembling a European-style straw hat or 'boater' (acc. 483, 468.02, 472). A few discrepancies occur when comparing the aClUal objects with the accession book listings. 43 This summary has grouped together certain types of abjects that appear as separate entries in the accession books (e.g. three "native tapa" (ace. 465) and one "native cloth" (ace .466) are listed as four pieces of barkcloth entries; two combs (ace. 481) and cight combs (ace. 482) are listed as tcn combs). In severa! cases, the distinct groupings refer ta differences in maleria!, as the the case of the combs; 10 different provenances. as in the case of the clubs; 10 different uses and manufactures, as in the case of the mats; or, when these factors are equal, different entries may Tefer to maleria! donated al different limes. The latter May he the case for the two barkcloth ennies. For object groupings as they appear in the accession books, see me index cards reproduced in Appendix A. It should he noted that the dividing of accession numbers to correspond with individual objects (e.g. 464.01, 464.02 etc.) has been an arbitrary and recent cataloguing decision and is not indicative of any ordering by the donor or grouping of maIerial when it fust arTived at the Museum. 44 (ace. 465.01-.03. 474.01-.05, 480. 481.01-.02. 482.01-.08. 484.01-.07, 485.01-.05, 487.01-.02. 835.01-.03). 45 The handwriting in the accession book for these items is ll.raclear. Il seems likely that the typed index cards noting 'Tougan" were the result of a misreading of the written entries. Comparable artifacts cited in references included in Appendix B. indicate a provenance of Tongoa. 46 This accession inc1udes thirty-eight arrows and !Wo sheaths; the abbreviation presumably stands for "northern". 4R 1 These are fairly typical errors or oversights judging from similar mistakes occurring in cntries for other collections, and include the following: the seventeenth "native dress" (ace. 464.17) is actually a bundle of three pieces of coconut fibre cordage;47 one of the baskets (ace. 47 Ul1) includes four leaf bundles; there are two leaf sheaths (ace. 476.39-.40) in addition to the thirty eight arrows; and one of the "spears" (ace. 490.07) is actually a pudding knife, although it docs bear a certain resemblance to a spear head. There are no accessions attributed to Robertson for either the shells or beans mentioned in his March 1896 donation (Redpath Museumll881- 1917]). 1have used several contemporaty sources to corroborate provenances indicated for Robertson's donations in the Museum's records and to suggest ones for objects without any noted. Robertson's own account of his missionaty endeavours is used extensively for its descriptions of Erromangan material culture.48 Although Robertson's monograph adheres closely to the missionaty conventions of the day, his residence of thiny years on the island at the time of its writing and his extensive contact wilh the local population, provide invaluab1e descriptions of the manufacture and use of a variety ofobjects. The only other published account resulting from first-hand missionaty experience on Erromanga during the nineteenth century is that by James Gordon, based on letters from his brother George. However, it on1y offers a few passing remarks on local objects (Gordon, J.,1863:135,143,165-6). Robertson's written work devotes particular attention to the physical appearance ofErromangans and includes descriptions ofclothing and a variety of ornaments. He was particularly intrigued by the coslt1rne worn by women and describes the manufacture of skirts made from different plants including pandanus, banana, hibiscus, and the stem of the native 47 A possible explanation for this is that there were only sixteen dresses te begin with and. smce the cordage was bundled in a fashion similar to the fibre dresses. il was thought te he anolher example of the various skîTt types represented. Another possibility is that one of the original dresses was 10st and lhal its tag was mistakcnly altached ln the cordage bundle. 48 Robertson (t902); see especially Chapter 18. "Physique and Dress. Etc.. of the Erromangans" (pp. 362-88). Chapler 19. 'The Heathenism of Errornanga" (pp. 389-404). and various photographs appcaring Lhroughout the text. 49 cabbage (1902:364-7). The manufacture of barkcloth is also treated in great detail beginning with the suipping offof the inner bark of the banyan and finishing with the pattern and colour being applied (1902:367-9). He makes briefmention of coconut shell armbands and neck omaments wom by both men and women (1902:364,367) and bamboo hair combs wom only by men (1902: 364). Weapons are also given special attention, and within this realm he discusses bows, arrows, clubs, spears, and tomahawks (1902:370-3). The construction of canees, houses, and fences is also described (1902:374-6). Of particular fascination to Robertson were sacred stones or navilah (1902:29-30,192,359,389-90).49 Although the subject ofgender-related activities and manufactures is not treated extensively in missionary descriptions of the area, il is noted that baskets, native dresses, barkcloth and beaters are manufactured and used by women (Gordon,J.,1863:135; Robertson, 1902:364-9), while hair combs, navilah, weapons, bamboo carvings, houses and canoes are the province of men (Robertson,1902:364,370-3,381,389-90). There is no mention of objects used specifically by children, except for a discussion of women's skirts, indicating skirt lengths vary with age: a child wears very short skirts, an engaged female's skirts extend to the ankles, and a married woman wears the longest ones (Robertson,1902:366). Another source, cited frequently in this thesis, is Humphreys' ethnography of the southem New Hebrides based on fieldwork almost twenty years after the publication of Robertson's account (Humphreys,1926). Humphreys studied anthropology at Cambridge and was sent by W.H.R. Rivers to investigate the culture of Epi in 1920.50 Last minute difficulties 49 Robertson was not the ooly foreign observer intrigued by navUah; they are featured in numerous fust-hand accounlS (Brenchley.1873:304.320.322;Gordon.J.,1863:135.165-6;Humphreys.1926: 164-5.171-2;Wood.1875:87). 50 RiveTS' two volume Hislory of Melanesian Society (1914), based on the surveys he conducted on the SoUlhern Cross in 1908, makes only brief reference te the New Hebrides. The mast detailed discussion he effers regarding the area is that relating 10 kinship and marriage on Pentecosl in the north and "Anaiteum" in the south. His data regarding the former island is based on a brief stay there and interviews wiÙl missionized natives on the Soulhern Cross, which was the vessel of the Melanesian Mission. His discussion of the latter island is based on information Crom three boys at Vila. on the island of Efate. and on a dictionary prepared by a local rrussionary (Rivers.1914[19681,v.l:2.189-21). Although Hurnphreys was initiaIly influenced by Rivers and his ethnologicaI monograph published by Cambridge ,- University Press. he was perceived as being omside the Rivers-Haddon school. Langham describes bis work as being "rarcly referred lO in subsequent writings of me school, and quite superficiaI in its treatment of kinship" (Langham. 1981 :202). 50 1 caused him to develop and subsequently abandon a contingeney plan to carry out tïeldwork on Erromanga (Langham,1981 :202). Humphreys was interested in early migrations and the populating of the southern New Hebrides. His research was based on a five month stay on Tanna. Although Humphreys' spent less than two months on Erromanga, his treatment is the earliest and most extensive anthropological study of that island. In considering his descriptions of material culture, it should be noted that by Humphreys' own assessment, Erromanga was completely Christianized and severely depopulated by the time of his visit (1926: 128-9).51 Certain practices had been markedly altered or eliminated as a result of colonial intrusion. In his discussion of warfare, Humphreys notes that fighting "has been entirely discontinued on Eromanga [sic] since the e~tablishment of the Condominium Govemment of Britain and France in 1906" (1926:148). It should also be recognized that he carried on ail interviews through a non-Erromangan interpreter (1926:xi) and relied heavily on Robertson's work for his descriptions ofErromangan life, a debt not always acknowledged.52 Humphreys' choice of material items and the content of his discussions is strikingly similar ID that of Robertson. His chapter on Erromanga is divided into several sections, with greatest emphasis on the use of objects in a section entitied "Tribal Life" (pp. 134-50).53 "Navela [sic]" are given special consideration in the section "Magico-Religious Ideas and Practices" (pp. 165-77). The manufacture ofobjects is treated in a section entitied "Economics" (pp. 150-65), most particularly in the sub-section "Handicraft" (pp. 155-65). This discussion is strongly influenced by Robertson's observations, and like the missionary's wrîllen work focuses on the manufacture of skirts, barkcloth, weapons, houses, and canoes. Humphreys offers no additional insights regarding gender or age-related manufactures. 51 Humphreys estimated the population te he 420 Erromangans (1926:128). Robenson's survcy of lhc island on foot in 1894 counted 1,500 individuals. a population he considered seriously diminished from earlicr years duc to intensive labour recruiling (1902:419). 52 Compare, for example. Humphreys' descriptions of the manufacture of Erromangan skirlS, bows. and clubs (1926: 162,163-4) with earlier discussions regarding the same abjects in Robertson (1902:364-6;370-1,371-3). 53 Humphreys describes bis own methodology as fol1owing Malinowski's "plan of treatment of el.hnological repon:." and divides his maleria! into subject groups according to that anthropologist's example (Humphreys.1926:x). 51 Occasional descriptions of objects are also found amongst the writings of • Europeans, who made brief visits to the island. Cook's journal entry from his 1774 visit includes a few comments regarcling weapons and local dress (Beaglehole,1961 :478-80). More detailed descriptions ofErromangan material culture appear in the writings of George Bennett (1832), who made his [lfSt visit in 1829. Bennett was a naturalist and surgeon travelling aboard the Sophia, during the first sandalwood expeclition to the island. Julius Brench1ey, a British naturalist and collector accompanying the H.M.S. Curaçoa during ils 1865 croise of the area, wrote ofhis visil to Erromanga and the "navalae [sic]" and weapons found there (1873:304,320,322). Also of interest are remarks on weapons and hair ornaments by C.F. Wood, who stopped on the island in 1872 during a yachting croise of the area (1875:85-90). Both Brenchley and Wood estab1ished contact with James Gordon, who was the missionary in residence at the time of their visits. Brench1ey's comments regarding material culture are likely derived from shipboard conversations with Gordon, as the local political situation at the lime of his visil was not favourable to first-hand investigations on the is1and (Brenchley,1873:298, 300-5). Wood had direct contact with local inhabitants, but was accompanied by Gordon on most of these occasions (Wood,1875:84). James Lawrie, a missionary beginning his residence on Aneityum in 1879, presented an overview ofpractices and manufactures in the New Hebrides, inclucling Erromanga (Lawrie,1892). Although he likely had sorne degree of first-hand experience of all of the islands he cliscussed, il is probable that his comments are based on observations by his missionary colleagues. A later visitor cornmenting upon local manufactures was Sutherland Sinclair, Secretary of the Australian Museum, who visited the island in May 1894 (Sinclair,1895). Much of Sinclair's information appears to be derived from conversations with Robenson. An imponant secondary source documenting Erromangan artifacts and objects from other New Hebrides' islands is Edge-Panington (1890-8). James Edge-Partington, a British collector of "ethnological specimens", compiled tlrree albums of drawings depicting 52 typical objects from Oceania accompanied by brief descriptions. These works were issued l'or private circulation at the end of the nineteenth century and were meant to serve as a standard reference for collectors. It was also Edge-Partington's intention to permanently record types or objects before labour recruiters, engaged in a vigorous trade in the Paciric during the periml, destroyed "ail the most eharaeteristie work of the natives" (1890 119691:prerace). The visu a! record of objeets and the measurements provided are especially userul; provenances cited ,U'\~ or value if they can be corroborated by other sources. The objeets reatured in the rirst two albums (1890,1895) are examp!es from public and private collections in England, many rcsulting l'rom em'Iy contacts by British ships. The third publication includes objects from public and pri vatc collections in Australasia and was intended to "obtain additiolHd material such as had not yet reached the European Museums" and to "insure greater aeeuracy in the description of the objeets by being nearer to their place of origin" (1898 [1969j:preface). Also useful as a secondary source for historieal Erromangan material and l'or first-hand accounts of the materia! culture on other is!ands is a work by Swiss ethnologist, Felix Speiser (1923). Speiser provided the most extensive cultural analyses or the New Hebrides undertaken in the carly twentieth century. His study is based on rieldwork in the area from 1910 to 1912, under the aegis of the Museum für Viilkerkunde in Basel, and included brief visits to the Banks Islands, Santo, Maevo [Aurora). Aoba 1Lepers Islandl, Malo, Malekula, Vao, Pentecôte [Pentecost!. Ambrym [Ambriml, Fate 1Eratc!. and Tanna5 '1 The last is the only island of the southern New Hebrides treated in detail in his work55 Ethnographies by Cambridge-trained John Laym'd visiting Vao and Atchin, north-cast of Malekula, from 1914-15 and Bernard Deacon on southwestern Malckula in 1926, have also been consulted for their descriptions of material culture (Layard,1942; Deacon,1934). 54 Island namcs appenr here according to orthography utili7.cd by Spciscr (1923). Designations in square brackcts afl' according to Robertson (1902). Although il was nol one of the locales of his ficldwork, Spciscr's work includcs sixtccil artifacts atLIibulcd 10 Errantanga (1923[19791:tafol 52.#14·17.lafo1 54,#23·7.lafo1 59,#2,8,10·13,I.fo1 78.#7). 55 For an intcrcsting asscssmcnt of bath Spciscr and Humphrcys and thcir anlhrnpo\()gicai work on Tallna. sec Ad:llll~ (1987). 53 Contemporary remarks regarding non-Erromangan manufactures are also found in the notes of Lieutenant Somerville, R.N., who made a marine survey of the New Hebrides in H.M.SDarr between 1890 and 1891. Somerville recorded his own observations and gathered data from local missionaries regarding Efate, the Shepherd Islands, and the east coast of Malekula (Somerville,1894).56 This thesis treats museum objects as evidence of specific intercultural relations. The assessment of'collected' objects requires more than mere analysis of materials, manufacturing techniques, historical usage, and identification with comparable types. It involves consideration ofthe nature and extent ofintercultural relations, focusing particularly on the role of rnaterial goods in these in~::ractions. These factors are elaborated to provide a historical context for both the artifacts collected by Rev. Robertson and the written descriptions of local material culture by contemporary European observers. The following chapter concentrates on the southern New Hebrides, because ofthe interconnected contact history of these islands and also as a basis for evaluating specific events on Erromanga where Robertson lived, carried out his missionary duties, and collected a majority of the objects under consideration. 56 The locales visited included: "Erate [sic], with its adjoining small islands of Nguna. Mau, MatSso, Mai. and Mâkura; ... the Shepherd group of Tongoa,Tongariki, Ewosi. Buninga, and Vales.., together with the south coast of ... Epi; and Jastly the easl coast of MalckuJa, between Port Sandwich and Port Stanley" (Somerville,1894:363). 54 III. European Activities in the Southern New Hebrides (]774-18831 The presence of exotic objects in Montreal, roughly half way round the world from where they were manufacmred and utilized, reflects several large scale historical processes. The discussion that follows will concern itself with aspects of economic development and colonialism that brought European culture into contact with the peoples of the southern New Hebrides.1 The critical event, focusing intense interest on these vinually unknown islands of the southwestern Pacific, was the discovery of sandalwood there in 1H25. This discovery resulted in more than thiny years of vigorous exploitation and, when sandalwood resources were finally depleted, the area continued to serve as a focus ofreligious, commercial, and political endeavour. Every wave ofEuropean influence brought with it people who had different interests and types ofinteractions with the local populations, as weIl as varied experiences of indigenous material culture. The introducti.on of new raw materials and objects was of primary importance 10 traders, missionaries, and recruiters, for without these offerings no sandalwood, souls, or labour could he obtained. These early interactions also provided opponunities to collect locally manufactured objects, which accompanied these individuals home to private or public collections. This c1~dpter will give an overview of the nature and extent of these contacts, as weil as their influence on indigenous material culture from the time of Captain Cook's visits in 1774 unti! December 1882, when Robenson and his family left Erromanga for a two-year leave in Canada. Since the specific artifaclS included in each of Rohenson's three donations cannot be determined (see Chapter II), the earliest donation in 1883 is used as the end-date for this contextualization. This discussion is not intended to be an exhaustive account 1 For a history of the area. incIuding the prelllstory and postcolonial devclopments until indepcndencc in 1980, sec MacClancy (1981). 55 of these complex intercultural relations, but to provide a background for the later consideration of Rev. Robenson's collection of artîfacts. The frrst European to visit the New Hebrides was the Spanish explorer, Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, who, in 1606, 'discovered' and named the is1and ofEspiritu Santo. In 1ï'68, Bougainville added Pentecost, Aoba, and Maleku1a to the roster of 'known' is1ands. It was not until 1774, 168 years after de Quiros' visil, that the is1ands were complete1y surveyed and named the 'New Hebrides' by Captain James Cook (see rnap, Appendix C). A1though these were among the frrst Pacific islands ever encountered by Western exp10rers, European visits were infrequent until the mid-1820s. One of the reasons for this 1ack ofinterest was the notoriety of the inhabitants for their hostility to foreigners, based on the repons of several European explorers. Even Cook, popu1arly held to he the most congenial and interculturally adept of his fellow explorers, found the inhabitants of the New Hebrides to be exceedingly hostile. During July and August of 1774, Cook made landings at Malekula, Erromanga, and Tanna.2 Although he was fairly well received at the latter island, there was open warfare at Malekula and Erromanga. Cook was Erromanga's frrst European visitor and, although his stay was brief, it was typical of encounters that followed into the next century. Searching for wood and water, he anchored at Polinia Bay3 on the island's east side and, as he looked for a landing place, several people appeared on the shore. He offered them pieces ofcloth, medals, and assoned trinkets and tried in vain to establish contact with their 'chief. It soon became apparent that most ofthe people were armed and communications deteriorated into a dialogue ofmusket frre and arrows, dans, and stones. The impression ofErromangans passed on to posterity by 2 Cook's visit ta Tanna is discussed in Adams (1984:23-32). 3 Palinia Bay is referred to as Portinia Bay, Potina BUYt or Polenia Bay in various historical accounts; the usage orten varying in the writings of the same individual. Robertson suggests that these are corruptions of 'Potnuma', the name C" of a district on the north side of the bay. where James Gordon had rus mission settlement (Robertson,1902:19). For the sake of clarity, 'Palinia Bay', the variaùon appearing on Robertson's map of Erromanga, will he used in this text. (Robertson's map of Erromanga is repro 1 Cook, was that of an untrustworthy and hostile people (Beaglehole,196l:477-9). Kaeppler (1978:247) concludes that of the small number ofobjects collected in the New Hebrides during his voyage, the slings, spear throwers, spears, and bows and arrows were probably gathered as souvenirs of the hostile encounters at Malekula and Erromanga, while, "Il is likely thm mosl of the objects other than weapons [i.e.,personal ornaments, panpipes, adze blade, neck rest, digging sticks, etc.] carne from Tanna." Erromangan accounts of this initial encounter associated Europeans with superior goods, aggressive behaviour, and supematural power. One account identified Cook's crew with the ghosts of Goat Island (Cheesman,1949:146-9); another told of "the great white nobu or gods, who came to their land long ago, and who struck terror into the hearts of the people by their wonderful fire and the huge floating 10, or kingdom in which they lived" (Robertson,1902:l8). Sandalwood Traders (1825-1866) A vigorous exploitation of sandalwood resources in the Pacifie developed during the early 19th century, as a result ofthe popularity of tea-drinking arnong British settlers in Australia and the monopoly of that commodity held by the Chinese. Sandalwood was virtually the only export available to Australians with a guaranteed market in China; it was required in great quantities as an incense wood for burning on religious and ceremonial occasions, as weil as for the manufacture of inlaid boxes, perfumes, and a variety of luxury items. The wasteful and destructive manner ofharvesting the wood resulted in four periods of intense sandalwood trading in the Pacifie during the fust half of the nineteenth century, each exploiting the resources of a different area. Fiji was the fust Pacifie region ravaged by traders, followed by the Marquesas and Hawaii. The final sandalwood episode in the Pacifie incl uded intense exploitation of the southern New Hebrides, as weil as the Isle ofPines, Loyalty Islands, and New Caledonia.4 4 For a detailed account of Ûle sandalwood trade dwing this last phase, see Shineberg (1967). 57 The flfst regular contacts belWeen Europeans and the peoples of the southem New Hebrides resulted from Peter Dillon's visit there in 1825, in search of new supplies of sandalwood. Dillon called first at Pon Resolution, Tanna, where Cook had landed over fifty years before, and encountered a cance full ofarmed men. Although he found no sandalwood there, he was advised by the Tannese of an abundance of wood on the neighboring island of Erromanga. Dillon set sail, casting anchor on Erromanga's west side, in the bay since named after him, where he made the first discovery of sandalwood in the southwest Pacific. His experience ofErromangan indifference to trade goods, inter-tribal hostilities, and unprovoked attacks, caused him to leave the island with his cargo of sandalwood and never retum (Davidson,1956:102-3). The latter two aspects wou1d resonate in the frustrated accounts of traders and missionaries throughout the century. Although Dillon did not publicize his discovery, trade in sandalwood was an increasingly attractive enterprise, yielding large profits and requiring little investrnent; hence his find soon aroused considerable interest among traders faced with dwindling supplies of sandalwood in the Pacific. ln 1829, the fcrst sandalwood expedition to Erromanga was organized by Samuel Henry, the Tahitian-bom son of a London Missionary Society missionary. taking 113 Tongans as labourers on the Sophia. The Sophia anchored at Marekini (Dillon's Bay). George Bennett, travelling as naturalist and surgeon on the vessel, described the initial contact as follows: Unfortunately, our endeavours to obtain a friend1y intercourse with the natives were fruitless; the on1y indication we had oftheir presence being the insidious attacks they made on our gang. Strict orders were given to the native gang to endeavour by every means in their power to conciliate and prornote a friend1y intercourse with the aborigines; presents were also given to the chiefs of the gang to present to them, in order to show our friend1y intentions. If attacked, orders were given to endeavour to capture sorne of them, that they might be sent back with presents to their countrymen (1832:120). When the sandalwood trade began, local populations placed little value on European goods. As time progressed and the technological benefits of the new rnaterials became known, large quantities of wood were traded for what Europeans considered mere trifles. These European items were highly valued by local populations, because they were usually more effective than the stone, wood, and other materials which they replaced. Even in cases where technological benefits were negligible, the vast savings in labour over prodllcing the local equivalent and obtaining sllitable raw materials, and the fact that sandalwood held no particular value in traditional culture, made the exchanges worthwhile for local populations. These early offerings of goods included pieces of iron hoop and fish-hooks. They were reciprocated with Erromangan gifts of sugar cane, as weil as a few bows and arrows and clubs (Bennett,1832:121,123). Although the Tongans made excursions inlo the interior of the island to gather wood, their interactions with Erromangans revolved arollnd neither the exchange of goods nor the collection of sandalwood, but rather the intense Erromangan involvement with warfare, in relation to which they sought either refuge from enemies or assistance in battle from the Tongans (Bennett,1832:123). ln these encounters, the only material goods that seemed to be ofinterest to the local inhabitants were the superior weapons possessed by the Polynesian visitors. In a later verbal account, Bennett described a request by Erromangans to borrow guns from the Polynesian visitors, after the latter had refused to assist in fighting. When this request was a1so turned down, working relations between the locals and foreigners carne to a halt (Robertson,I902:25). The inhabitants ofother islands in the New Hebrides visited by the early traders were considered more satisfactory in their reaction ta European goods. Bennett describes the Tannese as very anxious for barter, a1though they a1so tried ta exploit their alliance with the Europeans for their own military ends: Soon after anchoring several natives carne on board bringing fowls, yams, taro, &c., . ... the articles given in exchange with the natives were beads, pieces of iron-hoop, canvas for wrappers, &c.. Several of the officers were desirous ofpurchasing sorne of the hair of the nati ves, but it was not until the temptation ofa pair of scissars [sicJ, which they could not withstand, that they were induced to part with any. 1 was much amused while this kind 59 of barter was going on, at observing one of the natives go to one of our men who had ". 1 "flowing locks," and offered him sorne curiosities for a lock ofhis hair (1832:128-30). A similar enthusiasm prevailed at Aniwa, which, although not a sandalwood island, was contacted by early traders in search of supplies. The Aneityumese also had a reputation as keen traders, but hostilities occasionally interfered with trading activities (Shineberg,1967:23). After nearly a month in Erromanga, Henry left the Tongans at Dillon's Bay and sailed for Hawaii. Days later, the Tongans were transported to Cook's Bayon the east side, and then south to Sophia's Bay. When the Sophia arrived in Honolulu, news of sandalwood leaked out and precipitated a rush to Erromanga. This resulted in the arrival of four ships and over six hundred Polynesians along the island's east coast. The devastating impact of such an influx ofoutsiders was no doubt exacerbated by the fact that food was relatively scarce on the island; even under normal conditions the local inhabitants were forced to guard their gardens. Much hostile behaviour attributed to Erromangans, as weil as other sandalwood islands where food resources were limited, resulted from thefts of food. This situation became even more critical when stations were set up on the islands (Shineberg,1967:194). Between 1829 and 1830, several vessels using RolUmans, Tongans, Tahitians, and Hawaiians as crew, tried ta gather wood in the southern New Hebrides, but were unsuccessful because of the unhealthy climate and hostilities with local populations. Captain Henry described his difficulties in dealing with the Erromangans in familiar terms: 'They have no head chief: every valley has ils own petty chief. These small unils were, moreover, 'constantly at war with one another, which makes it very difficult to keep on good terms with them; my gang was always on good terms wilh sorne of the tribes' (Sydney Gazette, 13 November 1830, quoted in Shineberg,1967:26). The reputation given to the New Hebrides by Cook was not irnproved by the reports ofearly traders, who added lack of co-operation and security, as weil as disease to their list ofcomplaints. According to Shineberg (1967:26), il is reasonably certain that sandalwood trading activities in the region were dormant throughout the 1830s. There was little interest in 60 , the southem New Hebrides untill841, when newly found resourees in New Caledonia revived trading activity. TIle Icgacy ofthe disasters ofthe 1830s encouraged a more cautious approach and the practice ofsending a single ship to collect wood was superseded by the safer and cheaper method ofhaving smaller craft, which collected and processed the wood at island ~, ..; basedstations, using a large proportion ofisland labour. A key individual in the trade was James Paddon of Sydney, who was the lirst trader to seule pcnnanently in the New Hebrides. Paddon established a station at Aneityum in 1844, and later a sandalwood colony offifty whites, making the island the headquarters for the trade. The station employed men from the surrounding district as labourers and occasionally women as prostitutes. Contact with local populations was therefore intense, but limiled to the , area surrounding t~e station, as the island was neither a supplier ofsandalwood nor a major supplier of food. Tanna had a resident sandalwood agent by the end of 1847 and, by 1852, a new station was opened by Paddon. Although Tanna had the same malarial climate as Aneityum, it was closer to the focus of trading activities on Erromanga. The Tannese \Vere major providers of fresh food, espeeially pigs, and later labourers, rather than suppliers of sandalwood. Most activities were concentrated at Pon Resolution. During the forties, the trade at Erromanga was conducted by merchant vessels anchored offshore, with locallabourers bringing the cut wood to the ships. By the 1850s, wood was becoming more diffieult to procure and the traders faeed a slaekening demand for sandalwood in China. A station was maintained on the island between 1854 and 1866, in spitc ofa frequent turnover in managers and changes oflocation. Before this time, much of Erromanga's sandalwood trade had been eonducted from stations on neighboring islands, such as Aneityum. The Erromangan stations were set up near the major anchorages and- manncd by a minimal number ofEuropeans who depended on labourers, often from other islands, to work the inland regions. These were only a few ofsevera! permanent sandalwood depolS established throughout the islands of the southwestem Pacifie. Approximately twenty-eight ,O.""~' 61 ( such stations were recorded, at various times between 1844 and the late 1860s, at Aneityum, Tanna, Erromanga, Espiritu Santo, Isle ofPines, Uvea, and New Caledonia (Shineberg,1967: 251-2). 111e last European trader on Erromanga was Andrew Henry, who arrived in Dillon's Bay in 1860, where he remained for the next six years. He succeeded in tapping the resources ofthe island's interior from 1862 to 1864, with the assistance ofToriki Rangi, a Polynesian ofunknown origin, who had probably been a crew member ofa sandalwooding vessel in the trading voyag,e days (Shineberg,1967:134-5). Rangi and another non-European known as Jonas worked as middlemen for Henry and other sandalwooders throughout the sixties, buying sandalwood from the natives or cutting il with parties organiz~d by themselves and selling il to the Europeans at an agreed rate. Henry was the last ofthe white traders on Erromanga, abandoning the island in 1866 when costs ofcollecting the dwind1ing supplies began to outweigh potential profits. In September 1865, he estimated that there were about a hundred more tons to he taken from Erromanga, but that it would cost as much as it was wonh to get it, as the local inhabitants were in the midst ofintensive village warfare (Brenchley,1873: 299). The contact during this period was therefore limited to small numbers ofEuropeans and local men who procured wood. This relation was often indirect due to the extensive employment ofnon-Erromangan labour. Alth.ough these circumscribed interactions inay have provided opponunities for Europeans to obtain traditional objects, these were no doubt haphazard collections, consisting mainly ofassoned wea~ons resulting from encounters with amled men. From the midd1e of 1846 until the end ofthe decade, Erromanga and the New Caledonia mainland were the primary locales ofthe trade. An idea ofthe enormous quantity of European goods exponed to the islands during the peak ofthe trade, can be gathered from the following order sent to London by Robert Towns in 1846. This orderrepresents a two year supply of trade goods distributed almost exclusively in Erromanga and New Caledonia, and : 62 1 approximately one-flfth or less of the total trade, as Towns was only one of several traders in the area. He ordered: 100 doz. tomahawks ... (common). 20 doz. tomahawks. Bright withOlIt handles. 100 doz. falling axes (common). JO doz. clearing axes (good for use). 50 doz. Adzes (common). 5 CWl. [500 lbs.] glass beads assorted sizes and colours. 20 doz. small common scissors. 20 doz. sailor's knives. 12 pieces bright cold scarlet cloth coarse fabric, broad. 10 dozen drawing Knives. 10 dozen Butchers knives. 20,000 flsh hooks assorted. 20 doz. saw files X CUl & handsaw. 20 doz. Musket flints. 20 doz. Pistol flints. 5 doz. good adzes for use (Shineberg,1967:l48-9). When the trade was in full force during the 1850s, local populations came to know how dearly the wood was valued and made strenuous efforts to get their fair share of material in exchange. Although sorne trade demands were particular to certain communiries at certain rimes, there were discernible trends in goods imported for the sandalwood trade. The goods required by a community varied perceptibly with the length and intensity of its contact with Europeans. Shineberg (1967:146) outlines the following order of trade demands, beginning with areas ofleast contact through to those of greatest contact: 1) Hoop-or bar-iron, metal fish-hooks, beads, cheap ironmongery (tomahawks, adzes, iron pots), glass bottles and calico. 2) A wider range of metal tools (scissors, knives, saws), as weil as axes and adzes, cloth and àrapery of all sorts. 3) Tobacco and pipes. 4) Muskets, powder, superior edge-tools and still more tobacco. The types of goods sought by local populations, with the exception of tobacco and pipes, were mostly substitutes for items already belonging to the local material culture repertoire, and were employed for traditional activities such as warfare, competitive display, flshing, and subsistence agriculture. Within these traditional categories, the demand advanced to a superior product, as in the transition from simple to more sophisticated firearms. Demands also exhibited changing preferences, such as colour or size variations in the case of beads and cloth. Finally, in sorne much-frequented areas, the demand for expensive European articles was accompanied or followed by demands for traditional forros of wealth, such as pigs 63 or cenain shells. In 1852, Rev. John Geddie noted that at Erromanga sandaJwood was purchased from the natives for "pigs, tobacco, and a kind of shell rCypraea moneta, known locally as nunpuri] found on New CaJedonia", which were greatly prized (cited in Patterson, 1882:330). Netai, a chief of Cook's Bay, described an attempt by traders to defraud 10caJ people by offering a navilah, or stone believed to have been formed by the spirits and held sacred in Erromanga, but which they had cut themselves, in exchange for a load of wood (Robenson,1902:29-30). Traders were often obliged to find and export indigenous forms of wealth from islands not frequented in their normaJ trading activities. This allowed severaJ non sandaJwood islands to assume a new importance during the later years ofthe trade; such as Tanna, which served as a major supplier ofpigs for Santo. Shineberg suggests that this trend in consumption indicates that locaJ societies, where only a limited range of technicaJ improvements was possible, had reached their saturation point "A few quickly-consumed commodities like tobacco, shot, caps and gunpowder could aJways be sold but apart from these the demand appeared to have reverted to traditionaJ forms ofweaJth for which there was no upper Iimit" (1967:158-9). The adaptation ofnew articles for traditionaJ purposes was both rapid and extensive. Shineberg indicates that the influx ofr-on tools and other European goods was not Iimited to places in direct contact with the sandaJwood :Taders, but was extended by locaJ trading activities to inland districts and other islands. One of the consequences ofmore than twenty-five years of sandaJwood trading was that iron tools had aJmost completely displaced stone and shell implements throughout the southwest Pacific by the end of the 1860s (1967: 159-60). At the time ofGeddie's arrivaI at Aneityum in 1848, metal axes had totally replaced stone tools (Spriggs,1985:33). The same situation was reported for Erromanga by Robertson, who arrived there in 1872 and knew of stone tool usage only through informants, who delighted in describing the old methods of cutting trees for houses and canoes (1902:27-8). 64 l In addition to the enorrnous transfonnation wrought by iron and metal tools, the substitution ofEuropean goods affected many other objects of traditional manufacture. Ready· made cloth and blankets frequently replaced barkcloth, leaf c1othing, and mats. The indigenous barkcloth or nemas-itse of Erromanga, which was used forrnerly as women's c10thing and for local barler as weil as for carrying babies, is described by Robertson as being replaced in the latter function by strong calico (1902:369). In many places, glass bottles began 10 be usee! for carrying and storing water, instead of bamboo and gourd containers. Robertson (1902: 151) noted the interest ofErromangans in obtaining glass bottles for holding drinking water, in preference to the bamboo containers and coconut shells that traditionaily served this function. The vast quantities of glass beads, c1oth, and articles of European c10thing traded to island populations also replaced or supplemented traditional forrns ofdecoration. An idea ofthe extent ofinfluence upon local material culture that occurred as a result of the goods that had been brought to the southem New Hebrides by sandalwood traders and other Europeans by the mid-1860s can be gathered from the writings of Julius Brenchley, a British naturalist and collector of scientific specimens and artifacts, who accompanied the 1865 cruise ofH.M.S. Curaçoa. Brenchley offers insightful observations regarding traditional objects in use at the rime, and also about material typically exchanged during the course of naval visits. He noted that the Aneityumese exchanged pigs, fowls, taro, bananas, coconuts, sugar cane, and other local produce with foreigners for articles of European c1othing, hatchets, knives, and fish-hooks. Similar foodstuffs were cornmonly bartered by the natives among themselves for fishing baskets, nets, sleeping mats, and hand baskets. Other objects of traditional manufacture included spears, clubs, bows and arrows. He remarked that the spears, like most he procured in the New Hebrides, were very crooked' and more rudely made than those encountered elsewhere (1873:200). 65 i Brenchley remained aboard the Curaçoa at Tanna. His descriptions of traditional weapons on that island were based on information from missionaries who visited the· ship (1873:205). He mentions clubs, spears, bows and arrows, and throwing stones used at close range, and the fact that men never went out unarmed' He added, however, that these traditional weapons had been replaced by firearms and tomahawks (1873:210): Native [Tannese] barrer consists of sleeping mats, baskets, female dresses, native cloth, fishing lines, and implements of war. With foreigners, pigs, fowls, and yams are given in exchange for frre-arms, powder, bail, axes, fishhooks, beads &c. As many as 5,000 pigs have been taken from the island in one year by two traders (1873: 214). In reporting the main exports ofErromanga as sandalwood and women, Brenchley added that the priee for a girl was approximately two guns. Nunpuri shells, principally bought by traders, and boar's tusks, were used for similar purposes in barrer. He noted the continuing use of bows, arrows, and spears, as weil as the recent addition of guns and hatchets. He also mentioned the sacred stones, or navilah, which were hidden in the ground at all times, except when exhibited at feasts (1873:321-2). As sandalwood supplies diminished, Sydney-based traders now familiar with the islands of the southwest Pacifc, looked toward the exploitation ofother commerical resources. In 1849, large numbers of whales had been sighted in the waters of the southern New Hebrides and several amateur attempts at whaling were made. In the course of the 1860s, a futy-six foot steamer was built on Erromanga to tow whales ashore and, by 1865, one of Paddon's sandalwood establishments on Aneityum was converted into a station for producing whale oil (Markham,1873:214). However, whaling did not develop inlO a substantial concern and traders were soon looking to other island products, such as coconut oil, bêche-de-mer, pearl shell, and tortoise shell, as alternatives to dwindling sandalwood supplies. With the annexation of New Caledonia as a French colony in 1853, these minor trading efforts were soon overshadowed by intensive demands for yams, pigs, fowls, and other island produce to feed the new colony's growing population. This commerce was dominated by Englishmen 66 1 throughout the remainder of the century. They owned most of the vessels, many of which had been employed in the sandalwood trade. With intensified European business activities in the southwestem Pacifie during the mid-fifties, as weil as increasing missionary effons in the area, visits of British and French warships intended to protect national interests became more frequent, especially to islands connected with the sandalwood trade. These impressive visits were generally brief, infreqllent, and limited to the major pons of cal!. Occasionally, European navies were called upon to avenge acts inflicted upon their nationals by local populations. They were also called upon to investigate crimes committed against island inhabitants by Europeans. By the end of the 1860s, sandalwood supplies were exhausted throughollt the southwestem Pacific, and the trade came to an end. The carly years of the trade were very competitive and rife with effons to spoil the market for others by inciting hostilities. Questionable practices, such as 'enlisting' young men on trading vessels, were also common. Epidemics ofmeasles and dysentery had devastating effects on local populations. In 1828 and again in 1842, approximately one third ofthe populations ofErromanga and Aneityum perished from introduced diseases; Tanna also experienced serious losses during this period (Parsonson,1956:108). In 1861, a measles epidemic further reduced Erromanga's population by a third. In spite of its many negative effects, the sandalwood trade was of dramatic imponance to inhabitants of the southem New Hebrides. The most significant changes included the frrst regular white visitors to the area and extensive opponunities for previously isolated islanders to travel and make contact with other islanders. Aiso imponant was the development of "sandalwood English", one of the ancestors of Melanesian pidgin, which enabled people without any common language to communicate (see Shineberg,1967:79,84; Keesing,1988:26-34). Finally, the introduction of European goods, first as luxuries and 1ater as necessities, influenced local economies and numerous local manufactures. 67 ',"el· Missionaries (1839-1883) Following the disastrous sandalwood expeditions of 1829-30, the southem New Hebrides were once again regarded with trepidation by traders and whalers, as they had been earlier after Cook's visits. ln November 1839, John Williams led the fmt missionary expedition into the southwestem Pacific, to fulfil his ambition of bringing the region within the sphere of the London Missionary Society's influence. John Williams visited Futuna and then Tanna, where he encountered a large group of fully atrned men. "By means of presents, kind forbearance, and God's blessing, all ended weil" (fumer,1861:2). After leaving three Samoan teachers at Tanna to prepare the way for European missionaries, he headed for Erromanga, where he and his assistant, James Harris, were killed soon after their arrival at Dillon's Bay. Although the exact motivation for the killing is uncenain (Shineberg,1967: 196-7), it has been suggested by Erromangan informants that the srrangers wandered too close to the feasring grounds in spite ofrepeated warnings to stay away (Robenson,1902:56-7). Regardless of the fatal outcome of this fmt missionary visit to the southem New Hebrides, the Camden's Captain Morgan offers an interesting description ofthe manner in which the missionaries attempted to establish contact with the Erromangans: On reaching the head ofthe bay, we saw severa! natives standing at a distance; we made signs to them to come towards us, but they made signs for us to go away. We threw them sorne beads on shore, which they eagerly picked up, and came a little doser and received from us sorne fish-hooks, and beads, and a smalllooking-glass (cited in Robenson,1902:51). Later, when Williams was ready to set foot on shore, he found the Erromangans adverse to his friendly ovenures and "called for a few pieces of print, which he divided in small pieces 10 throw around him". The death ofJohn Williams and his assistant had enormous impact on the Christian world, and in many ways served the designs ofevangelical propaganda more 68 effectively than accounts of missionary triumph. The island of Erromanga, now indelibly stained with the tirst Christian blood spilled in the South Seas, came to represent the nadir of human spirituality, and therefore attracted the s2.1vation-minded in full force. Following Williams' death, the L.M.S. (London Missionary Society) made severa! atlempts to bring Christianity to the New Hebrides, using teachers from Rarotonga and Samoa rather than European missionaries. During 1840-41, teachers were left on the islands ofTanna, Aniwa, Erromanga, Aneityum, and Futuna. Most of their efforts were of necessity concemed with their own survival and they had 1inle influence on local populations. Missionary interactions with local populations included brief visits aboard mission vessels to establish contact with local chiefs or to secure protection for native teachers. Offering presents was standard procedure on these occasions and the gifts usually included cloth, tish-hooks, knives, hatchets, and beads. Trade goods provided the missionaries Wilh a useful entrance into island societies, necessary before the power of the word could take hold over traditional belief. As stated by Shineberg, "Whereas the islanders did not understand European religion or social institutions and in any case had no desire to change their own beliefs, they understood European trade goods immediately" (1966: 129). Missionary technique, although similar to that of the early explorers and sorne ofthe more genteel traders, differed in that they were unanned and that material was not sought in exchange. The most significant contacts, however, resulted from resident missionaries who established stations on islands and 'itinerated' to remote coastal and inland regions. The duration of missionary residences varied from a few years to stays of fony years. The important difference between missionary encounters and those of traders or later labour recruiters, was their stability and efforts to engage an increasingly large portion of the local population. Also signiticant in missionary interactions was that, with few exceptions, they involved bath missionaries and their wives and hence contact with native women and children, as opposed to the male-OIiented exchanges oftraders and recruiters. 69 ln June 1842, the English missionaries George Turner and Thomas Nisbet arrived in Tanna where they remained for eight months, but fared little better than the Polynesian teachers before them (see Adams,1984:51-69). The local people regarded them as fair game for robbery and mission property disappeared at an alarming rate (Turner,1861:6-7). Their teaching activities were extremely limited due to constant tribal warfare, which confmed them to their mission establishment and its Immediate surroundings. Warfare not only made teaching difficult and endangered the lives of the missionaries and their families, but also put pressure on them to take sides and participate in tribal rivalries. Turner and Nisbet refuseâ to assist in battle or to provide guns as requested by local men. Instead they tried to allay hostilities by giving the principal men new hatchets, knives, and pieces ofprint and white calico to present to their enemies as peace offerings (Turner,1861:55-6,60). In addition to the many physical difficulties, the missionaries found that they had great difficulty in making themselves understood by the local population, even after they learned the language: We tried to get sorne ofthem to come and live with us as servants, but could not succeed. They would crowd about, and be ready to do any little job, but, in an hour or so, they wished payment in the shape of fish-hooks, or strips ofprint, and then must be off to their home again. We got one good-natured sort of lad to engage to come regularly every day, and rigged hirn out with sorne passable clothing. Next morning he makes his appearance but in his native costume. We fined hirn out again, and charged him not to give away his clothing, but the next morning he came grinning and smiling, just as before, and expecting a fresh set out (Turner,1861:11). Although many rnisunderstandings were engendered by offering goods in exchange for services and to encourage participation in religious activities, missionaries continued their practice of offering handfuls of beads to boys who recited well, and sewing needles in hope of encouraging women to attend classes (Turner,1861:12-13). Yet, in spite of these incentives, Turner and Nisbet found the Tannese generally indifferent to the Christian message. "After the novelty of the frrst Sabbath or two, there was no getting a congregation. The people ... wished all the advantages of being Christians, withcut the labour" (Turner, 70 1861:13). Early in 1843, the missi011aries were held responsible for an outbreak of dysentery and narrowly escaped death, with the timely anival of a passing whaler. The visits of the L.M.S. vessel to the islands in the southern New Hebrides followed what had now become standard procedures for establishing contact. During a visit to Dillon's Bay in 1845, yams, bananas, fish-hooks, sections of hoop irou for adzes, a plane iron, and bits of cloth were offered to Erromangans gathered on the beach as a show of friendship and kindness and as an effort to make contact with the chiefs. Following the presentation, the visiting missionaries returned to their ship (Turner,1861 :383-4). The L.M.S. landed seven more teachers on Tanna in 1845. In exchange for the care and protection of the teachers, twelve chiefs were invited on board the missionary vessel, and each one provided with a hatchet, knife, fathom ofcalico, and a piece or two of Samoan native c10th (Turner,1861:377). In spite ofsuch precautions, the teachers were blamed for a series ofepidemics that broke out severa! months later, resulting in one death and the departure of the remaining teachers ta Aneityum (see Adams,1984:70-1). Teachers were also sent to Efate in the mid-1840s, but the story was much the same. These events greatly discouraged missionaries working in the southern New Hebrides, where their efforts had yielded little more than disasters in the form ofviolence, disease, and death. It was three years before missionary interest began to revive in these islands. Early in 1848, me efforts of the L.M.S. were reinforced by the f\Tst of many missionary voyages by George Selwyn, f!Tst Anglican Bishop of New Zealand and the founder of the Melanesian Mission in 1849. With an interest in minimizing competition among Protestant missions, Selwyn acknowledged the authority of the L.M.S. in the New Hebrides in 1853 and directed me Melanesian Mission's energies tawards the Banks, Santa Cruz, and Solomon Islands. The Marist priests, who were latecomers to the Pacific missionary race, also endeavoured to make settlements in the southern New Hebrides during this period, but had little success. 71 1t was al this lime that the L.M.S. turned the New Hebrides over to the Presbyterian Churches of Nova Scotia and Scotland (see Appendix E).5 Rev. John Geddie from Nova Scotia, who had been agitating ten years for a foreign mission, arrived at Aneityum with a group of Samoan teachers provided by the L.M.S. He was considerably distressed to find that a group ofFrench Marists from New Caledonia had established themselves just before him. The eight prie~ts were the flfst European missionaries to settle on Aneityum, but health problems caused them to quit the island in 1849 and retum their attention to New Caledonia. Aneityum was also inhabited by sandalwood trader Paddon, who maintained a thriving station on a smail island in the harbour. Although Geddie and Paddon got along tolerably weil in the early years, their differences even:ually drew them into violent opposition. In 1852, the Aneityum mission was reinforced by the arrivai of the Rev. John Inglis from Scotland, whose assistance allowed Geddie to direct sorne of his attention to neighbouring islands where Samoan teachers placed by the L.M.S. had been labouring with little sllccess. During the 1850s, Aneityumese teachers were sent to Tanna (see Adams,1984:72-7), Futuna, Erromanga, Aniwa, and Efate; by the end of the decade, there were seventeen in the field (patterson,1882: 435). Geddie also encouraged groups from these islands to visit Aneityum, and witness the transformation wrought by Christianity. He offered presents to his guests to win their friendship and open the way for further discussion (patterson,1882:315,373). These visitors were aiso required to confonn to certain practices of 'Christian' Aneityumese, such as leaving their clubs and spears behind (Patterson,1882:373). Geddie described a visit by a group from Tanm: and Futuna in 1856 as follows: ln addition to food, there were collections ofpropeny at severa! places consisting of mats, women's dresses, tonoise-shell ear-rings, beads, etc, which were given to the strangers .... To make the meeting as impressive as possible, about a hundred ovjects 5 AImast aIl of the Presbyterian missionaries were married. For Ù1e sake of breviry. only the missionaries' names are indicatcd throughout this chapter, but il can he assumed by Ùle reader that they were accompanied by their wives and often childrcn (one exception being James Gordon. a bachelor). The contributions of missionary wives are often invisible in accoun[s of missionary endeavour. A recent work by Grimshaw (1989), focusing on nineteenth century Hawaü. treats the specifie influences of missionary wives. as does an analysis of mission houses in Papua by Langmorc (1989). of religious worship, surrendered by the natives of this island, were exhibilcd, and ais" a quantity of spears and clubs. The Tanese [sicland Futunese exprcssed their wondcr that the people of this island had the courage to give up their gods (Journal extract CilCd in Patterson,1882:403-4). Medicine was also an imponant material offering, serving to enhance the power of missionaries as ritual specialists and make them valuable to local chiefs. Spriggs (1985:33) interprets local perceptions of the missionary Geddie as follows: When Geddie landed he was seen as a sacred man similar to Ihe Aneityumese ritual specialists, as weil as a source of trade goods. Nohoat, the natrimid [high ehiell of Anelcauhat, clearly saw the advantages in terrns of status vis-à-vis other chiefs of adding to his personal retinue ofritual specialists. Aneityum was the firs! successfully missionized island in Melanesia. Most of its population were professed Christians by the close of the 1850s, and it served for many years as a focus of Presbyteri~L'1 activity in the New Hebrides. The success al Aneityul11 encouraged the Presbyterians to expand their activities within the group, but hopes of matching Geddie's achievemem were quickly dissipated. Aneityum was unilingual, fairly stable politically, with infrequent warfare, and was provided with two missionaries and enough Samoan teachers for each of its districts. It proved an exception to the situation of neighbouring islands whose inhabitants were constantly at war, too mobile for missionary liking, and seemingly weil satisfied with the beliefs of their forefathers. Il was five years before another station was occupied by a European missionary in the New Hebrides. In 1857, Rev. George Gordon from Nova Scotia was landed at Erromanga. A year later, Paton and Copeland from Scotland and Matheson from Nova Scotia established stations at Tanna.6 They were joined by another Nova Scotian, Samuel Johnston, in 1860. The L.M.S., contemplating an extension oftheir activities in western Polynesia, sent :heir mission vessel nonh ofEfate for the first time in 1861, to visit Epi, Santo, Ambrim, and Malekula. During the course ofthis voyage, the L.M.S. entourage distributed presents at al! 6 For a detailed discussion of John Paton and ather nineteenÙ1 century missionaries on Tanna. sec Adams (1984). 73 the newly contacted islands and settled Polynesian teachers wherever conditions appeared favourable (Patterson, 1882:454). The establishment and maintenance ofmissionary residences on isolated islands reg uired considerable dependence on local produce and services, which often had ta be obtained by payments in European goods. Mrs. Matheson, writing in 1860 from her station at Kwamera, details goods banered for food by missionaries as weil as by other Europeans resident on Tanna: Food is abundant here. We give fish-hooks, beads &c. in exchange for food. They are also fond of strips of red cloth for tying their hair. Nearly every man has a tomahawk, and very many of them have muskets, which they get from the foreigners, in exchange for pigs, yams, &c. Almost all the men smoke, and many of them are perfect slaves ta their pipes (cited in Patterson,1864:450-1). Missionaries also offered payment for help with various tasks, especially building. In most cases such assistance was confined ta building a missionary d''!dling and perhaps a school. Geddie and Inglis perceived ambitious building projects as a means of detening local panicipation in various 'undesirable' traditional pursuits. They also believed that the structures served as important material evidence of Christianity's superior powers. Geddie summarizes this strategy as follows: ... they [the buildings] also occupy the minds of the people 10 such an extent that they have neither the rime nor inclination for feasting and other usages common in the days of heathenism; and we have always observed a marked increase in attendance on Sabbath and week-,jav instructions where good houses have been erected (cited in Patlerson,1882:402). Mission goods were also given as payment ta teachers and ta chiefs for their support. In addition ta paying teachers, Geddie gave presents "about once every six months 10 the chiefs in whose districts the teachers reside" (cited in Patterson,1882:250). Trade goods, in fact, had become an integral pan ofail teaching activities. Geddie noted on several occasions that teaching efforts were often met with dernands tor payment and lamented that his desire ta convert the Aneityumese was often misconstrued as a form of employment (Patterson, 1882:190,206,223). The missionaries' Mves also sought a constant supply of needles, 74 1 thimbles, scissors, thread, cloth, and ribbons to ensure attendance in the sewing classes they offered ta local women (regarding Mrs. Turner and Mrs. Nisbet, [Turner, 1861: 12-13]: I\1rs. Geddie, [Geddie,1881: 114; Patterson,1882:353]; I\1rs. 11,'l."heson, [Patterson, 1864:385.388- 9,392]). Rewards for attendance, as we.ll as for perfommnce, were also standard praetice at the mission schools. These prizes included beads (Turner, 1861: 12-13), clothing (Lawlie. 1881:206), jumpers, "Iabalaba" or loin-cloths, print cloth, trimmed hats, coloured hanclkerchiefs, and sweets (Annand,A.,1881 :88). There were also special distributions to reinforce what was deemed good Christian behaviour. ln 1856, Geddie and Inglis distribllled red shins given by the ladies of Scotland ta all the chiefs of AneitYllm "as an expression of the satisfaction of the donors, for a law passed by our chiefs to prevent the sale of native women for Iicentious purposes" (cited in Patterson,1882:409). Mission supponers in the home countries were often given specifie insrructions as to what should be sent to those working in the field: There is thus a way in which ladies interested in the mission can be very usefui, by contributing boxes of blankets, flannel, calico, and ar,icles of dress. Trinkets and playthings are of no value whatever. The best course ta follow is ta send such things as the missionary ladies desire, for thus they will most readily serve the purposes of the mission (Steel,1880:88). ln spite of the considerable dependence on goods for successful missionary endeavours, severe limitations were imposed by the infrequent visits of mission vessels or other ships carrying mission supplies. In the early years of the Aneityum mission, visits from the mission vessel which supplied goods and parcels from home occurred once a year, or sometimes only once in two years (Patterson,1882:213). Even as late as 1881, deliveries ta mission stations in the New Hebrides were limited ta twice yearly visits by the Dayspring (Mackenzie,1881 :153). Although missionaries offered a range of goods ta local inhabitants, they tended ta concentrate on distributions ofcloth and clothing. ln addition to the clotho which they introduced directly, they also endeavoured to influence local trading preferences in favour of 75 c10th ovcr 'trivial' items, such as beads and trinkets, and especially over tobacco, alcohol, and fïrearms, although not al ways successfully. Geddie's recommendations to local Aneityumese that loin cloths should be preferred trade over the usual supply of beads, powder, and tobacco met with severe displeasure when it was discovered that his 'suggestion' had been interpreted by traders as an order to stop the supply oftobacco to the island (Gunn,1906:120). In sorne instances missionaries may have been able to influence traders regarding goods offered in exchange for local produce and labour. Shineberg describes a sharp increase in the demand for cloth beginning in the middle of 1848, occurring most noticeably in supplies sent to Paddon's station at Aneityum. She attribUles this to a changing market, casting aside the possibility of any missionary influence in this trend (1967:149-50). Although the Christian influence upon local populations may have been oflittle consequence during the period in question, il is conceivable that Geddie's recent arrivaI on Aneityum and his excellent relations with Paddon at that time (see Geddie,1881:113-14), as weil as Paddon's good rapport with the island's resident Marist fathers, may have inspired an order biased in favour of clotho The distribution ofcloth and clothing was an essential component of missionization in the southern New Hebrides. Clothing was generally supplied to natives residing on the mission grounds, to local teachers, as a bonus to Polynesian teachers receiving regular allowances, and occasionally to chiefs and deserving natives (patterson,1882:351). The manner of dress was the easiest way of distinguishing 'Christians' from 'heathens', and clothing no doubt served as an important feature in anracting people to the mission. The enorrnous efforts made by missionaries to clothe the local populations 'decently', and the proportion ofgoods presented or exchanged to this end, testJy to the importance ofthis strategy ofconversion. An islander could not be a Christian in traditional garb. For example, a period of 'backsliding' undergone by Nohoat and his wife is described by Geddie as follows: His wrapper ofcloth is now either thrown aside, or tied around him in a careless manner, and his wife has thrown aside her upper garment, and has her face ?bundantly 7b besmeared: ail which are indications of relapse" (cited in Panerson,l RR2:31X). Details regarding clothing and 'acceptable' sanori:ù practiœ in the New Hebrides are elaborated by Rev. Robert Steel in the foIlowing plea ta the home cOllntries for mission supplies: Ir is felt ta be desirable that they [native teachers] and their wives should be anired somewhat better than the people generally, as an example ta the rest. Women need, in most cases, only one garment, and when that is neat and loose, it is graceful. When they wear the petticoat of pandanus leaves, a short-gown and hat are ail that are wanted, with perhaps a coloured handkerchief. Sometimes a light skin is thrown gracefully over the native petticoat. The teachers wear Crimean shirts, with fllstian or serge trousers, and have alpaca or cloth coats for special occasions. Ail like colollred handkerchiefs, and pieces of Turkey red, and ribbons of bright colours. Unbleached or blue calico is also generally admired for the ordinary dress of men round the loins. Whenever natives begin to attend church, they like sorne article of clothing, and they are more desirous to have sorne comforts in their homes. The winter, as we have already had occasion to state, is even in the tropics very hard upon the natives, and many cases ofcoughs and consumption appear. Blankets, therefore, prove very valuable, and are always welcomed, as the mats of the natives afford linle wannrh, and do not wrap closely (Steel,1880:88-9). Missionaries also directly or indirectly discouraged the use of traditional objccts that they perceived as opposing the teachings of Christianity. They encouraged individuals to relinquish clubs, spears, and other indigenous weapons (Patterson,1882:373,403-4), as weil as sacred stones and idols (Gordon,].,1863: 113; Patterson,1864:494; 1882:308; Robertson,1902: 359-60), as proof of their surrender to Christianity. Missionary efforts 10 eliminate the use of sacred stones were so successful that Geddie who had found Aneityum "wholly given to ido1arry" at the time of his arrival in 1848, couId not find a single "idol" ta bring home to Nova Scotia on his sabbatical fifteen years later (Patterson,1882:472). Ir is likely that the obsolescence of sacred stones on Aneiryum, as well as on other islands in the area, had a direct relation to the introduction of missionary texts and bibles, which were probably initially perceived as sacred objects or charms. Geddie expresses his concern regarding this possibility, while observing the great demand for books on Aneityum in 1851: "1 saw the day when the natives feared the sight of a book, as something that generated disease and death; but now l fear that a few go to the opposite extreme, and value a book as a charm ta 77 kccp away thcse evils" (cited in Patlerson,1882:312). Matheson, writing in 1859, also noted a silllilar l'car of books on Tanna (pallerson, 1864:386). ln spite of the suceess of the L.M.S. vessel's voyage north of Efate in 1861 and the unprccedcntcd nUlllber of Illissionaries sellied in the southern New Hebrides, the frusr::lrions crcatcd by Island warfare, a devastating measles epidelllie, hurricanes, and the unrifllely dcath of Rev. Gordon and his wife on Erromanga paralyzed missionary endeavour. lly 1862, ail the stations with the exception of Aneityum's, had been telllpol1U'ily abandoned. l'or thc Illost part, Illissionaries found the inhabitants of the New Hebrides Indifferent or hostile to their teachings. The diflïculties were the same ones eneountered by the explQI'ers and traders Ihat preceded them: looscly organized societies lacking strang leaders, numeraus small and lllulUally hoslile eOlllmunities, a multiplieity of languages, and a climate that'nurtured malaria and other diseases. Measles, inOuenza, and other epidemies braught by trading vessels were Illlide worse by Illissionary classes and services, whieh required close-quartered social interaclion, and had severe effeets on local populations. These diffieulties were compounded by the rigid allitudes and methods of several of the early missionaries, who, as Parsonson (1956: 123-4) suggests, had great difficulty imagining Christianity in a context outside of their own limiled experienees. Geddie's successors' lacked humility in their dealings and were unwilling to learn fram the experienees of others. They appeared to have liule skill in establishing relations with local chiefs and were insensitive to traditional ways. There \Vere also frequent disagreements among them regarding missionary praetice, especially in tenns of the employment of teaehers. Furthel1110re, there was often intense competition between traders and missionaries for local loyalties, and blame for disease and other misfortunes was often cast hy one group upon the other. The missionaries, were unfortunately more vulnerable to such accusations, in their pereeived raIe as ritual speeialists (see Geddie, cited in [Patterson,188~: 1 250-1,253]; [Spriggs,1985:33-5]; George Gordon cited in [Gordon, J., 1863: 143-41; Matheson cited in [Patterson, 1864:385-6]; and Macnair cited in [Robertson, 1902: 130-1 1). Yet, the trend of discouraging events was soon to reverse itself pennanently in favour of the establishment of Christianity. Activities gradually revived in 1864, as new missionaries were settled at Aneityum, Erromanga, and Efate. Two years later, additional placements were made on Erromanga, Aniwa, and Futuna. The arrivai of the mission ship Dayspring in 1868, marked a new period in the advancement of the New Hebrides Mission, freeing the Presbyterians from their dependence on the L.M.S. vessel for their teaching activities. The new vessel enabled them to extend their influence by settling missionaries on Nguna (1869), Santo (1870), Tongoa (1878), Epi (1882), Ambrim (1883), and Malekula (1886), as weil as to continue activities at Efate, Erromanga, Tanna, Aniwa, Futuna, and Aneityum. Another circumstance substantially altering the tenor of missionary affairs was the increase in efforts by other Europeans to recruitlocal men for work on sandalwood vessels and later on distant plantations. Although Geddie and his fellow missionaries had been known to express their displeasure with the necessity of bartering as a prelude to more spiritual endeavours, this aspect became more pronounced with the rise of recruiting activities. Visits by the missionary vessel to new islands were also now received with greater caution than before, due to visits by labour recruiters who were occasionally very ruthless in their dealings. Geddie describes the new state of affairs in the following manner: After conversing with the chief and people about the special object of our visit, our intercourse sornetimes takes a more secular tum. The boat's crew are perrnitted ta land by turns, and trade a little with the natives. A short time is spent in buying spears, clubs, baskets, mats, for which the natives receive knives, fish hooks, red cotton, beads, etc. No trading, however, is allowed till the special object of our mission is ended. 1 would gladly dispense with it, but it seems to please the natives, and makes our visits more welcome. The visiting of new islands is oppressive, as weil as perilous work, for there is much bodily exposure, and the constant anxiety is a great strain on the rnind (cited in Patterson,1882:499). 79 Although missionaries often competed directly with rraders for localloyalties, the quantity of goods at their disposai was far less than that available to rraders. They were also hesitant to depend too much on rrade goods, since they did not want to confuse Christianity and commerce in local minds. Yet, in spite of official postures (see Geddie, cited in Patterson,1882: 190,206,223), this son ofconfusion was often exploited in situations where the association between superior goods and superior religion benefitted the missionary cause. The potency of such claims was seriously undernüned, however, by the exarnple of traders, who, surrounded by greater material wealth than their missionary counterpans, were frequently observed engaging in un-Christian pursuits. The missionaries' success, therefore, often depended on the imponance they attached to specific European goods, rather than the quantities offered. As the Presbyterians made great missionary strides through the sev~nties and eighties, anxiety grew over commercial and political matters that threatened their operations. Ofparticular worry was the increasing sale offirearrns and alcohol, and the labour recruiting activities that diminished island populations. Another issue ofgrave concem was the New Hebrides' unsettled political status, which brought about vigorous missionary agitation in favour ofBritish annexation by those fearful that the Protestants would lose their ground in the New Hebrides if the French gained control (Thompson,!97!:25). The Presbyterian missionaries were active!y engaged in the debate regarding annexation, and made great efforts to publicize the issue within their IJome countries, especially with the increase ofFrench activities during the 1880s'? In tenus ofcollecting traditional articles, missionaries had vast opportunities and ranges ofmaterial available to them, as a consequence of their relatively long residence and 7 For refercnces [0 the issue appearing in Canadian publica.ùons, see, for example, The Maritime Presbyterian (v.3, ,'f" n.6, 1883:170-1;v.3,n.12.1883:361;vA,n.2,1884:327;v.5;,.2,1885:36-7;v.5,n.3,1885:79-80) and Th~ Presbylerjan Record (v .8,n.6,1883:141,154-5;v.8,".10, 1883 :273;v.8,n.12,1883:325-6;v.9,n.8,1884:182;v.10, nA.1885:102-3:v.1 0.n.5,1885:130-1;v.1O,n.7,1885:174). so l widespread contact with local populations, which included men, women, and children. Collections of local objects were utilized to increase interest in the home countries in the 'exotic' endeavours of foreign missions. A letter written by Mrs. Geddie from Aneityum in 1848, describes such practices: "1 would very much like to send sorne of the things made at the different islands to Nova Scotia, there is so linle known or rather seen there of these things" (Geddie,1 881: 114). However, the same letter speaks of the relative impossibility of doing so, because of the limited shipping resources available to missionaries in the area. A more successful example of this practice was the exhibition of "relics and curiosities" from the New Hebrides prepared by Rev. Robenson and held at the Y.M.C.A. in Halifax in 1883 and noted in The Maritime Presbyterian (1883c:261). It is also conceivable that missionaries collected traditional material and encouraged the sale of 'curios' in order to remove the material from circulation and thus disengage the syrnbols of traditionallife or 'heathen ways' from the minds of the local people. Labour Recruiters (1847-1883) Labour recruiting was an outgrowth of the involvement of local populations in the sandaiwood trade. During the 18405, men from the islands of the southwestem Pacifie had been actively engaged to work on sandaiwood vessels because of their availability as a cheap source oflabour and their sailing skiIls. Contraet labour offered local individuals an additional source ofEuropean goods and aIso provided opponunities for travel. The willingness of local men to travel and their relative farniliarity with nearby island cultures, as weil as their ability to survive the malarial climate, also made them desirable recruits. Tanna, in particular, had a reputation as an excellent source oflabour very early in the history ofthe sandaiwood trade (Shineberg,1967:190). In the later years ofthe trade, large numbers of men were engaged to work at sandaiwood stations. 81 An carly attempt at labour recruiting was made by Benjamin Boyd, who in 1847 rccruitcc! some sixty-five men from the New Hebrides to work as shepherds in New Soulh \Yaks. Thesc ventures resulted in the deaths of many 'reemits', who were unaeeustomed to Ihcir ncw working cnvironment, as weil as accusations of kidnapping against Boyd. Other carly efforts at reeruiting labour were made in New Caledonia by the French, who by lhe ISSOs were interested in achieving greater self-sufficiency by inereasing local food production. This re'luiredlargc numbers of fann labourers, who were brought in from the New Hebrides. These labour trading activities, however, were only minor affairs compared to the largc-scale traffïc that ensued wilh the development ofcotton and sugar plantations in Queensland and Fiji. Shortages occasioned by the American Civil \Yar increased the value of cotton ta such a degree that plantations requiring large numbers of labourers' were established in Queensland, Fiji, and New Caledonia to meet the demand. When cotton priees retul11ed to normal, lhese plantati::ms continued their operations by switching to the cultivation of sugar. The labour force employed on plantations for these two enterprises was made up mostly of men belween the ages of sixteen and twenty-five and amounted to over 100,000 from its beginning in the 1860s until it ended in the early twentieth eentury. Of this total figure, approximately 40,000 New Hebrideans were indentured in Queensland, while several thousand wentlo Fiji (Howe,1984:329; MacClancy,1981:79). During the period from 1860 to 1880, the majorily of these labourers were recmited from the New Hebrides, especially from the southern islands, where sandalwood traders and missionaries had been operating for more than twenty years. Labourers were also enlisted in smaller numbers for plantations on New Caledonia, Samoa, and Hawaii, as weil as to work on other islands within the New Hebrides group. It was found that men toiled hard when transported among strangers, but could not be dependedupon on their own islands, where they had their own gardens to supply them with food (Wawm,1893:24). Although the Queensland labour trade had stopped by the end of 82 1906, recruiting for Fijian and Samoan plantations continued until1910 and 1913 rcspcctivcly (MacClancy,1981 :60). It is difficultto determine the quantities of goods introduccd by labour recruiters. However, the large number ofindividuals from the southern New Hcbridcs engaged in their service no doubt addcd significantly to the impact ofEuropean goods brought by traders and missionaries. Labour recruiting activities were limited to shipboard or shoreline encounters and usually focuscd upon males under the age of twenty-five, although women were occasionaily 'recruitcd'.8 The business of enlisting labourers was usually initiated by bartering for yams and other native produce requircd to fecd recruits already on board the vesse!. On these occasions, surplus local food and curiosities were exchanged for weapons, tools, tobacco, and other desircd goods. Wawm repons that often produce and curios "such as bows and arrows, clubs, sea-sheils, and other unconsidercd trifles" had to be purchased, even when they were not wantcd, to keep the locals in good humour. While these transactions were going on, the recruiter kept a sharp look-out for possible recruits (Wawm, 1893: 15). Although coilecting traditional articles was rather peripheral to most traders' interests, the weapons or curios that they were often requircd to purchase as part of trading protocols probably accompanied them home. Personal propeny was not brought aboard ship by recruits, nor did it accompany labourers to their destinations. Wawm reponcd that a sure indication of a man's intention to join the labour vessel, was when he quietly slippcd off ail his bead and shell omaments and gave them, as weil as any weapons in his possession, to someone remaining on shore (1893: 15). An idea ofthe goods offercd by recruiters can be gathercd from the contents of one of two trade boxes carricd aboard the Stanley, while engagcd in activities at Tanna: ... about a dozen pounds of twist tobacco, two dozen shon clay pipes, half a dozen pounds of gunpowder in quarter, half, and one pound flasks, sorne boxes of military percussion caps, a bag of small colourcd beads, a few fathoms of cheap print calico, a 8 For a discussion of women and the labour trade, see JoHy (I987). 83 piece (twelve yards) ofTurkey red twill, half a dozen large knives, with blades sixteen or eighteen inches long, the same number of smaller knives, half a dozen fantail tomahawks, a few Jews'-harps, mirrors, fish-hooks, and other trifles. Paint was then in frequent demand. For this we provided a tin canister ofvermilion powder and sorne balls of Reckitt's washing blue. On the thwarts amidships, along with the mast and sail, lay three or four Brown Bess muskets in a painted canvas bag; good serviceable weapons despile their age (Wawrn,1893:8-9). Wawm (1893:10) reported that the goods considered sufficient trade for a man or woman were "a knife and a tomahawk, a handful ofbeads, ten sticks or about half a pound oftobacco, a few pipes, and a fathom ofcalico" and that these were presented to recruits' friends. Although guns were not in demand at the rime of this visit, he describes the demand for firearms as rapidly increasing. By 1877, a musket as well as tobacco and pipes was required before a man agreed to leave the beach, in compensation for the loss of rnanpower. As Wa,vrl1 remarked, "The i'ïghting powe.r ofa New Hebridean tribe is rarely more than twenty to eighty men. Consequently, if a warrior elects to go to Queensland, his departure is felt as a serious loss, to make up for which il is only natura1 that the tribe should require a musket, powder, and ball" (1893:10). Although the demand for frrearrns was great during this period, the effect of guns upon traditional warfare was not as extensive as might be imagined. Guns were desired for their psychological impact rather than for their killing power; axes served the latter purpose more efficiently.9 These goods were given to friends ofthe recruit, or to the local chief. The labourers themselves usually returned to their islands after the expiration of their contracts with a box of similar goods and a musket or two. Robertson describes one Erromangan returning from seven years labour on Fiji with "a box, a blanket, and two muskets, one of which had no bore in il" (1902:295). He does, however, reassure us that more just payment for services was exacted by the rime ofthe Queensland trade (1902:445, n.l0). The vast quantities ofEuropean goods brought to the islands by traders affected the production and utilization ofloca1ly manufactured objects, especially weapons. Wawm q For further discussion of!his subject, see Shineberg (1971). 84 observed that, "Arros of native manufacture, with the exception of spears, had almosl disappeared from Tanna by 1870. Bows and arrows had been superseded by muskels, wooden and stone clubs by 'fantail' tomahawks and long sixteen-inch knives. Every Tanna· man owned a musket or two" (1893:21-2). The arrivaI ofmore traders, and also planters requiring land in addition to labour, during the 1880s and 1890s, brought about the entrenchment ofEuropean commercial activities in the New Hebrides. French activities and settlement had been on the increase since 1882, as a result of the formation of the Compagnie Calédonienne des Nouvelles Hébrides (C.C.N.H.), which had the avowed object of colonizing the New Hebrides and procuring labourers for the colony of New Caledonia. The C.C.N.H. was supposed ta be a private company; however, its practice of gai:üng title to all of the best lands in the New Hebrides served France's interest in annexation. In 1889, the Australian-based Australasian New Hebrides Company (A.N.H.C.) was formed in response to the urgings of the Presbyterian Mission and local businessmen, who were anxious to counteract French influence in the area. Although the A.N.H.C. had varying commercial success throughollt the remainder ofthe century, its main object was "to ensure that France did not gain an economic stranglehold on the New Hebrides that could be used to justify a daim for political control" (Thompson,1971:38). The intensification of commercial and religious activity guaranteed the attention of officiaIs in Britain and France and a first attempt at imperial government was initiated in 1887 with the formation of the Joint Naval Commission. This Commission was intended to protect the lives and property of bath English and French nationals in the islands; however, it proved ineffective and the political status ofthe New Hebrides remained umesolved into the next century (see MacClancy,198 1). 85 Conclusions The nineteenth century brought sandalwood and other traders, missionaries, labour recruiters, and European navies to the islands of the southem New Hebrides in full force. Each island experiencOO different types of intrusion and offerOO its own distinctive response to the foreign onslaught. Aneityum had the earliest extensive contact, as the site of the first sandalwood station in the New Hebrides. Although trading activities were intense, they were localized around the harbour and sandalwood station. With the arrivaI of Rev. Geddie and his followers, there began a methodical extension ofthe sphere ofEuropean influence that had already been firm1y rootOO by the sandalwood colony. Influenced by their growing dependence on European goods and medicine, the Aneityumese adoptOO the trappings of Christianity fairly readily and the island became a headquarters for the activities of the Presbyterian mission. Erromanga was the primary source of sandalwood in the New Hebrides, and as a consequence endurOO frequent coastal visits by Europeans to Dillon's Bay and Cook's Bay, as weil as considerable penetration into the island's interior by Polynesians. The ürst missionary contacts resulted in the deaths ofthe two Europeans involvOO, and the following two attempts at missionary settlement 100 to the deaths ofthree additional Europeans. Although it is possible to account for the outcome ofthese early interactions by pointing to the precedent set by decades of hostile encounters with sandalwood traders, possible errors of missionary judgement, and perhaps s.everely limitOO food resources, the only assured knowlOOge we have is that Erromangans aggressively discouragOO infùtration by traders and successfully thwarted early missionary intrusions. Tanna, like Aneityum, was not a source of sandalwood, but was involvOO in the trade as a supplier oflocal produce, especially pigs. The island also became an important provider of men to work on sandalwood stations, a factor attracting intensive labour recruiting 86 in laler years. Both trading and recruiting activities were concentraled al the island's major anchorages, and lherefore the physical intrusion by foreigners was r.Jinimal. Although Tanna was the scene of fairly early missionary conlaCl, and from the beginning had alleast two missionaries in residence most ofthe time, the local population proved relatively resistant 10 such fervour. Il is conceivable thal Tannese opposition 10 foreign religion was actually fortified by the personalities of sorne of the early missionaries. The experiences on Futuna and Aniwa fell somewhere between those described for Aneityum, Erromanga, and Tanna. Neither Futuna nor Aniwa had sandalwood resources, and notwilhstanding occasional visits by those requiring sustenance, neither island played the role of a major food supplier. Although Christianity eventually took its hold on Futuna and Aniwa, as it did on neighboring Islands, it was not the relatively smooth transition that had occurred at Aneityum, nor the drarnatic event experienced on Erromanga. In spite of considerable variation in the contact situations of the islands ofthe southern New Hebrides, the one factor common to ail was the large scale introduction ofa varied nurnber ofEuropean trade items. The process ofintroducing new materials, influencing local culture, and the resultant changes upon the use oftraditional items will be exarnined more closely in considering missionary activities on Erromanga. 87 IV. Missjonary Interactions 'Vith ErroIDangan Material ClIltllrJ: Thus far, various agencies ofcolonization have been described in relation \0 the Islands ofthe southem New Hebrides. This chapter will focus on the particular effects wrought by one group of 'outsiders',. within the context of a more specifically defined cultural . area. The discussion will begin with a brief description of the physical characteristics of Erromanga and the culture ofits inhabitants during the early contact period. This will be followed by an exarnination ofinteractions from the frrst missionaries to reside there in 1857 until Rev. Robertson's leave of absence in 1882. The final concem of this section will be the specifie effects ofmissionary activ'ty on local materiai culture, both in terrns of the introduction ofnew materials and objects, and the withdrawal ofobjects due to displaced traditional practices. As Shineberg aptly remarks: The fact mat the islanders were 'anxious for worldly barter' [rather than the 'treasures ofheaven1 and were not simply the passive objects of European exploitation makes a considerable difference to the Interpretation ofevents (1967:15). Physical characterisitics of ErlOIDanga The island ofErromanga is situated between 18035' and 190 S., and 168055' and 1690 15' E. It is one of the largest islands of Vanuatu, measuring 56 kilometres in length, with an average distance of40 kilometres across and a circumference of approximately 160 kilometres. Although there are no harbours aIong Erromanga's rugged coast, several of its bays offer good anchorages. Dillon's Bay was the anchorage favoured by visiting ships and served interrnittently as a sandaIwood station under Paddon's agent Charles Edwards between 1854 and 1861, as weil as a major sandalwood station under Andrew Henry from 1860 to 1866 (Shineberg,1967:132,251). Dillon's Bay also was the site of the island's principal mission station throughout the nineteenth century. Other major anchorages were located ten miles north at Elizabeth Bay, and at Polinia Bay and Cook's Bayon the island's east side. The latter location aIso supported sandalwood stations at various times between 1854 and 1866 88 (Shineberg,1967:251). The Island has three major rivers and se'veral streams. The largest is Cook's River, which empties into the east side. It is the most navigable of the rivers and served as a major route for transporting loads of sandaIwood from the forests to the bay. William's River is navigable for about ont? mile fTom its mouth and flows into Dillon's Bayon the island's west coast. The third major river is the South River which flows through the Umpanyampong mountains. The climate ofErromanga is warm and humid, with a wet monsoon period from December to March llIld a dry trade wind period for the rest ofthe year. As with several other islands in the region, the physicaI conditions of the isla'ld's east and west sides vary considerably. The eastern side has mountains, large 1evel tracts of fertile land covered with luxuriant vegetation, and frequent rainfaIl due to the action ofthe southeast trade winds. Although the high tablelands of the western side receive Iittle rain and have poor soil for cultivation, they are able to support thousands of acres of grassy vegetation. There are IWO major mountain ranges on the Island, the Sovu range running from north to south in the northern part of the Island, and the Umpanyampong extending across the south-centraI pcrt. The maximum elevation ofthe tableland approaches 305 metres above sea level, while the maximum elevation of the Island is rough1y 915 metres. Cultural aspects of Erromanga The following descriptions are based on the writings ofmissionaries and other outsiders who had interactions with Erromangans .juring the latter half ofthe nineteenth century. MateriaI from the work of anthropologist C.B. Humphreys, who visited Erromanga in the early 1920s is aIse included. In spite of severaI difficulties with Humphreys' work,1 it remains the earliest 'extensive' anthropologicaI study ofErromanga, and is used here to offer a broader view ofErromangan culture than that presented by bis more narrow1y focused 1 Sec Chapter il for a detailed discussion of sources. 89 y 1 European predecessors. Although the description of nineteenth century Erromangan culture would be more thoroughly carried out by including oral histories and archaeological data, the purpose of what follows is to offer a variety of non-indigenous perceptions of Erromangan culture as a basis for evaluating the representational nature ofRobertson's collection later in this work. The population ofErromanga was estimated by G.N. Gordon, the island's first resident missionary, to be about 7,000 in 1859. The number of inhabitants was believed to have been reduced from the pre-contact period by epidemics and sanda1wood hostilities and Gordon speculated that the is1and was capable of sustaining at least 50,000 (Gordon, J., 1863: 134-5); however, this figure remains unsubstantiated. Brench1ey, visiting the island in 1865, estimated the population to be between four and five thousand people "not living together in villages, but scattered about in clusters ofhouses on the seaside" (1873:318). A census taken by Robertson in 1894, reported 1,500 individuals, not inc1uding those engaged in labour in Queensland or elsewhere (Robertson,1902:419). Erromanga's relations with other is1ands were limited. Canees were small and suited neither to long voyages nor rough water. Canee travel between Erromanga and Tanna was fairly common, with Erromangan canees often calling at Aniwa on the return voyage in order to take advantage ofthe trade wind. Women were never taken on these voyages, and any inter-is1and marriage that occurred was therefore the result ofvisits made by the men. Humphreys remarked that voyages to islands not in view were unknown at the lime of his study (1926: 164). Humphreys noted six or possib1y seven dialect groups on the island "Eniau", "Etio", "Adiau","Sorung", "Seimo", "Tanempenum", but found no evidence of more than one fundamentallinguislic stock (1926:191). He also mentioned that his informants reported what he determined were three geographical divisions: the "Owilia" of the east coast, the "Nuru e1ongas" of the west coast, and the "Elevate" of the north part of the island. 90 This only partially coincides with Robertson's earlier description of the island being divided into two "shires": the eastern "Uviliau" and the western "lIungos", with the latter having three subdivisions, "II-Efate" in the north, "Lo-itnateman" in the west, and "Unepang" in the south (Robenson,1902:10). District organization was important in Erromanga, with each district including from !Wo or three villages to as many as !Wenty. The Erromangan obsession with political alliances and rivalries was remarked upon by many observers, including sandalwood trader Peter Dillon (cited in Davidson,1956: 103); naturalist George Bennett (1832:123); and missionaries James Gordon (cited in Brenchley:1873:300-1) and Hugh Robertson (1902:196, 239,294). The chiefs or "great men" were the fan-Jo (Robertson,1902:391). This position was hereditary and succession went usually to a son, or to a brother if a chief had no son. Humphreys distinguished two classes ofErromangan society: the "Fanlo [sic]", or chiefly class, and the "Taui natimono", or common c1ass. Each district had its high chief or fan· 10, who had jurisdiction over ail the villages in his terntory, while lœal authority was in the hands of the village fan-Io (Humphreys,1926:132,142). Although consultation regarding important issues was held by councils of district eIders of the fan·\o class, the authority of the high chief was absolute and final judgements rested with him. Robertson was sensitive to the great influence chiefs held over their people. He recognized that he could never seule a teacher safely in any village without the consent and promise ofprotection by the chief (Robertson, 1902:392). District exogamy was practised extensive1y in traditional marnages as part of a system ofreciprocal marriages be!Ween districts. Marnage be!Ween cousins, including cross cousins, was prohibited. Polygyny was a common practice. Chiefs had an average of three wives, although more were not uncommon. Although girls were betrothed at an early age, marnages were not consummated until they reached puberty and the appropriate payments were made. These payments were made in food, star-clUbs, sacred stones or navilah (see 9\ '1 , Appendix B, acc. 480), and other valued items, and often extended over a period of years. il was frequently the case that a husband was in debt to his wife's male relatives for a long rime after his marriage (Robertson,1902:396). The drudgery and heavy labours required of women in traditional society were regularly discussed by missionaries throughout the area. Although various comments were made about the regular overburdening of Erromangan women, these sources provide iittle detail about the actual division oflabour (Gordon, J.,186:'1: 141-2,276-7: Robertson,1902:192,397). The most important article of clothing wom by women was the leaf skirt or numplat (see Appendix B, acc. 464.01-.16). These were wom in great numbers, sometimes as many as twenty or thirty at one time (Robertson,1902:366). Children's skirts were quile short, but a girl's skirts were wom at ankJe length as soon as she became engaged. The Icngest skirts were those of rnarried women, which were from eight to nine feet in length and forrned a sweeping train. Women wore their hair eut close to the head, and decorated themselves with very few omaments. On festive occasions, the length and number of a woman's numplat and her decorative facial tattooing held more significance than other types of omamentation. Women also wore a length of barkcloth or nemas-itse (see Appendix B, acc. 465.01-.03, 466), brought under one arm and tied in a loose knot on the opposite shoulder. Babies were carried in a strip of nemas-itse, which allowed women to work in the gardens and perforrn other tasks while the infants rested cornfortably on their backs (Robertson,1902:369-70). Humphreys observed that nemas-itse was usually completely dispensed with in hot weather, and suggested that il might have had a ceremonial use, as il was only wom extensively on special occasions (Humphreys,1926: 160). Men's clothing was extremely simple. It included a barkcloth girdle, a penis case ofleaves or yelau, and one or more omaments (Humphreys,1926: 164). The hair was kept long and full, but never plaited as on severa! of the neighbouring islands. Men occasionally wore their haïr closely cropped on one side, but left the other side long 92 (Robenson,1902:255). On festive occasions, a comb made of bamboo or wood with carved designs was worn in the haïr, usually over the right eye (see Appendix B, acc. 481.01-.02, 482.01-.08). Anklets made of shells were often placed just below the knee. Arm bands of highly polished coconut shell were common ornaments of both men and women, as were necklaces of plaited pandanus, sometimes with small sea shells attached (see Appendix B, ace. 484.01-.07). On special occasions, men and women ornamented theirfaces and bodies with black, and sometimes red, paint (Robenson,1902: 192). Women practiced facial tattooing, and sometimes also tattooed their bodies. Men were occasionally tattooed, but only with very simple designs. The houses of a village were conslructed of curved branches covered with a thatch of sugar cane orreed and averaged about twelve feet by eight feet in size. They were enclosed by light reed fences and the entire village with ils gardens was surrounded by a sturdy log fence, which served to exclude wild pigs. Villages also included a large simon-lo, or general cooking and sleeping house for men from the onset of pubeny until they were married (Robenson,1902:44I). Although Humphreys reported that not a single simon-Io was standing at the lime ofhis visil, severa! old men recalled them as being irnpressive in size and the most important house in the community (Humphreys,1926: 156). The gardens surrounding the village produced yams, which were the principal food staple, as well as taro and sugar cane and were shaded by breadfruit, banana, and coconut trees. The gardens belonged to any man taking responsibility for their cultivation; ifthey were allowed to lie fallow they returned to the ownership ofthe district group. New gardens were made during the dry season in July and August, and all the men ofthe village assisted with the preparation of a new site. As the rainy season approached, the ground was broken with hardwood digging sticks, which were the basic tools employed in cultivation. The ftrst harvest occurred as early as November, while the fmal harvest usually took place al the end ofApril. Wilh the exception of the yam mounds, wbich were prepared by the women, all garden work 93 was done exclusively by men (Humphreys,1926: 152). Robenson mentions that women laboured more intensively in the gardens than men, but he does not offer specifies regarding the tasks performed (Robenson,1902:397). Fishing was another imponant subsistence activity that was engaged in by men using lines, as weil as spears, bows and arrows, and nets. Fishing lines of finely twisted fibre were from ten 10 thirty fathoms in length, and were usually baited with star fish. A round stone was used for a sinker and was held in place by severa! twists of the line, approx.imately one foot from the hook. Fish-hooks were carved from hard wood and were three to five inches in length (Humphreys,1926: 161). Coconut fibre nets were still in use at the lime of Humphreys' visit. He describes them as strong and nicely woven, although he also noted that the manufacture ofthese nets and ofcanoes was rapidly declining following the introduction of dynamite, which allowed fish to he taken from the shore (Humphreys,I926:153). Reference 10 this latter practice is recorded as early as 1880 on Erromanga (Annand, J.,1881: 14). Groups of men, often represenling severa! villages also gathered together to hum wild pigs. Spears had been the principal weapon for this activity, but by the lime of Humphreys' arrival guns were preferred. Although wild pigs taken in the hunt were eaten, they only rarely formed part ofthe ordinary evening meal. The favoured food :lI [easts were domestic pigs, bred especially for consumption. Domestic pigô also served as a general medium of exchange. The chief meal of the day was taken in the evening and was usuallY a pudding made of yam or taro, to which additions of coconut, cabbage, banana, or prawns were made. The mixture was wrapped in banana leaves and left to cook for several hours in the communal oyen, which was a large pit dug in the ground and filled with severallayers of hot stones. Puddings were prepared by women, but men often assisted with the preparation of food. Men usually sat together for the evening meal and feasts, as did the women and children (Robertson,1902:378-380; Humphreys,1926:138-40). 94 Warfare usually resulted from quarrels about women, distribution of navilah, or raids on gardens, The district council decided whether or not to engage in war. If the council agreed in favour of hostilities, they were instigated with a direct challenge, such as burning a house or cutting down banana trees. The weapons employed were the bow and arrow, the spear, war axes and clubs; sorne warriors being armed with one, some with another (see Appendix B, acc. 489.01-.02, 476.07-.12, 487.01-.02). Fighting was intermittent and perfunctory, with few individuals killed. Although many were wounded during these batlles, prisoners were rarely taken. The bodies ofdistrict chiefs killed in action were removed by warriors of their own faction with the complete connivance and consent of the enemy, but any village chiefs who were killed could he carried away by the enemy and eaten. Cannibalism was indulged in to give strength to the viclOrs through a form ofcontagious magic. Humphreys reponed that "a distinct idea ofgloating over one's enemy in this manner is confessed to by all the old chiefs today, in spite of years of Christian influence" (Humphreys, 1926:150). According to Robertson, the last instance ofcannibalism on Erromanga occurred circa 1875 (1902:393). If no one was killed in the fust encounter, the chiefs in the attacked district met in council to discuss whether the hostilities should be continued. It was common to offer a feast to the aggressors and to make peace. Navilah were sent as a sign of arnity and Digs fumished for the feast. However, if a man was killed on one side in the [lfst encounter, another had to be killed on the opposite side before peace, or even a temporary suspension of hostilities, could be considered. When a chief was killed on either side a temporary truce was agreed upon, although it was necessary for a chief to be killed on the other side before a permanent peace could be concluded. These wars, or rather successions of wars, often continued for severn months. District chiefs joined one side or the other, until most of the island was embroiled in general conflict. The contending parnes would stop their fighting and 95 1 relUrn home to work in their gardens when necessary, as these were never allowed to languish. Fighting was also interrupted for important feasts, which required intensive preparation. RelUrn feasts, or nisekar, were frequently held and were prepared by one chief in honour of another. The great local attention they commanded was m'ltched only by the intense interest in warfare. Whole seasons were reportedly given up to feasting, with participants travelling from one chiers place to another and engaging in a thorough round of festivities (Robertson,] 902:391). The one aspect required in ail nisekar was that the number ofpigs provided equalled the number given at the previous feast. The preparations for the nisekar began severa! months before the actual feast and included the gathering ofyams and taro in great numbers, which were attached to a large scaffolding. As the nisekar drew near, pigs were placed in the scaffold enclosure, as weil as fresh yams and fowls. The nisekar opened wilh a sham fight using clubs to gain possession of the food. Occasionally, this developed into a real fight. Serious conflict was avoided by foroidding the use of spears, bows and arrows, and knives (Humphreys,1926:181). Although those who won became the owners of the feasl, all joined in the singing, dancing and feasting that lasted for severa! days or even weeks. Men and women adorned themselves with body paint and special dress for the occasion and both were actively involved in the feasting activities. Robertson relates that the lending of women to the visiling men was a common practice at these feasts (1902:391) . Men regularly drank a beverage made from the kava plant, or nehave (Robertson,1902:393). The village fan-Io served as host of the drinking ceremony, which usually occurred towards evening. Kava was prepared from the root of the Piper methysticum, which was grated into a wooden bowl by rubbing il with the stalks of the tree fem and then chewed by the men of the fan-Io class. Any boy, once initiated into manhood by the cutting of his foreskin, could partake of the beverage and help in its preparation (Humphreys, 1926: 179-80). The unstrained liquid was then passed around to each man, who held his coconut 96 cup covered by a strainer of coconut for the reception of his share of the drink, which was consumed at once without further ceremony. Most of the men remained in the kava house ail night and many men frequently slept away from their families for this reason. The mouming practices in Erromanga varied according to class. When a man of the fan-Jo class felt that death was near, he summoned those around him to gather food from his garden. After the burial, ail those who had been near at the time of his death, participated in a feast of the food that had been gathered on the eve of his death. The wife of the district or village fan-Io moumed in seclusion for a year following the death ofher husband. At the end of the mouming period, a feast was held during which the bow and arrows, spear, club, penis wrapper, and other personal effects of the deceased were bumed or buried. No son dared to carry about openly anything that had belonged to his father. The numplat of the widow was cut short and her status retumed to that of a marriageable woman, although she usually became the wife ofher late husband's brother. When a man of the Taui natimono, or common class died, there was no set period ofmouming for the widow, nor a feast following the mouming period (Humphreys,1926:152,184-6). The dead were usually disposed of by burial in the ground or in caves. The more common of the IWO methods was inhumation. The grave was hollowed out to a depth of a few feet and the body placed on its back with the legs extended, and earth at least partially filled in over the body. A mled-in grave was not in the shape of a mound, but rather appeared as a depression in the solI. The buriai f,'l'Ounds or nahur were selected by the district fan-Jo and all members of the district were buried there until the area became full and a new site was chosen (Robertson, 1902:398; Humphreys,1926:183). Certain districts used caves as burial areas. These, as weil as the nahur, were avoided as saon as the funeral rites were concluded. The Erromangans recognized the Nobu as the maker of ail things. A1though he created the island, ils people, and the surrounding seas, he was not considered to play an active role in human affairs. The spirits of departed ancestors, however, were considered to be 97 actively involved in causing harrn to humans. These spirits or natemas wert: both venerated and feared, although little was done to propitiate them other than making offerings of food and avoiding burial places or walking alone in the bush at night (Robertson,1902:389). Taboos associated with burial places, as well as with the handling of food, garden preparation, and sexual relations held great force on the island (see Humphreys,1926:173-5). The first sacred stones or navilah (see Appendix B, ace. 480) were given by the Nobu for the use of humans. They were kept as heirlooms by the families of chiefs, who c1aimed exclusive possession and firmly believed that the navilah were made by spirits and had been given by the Nobu himself to the chiefs first ancestor. These sacred stones of calcite were found in a variety of sizes; they carne in ring and crescent moon shapes, or sometimes were straigh!. Robertson noted that they were believed to symbolize the moon and that each stone had its own distinguishing features, as well as its own name and history. The navilah were kept hidden in the ground by the fan·lo to whom they belonged. When death was near, he would tell his successor where the family stones were buried (Robertson,1902: 389-90). Robertson also mentions the use of navHah as purchase money for wives and as presents at feasts. In the latter instance, a chief a1ways expected a retum in kind at the next feas!. According to Humphreys, a series ofless potent navilah existed in each village. The loss of knowledge of a stone's whereabouts as the result of a chiefs sudden death would allow a new stone to absorb the power ofthe original one. He also remarked that at the lime of his visit, navilah were still buried with the fan.lo, but these were always stones of less potency rather than ones received directly fram the Nobu (Humphr;:y>,l926:171-2). Erromangan belief held that no death occurred from natural causes; it was ail the work ofevil spirits. Those individuals having the power to cause the illness or death of others were known as "Tavuwa" (Humphreys,1926:167) or "neteme sokowar" (Robertson,1902: 400-2). They were found throughout the island, often living apart from their villages. According ta Robertson, these ritual specialists received large fees, were able to live well, and 98 were both feared and hated. In addition to substantial fees, presents of food were constantly given in order to obtain their favour. Certain individuaIs were also believed to have power over the elements. They could use wind, rain, and sun to improve or destroy gardens. These powers were exercised by the preparation of charms, which consisted ofmagical substances wrapped in leaves and placed in a basket (see Appendix B, acc. 471.01). The substances employed were specific to the type ofmagic intended: mots were used for garden magic, whereas personal articles orrefuse were used to cause illness or death (Humphreys,1926:167 8). These specialists also used their influence in matters of health. In addition to providing curing 'charms', they were capable of preparing medicines and administering treatments that counteracted physical as well as spiritual ills (Robertson,1902:402). Missionaries offering medicine and claiming to have remedies for spiritual ills were often cast in the mIe ofritual specialists (Gordon, 1.,1863:144,158; Robertson,1902:68,130-1,193,244,295). It is their infiltration into Erromangan society that will now be examined. Missionary Activity on Erromanga With the dpath of Rev. John Williams and his assistant in 1839, Erromanga became a dramatic focus of missionary interest as the site ofthe fust "martyrdom" in the South Seas. Sandalwood activities in the area had been dormant throughout the thirties (Shineberg, 1967:26), so there were few obstructions to missionary fervour. The L.M.S. wasted no time in taking advantage ofthis heightened enthusiasm. Within six months, it sent IWo Samoan teachers to take up residence on the is1and (Murray,1863:184-6). The teachers were 1anded at Cook's Bay with promises from local leaders that they wou1d be 100ked after. Once the mission vesse1 had departed, however, al110cal support vanished and they were 1eft without provisions. When the L.M.S. vesse1 retumed in 1841, the teachers were found suffering from malaria. They were removed from the is1and with difficu1ty due to local opposition, and no further attempts at evangelization were made for the next eight years. Beginning in 1841, there 99 was renewed interest in sandalwood trading in the New Hebrides, which brought a grcal inllux offoreign activity. From the middle of 1846 until the end of Ùle decade, Erromanga along \Vith the New Caledonian mainland were the primary focus of trading activities. The sandalwood trade and missionary endeavour were felt by some to be IWO mulually exclusive activities, \Vith most advantages favouring the former cnlerprise. Rev. Geddie commented in !848 lhal, "The sandalwood has thrown :TIany of these islands into such a slale as 10 render lhem impcrvious to the entrance of the Gospel. On Erromanga, Ùle natives have vowed that no foreigner shall ever live among them" (Robertson,1902:35). In 1849, four Erromangan men were persuaded to spend lhree years at a mission school in Samoa. When lhey relurned to Dillon's Bay, negotiations were made with nearby chiefs for their seulement. Of the four men, one died on the trip home,, another resumed his traditional way oflife, while two of the men, loe and Mana, served as teachers on Erromanga until their death. Rev. Geddie on neighbouring Aneityum, prepared a small primer in the Erromangan language to aid the teachers, and over the next few years Bishop Selwyn encouraged several young men to be educated at his institution in Auckland. During Ihis period, the L.M.S. vessel regularly visited Ùle Erromangan teachers, hoping to prepare the way for a resident missionary. Missionary settlement on Erromanga varied according to severa! important factors, includuig local politics, foreign trading activities, and the temperament and physical constitution of the individuals involved. In spite of Ùlese variables, there was a discerniblc order of priorities common to ail missionary endeavours on the island, which involvcd establishing a residence, training teachers and holding classes, visiting villages and sCltling teachers, and building mission stations, churches and schools. Although missionary strategies varied in their emphasis and efficaey, there was consensus that the physical appearancc of traditional Erromangans, and their warfare, cannibalism, feasting, treatment of women, infanticide, idolatry, and belief in sorcery had to bc changed. 100 .1 The Gordons 0857-1861) The flfst missionaries to live on Erromanga arrived in 1857. George Gordon, a native ofPrince Edward Island, and his wife Ellen were settl"'.d at Dillon's Bay, where they found an extensive sandalwood establishment employing many men from neighbouring islands to tap the resources ofErromanga's interior. Before settling there, Gordon contacted the principal chiefof the area Nawan, who sent word inviting them to occupy the piece ofland which had former1y been given to the teachers (Gordon, J.,1863:112). The missionary found the local population scattered and was on the island several days before seeing ten Erromangans. This he attributed to a combination offactors including depopulation from ruthless trading activity and fear ofEuropean firearms causing people to re10cate their villages to mountain areas and inland val1eys (Gordon, 1.,1863:137). It took him a while to establish contact with the island's native teachers and obtain information of a general nature about Erromanga and its inhabitants. During the fust six months, Gordon 1aboured strenuous1y with the construction of a dwelling house, a schoo1 house, and a road. Although he did have sorne assistance with these projects, it was limited to spurts oflabour from a handful oflocal men. The physical demands upon Gordon were made worse by frequent changes in residence due to unhealthy conditions and other problems. In a period ofless than IWO years, the missionaries changed house five times (GordOn, J.,1863:150). In addition to enduring the rigours of subsistence, Gordon spent the flfst few months learning the local language and establishing a school at Dillon's Bay. It was his belief at this time that the training oflocal teachers rather than depending on those from neighbouring Aneityum or from PoIynesia, was the best means ofevange1izing Erromanga (Gordon, J., 1863:115-16). His school consisted of eight young men, sorne ofwhom had been to Sydney and Samoa and were able to speak a bit ofEnglish. Gordon reported that within the fust five weeks of his settlement at Dillon's Bay, forly persons (inc1uding men, women, and children) 101 were receiving instruction (Gordon, J.,1863: 134). By the end of ten weeks, he was able to translate several religious texts into Erromangan with the assistance of his teachers and hoped eventually to do all his printing on the island with type and printing materials supplied from Australian supporters (Gordon,J.,1863:llS-l6,l72). The scattered population ofErromanga required Gordon to conduct his missionary activities by 'itinerating' to settlements in different areas of the island. During the frrst year of his residence, he visited areas to the south, west, and north of Dillon's Bay (Gordon, J.,1863:138). He began by visiting all the settlements in the vicinity of Dillon's Bay and was able to enter "war camps" and "fortified places" without opposition. His next destination was to the south, where he encountered the local population in an unsettled state, preoccupied with fighting and the destruction of gardens. Although he attempted to have two of his teachers stationed in this region, they soon returned to Dillon's Bay. His next trips were made northward to an inland settlement in the vicinity ofElizabeth Bay. He found this area suitable for monthly visits and was successful in getting the locals to build a modest meeting house and settled his Aneityumese teachers among them. Most of Gordon's missionary work was done between the districts ofBunkil to the south and Elizabeth Bay, each being approximately equidistant from Dillon's Bay (Robenson,1902:70). His visits to the island's north end were less encouraging, as he found the settlements there had suffered severe losses from disease. The most ambitious of his joumeys was made almost a year after his arrivai, and required a full day of travel on foot across the mountains to visit Polinia Bay and Cook's Bay. Erromanga's eastern side was the most populous region and was considered by Gordon to be the most promising part of the island. After preaching the basic principals of Christianity to a large group ofmen, women and children at Polinia Bay, he obtained sorne land and left one of his teachers to establish a mission station. With this visit to Polinia Bay, Gordon was satisfied that he was "very weil acquainted with natives in every important settlement, by our 102 1 visits to them and theirs to us" (Gordon, J.,1863:138-40). Although Gordon crossed the island on several occasions, his visits to distant settlements were less frequent after the first year. This remained so even after 1860, when he purchased a horse to facilitate his work. One vital aspect of missionary endeavour in the New Hebrides was the training and support of native teachers. As described by a contemporary of Gordon working on Tanna, a teacher was someone who left his home and established hirnself in a "heathen" land by building a house and making a garden. Upon the arrival of a missionary to the region, it was his duty to assist the missionary in building his house and set an example for the local indigenous population (Rev. Matheson, cited in Gordon, J.,1863:119). Gordon began his work on Erromanga with great faith in the potential ofnative agency. He devoted considerable time to instructing local men of "promise" and depended upon them to teach hirn and his wife the language and assist with translation ofreligious texts. During the frrst years ofhis residence, Gordon's most valuable assistant was Mana, an Erromangan who had lived in Samoa for several years and was eventually left in charge ofthe mission premises at Polinia Bay. However, as time passed, Gordon's views regarding assistance from native teachers became increasingly negative, as reflected in a statement written in June 1859: Native teachers - so called - manifest an ardent desire to be removed from the society of missionaries, in order that they may have opportunities of exercising the power of independent chiefs. Though 1 have lavished loving kindness on sorne of these, and endeavored to induce them to receive farther [sic] instruction, still, it was all in vain: they are perfect, and seem deterrnined to remain so (cited in Gordon, J.,1863: 122). As Gordon acquainted himself with the Erromangans, he noted several aspects oftraditional Erromangan life that were in need of missionary attention. Those most often commented upon in his letters were physical appearance, incessant warfare, cannibalism, mistreatment of women, infanticide, and idolatry (Gordon, J.,1863:109,116,134,149,162, 165-6,276,281-1,286), and these were the main targets of Gordon's missionary zeal. Missionaries were able to modify the physical appearance ofthose participating in their activities by introducing articles of western clothing, which the Gordons did to the oost oftheir 103 means. Gordon was also interested in discouraging warfare, but for the most part his effons were futile (Gordon, J.,1863:116,134,149). During his first year he was able to involve himself in local politics, but the success he claimed in the following account may have been due less to his compelling arguments against war and killing than to the local belief that missionaries were endowed with special powers: 1lately attended two councils ofwar held at Dillon's Bay and succeeded in making one of them at least, of none effect. One mountain tribe states that after 1had spoken to them on the subject ofwar, they went on several occasions and planted themselves near those whom they desired to kill, but could not fight as in times past; and having eaten their food, returned home peacefully, and were afterward opposed to war (cited in Gordon, J.,1863: 143). The supplies available to George Gordon for his missionary work were very meagre. He received a supply ofrice, flour, and biscuit that allowed him to feed those who attended his school once a day. The distribution of even small quantities of food was an important attraction to the mission, because of the reduced local cultivation due to sandalwood trading activities in the area. This was attested by Gordon in a letter written in 1860, "Had il not been for these [daily rations of rice and biscuit bread] we would not have had a school kept up with any regularity at Dillon's Bay" (cited in Gordon, J.,1863:287). He strongly believed that had he received a larger supply offood, or the means of obtaining additional food locally, his teaching efforts would achieve greater success (Gordon, J.,1863:167,279). George Gordon also depended on the distribution ofmedicine to gain local favour. He was accorded considerable local esteem as a result of the belief that his presence on Erromanga was responsible for preserving health, as there had been relatively little illness during the carly years of his residence compared with the situation on neighbouring Aneityum and Tanna (Gordon, J.,1863:158). The mission on Erromanga was provided with a supplYof medicine by its Australian supporters (Gordon, J.,1863:172), and Gordon in fact stated that medicine had been very useful in gaining influence over the natives and that his reputation was so far established that messengers travelled up to five or six miles with requests for him to visit sick persons (Gordon, J.,1863:143-4). 104 The distribution ofclothing was a priority ofearly missionary endeavours. In a 1~ letter ofDecember 1859, George Gordon mentions giving away clothing belonging to him and his wife to local supporters, and also receiving additional supplies of clothing from Australia (Gordon, J.,1863:162). Further indication ofthe emphasis placed on this aspect of missionization is Gordon's proud report, following his second year ofresidence, that they were able to clothe the first congregation gathered in Erromanga and that the native women had made for themselves fifty garments (Gordon, J.,1863:154). Mrs. Gordon also mentions that homespun cloth received from the home mission was greatly appreciated and industriously made into garments by the young women (Gordon, J.,1863:173). In spite of his dependence on material goods, Gordon was annoyed and frustrated by the mercenary nature oflocal Erromangans and complained about having to pay for everything, including food, building assistance, and "path privileges". He was distressed that the missionary presence seemed to be tolerated only because ofthe material advantages it offered, whether these were goods 'available' from the mission premises or received in exchange for services (Gordon, J.,1863:106-8,154,277,287). Gordon was particularly vexed by the local propensity to demand material recompense for activities designed for spiritual welfare and commented: In general they only show kindness when they have some hope ofbeing repaid. They tell us they will make nerot - worship - ifwe pay them; and, having attended service a few Sabbaths, they demand payment as a right, and calI us liars ifrefused (cited in Gordon, J.,1863:141). As Gordon's enthusiasm for teaching activities on Erromanga waned, he travelled less and relocated the mission premises to an area remote from Erromangan settlement, a move made apparently for health reasons. With his dwindling interest in teaching, less material support was required for teachers and Gordon shifted his emphasis to printing materials and medicine for the advancement ofthe mission (Gordon, J.,1863:283). Aside from material exchanges, Gordon found the Erromangans he encountered indifferent and in a letter ofApril 1861 remarked that, "The chiefs and heads offamilies have 105 ever opposed the word of God since the time when they first began to understand it" (cited in Gordon, J.,1863:108). In addition to these general frustrations, the situation of the missionary was made precarious by severa! factors, especially those resulting from local rivalries. Gordon described the situation as follows: The dangers to which missionaries are exposed in these is1ands generally arise from two sources; flfSt, from the existence of silent, secret hatred, on account of unrevenged injuries; and, second1y, from a deceitful, malignant hatred cherished by sacred men on finding that the new religion weakens their influence (cited in Gordon, J.,1863: 140). Gordon had been accorded considerable local esteem by the belief that his presence on Erromanga was responsib1e for preserving health. He was also confident that he could keep any dangers in abeyance with his understanding of the language and by acting prudently when visiting new places, and dispensed with the standard missionary practice of using native teachers as pioneers and assistants. His technique was evidently not adequate, however, for when rumours spread that he was the cause of a devastating measles epidemic, there was no one to contradict the charges and both he and his wife were killed. Rev. Geddie he1d Gordon's missionary methods responsib1e for his demise, especially his refusai to engage native teachers, and summed up his failings with these words: Instead ofregarding them as necessary for the opening up of a field, with his chivalrous courage, he declared hirnself ready to go where a native could go; and in carrying on his work, on account oftheir limited attainments, which had always been admitted, he tried to do without their aid (cited in Patterson,1882:449). Before the Gordons' death, the schools established on the east and west sides of the island that had continued with modest success, met with opposition from the local chiefs, as did the women's classes organized by Mrs. Gordon (Gordon, 1,1863:150,164,166 7,277). Further difficulties arose during the ear1y months of 1861 when a series of hurricanes left desolation and famine on Erromanga. At the same time, a meas1es epidemic spread throughout the island. Within a few months one third of the entire population had perished. The Gordons were implicated as being the cause ofthe epidemic, and in May ofthat year they were killed by a group of nine men from Bunki1. Although the death of the Gordons was 106 attributed by sorne to instigation on the pan of sandalwood traders anxious to disrupt missionary influence in the area, it was generally agreed that the missionary himself was responsible for inciting local suspicions. He had recently spoken harsh words to a gathering at Bunkil, claiming that the people there would be punished for their idolatry and wicked practi"es (Patterson,1882:446-8). The death of the Gordons was followed by a general purge of those Erromangans favourable to Christianity (Patterson,1882:447-8). Threats were made against Mana, the only Erromangan who had been baptized, as weil as against others who had involved themselves in lnission activities. It is interesting to note that the destruction of material property associated with Christianity and the mission (i.e., books and clothing) was tlle means by which missionized Erromangans could regain local favour. Geddie reported that: Fourteen males and females have fled to this island [Aneityum] for safety and are at present with us. Others favourable to Christianity have been ordered to bum their books and destroy their clothing, and have complied in most cases. It is said that a few have concealed theil' books in Lite bush, and sometimes steal away to read them (cited in Patterson,1882:448). These events and the flight oflocal supporters to Aneityum brought about a hiatus of mission activities on Erromanga, which lasted untillate in 1862. When the refugees retumed, their situation was still uncertain. Five of them lived in a single house in the vicinity ofDillon's Bay, and managed to hold Sabbath services which were attended by a few non Christian Erromangans. They lived on land belonging to a sympathetic chief, but essentially were surrounded by those who opposed their activities and actively engaged in warfare and feasting. Although material goods introduced by the mission (especially clothing) had been abandoned, muskets were now a regular feature oflocal weaponry and were carried in addition to the traditional bows and arrows and clubs (Robertson,1902:80). Sandalwood operations continued as usual in the Dillon's Bay ar"a, but trader Henry was in a constant state of anxiety about the well-being of his family. Tensions resulting from Erromangan political rivaIries " pervaded aIl white settlements on the island. When the suggestion was made that a missionary 107 1 might possibly live safely on a certain chiers land, il was generally agreed that the situation was not secure enough for such action (Robertson, 1902:80-2). James D. Gordon at Dillon's Bay 0864-1866) The next missionary to take up residence on Erromanga was George Gordon's brother Jarne:'. who settled at Dillon's Bay in August 1864. At the time of Gordon's arrival, there were many visible signs of the devastation wrought by the dysentery epidemic of 1840, as weil as the recent measles scourge of 1861. Brenchley questioned whether the population would be able to recover from these attacks, and described the situation he encountered in 1865 as follows: The after effects are still visible in various forms: deserted houses, numerous 'weeping places,' extinct tribes, or tribes whose only representatives are a few dying people (Brenchley,1873:318). There still were a small number ofEuropeans involved with the sandalwood trade on the island. In addition to those on board vessels, there was a family of seven or eight persons and another seven or eight men living on the island (Brenchley,1873:321). By the end of August 1865, the last load of sandalwood was exported and sandalwood trader Andrew Henry left the island with his wife and six children soon after. Mission activities had been carried on for more than a year prior to Gordon's arrival by a teacher from Aneityum, Nehieiman, and his wife (Robenson,1902:125). During this time, Nehieiman had assisted local people in building four school-houses. Gordon was able to involve himself immediately with the local people because he had leamed one of the Erromangan dialects by studying his brother's translations. He built his house on the site of his brother's first house at Dillon's Bay, and when it was completed one end was used for a school and the other as his dwelling. The missionary held classes in the afternoon for young men who had a1ready received sorne training and was assisted in his work by Nehieiman. Mana, who had been an enthusiastic teacher during George Gordon's residence was living 108 nearby, but poor hea!th made his involvement in mission activities impossible. Although progress in the mission had been slow, it was reported that between one and two hundreù people werc attending Sabbath scrvices at Dillon's Bay in 1865, with over Iwo hundred Erromangans professedly Christian. There were also three or four individuals posted to outstations (Robertson,1902: 128). ln spite of these apparent successes, Gordon's missionary achievement was seriously impcded by his direct involvement with H.M.S. Curaçoa's bombardment of Erromanga. In 1862, there had been requests for British retaliatory action in response to severa! incidcnts that had occllITed on Tanna and Erromanga, inc1uding four missionary deaths on the latter is!and.2 The cruise of H.M.S. Curaçoa in 1865 presented an opportunity for cmrying out the retributive action. When the Curaçoa dropped anchor in Dillon's, Bay, Gordon made an anxious report to the Commodore regarding the unsettled local situation, which was summed up by Brenchley: Warres-Darke, the friendly chief, the lirst to encourage and solicit the landing of white men, the only one to whom the Missionary can look for any protection, had been warred against for some time past by Warres-Nangré, his unc1e, and by Kauiau. There is a cessation of hostilities between them, and a truce, they say, for a short time; but it was reported that, as soon as their lighting was over, they intended to come down and kill ail the Whites (Brenchley,187:'1::'100-1). A similar assessment of the local scene was made to the Commodore by a clerk of the sandalwood station. The Curaçoa's liring on Erromanga was far less severe than what had occurred on Tanna several weeks before (Brenchley,1873:201-S,300; Adams,1984:1S0- 6!). Ncvertheless, the affuir received considerable public censure, and severalmissionaries, including Gordon, were criticized for their overzealous concem witll retaliation.3 Although the intention of such bombardments was to gain local respect for missionaries and other . 2 The mÎssionary dc<'\th!' on Erromangn t11.1t fucllcd the] 862 rcqucst for British action wcre thase of Rev. John Williams and his assistant Janles Harris, killcd in 1839 (see Chapter Ill, p. 67-8) and Rey. George Gordon and his wife Ellen. killed in 1861 (sec Chapter IV. p. 105.6). 3 The missionary involvcmcnt in the Curaçoo afrair is discusscd in Brenchlcy (1873:301-5,314-18), Steel (1880: 208). Harrisson (1937:176·81). "arsonson (1956:122). and Adams (1984:161.7). 109 .<,. foreigners, or at !east to create a fear ofretaliation for aggressive actions, there is no evidenœ that the desired effect was accomplished on Erromanga. The Macnairs (] 866-1870) ln September 1866, James Gordon wasjoined OII ErromaIlga by the Macnairs from Scotland, who were also supported by the Nova Scotian PresbyteriaIls. Rev. und Mrs. Macnair settled in DilIon's Bay, but spent their first year in extremely weakened condition dlle to poor health. They left the Island for Aneityum to regain their strength and did not retUnl to Erromanga until June 1867. During the same year, a devastating epidemic rnvaged EITomangu and neighbouring Islands. The situation of the missionaries was very uneasy during this period and, as Macnair remarked, made worse by the fact that the local suc~ed men "huve no semples in asserting, and the people seem to have as little in believing, and acting on the eommon belief, that Christianity is very much the cause of their troubles and calamities" (citcd in Robertson,1902:130-1). The Macnairs' health and the anxieties on Erromunga uttcnding the epidemic restricted mission activities considerably. ln November 1867, Macnair took advantage of a visit by the mission ship Dayspring to visit the island's east side. The ship landed at Unova, near Polinia Bay, whcrc Macnair met the high chief of the district, Lifu. He accompanied the Macnairs to Cook's Bay, where they met with the local teacher, as well as two petty chiefs and severallocal men. The teacher advised Macnair that the Cook's Bay people were at war and it was therefore not sare for him to visit the area. Lifu and his assistan t were then returned by the mission vessel to Unova, and presented with a large axe and a butcher's knife by the captain. The object of Maenair's visit, to find a site for a mission station on Erromanga's east side, was achieved when Lifu agreed to allow settlement on his land. After a visit to Lifu's garden, yams were presented to Macnair's party and a piece of land was sold for five hatchets, l'leven butcher's knives, three pocket knives, and a quantity of beads (Robertson, 1902: 133). 110 Macnair suffered from a variety of aihnents during his briefresidence on Erromanga, but still made efforts to visit the remote districts of the island whenever possible. Both he and his wife experienced such difficulties in terms of their physical condition as we'l as the local political climate, that their efforts were by necessity concentrated on their own survival (Robenson,1902:130-4). lllness was so widespread throughout the period oftheir residence, that distributing medicine and other goods would have been more likely to arouse local suspicion and anirnosity rather than favour. The goods they distributed were therefore limited to those necessary to establish themselves on the island and maintain the mission premises. The second and third years of residence on the island were more successful than the disastrous fust one. The Macnairs found many of the Erromangans in the area surrounding the mission kindly disposed towards them, and several professed Christians became members -of the Church. Early in 1870, however, Macnair became il! and agitation against the mission increased. He died that July, and his wife and infant daughter left the island saon after. In assessing the Macnairs' accornplishments, indications are that efforts by both missionary and teachers were by necessity concentrated on survival, with little opportunity remaining to influence Erromangan appearance, feasting, or warfare. Although one source of conflict was removed twO years before the Macnairs arrived, when the last load of sandalwood left the island (Brenchley,1873:321), new tensions arase as labourvessels began actively recruiting for the Queensland trade (Harrisson,1937:161). The physical situation of the Macnairs, as weIl as the political climate on the island were hardly conducive to evangelical success. There is little evidence that any missionary influence was felt outside ofthe area immediately surrounding the mission premises. James D. Gordon at Polinia Bay 0867-1872) In 1867, Gordon had offered the Macnairs his station at Dillon's Bay and opened up a new one at Polinia Bay, in the village ofPomuma. He had been granted III 1 permission 10 settle in the area by an influential inland chief named Pomilo. During the first part of his stay at Pomuma, Gordon lived in a tent and used a large cave for services. Yomot, an Erromangan from neighbouring Unova, described Gordon's early days there as follows: When Mr. Gordon came to Potnuma l was living quite near him, and was one of the young men who helped him with his work. But we were very few; the heathen would not aIIow their boys to come to the 'Misi' and those who did venture of their own accord were cruelly used by the angry people, who used to come and drag them away (cited in Robertson,1902:157-8). According to Yomot, Gordon's situation at Pomuma was quite precarious: Hc was surrounded by various tribes ofhostile people, warfare was frequent, cannibalism was a common practice, and the only chiefs frienctly towards him were those of Cook's Bay. The outbreak of a serious epidemic on Erromanga and neighbouring islands also created difficulties for Gordon, as we1l as for the Macnairs living on the island's west side. In the midst of these unfavourable conditions, Gordon left Erromanga for the island of Santo, where he had long he1d the hope ofestablishing a mission. Although he remained on Santo for several months during 1869, he decided to return to Pomuma and make a more permanent establishment there. This was accomp1ished by the building of a dwelling house, a stone church with thatched roof, and the holding ofclasses for young people. After Macnair's death in 1870, Gordon divided his time belWeen Polinia Bay, Dillon's Bay, and Cook's Bay. Gordon observed that there were few children on Erromanga compared to nearby islands, and that they were over-indulged by their parents. He strongly disapproved of the lack ofdiscipline, and claimed great self-restraint in communicating his views to parents, although he was known to 'communicate' his views to an unruly chiId on occasion (Robertson,1902:137-8). He used to meet with as many as eighteen or lWenty young children every Sabbath. Although the children were too young to receive formaI instruction, they were presented with clothing supplied by the Church of New South Wales. Il seems likely that this distribution ofclothing encouraged attendance (Robertson,1902:146). ", 112 'je'" During this period, Gordon visited most of the districts near Potnuma on foot, '. while adequate roads between his station and Cook's Bay allowed him to make frequent trips on horseback. Although the high chiefs and important people of Cook's Bay were firrn in their traditional ways, and seemed to have little interest in Gordon's religious teachings, they were friendly towards him. He occasionally made visits around the island in a thirty-five foot lifeboat belonging to the Erromangan mission, which brought him to remote districts in the south, such as Ifwa. Although the inhabitants ofthese districts were generally unreceptive to visits by outsiders, Gordon on at least one occasion was able to save his own life and those of his crew members by offering small presents and establisbng good relations with the chief (Robertson,1902:149). Gordon's later years on Erromanga were largely devoted to translating portions of the Gospels and revising his own and his brother's translations. Throughout his missionary life, he made great efforts to leam the local languages and according to Robertson not only understood the "enyau" dialect, known ail over the island, but also the "sorung" and the "ura", understood only by a few (Robertson,1902:136).4 Gordon had even fewer resources available to him for missionary operations than his predecessors, because of his weak ties with the supporting churches. He left Nova Scotia under the aegis of the local Presbyterian Church, switched his allegiance to the Church of New South Wales in 1867, and within three years resigned the latter appointmenr as well as ail association with his fellow missionaries in the New Hebrides (Steel,1880:201). Gordon was an avowed ascetic in terms of his own material dependence on the church. Even though he was supplied with clothing for children attending his classes by the Church of New South Wales (Robertson,1902:14S-6), the fact that he had no female ccunterpart to hold women's classes and assist local people in the sewing of 'proper' garments, limited his influence on local 4 The "enyau" and "sorung" (sec Chapter IV, p. 89) are among those six diaIccts recorded for Erromanga by Humphreys (t926: 191). Humphreys indicated tha! there migh! have been a seventh diaiccl, aIthough he doesn'! mention il by name, and this could he Ù1e "ura" mentioned by Robertson. Il is aIso possible that the "ura" corresponds ta one of the six dialects designated by Humphreys under a different n:mle. or that il was one undetected by him. 113 1 custom. This had been an important functi.on carried out by the wives of his colleagues (Mrs. Turner and Mrs. Nisbet [Turner,1861:12-13]; Mrs. Geddie [Geddie, 18H 1: 114; Pattersol1. 1882:353]; Mrs. Matheson [Patterson,1864:385,388-9,392]; and Mrs. George Gordon [Gordon, 1.,1863:173]), and without this assistance he was able to effect little change in the appearance of those Erromangans involved in mission activities, usually the first and simplest aspect oftraditionallife that missionaries were able to modify (Patterson,1882:318; Gordon, 1.,1863:154; Robertson,1902:326-7). A visitor attending a church service conducted by Gordon at Dillon's Bay, expressed disappointment that, "Sorne of them [Dillon's Bay inhabitants] were naked and painted, and nearly all carried bows and arrows" (Robertson, 1902:129). lames Gordon's personal views regarding worldly comforts, and the fact that he had little available to him because of his weak ties with the supporting churches, limited his offerings to small quantitites ofclothing, medicine, empty bottles or other minor household items, and occasionally food (Steel,1880:202,211; Robertson,1902:146,149,151), and these distributions were mostly confined to the mission grounds. His solitary nature and lack of connection with the missionary support system meant that he had iittle material comfort, and even less to give away (Steel, 1880:204-5). Although Gordon had very little to offer Erromangans in terms of material goods, his presence on the is1and did provide local people with access to western culture, sometimes in ways that directly conflicted with t:aditional practice. Work on the mission premises and involvemem in mission activities provided an attractive alternative to village life and responsibility. Gordon even went as far as procuring a barrel organ to charm his visitors (Stee1,1880:204-5). On several occasions, he engaged young people at the mission station or in various activities against the very strong wishes of their farnilies (Robertson,1902:139-43). One extreme examp1e was when he forcibly removed Potnilo's son Novolu from the grip of fami1y members and friends so that the young man could accomplUlY him to the island of Santo 114 .. for several months (Robertson,1902:140-1). The mission station also inadvertently served as a refuge for those at odds with their villages. One young woman who had been married to a chief at Polinia Bay stayed at the Dillon's Bay settlement for many years, knowing her husband was unable to visit the island's western side (Robertson,1902:143). Gordon attempted to dissuade his few followers from attending feasts and observing other traditional practices including arranged marriages, wealth exchanges, and hereditary chieftainship. He also disapproved ofthe carrying of weapons (traditional as weil as the introduced axes and guns) and participation in war parties (Robertson,1902:139, 141-3), but his exhortations were of little consequence. His difficult personalty (Brenchley,1863:300, 304; Steel,1880:204,208), as weil as the severely limited material resources available to him for mission activities, circumscribed his influence to those few he could accommodate at the mission premises. Missionaries were generally believed to he the cause ofthe new illnesses that ravaged the islands. Yet their rnedicines also gave them a certain status as ritual specialists (Gordon, J.,1863:144,158; Robertson,1902:68,130-1). In 1872, there was a great deal of sickness and death on Erromanga, probably due to an unusually wet and unhealthy surnmer. Gordon was held responsible for the sickness because he had given medicine to two children who later died and he was killed in retaliation by their father (Steel,1880:202). Upon Gordon's death, Erromangans opposed to the mission "took all the goods from the house, and burned the holy books, and broke down the house" (Robertson,1902:157). The Robertsons 0872-1882) Rev. Hugh Robertson and his wife Christina settleG at Dillon's Bay in June 1872. The new missionary was familiar with the region, having spent over four years as a cotton agent on the neighbouring island of Aneityum (Robertson, 1902:90-1,97,112-14). A mission-sponsored company had employed him to buy cotton from the island's Christian 115 population and ship it to Scotland; as a result he had become familiar with the AneitYllmese language and manner. In 1870, he decided to return home to Nova Scotia and prepare for a missionary post. When Robenson arrived at mission headquaners at AneitYllm after completing his training, he was told ofJames Gordon's demise on Erromanga and immediately offered to fil! the vacancy. The situation at Dillon's Bay was quite tense at the time of the Robertsons' arrival because ofGordon's recent murder and a series ofrevenge killings carried out by members of the Christian party (Robenson,1902:160-3,196). Almost all of the Christians were now concentrated on a smal! parcel of land belonging to the mission, which had been the site ofthe sandalwood station and where there was an abundance offood (Steel,1880:210-11). The mission premises were surrounded by a wooden stockade as protection against sudden attack, and sheltered close to seventy Christian refugees (Presbyterian Record,1884:31). The group was close to starving, because they had abandoned their gardens in their flight to the mission grounds, and now, having exhausted all supplies there, were unable to get food from the surrounding traditionalists (Maritime Presbyterian,1883b:230). Naling, a chief in the area, had expressed interest in having a missionary, but kept his distance from the new arrivais because he feh that he could not offer them adequate protection in view ofthe recent events (Robenson,1902:187-8). The Robertsons also faced the usual problems of missionary settlement. Local hostilities against the Christian pany and personal attacks were nllmerous (Robertson,1902:195-6,198,202-3,210,239,241-3,315). There was widespread suspicion that missionaries practised sorcery and were the cause of local troubles (Robertson,1902: 130 1,193,295), a particularly volatile belief during periods when much of the population was disease-ridden. The members ofthe missionary family also had serious bouts with illness (Robertson,1902:205,228,259,346), and a succession of natural catastrophes had to be dealt with in the form ofhurricanes, earthquakes, and tidal waves (Robenson,1902:202-3,228,234 8,281-5), which made the already strained attempts to procure food a more serious concem 116 (Robertson,1902:208-13). These difficulties were punctuated by occasional flare-ups with passing traders and visits by labour recruiting vessels throughout the seventies (Robertson, 1902:190-1,240,276-9,295,419). In spite ofthese intrusions, Robertson noted a marked improvement in relations resulting from the tennination ofalI sandalwood activities on the island: Nothing ofa mere human nature has been half as advantageous to the evangelization and the advancement genera1Iy ofmissionary operations among the Eromangans [sic], during the past seven years, as the entire absence ofailforeign traders from the Island (Robertson,188Ia:81). During their fust months ofresidence on the island, the Robertsons engaged severallocal people to help them on the mission premises. They depended on the local population for various supplies, such as wood for building, and had frequent commercial dealings with non-Christian Erromangans, from whom they purchased food and large quantities of sugar cane for thatching (Robertson,1902:202,209). Soso, who had been a faithful assistant to James Gordon, conducted a daily school, while the Robertsons held classes every night for the few who would attend. Although they were stilllearning the language, they were able to teach reading and writing with the assistance ofinterpreters. Once their house was built, Mrs. Robertson held reading classes for the young girls and the few boys alIowed to come, while her husband conducted classes in the church. By the end of the Robertsons' first year, there were four teachers settled: one five miles south ofDillon's Bay, another at Sufa, one near the southeast arm of Cook's Bay, and another at Unova in Polinia Bay. In addition to holding classes, Robertson made great efforts to contact traditional Erromangans (Robertson,1902:2IO,258,289,291-2). These encounters often took place on travels to distant villages, but also in the area ofDillon's Bay during the early years, in spite of the large concentration ofChristians there. On one occasion in 1873, Robertson observed a large gathering of non-Christian Erromangans during the feasting season: ... it was a daily occurrence to see them passing on their way to the big nisekar or 'feasts'. The men, hideous in paint, had absolutely no clothing, but the women - then, as they have aIways been on this island - were weIl dressed. Indeed, we think the Erromangan heathen woman's attire most picturesque, with her long skirts of gaily 117 tinted materials and sweeping train, sometimes eight or nine fect long. A piel"C of native cloth, patlemed and coloured, is brought over one shoulder and across llIl It is interesting that many of the Erromangans encountered during his tirst years on the island, although apparently confonning to traditional custom in all aspects of behaviour and attire, carried trade axes and guns (Robertson,1902: 193,242,264). Robertson travelled on foot from Dillon's Bay to Cook's Ba~ on the island's east side, and rode his horse where conditions pennitted. Occasionally visits were made by boatto places too risky for overland trave!. In 1877, the mission ship Daysprillg was made available to Robertson for a period of two weeks, which enabled him ta circumnavigate the island and visit ail the coastal districts where he was likely to be received (Robertson, 1902: 289). During the early years, village politics limited where the missionary and his party cou III travel: 1t was not safe to go beyond seven miles south or ten miles nonh of us; we could land at Elizabeth Bay and Sufa, a village near Dillon's Bay, but one of the worst and most dangerous places was right in our bay, at a little spot called Raumpong and at the southern point (Robertson,1902:21O). In 1875, the Daysprillg brought the Robertsons to Cook's Bay, whcre they hoped to establish a second residence. There was a large grass-thatched church, and with thc help of local labour a separate living quarters was constructed for the mission family. Bcforc long, daily classes were held with the assistance of the local teacher, Novolu; young l'copie received instruction from Mrs. Robertson, and both Christians and traditionalists fillcd the large church for Sunday services (Robertson,1902:257). The Robertsons' physical well-being -,,, and missionary accomplishments in the Cook's Bay area were lar!ëely due to the support and 118 friendship of an influential chief named Netai (Robertson,I902:254-6). Although Netai was a strong traditionalist, he was also a faithful supporter of the mission and had great influence over surrounding districts. The people in this region had been friendly to the mission from the first missionary visit there, and several of Netai's brothers had been supporters ofRobertson's predecessors (Robertson,1902: 132-3,255). In spite of these favourable condifons, health problems caused the Robertsons to abandon their residence after four months and return to Dillon's Bay. Robertson relied heavily on Erromangan teachers for his missionary activities on the island, and worked diligently to establish a network over the island. This goal was assisted by efforts to establish "enyau", the dialect used for all of the mission's translations, as the main language on the island (Robertson,1902: 136). Like the missionaries before him, Robertson was keenly aware of the importance ofobtaining permission from local chiefs before senling his teachers (Robenson,1902:255-6,272-4,359,392). Many of the Erromangan teachers were accompanied by their wives, who also took up teaching activities. These women were especially successful in holding classes for other women. Classes included instruction in reading and writing, as weil as in cutting out and sewing garrnents (Robenson,1902:230-2, 360-1). By 1880, there were twenty-one Erromangan teachers engaged throughout the island (Steel,1880:213); four years later thirty-four teachers were reported (Presbyterian Record, 1884:32). During the fust ten years ofthe Robertsons' residence, there were several notable changes in the policy ofmissionization for Erromanga. Many ofthese occurred as a response to the disruptions to traditionallife brought about by severa! decades of contact with sandalwood traders and other foreigners, and the introduction ofdiseases which caused extensive depopulation throughout the island. Sorne inroads had been made by earlier missionaries. Although these influences contributed to later missionary 'success' on the 119 island, it is important to consider Robertson's own particular missionary strategy. which will serve as a basis fo:' evaluating his representation of Erronmngan culture. Robertson was above ail a practical man. Evidence of this aspect of his chamcter is found in ail of his actions. His introduction to the region and its inhabitants was made through commercial transactions during his years as a cotton agent, mld this inl1uenced his understanding in ways not typical of those nourished solely on mission doctrine. Althnugh most of his contemporaries concerned themselves only with the message they had brought tll save island souls and the logistics of spreading the word, Robertson attempted to understand the actual process of missionization. He attributed local acceptance of missionaries to nceds already established within traditional society: .... missionaries bring something good and serviceable - some knowlcdge that will help to protect them from evil spirits and disease-makers. A missioùary's presence in a village adds to the importance of the tribe in the eyes of other tribes. Above ail, frolll the missionaries they will get property, and for the possession of that they are prcpaml to do a good deal, and prepared even to hear about this new religion, or if they do nnt exactly believe and accept it, they will at least tolerate il. For churches or missionaries to expect higher motives from savages is not - to put it mildly - very l1atlering to their common sense. By-and-by, when the natives begin to grasp the real object of the missionary, and to rel1ect and see that Christianity in itself is a good thing, they will become interested, and be willing to receive instruction. Some may even !cave their own villages, if distant, in order to learn more, until, if not prevented by their friends, they abandon heathenism altogether and, outwardly at least, adopt the Christian religion (Robertson,1902:68). Robertson's strategy was therefore strongly tempered by a belief that missionaries had to fit themselves into roles cast by traditional society, such as that of ritlla! specialist or chief. The role ofritual specialist was one perceived to a limited degree by his missionary forebem·s. Their success or failure on the island was largely detertnined by their ability to cure illness and ward off misfortune (Gordon,J.,1863: 144,158; Robertson, 1902: 130-1,229). This role gained them fearful respect in local circles, endangered their lives on occasion, and also confimled Christian Erromangans in their new faith (Roberts~n,1902: 193, 229,244,295,317). Robertson's understanding of the active role expected from missionaries in local politics, however, was unique. Although all of his predecessors had been aware of the -.. 120 1 importance of Erromangan politics, and had done their best to curry favour with important chiefs (Gordon, J.,1863:143,149,151,157; Robertson,1902:132-3,149,255), Robertson recognized that the Christians and mission supporters on the island constituted a distinct "Christian party" that had definite allies and enemies, suffered injuries, and occasionally had to seek revenge (Robertson,1902:216-17,239,241-4,255-6,272-5,278,294,315-17,342-3).5 ln addition to party politics, efforts were made to fit mission activities into patterns established by traditional chieftainship and feasting practices. Robertson saw no conflict in having chiefs retain their status when they became Christians, and the mission was weB supported and expanded by the influence of these Christian chiefs (Robertson,1902:242, 261,272-3,317). He also lransformed certain mission activities to conform with traditional feasting practices by inviting those from remote districts, by serving generous quantitites of food, by having large numbers of traditionalists attend Christian events, and by having the Christian party receive reciprocal hospitality from non-Christian chiefs (Robertson,1902:246, 257,273,293,414-15). His attitude towards emp10yment ofErromangan labour for mission tasks also exhibited a marked improvement in missionary method, by keeping disruptions of local activities at a minimum: We did not like to ask our people to do more than plaster the outside ofthe school house until their planting season should be over .... l told them when they finished the plastering of their school house they might go to their plantations [gardens] for the next three months for l would not ask them to do any work, not even mission work, save one voyage of a few days in the mission boat to the extreme S.E. side of the Island (Robertson,1882:74). Although Robertson was far more sensitive to local custom than his predecessors had betn, he remained true to missionary policy in his attitudes. He discouraged polygamy whenever possible and frequently used his influence to undermine traditional marriage practices (Robertson,1902:215,231,256,297-302,329-334,396-7,422). Christian Erromangan women were encouraged to have their own say as to their future husbands and were permitted to decline proposed partners who did not meet their expectations. 5 Sec aise Yomot's description of revenge killings for Gordon's death (Robertson,1902: 160-3). 121 1 Other traditional activities, although not actively suppressed by Robertson. \Vere not considered appropriate for 'true' Christians. These included kava drinking and the veneration of sacred stones or navilah (Robertson,1902:359,394). In spite of Robertson's flexibility regarding many aspects of traditional culture, he was fairly rigorous when it came to matters of physicaI appearance. The Robertsons distributed clothing to mission supporters, as did previous missionaries on Erromanga, and had very definite ideas as to proper grooming. The following statement made in reference to faciaI tattooing, sums up his position: We approve of the natives keeping up their old customs when these are innocent and good ones; but as so many ofthem are connected with their superstitious and often cruel rites this is not often possible (Robertson,1902:368). Rev. and Mrs. Robertson and their three children began their two-year leave of absence from Erromanga in December 1882. The accomplishments of the mission after their fust ten years ofresidence were summarized as follows: Eromanga [sic] at the present time is 2,500, of whom 1,000 are nominal Christians and 1,500 heathen. It might be more strictly correct to say that there are 500 Christians and 500 more who are 'church-goers'. There are 190 members in full communion. Eight eIders were ordained by Mr. Robertson in 1882. There are !wo mission stations Dillon's Bay and Cook's Bay -with good churches, mission-houses and school houses, boat-houses and stock yard at each station. Besides these there are 32 school houses (grass[-]thatehed) and 34 teachers, aIl Eromangans [sic]. The situation ofeach ofthe school-houses is indicated on the sketch map [see Appendix F] by a cross and a glance at the manner in which they are distributed is sufficient to shew that the ranks of heathenism have been completely broken; that the Christian teacher's voice is heard on aIl sides, and there is good reason to hope and expect that ere long the whole of the people will be brought under the influence of the gospel (Presbyterian Record,1884: 32). In addition to attendance at religious services and contributions for teaching activities and for printing texts in Erromangan, Robertson also reported the following successes: Many ofthe children now attend the schools on different parts of the island, and excellent buildings have been erected for their accommodation. The people are becoming industrious and comfortable, they have better food, betler houses, and of the Christian portion of the island il can be truly said - "they are clothed and in their right mind" (Presbyterian Record,1884:32). 122 v. Robertson's Collection as a Cyltural Representatjon This thesis examines collected ethnographic objects and their relation to the cultural situation from which they were removed. The type ofcollecting under consideration is the European-derived process of selecting objects from other cultures. Important questions regarding the use of these objects and their perception by individuals in the cultures from which they originate have not been treated. Collected ethnographic objects are usually studied as they are found in the museum or as they might have been in the field - the movement from one place to the other is not considered significant. Sorne specialists have even suggested that collected objects can reflect native life, or even speak for non-literate peoples: ln non-literate societies only artifacts provide models and evidence of the past apart from those "stored in human memory" (and subject to the vagaries ofhuman memory); this surely has important consequences for the members of those societies ..., as it certainly does for the evidential value ofartifacts for bath contemporary and subsequent outside observers. Both informants' and recorders' biases are less significant here than with either oral or written testimony. The artifacts stored in museums provide a vast body ofquite direct cultural evidence which should be analyzed and re-analyzed. (Sturtevant,1969:638). Sturtevant's premise is significantly flawed insofar as il treats collecting as a neutral process. Overlooked is the fact that collecting imposes an artificial and potentially misleading unity on objects, arbitrarily selecting sorne and excluding others, homogenizing specific geographicallocations, chronologies, significant events, physical attributes, ownership, and other aspects specific to the history ofindividual objects.l The process of collecting leaves its indelible signature on objects, whether we consider idiosyncratic collections such as those of the Redpath Museum which naïvely reflect contact history or systematic collections based on changing disciplinary strategies. This investigation began by exarnining Rev. Robertson's collection from the New Hebrides, which from the vantage point ofthe Redpath Museum in Montreal, appears to represent a cultural unity. The manner in which ilis ordered, labelled, and described bespeaks 1 For ex ample, collectors and musewns have until recently arbitrarily classified Metis abjects as either Indian or European. based on their physical appearance (sec Harrison,1987). ID a single entity. Although the coEection was poorly documented, historieal rescarch establishcd a collection date for the material as sometime after 1872, when Robertson and his wife mTived on Erromanga, and before 1896, when the last ofhis three donations was made to the Redpath Museum. The material does not appear excessively bound by stereotypes typically found in nineteenth century missionary collections.2 There is no apparent emphasis on thc accoutrements of "heathenism" ('felishes' and 'idols'), "savagery" (weapons and evidence of cannibal practices), readiness for missionary instruction (objects of expert craftsmanship highlighting native ingenuity and intelligence), or other kinds of objects typically used to encourage fund-raising (treated 1ater in this chapter). The cross-section of materials, the recording ofindigenous namcs in some instances, the noting of provenance, and knowledge of Robertson's long residence in the Ncw Hebrides provide the collection with an aura of credibility and objcctivity. Thcsc factors are impressive since Robertson himself appears to have been untouched by thc influences of systematic collecting and 'museum anthropology' that were gaining popularity at this timc in Europe and North America. This inference is supported by his written work Erromanga: The Martyr Isle, which, while providing useful information regarding Erromangans and their way of life, is solidly framed within the dogma of nineteenth ccntury missionization. Although the objects collected by Robertson are not overly endowed with accompanying documcntation, initial examination SUPPOlts the assumption that they are reasonably accu rate cultural documents of traditionallife on Erromanga and other New Hcbrides' islands betwccn 1872 and 1896. The objects in Robenson's collection were evaluated by comparing them with descriptions of material culture on Erromanga and other New Hcbrides' islands writtcn by Robertson and several contemporary European observers. Since the prescnt study's conccrn is with an outsider's perception of local culture, these sources provide comparable evidcncc of 2 Sec. far ex ample, Altick (1978:298-9). Caambes (1985). Frese (1960:30-2). O'Rciliy (1959), and Stllllicy (l9B9). t, 124 ,..). knowledge and access to local objects, even if they are considerably limited and distorted by 'e the standards of those who made and used the objects under consideration. Objects not previously identified in the Redpath Museum's accession records were assigned general provenances based on research of primary and secondary sources (see Chapter II and Appendix B; suggested provenances are indicated by "+" in the catalogue). This research has corroborated provenances for those objects having minimum documentation and has identified an additional thirty-six artifacts, including !Wenty-five from Erromanga (sixteen leaf and vegetable fibre skirts, one piece ofbarkcioth, six arrows, and two bows: acc. 464.01-.16; 466, 476.07-.12, 489.01-.02), a spear from Efate (acc.490.06), a pudding knife from Tongoa (acc. 490.07), four spears from Malekula (acc. 490.01-.04), a mask from Ambrim (acc. 470), one mat from Lepers Island [Aoba] (acc. 467.03), and three items ofEuropean-influenced local manufacture (acc. 468.01-.02, 472). 3 Provenances for the total collection of 125 objects can be summarized as follows: sixty-one objects from Erromanga, five from Malekula, four from Ambrim, three from Tongoa, two from Efate, !Wo from Mae [Emae], one from Lepers Island [Aoba], three European-influenced items, thirty-two arrows and !WO sheaths from the "northem" New Hebrides,4 and ten artifacts ofundetemuned provenance (acc.464.17, 467.01-.02, 469.01-.02, 471.01-.03, 490.05, 490.08). In evaluating objects in Robertson's collection, it is important to recognize that his collecting activities were influenced by particular contact experiences and were subsidiary to 3 There are similarly-shaped pieces of fibrous coconut 'cloth' in the Redpath Collection that are of unknown function (sec, for example, ace. 5861). The fact that ace. 468.01 has been described as a "cap" in me accession book (Etlmological Museum,[1926.1964j) and is paired with a barkcloth garment or "coat" (ace. 468.02) suggesrs that it setved sorne European-influenccd function in this particular case. The barkcloth garment appears to he a vesUTIent and was likely commissioned for use in local church services. The hat (ace. 472) resembles a European-style straw hat or 'boater,' 4 The ently in the accession book for acc.476.01-.40, which includes thirty-eight arrows and two sheaths, reaeis "N. New Hebrides". As suggested earlier. this is probably meant ta be "Northern New Hebrides". Comparison of arrow types indicates that six of the group are from Erromanga (acc.476.07-.12). The number is significant because a typical Erromangan set included six arrows (Robertson,1902:371). Twenty-seven arrows are of a very sirnHar type, but are sufficiently distinct from the Erromangan exarnples. Although exact provenance has not been detennined. their sinùlarity suggests a single general area. Comparison with attributed exarnples indicates that they could be from Epi, Lepers Island [Aobal. or Malo (See Appendix B. ace. 476.01-.06,.13-.26,.28-.29•.31-.35). The remaining five arrows and two sheaths are assumed to be part of the group from the "northern" New Hebrides, as they bear no resemblance to the Erroman~an arrows. 125 his missionary duties. They were mediated both by access to local materials and a mat criai culture repertoire that was changing due to local and introduced influences. It is thcrcfore essential to detennine those historieal, geographical, and professional factors that affectcL\ what he collected. A pattern emerges when the ascribed provenances are consideree! within the context of the three donations made by Robertson in September 1883, January 189U, and March 1896.5 The objects l'rom the first donation (spears, arrows, clubs, matting) appcar to he l'rom islands north of Erromanga (Efate, Tongoa, Epi, Malekula, Malo, Lcpers Island), while those of his last donation (navilah, necklaces, dresses) are mostly l'rom Erromanga. With regard to the first donation, Robertson notes that Tongoa, Epi, Ambrim, Malekula, Malo, and Santo were without missionaries when he arrived on Erromanga in 1872 (Robertson,1902:184). During 1881, the mission schooner Dayspridg made two voyages (April to August and August to December), spending a month at the mission station on Tongoa and visiting the islands to the north which had no resident missionaries, including "heathen villages on the islands of Epi, Paama, Ambrim, Malikolo, and St. Bartholomew's 1Malol" (Maritime Presbyterian,1882:171). Although Robertson's name is not mentioned among those travelling to these islands, the mission vessel's trip to these northern islands is likely the source of the objeets in Robertson's first donation. The objeets were probably passed on to him in anticipation of his approaching trip to Canada. The abundanee of weapons is also what one woule! expect l'rom a briel' ship based eneounter probably consisting of some gifts l'rom the missionaries on board to the anllecl local men that greeted the ship. This was the standard method used by missionaries ta establish contact with "heathen" peoples. The fact that both the spears (aec. 490.()J-.08) and arrows (ace. 464.01-.40) are designated in the Redpath documentation as being "poisonecl" and l'rom the "N.[orthern] New Hebrides", as opposed to noting specific island mimes, suggests that the material was collected by someone having only superficial knowleclge of the 5 Scptcmbcr 1883 cntry: "Collection of spcnrs, arrows, ::lubs, matling &tc."; January 1890 cntry: "Collection of ",\'. implcrncnts, wcapons &tc. from the New Hcbridcs."; March 1896: "Stone collar [navllah. Bce. 480j, ncc.:klaccs. dresses, spcars, shclls and bcans. Erromanga, New Hcbridcs." (Rcdpath Muscum.11881.1917}). 126 islands visited.6 Two clubs, one documented as being from Malekula (ace. 488) and one from Tongoa (ace. 486), also may have been collected during this voyage. Furthennore, additional identifications of four spears from Malekula, arrows of northem provenance (Epi, Lepers Island [Aoba], or Malo), and one mat from Lepers Island [Aoba], support specifie islands visited in the mission vessel's tour of the "heathen islands" or at least a northem itinerary. Robertson's second donation is unfortunately vaguely described as a "collection of implements, weapons &tc. from the New Hebrides". An idea of its contents may be sunnised by eliminating those objects known to belong to the first and third donations (spears, arrows, clubs, matting, navilah, necklaces, dresses) and by considering the provenances of the remaining objects (Efate, Ambrim, Tongoa, Mae, Erromanga). One possible clue regarding this donation is Robertson's description of his trip to the yearly Synod gathering, which was held on Ambrim in 1887 and included visits to Efate, Malo, Tangoa (a small island off Santo), and Tongoa (Robertson,1902:423-6). It is possible that objects bearing provenances from these islands in the Redpath Museum's records may have been collecœd first-hand by Robertson during his 1887 visit to islands in this area. Items possibly gathered include the pudding dishes from Efate, Ambrim, and Tongoa respectively (ace. 477, 478, 479); the water bottIe and adze from Ambrim (acc. 475, 483); as weil as the mask and pudding knife identified as having an Ambrim provenance (acc. 470, 490.07). Additional items possibly collected on this trip are two fans from Mae, a small island situated between Efate and Tongoa (acc. 473.01-.02). The pudding dishes, pudding knife, water bottle, adze, and possibly fans are ail reasonably within the "implement" designation ofthe second donation. Although weapons are also mentioned, the implements included are neither the type ofobjects commonly transported for the greeting of strangers nor what one WQuld expect to be traded during a brief shipside 6 The pudding knife attribuled to Tongoa (ace. 490.07) and Ùle set of six arrows attribut.d ta ErtOmanga (acc. 476.07• .12) that are included in these catalogue sequences are probably the result of confusion when me axtifacts were numbered in Montreal. Such CITors in Ûle grouping of artifacts are not surprising sinee there would have been an imerval of thirty years or more between when me material was first donated and when it was accessioned in 1927 . . 127 encounter. The acquisition ofvillage-based implements would require contact of a more intimate narure. It is not surprising, therefore, that most items belonging to this category are from islands having resident European missionaries (Bfate, Tongoa, and Ambrim).7 It is possible that the Ambrim mask (ace. 470), no doubt the result offirst-hand contact and requiring considerable negotiation, may have been obtained as one of the highlights of the Synod meeting on Ambrim. In spite of the fact that Erromangan objects may have been part of Robertson's first donation, and most probably were included among the implements and weapons of his second donation, artifacts having an Erromangan provePoance are only specifically mentioned in Robertson's third donation. The Erromangan objects that can be identified from his 1896 donation include the "stone collar" (clearly the navilah, ace. 480), the necklaces (ace. 474.01 .05), the dresses (ace. 464.01-.16).8 The types of artifacts in each donation are representative of specifie contact situations on the islands indicated. They can be seen as representing typica] missionary encounters. However, each respective donation appears to be the result of an increasingly intimate type ofengagement. This analysis of the constituent items in Robertson's three donations to the Redpath Museum is based on the historical probability that the material he collected in the New Hebrides was related to the activities ofthe Presbyterian Mission with which he was affiliated. The types of artifacts in each donation represent specifie contact siruations on the islands indicated. Furtherrnore, each respective donation appears to be the result of an increasingly intimate type of missionary engagement. Although the exact components ofRobertson's three donations are somewhat speculative, the artifacts with documented provenances, as weil as those with attributed provenances, support this interpretation. It is interesting to note that no 7 AlÛlough Efate had its frrst resident European missionary in 1864, Tangoa did nol have onc until 1878. and Ambrim did no' have a European missionary un,i1 1883 (O·Reilly.1956; Parsonson.1956:125·6). 8 Robertson's third donation included spears [yom Erromanga (Redpath Museum.!1881-1917]). Although no spears in Robertson's collection fit the description of thase manufactured on Erromanga. il is possible thal one of the unidentified spears is described here (ace. 490.05 or 490.08) or, perhaps ùUs refers to the six arrows of Erromangan manufacture (ace. 476.07-.12). 128 objects appear to be from any of Erromanga's neighbouring southern is1ands, where the Presbyterian Mission was especial1y active during the nineteenth century (wilh the possible exception of acc. 469.01-.02, see Appendix B). The absence of materia1 from these is1ands rr-ay reflect an assumption that the home audience was already sufficient1y exposed to the area through the work of other Nova Scotian missionaries. This certainly would have been the case for the island ofAneityum, which had four long-tenu resident missionaries between 1848 and 1887, under the aegis of either the Church of Nova Scotia or the Church ofthe Lower Provinces ofBritish North America (see Appendix E). Regardless of the general patterns that emerge, the focus of this study is the sixty-one objects of Erromangan provenance in Robertson's collection. They represent the 1argest concentration ofitems from any one island donated by Robertson to the Redpath Museum (the next largest group being the five objects from Malekula). These objects are also of particular significance, because Robertson and his wife knew Erromanga better than any other Europeans alive during the entire nineteenth century. In considering the presence ofcertain objects in Robertson's collection and the absence of others, il is important to measure the degree ofEuropean influence affecting the region where Robertson selected the objects for his collection and also to assess the extent of his awareness of the rnaterials being introduced into Erromangan life. Although il can be assumed that European contact would have increased considerably between the rime ofhis fust donation in 1883 and his last donation in 1896, the Redpath Museum's documentation does not supp1y sufficient detail to identify the specific artifacts in each donation, even though the earlier dates have been linked with artifacts from the northern islands and rnaterial in the 1ast donation with Erromanga The earlier cut-off date has been selected as the most reliable measure for an of the objects being considered. That this date may be too conservative for measuring the degree ofWestern influence for Robertson's later two donations is not of concern. Evidence ofintensified European influence would only provide greater support for the argument that 129 1 Robertson's collection did not represent the material culture he knew to exist on Erromanga during the last two decades ofthe nineteenth century. Erromanga was a major supplier of sandalwood in the New Hebrides between 1829 and 1866, and as a consequence experienced frequent coastal visits by Europeans to Dillon's Bay and Cook's Bay. These encounters were intense and occasionally violent because oflucrative returns for sandalwood exploitation. In the early days of the trade, contacts included penetration into the island's interior by large numbers ofPolynesians hired to harvest the wood, who made heavy demands on the island's already meagre food resources. The tirst missionary experiences on Erromanga were fraught with personal hardships and tragedy for the Europeans involved. The island's legacy ofhostility and violence towards outsiders was no doubt influenced by decades ofexploitive campaigns by sandalwood traders and visits by well-intentioned but poorly advised missionaries. The outcome of these early encounters was that Erromangans aggressively discouraged infiltration by traders and successfully thwarted early missionary intrusions for two-thirds of the nineteenth century. In spite of the Erromangans' sur.cess at limiting physical intrusion by foreigners, desire for, and increasing dependence on, foreign goods eventually moditied traditional priorities in arder ta aceommodate European demands for year-round trading, mission related activities, and labour contracts that often conflicted with seasonal cycles of planting, harvesting, feasting, and fighting. There was often reduced opportunity for the time consuming pursuits of local politics and warfare. While European influence impeded production oflocal manufactures, it created a dependence on introduced goods. European technology eliminated several types of labour intensive tasks, such as the local manufacture of tools, weapons, tish-hooks, and clothing. Metal tools, in particular, lessened the labour required from men engaged in subsistence agriculture, fishing, house building, canoe building, and tool making; while the introduction of cloth relieved women of the arduous manufacture of barkcloth and leaf skirts. The time saved by introduced technologies, however, was mare than offset by European demands for wage 130 labourers, altending religious classes, and keeping the Sabbath. In tem1S of political consequcnces, the introduction of European goods often had the power of aggrandizing local leaders, who were able to monopolize the materials offered by traders, missionaries, or labour recruiters. Occasionally, situations arose which allowed previously powerless individua1s to upset the established order as a result of their access to European-introduced wealth. Missionaries, like their trader counterparts, used material goods to establish themselves and obtain food and services from local populations. They also used material inccntives to encourage participation in mission activities. Trading activities beginning in the late eighteen-twenties had introduced a considerable quantity and variety ofEuropean goods into Erromangan society. Iron tools, beads, cloth, firearms, and tobacco were common items of barler offered by sandal wood traders (Bennelt,1832: 129; Gordon, J.,1 863: 156; Brenchley, 1873:321-2; Robertson, 1902:27-30; Shineberg,1967: 147). Altho,lgh the missionaries were always limited in the quantities and type~ of goods available for distribution, they managed to introduce certain materials into Erromangan society on a regular basis and to influence the use of many traditional items such as clubs and navilah. Food, assorted household items, and tools were regularly availab1e to individuals involved with the maintenance of the mission premises and various construction projects. Other materials, such as medicine, clothing, and religious texls, were introduced \Vith the specific intention of altering traditional practices. Long-termmissionary residence, extensive contact with local populations, and frequent mission activities \Vere ail factors that enhanced missionary influence on Erromanganmaterial culture. ln accordance with traditional practice, contact was established and good relations maintained by the distribution of small presents (Gordon, J.,1863:100; Murray, 1863: 184-6; Robertson, 1902:51-2,132,149,290,294). Missionary seltlement began with payments made to local chiefs for land (Gordon, J., 1863:107; Steel,1880:208; Robertson,1902: 133), and payments to local individuals were required for obtaining food, assistance with building, and maintaining the mission premises (Gordon,J.,1863:107,171,287; Robertson,1881 b:230; 131 1902:190,208-9,261,293,312,415,423). Material goods were necessary for the support of teaehers and to arrange for their sett1ement with local ehiefs (Gordon,J.,1863:279,287; Murray,1863: 184-6; Robertson, 1881 b:230), and also as ineentives for Erromangans to attend classes and participate in mission activities (Gordon,J.,1863:141,167,277,279,287; Robertson,1902:68,146,209). Payments were usually made with food, goods received from the home mission, and sometimes the personal property of the missionaries, especially clolhing and household items (Gordon,J.,1863: 162,171; Robertson, 1881 b:230; 1902:202,208,233). Disparities in resources available to those stationed on Erromanga dcpcnded not only on the relative prosperity of the home churches, but also on the specifie requirements of individnal missionaries. Requirements varied aecording to type and freqllency of activities as well as the missionaries' personalities. The extent of dependence on material goods for mission operations was also strongly tempered by the attitudes of the individllal missionaries regarding payment. The types of goods distributed were generally determined by the mission enterprise in question. One exception was food, which was offered for a range of activities. Building was an important part of missionary endeavour and inclnded the construction of houses, schools, churches, and roads. 1'hese projects depended largely on local building materials, but nails, metal axes, and other tools, which had been popular items of barler during the sandalwood trade, were provided by the missionaries. 1'ools were not neeessarily offered as payment, bttt their availability was useful for a variety of traditional activities, sueh as cutting trees for houses and callOes and garden work. Medicine was impOitant for gaining local respect and influence, and was in great demand due to the increasing failure of local remedies and practitioners to contend with the now frequent outbreaks of disease brought by increasing contact with Europeans. The main barter of the mission, however, was cloth and cloù1Ïng, which servel! as an essential component of missionization, boù] in attracting people to activities and in regulating traditional practice. Another reason for its predominance as barter was its ready 132 ( availability from the home counnies, where rollections ofused gannents and occasionally locally-produced cloth were made for the foreign missions. Clothing was often disnibuted to those receiving instruction and attending services, and the manufacture of gannents was a standard part of the curriculum for womens' classes. It was a key factor in distinguishing Christians from ncn-Christians (Gordon, 1.,1863:286) and was especially important to missionaries, who considered physical appearance a measure of spirituality (Steel,1880:192; Presbyterian Record,1884:32; Robertson,1902:80). The missionaries also introduced printed religious texts, which although essentially a vehicle for conveying the Christian message, were valued as charismatic objects, especially during the early stages ofmissionization, as evidenced by Robertson's report that, "the old people did not know one letter from another, but they religiously opened their books and held them, often upside down, during the entire service" (Robertson,1902:257). Printing materials supplied by mission supporters were also important for teaching endeavours. Many religious texts were actually printed on the Island by the missionary and his teachers (Gordon, 1.,1863:115-16,172). The quantity and range of goods that were required were proportional to the extent ofmissionary contact. Missionaries interacted regular1y with men, women, and children, unlike sandalwood traders whose dealings were mostly with men. Although these relations were enhanced by the invo1vement ofthe missionaries' wives, even bachelor James Gordon managed to reach a whole cross-section ofthe population. Significant variations occurred in the physical extent ofcontact established by the different missionaries, from encounters limited to the irnmediate vicinity of the mission premises to those involving distant outstations and remote villages. In spite ofvariations in the goods disnibuted and contacts made by the different missionaries and their wives on Erromanga, it should be noted that the combined efforts of Rev. and Mrs. Gordon, Rev. and Mrs. Macnair, and Rev. James Gordon were ofmodest proportion compared with the vigour, intensity, and longevity ofRev. and Mrs. Robertson's campaign. 133 Robertson was quite comfonable with the practice of gaining local favour by offering presents, medicine, and food (Robertson,1902:212,264,294) and practical in his understanding of the non-spiritual 'value' of the missionary presence (Steel, 1880:211; Robertson,1902:68-9). Although certain changes regarding recompense for mission services occurred during Robertson's residence, such as payments being made in money rather than material goods for sorne services (Robertson,I902:387-8,414) and the increasing tendency of Christian Erromangans to volunteer their labour for certain arduous tasks (Robertson,1882:75; Maritime Presbyterian,1883a:170), the intensification of mission operations required extensive material resources. Robertson's expanded sphere ofinfluence included regular visits to remote villages, and with the ever-increasing number of teachers and outstations his material expenditures were substantially greater than those of his predecessors, as reflected in his correspondence with the home mission: ... we cannot get on without a considerable quantity ofclothing, whether to give it to the heathen chiefs and young men coming in or give it in exchange for native food, or assistance in keeping up mission buildings and fences. Weil, though we buy a large amount ofbarter, such as axes, knives, shirts, pants, calico by the yard, soap, fish· hooks, &c.. &c., yet all that is not sufficient to tide us over the year, and the mission boxes from Christian friends and warm friends of the mission come in to supplement that which is lacking (Robertson,1881b:230). The Robertsons distributed clothing to mission supporters as previous missionaries on Erromanga had done, and were quite strict in making sure that those attending church were well-clad. In mission terrns, this meant not only sufficiently covered, but also not wearing traditional garb, which was always distinguished as that worn by "heathens" or those unfriendly to the mission (Robertson,1902:230f.,255,258,318,346,364-7,369). This also meant that traditionalists, who were now participating in mission activities in great numbers had to be provided with clothing (Robertson,1902:209,326-7,346): Sometimes a party ofthem [traditionalists] would come 10 us and say. "We want to go to school and church, but we have no nemas, 'clothes'." Eager to get them to join us, we would give each man a shirt and netoitingi, 'lava-lava' or loin-cloth. Very soon the same lot would turn up again, stark naked, had no nemas, but would like to get sorne in order that they might attend church and school. We did not know them from one another; so Mrs. Robertson and 1 would give them another new set of clothes (Robertson,1902:209). 134 The rationale for dress requirements was explained to several traditionalist men, deeply distressed by the slim figures cut by their wives who had been required to relinquish their usual dress of lWenty or so leaf skins: ... we did not insist on their wives forsaking their skins for European clothes, just as we did did not insist on their coming to the church. But, as they wanted to come to the services, we felt sure they would respect our wishes and those ofour Christian people, and come inlO God's House in the very best attire that they could get (Robertson,1902: 327). Although typical ofcontemporary missionary attitudes, Robertson's strict adherence to convention in dress requirements is somewhat surprising, both because of his leniency in other matters and his obviously genuine esteem for the traditional dress of Erromangan women (Robertson,1902:192,364,366-7). The goods introduced by the missionaries were often intended as direct replacements for items of traditional culture. Such was the case with European clothing, which was required for participation in mission activities but not always necessary to establish acceptable levels of Christian modesty. The typical Erromangan woman's dress generously covered her figure from shoulder to ankle, but still had to be relinquished in favour ofprint dresses for attending church. The medicine and texts introduced by the missionaries also served to replace aspects oftraditional culture, but the substitution was a more graduai one. From the arrivai of the first resident missionaries, the battle between the efficacy of sorcerer's charrns and traditional worship as compared with that oftheir Christian counterparts was watched with vigorous attention (Gordon,J.,1863:144,158,165-6,178-9,185; Robertson, 1902:73,130-1,150,229,244,317). The analogy belWeen printed religious texts and local "idols" was noted by Rev. Geddie for Aneityum (Patterson,1882:312) and Rev. Matheson for Tanna (Patterson,1864:386), and was equally relevant on Erromanga. Christian successes were marked by the removal of "idols" from disease-ridden villages (Gordon,].,1863:179), or when navilah were abandoned by their owners (Robertson,1902:359-60,390), while Erromangan traditionalists celebrated their periodic victories over Christian influence by forbidding the use ofreligious texts and clothing (patterson,1882:448; Robertson,1902:157). 135 1 Missionaries influenced local malerial culture indireclly by discouraging certain traditional activities and by promoting mission involvemenl. They encouraged people to move to the mission premises or locations, where they could more conveniently participale in mission activities. These moves required Erromangans to abandon their gardens, as well as many village-oriented pursuits and traditions. The missionary policy of discouraging traditional marriages and feasting eliÎnimted the importance of exchanging many traditional fon115 of wealth, such as boars' tusks, shells, navilah, and clubs (Robertson,1902: 144,371-2,390, 396). Other objects were removed as a result ofincreasing local participation in mission activities. Robertson went on specifie trips to raise funds for the Mission by collecting "curiosities." An account of a boat tour around the island in 1877 mentions collecting arrowroot bulbs, fowls, clubs, bows and arrows, sandalwood, and money from Christian Erromangans as contributions towards various printing costs (Robertson,1902:289,312). 9 Warfare was another local pursuit that was objected to by all missionaries resident on the island, but one that had proved fairly resistant to missionary interference. Missionaries tried 10 persuade local people to get rid of their traditional weapons and were frustrated by the fact that they were seldom abandoned. On the rare occasions when they were cast aside, it was usually to replace them with metal axes and frrearms. Although traditional warfare had been removed from the repertoire of activities engaged in by missionized Erromangans, it is interesting to note that during Robertson's residence on the island, the carrying offrrearms became an acceptable practice for Christian Erromangans. In recognizing the 'active' role sometimes required of the Christian party, Robertson was acutely aware of the need for protection so that the party would nOI be 9 A recent Christie's auction catalogue includes imeresting evidence of these carly transactions (1989:26-8). For sale are a few items from Erromanga and a copy of the Gospels translated into an Erromangan dialcct and printcd in Sydney in 1890. The flyleaf is inscribed WiÙl details regarding raising funds from the sale of arrowroot (sec also. Robenson.1902:416-18.445,n.4). The material is from the estate of Hugh Barnen of Glasgow, an agent for the Presbyterian Mission in ilie New Hebrides. who assisted Ûle sale of arrowroot in me U.K. Robertson's name is mentioned as the contact on Erromanga in an account book. Presumably, the 'curios' in Barnett's collection, whiçh include a navilah, were collected as part of the Erromangan contribution towards printing costs. 136 perceived as "women". He therefore had no objection to, and even encouraged, the carrying of firearms (Robertson,1902:202,216-17,219,269,318,351-2). His belief that Christian Erromangans had to "fear God and keep their powder dry" during the early days of the mission (Robertson,1902:209) was a radical departure from George Gordon' s earlier policy ofkeeping one's "quiver weil filled with arrows steeped in the love of Christ" (Gordon, J.,1863:140). Nor was Robertson's attitude shared by his colleagues, who expressed alarm when Erromangans in his company fired a "salute of welcome" to a visiting mission vessel (Robertson,1902:247). That Robertson saw no contradiction in the use offrrearms by mission supporters is nowhere more clearly expressed than in the following words praising a long-time supporter of the Errornangan mission: As new and more modem guns were introduced, Yomot made every effort to possess one, and to the last 1think he loved a fust-rate rifle next to a copy of the complete Bible in Aneityumese and portions ofthe Old and New Testament in Erromangan. His house was a kind of "Tower ofLondon," for he kept all his firearms, from an old lumbering blunderbuss up to the modern expensive rifle, perfectly clean and in order (Robertson, 1902:351). The goods introduced by missionaries often discouraged production of their more laboriously manufactured and sometimes less efficient Erromangan counterparts. The advantages gained by labour-saving material introductions became necessary to provide the extra rime required for participation in mission activities. European cloth and clothing, as mentioned above, not only replaced traditional dress, but also eliminated the necessity for local women to spend long hours engaged in the manufacnrre ofleaf skirts and barkcloth. Nails, metal axes and other tools used in the mission's frequent construction projects were readily available for various local tasks. No doubt they discouraged the labour-intensive manufacture and less efficient use oftraditional tools for woodworking and gardening. Metal tools and miscel1aneous missionary offerings of beads, fish-hooks, cooking pots, and bottles continued the replacements oftraditional objects that had begun with earlier traders. The desirability ofthe introduced product occasionally overrode missionary preferences for maintaining certain traditional crafts. Robertson was keenly interested in 137 continuing local manufacture of traditional clubs because a finely-crafted club cOllld "al ways fetch a ready sale," but skil! and interest in producing clubs waned as the traditional need for them was abandoned (Robertson,1902:372-3). It is conceivab1e that the availability of goods from the mission was especially attractive to those Erromangans who had participated in the sandalwood trade, especially as trading activities dwindled on the island. JO Sandalwood traders left Erromanga in 1866; however, the missionaries resident at the time had few material resources available for distribution to the local population. The situation changed radically with the arrivaI of the Robertsons in 1872. They engaged in intensive missionization of the island and had b'Teater access to material goods than any missionaries before them. Once Erromangans had embraced aspects ofEuropean material culture and religion, the sale of traditional items as "curios" became a way of acquiring additiona1 goods, gaining influence in both Erromangan and European contexts, and a means of contributing to the mission efforts. The divestment of traditional objects was encouraged by the missionaries, who often served as middlemen in these transactions (Brenchley,1873:300-l; Robertson,1902:289,312; Wood,1875:87). This practice was not unique to Robertson and his colleagues on Erromanga: The Protestant propensity for frowning upon anything from the past as heathen, (later taken up by Catholic missionaries and their native helpers), was a primal factor in bringing people to seU old and treasured pieces to passing trading, whaling or warring captains (Guian,1983:58, in reference to the L.M.S. collections in London). Regardless ofwhether the source was the sandalwood station or the mission premises, by the time the Robertsons lived on Erromanga, introduced materials, especially clothing, tools, and frrearms, were plainly evident throughout the island. (Robertson, 1902: 215,217,240,242,254,258,264,268-9,331,342,351-2,369,373,375).11 Numerous examples 10 For a similar situation on Aneityum. see Spriggs (1985:36). Il Although Robertson's book Erromanga: The Martyr lsle was published in 1902, almosl lwcnty yeats after his fir.st donation was made. one could expect bis understanding of local maleria! culture to he more sophisticatcd Ùlan il might have becn carlier, espeeially afler contacts with secular professionals, 5uch as Sutherland Sinclair of the Australian National Museum. Il should he noted however. that Robenson's monograph ends with the description of his trip ta Canada in 1883. his retum 10 Erromanga in 1885 after his two-year lcave. and a few sketchy comments rcgarding lalcr events, especially mose occurring between 1886 and 1887. In aU probability, the book is based on journal cnlrics or letters \Vfitten during me period described. In comparing the descriptions in Robcrtson's book with thosc of cartier 138 exist of Robenson's belief in the necessity and utility of trade goods for survival and for mission activities. Much ofhis success can be attributed 10 his business experience on Aneityum between 1864 and 1868, before taking up his missionary duties. He was less conservative and more active than his predecessors on Erromanga and his dexterity in handling practical matters provided the necessary means for the religious concerns of the Mission. Robenson's existence on Erromanga and his missionary activities there were pan of a continuing exchange of European and Erromangan goods that had served as the primary language of contact berween these rwo culrures from the time of the frrst European visitors. 12 For Robenson, like many ofhis colleagues, the process ofrnissionization was executed by systematically replacing aspects of traditional culture with those ofEuropean culture (see Jolly and Macintyre,1989; Nason,1978; Spriggs,1985). During the nineteenth century, missionary transformations were most successfully realized within the domain of material culture. 13 The goods in Robenson's collection reflect the primary targets of missionization on Erromanga. A majority of objects in the collection are related to Erromangan appearance, reflecting the imponant missionary interest in establishing a dress code: lem skins (acc. 464- 01-.16), barkcloth (acc. 465.01-.03, 466), neck ornaments (acc. 474.01.-.05), armbands (acc. 484.01-.07), and men's ornamental combs (ace. 481.01-.02, 482.01-.08). Although traditional dress and ornaments were perrnilted and even adrnired in the case of women's garments, most incentives for local individuals to participate in mission activities consisted of presents of c!oth and c!othing. The introduction ofmanufacrured cloth eliminated not only the wrilCrs, ,uch as Gordon (1863), BrcneWey (1873), and Wood (1875), as weil as Robertson', own aceoums published in The Maritime Prcsbylcrian (1881-1885) and The Presbyterian Record (1882-1885), il appcars quite cvident that Erromanga: The Martyr Isle is based on Robertson's rUSt twelve years there, rather than reminiscences after a career of thirty years on the island. 12 For a rceeol example of the role played by rnatcrial gOo That European clothing was a major criterion in distinguishing Christians l'rom "heathens" on Erromanga is made explicit in a pair of photographs included in Robertson's monograph (1902:xix,231; reproduced in Appendix 0).14 One photograph shows a woman wearing a white, long-sleeved blouse and is entitled "Lalim Numpu - a Christian Erromangan; a helper at the Mission House." There is no way of knowing whether the "Christian" Erromangan woman wears traditional Erromangan skirts or a European gam1ent, as the photograph does not reveal her full figure. The second photograph shows a woman also neatly and modestly dressed, but wearing traditional barkcloth, ankle-length skirt, and coconut shell armbands, and is labelled "An Erromangan belle in heathen dress." Robertson's progress in transforrning local dress was noted during Sinclair's visit to Erromanga in 1894. Traditional skirts for women and hait combs for men are still included in the dress of Christian Erromangans. However, given Sinclair's description of "dignified" dress, it can be assumed that these traditional items will not endure much longer: The women still wear the native dresses [skirtsJ, but calicoes and coloured printS have taken the place of the beaten clotho The men now wear a lava-lava of calico or prim and a shirt. It makes a dress very like the Scotchman's kilt, except that it is light enough for use in a tropical climate. Many, however, have attained to the dignity of trousers, shirts, coats and hats. The head-dress of the women now is a coloured handkerchief ofthe men a comb (Sinclair,1895:704). Another focus of missionary endeavour was the elimination of local warfare. Erromangans were required to leave their bows and arrows and clubs behind when attending mission activities. The active discouragement oflocal warfare is reflected by the weapons included in Robertson's collection: arrows (ace. 476.07-.12), bows (ace. 489.01-.(2), and clubs (ace. 487.01-.02).15 14 For a discussion regarding the doctrine of "shirtism" favoured by Presbyterians in the New Hebrides. sec Harrisson (1937:153-5). 15 In later years, when Robertson was sensitized 10 the faet that members of the Christian party had ta be arrncd for protection from rival factions, the favoured weapons were metal axes and firearms. 140 Final1y, but not 1ess significantly, are those objects that were the focus of traditional spiritual beliefs.t6 The acme of missionary success on Erromanga was when navilah were abandoned by their owners (see Robertson,1902:359-60). Although on1y a single example is inc1uded in the collection (acc. 480), the local regard for navilah and the extensive negotiations required for their surrender suggest that it represents an important missionary triumph for Robertson. The only En-omangan objects in Robertson's collection not conscious1y manipulated by the process ofmissionization are the pieces ofcarved bamboo (acc. 485.01-.05). Thus far, this discussion has focused on the objects in Robertson's collection, the introduction ofEuropean materials into Erromangan life, and Robertson's influence on the local situation by virtue ofhis missionary role. Those items available to Robertson, but excluded from his donation to the Redpath Museum, will now be considered. Several traditional Erromangan objects mentioned in the literature are noticeab1y absent, inc1uding stone axes (Wood,1875:87; Robertson,1902':27-8,30,373), wooden fish-hooks (Humphreys,1926: 161-2), fishing lines (Robertson,1902:383; Humphreys,1926:153) and stone sinkers (Humphreys,1926:153), fish nets (Humphreys,1926:153), food graters and strainers (Robertson,1902:379,380), barnboo water vesse1s (Robertson,1902:353,381; Humphreys, 1926:140-1), digging sticks (Sinc1air,1895:705; Robertson,1902:383;1906; Humphreys, 1926:151-2), frre-making sticks (Humphreys,1926:140-1), forked sticks for lifting cooking stones (Robertson,1902:379; Sinclair,1895:706), bamboo knives (Robenson,1902:364; Humphreys,1926:160,161), torches ofrolled leaf (Robertson,1902:263), drills for making holes in shells (Robertson,1897), pigs' tusks used as woodworking tools (Bennett,1832: 122; 16 Although not of proven Erromangan provenance, one item in Robenson's collection that may hold significance as a representation of the victory of European medicine and Christian worslùp over sorcerer's charms and traditional beliefs. is a basket containing four wrapped bundles (ace. 471.01). TIùs basket is documented as being one of three baskets. however, il is the only one including any contents. The practice of wrapping organic substances, such as root matter. in leaves and placing the Iea! bundles in baskets is noted as a common farro of sorcery on Erromanga (Humphreys,1926:167-9.172). A similar bag from the New Hebrides illustrated in Edge-Panington is described as a "sorcerer's bag of plaited palm leaf. containing sacred earth in bamboo tubes for face painting and bewitchi."'lg females" (Edge-PartinglOn.1895[1969l:75,#8). However. like tile example in Robertson's collection. it is not ascribed lO any particular island. 141 Robertson,1902:373), "nunpuri" shells or Cypraea monem and boars' tusks used in traditional exchanges (Brenchley,1873:299,322), coconut-fibre slings (Bennett, 1832: 122), spears (Bennett,1832:122; Robertson, 1902:373-4; Humphreys,I926:162-3), seed clubs or novwan (Robertson,1902:371-2), star clubs or telughomti (Wood,1875:87; Robertson, 1902:371-2), men's barkcloth girdles and leafpenis cases (Beaglehole, 1961 [Cook,1774]:480; Bennett,1832:121; Humphreys,1926:134-5), men's feather hair ornaments (Bennett,1832: 121), ear ornaments of shaped wood or tortoise-sheli or bone (Bennett,1832: 121; Robertson, 1902:364), hair pins (Wood,1875:87), kava drinking accessories including coconut cups, strainers, and bowls (Robertson,1902:393; Humphreys,1926:179-80), reed beds (Wood, 1875:85; Robertson,1902:251-2), canoes (Gordon,J.,1863:135; Sinclair,1895:705; Robertson,1902:374; Humphreys,1926:157-9,164),17 canoe paddles (Sinciair,1895:705; Humphreys,1926: 159), fences (Beaglehole,1961 [Cook, 1774] :480; Bennett,1832: 120,122; Robertson,1902:376,383; Humphreys,1926: 138), houses (Beaglehole,1961 [Cook, 1774]: 480; Bennett,1832:120,122; Sinclair,1895:706; Robertson, 1902:374-5; Humphreys,I926: 138,155-8), and the large simon 10 or men's houses (Robertson,1902:374-6). Sorne artifacts mentioned by Humphreys are not noted in any previous accounts. From the nature of the activities described in these works, il is assumed that similar objects were used in previous times, even if they were not mentioned by earlier observers. As an anthropologist, Humphreys' interest in daily activities and routine manufactures probably exceeded that of amateur chroniciers ofErromangan life. His descriptions of fishing technique and equipment (1926:153-5,161), canoe manufacture (1926:158-9), frre-making (1926: 140-1), and yam planting (1926:150-2) are examples of this type of detailed professional treatment Humphreys' cornrnentary on men's attire (1926:134-5), sex and marriage (1926:141-6), initiation rites (1926:177-8), kava drinking (1926:179-80), and other aspects not observed or elaborated in detail, or possibly intentionally avoided in earlier accounts, bespeaks the objective 17 Although canoes have been described in several accounts, it is interesting to note Lhat thcir absence was remarked upon by earlier visitors. No canoes were observed on Erromanga during visits by either Cook or Bennett (Bcaglehole, 1961 [Cook,I774J:480;Bennett,1832:121). 142 nature of his inquiry, compared with those influenced by economic, political, or religious concerns. The reasons why certain items ofErromangan material culture are excluded from Robertson's collection are no doubt varied. Stone axes were no longer ta be found because of local preference for metal axes, introduced in large 'luantities from the early days of the sandalwood trade. Several observers noted the replacement of stone axes by metal "English tomahawks" hafted in locally manufacturcd wooden handles (Brenchley, 1873:322; Wood,1875:87; Lawrie,1892:308; Sinclair,1895:705; Robertson,1902:373). Clubs, especially star clubs or tclughomU, were noted as a popular item for sale to Europeans, and also as a fading local production (Wood,1875:87; Robertson,1902:372). Telughomti were used for cercmonial occasions and exchanges. They were highly valued by Erromangans and were also much sought afler by European visitors to the island (Robertson,1902:370-1). It is 'luite possible that a eombination ofdiminishing production, local attachment, and outsider dermmd made this partieular club unavailable to Robertson. One tradition al item noted by Humphreys that may have been virtually absent during the second half of the nineteenth century was the wooden fish-hook. These werc largely rcplaeed by the large 'luantities ofmetal fish-hooks introdueed during the period of the sandalwood trade (see Codrington,1891 [1969J:316). Il is conceivable that by the time of Humphreys' visit, following a relatively low level of trading during the early twentieth eentury, this item of local manufacture mlght have regained widespread use. The use of any type of fish-hook was probably lessened as fishing with dynamite inereased in popularity, a practice noted as early as 1880 on Erromanga (Armand, J.,1881:14). Dwindling supplies ofcertain traditional abjects may account for them not being represented in Robertson's collection. However, the fact that there were no metal items, cspecially those of established and widespread use, sueh as fish-hooks and trade axes, is signifie.ml. Fish-hooks may have been excluded because they appeared similar to European ones; however, this was not the case with introduced axes. Trade axes, like fish-hooks, were 143 well-integrated into local use, having been adopted by Erromangans since the 1840s 1 (Robertson, 1902:373). Although stone axes had been roughly set in woOOen handles, metal blades were fitted with handles made from recycled clubs (Sinclair,1895:705). Trade axes were also hafted with finely crafted woOOen handles and had carved leafpatterns on their proximal end in imitation ofErromangan clubs (Robertson,I902:373). Continued local adaptations of metal axes were observed by Humphreys, who noted polished wooden axe handles that lacked the carving and quality of the earlier examples (1926: 163). Another introduced item of long-established Erromangan use, not included in Robertson's collection, was the gun. Guns are mentioned in several accounts and are described as a favoured Erromangan weapon (Brenchley,1873:322; WOOO,1875:87; Lawrie,1892:307-8; Sinclair, 1895:705; Robertson,1902:373). A closer examination of Robertson's collection reveals only the slightest evidence of trade goOOs. There are no signs of metal, glass, beads, cloth (except a very small piece oftrade cloth hardly distinguishable as such, wrapped around the haft ofan adze blade, acc. 483). The absence of metal fish-hooks, trade axes, guns, and other imported items from Robertson's collection can be attributed in part to the fact that introduced materials were probably held dearly by Erromangans and were therefore Jess likely to be surrendered than locally-produced items. Local willingness to trade or sell objects is an issue ofimportance in considering items not included in collections made by outsiders. abjects requiring considerable effort to manufacture, especially those in daily use, such as fish nets, were probably rarely given up, unless trade substitutes were available. Other items not often relinquished were those perceived as having no European equivalents. However, as the following details regarding access to navilah indicate, Robertson's knowledge of the local situation allowed him to manipulate local control ofobjects, and therefore provided him with a degree ofaccess well beyond that accorded to other Europeans. Erromangan control is an issue of special significance in the case of the navilah, because ofthe sacred nature and collective ownership of this particular object. Wood, visiting the island in 1872, was told of 144 the white stone ornaments by missionary James Gordon, but failed to see or procure one (Wood,1875:87). Robertson describes the difficulty he had in getting a navilah when he first arrived on Erromanga in 1872, compared with the relative ease ofpurchasing one in later years. He does remark, however, that even when available for purchase, considerable sums of money and clandestine encounters were usually part of the transaction (Robertson,1902:390). Utilitarian artifacts, including bamboo water containers, food graters and strainers, forked sticks for lifting cooking stones, digging sticks, bamboo knives, pigs' tusks, and torches, may have been left behind because they were rudely fashioned or simply not considered exotic enough to capture the imaginations ofthose who had never visited the New Hebrides. The fact that Erromangan spears, canoes, and ear ornaments are specifically noted by Robertson for their "very rough manufacture" (1902:364,374) may explain why these items were left behind. The preference for finely crafted or decorated objects may also be responsible for Robertson including several spears from the northern islands, which were noted both for their elaborate carving and for their superior quality to those produced in the southern New Hebrides (Lawrie,1892:307). Missionary protocol may have also encouraged the exclusion of objects. The treatrnent or lack ofdetail given certain subjects in Robertson's written work, compared to more rounded accounts by Humphreys and others, reveals the constraints resulting from professional and personal propriety that may have influenced not only Robertson's description, but also his selection ofindigenous material culture. For example, instead ofdescribing a barkcloth girdle and penis case, he comments: "The less said about the costume ofthe Erromangan heathen man the better. They could not very weil wear less or look more hideous in paint and dirt" (1902:364). Another area ofparticular sensitivity for Robertson may have been the Erromangans' frequent ceremonial use ofkava. Robertson's discussion ofkava drinking and its intoxicating effect is informative. Yet, the description ends by commenting that the practice was indulged in only by old heathens and given up by ail Christians (1902:393-4). Robertsçm 145 does not describe any persona! campaigns against the kava root, in spite of the faet that kava 1 consumption and attempts to eradicate its presence were major missionary preoccupations on other islands. 18 This neat packaging of what was a recurring drama throughout thc New Hebrides, even on those islands that had withstood long-term missionization such as Aneityum, is highly suspect. Perhaps Robertson's compromised handling of what was for other missionaries a rabid concern can be attributed to a combination of his laissez-faire style of missionization (discussed in Chapter IV) and a desire to avoid criticism l'rom his kava- extirpating colleagues. The cups, strainers, and bowls used in kava drinking may therefore have been deemed inappropriate for home country audiences, since this particular "heathen pursuit" had not been sufficiently eradicated to meet with Mission approval. (Kava drinking appurtenances may have also been difficult to collect, if they were still in heavy use.) Fina!ly, severa! important items ofErromangan manufacture were too large or awkward to transport. Robertson brought twelve cases of curiosities and three casks of arrowroot on his return to Nova Scotia in 1883 (Presbyterian Record,1883:216). Although not an insignificant amount of baggage, there were clearly restrictions upon the size and quantity of materia! he was able to transport from the New Hebrides. Ir is probable that beds, canoes, houses, and other large items were excluded for this reason.19 In spite of the fact that constraints, such as those related to the availability and size ofobjects, deterrnined what could be collected, there is no question that Robertson's choice ofparticular objects was thoughtful. He appears to have intentionally excluded objects showing European influence, those of an ordinary nature, artifacts of crude manufacture, and those embarassing to missionary propriety. Robertson used objects to authenticate his experience on faraway Erromanga and to establish a visual impression of "heathenism" mor" 18 See, for example, Annand, J. (1882:16-17) regarding Aneityum. 19 An Erromangan outrigger canoe with two paddles now in the collection of the Australian Museum [#E.124D4} was purchased fram Mrs. Robertson in 1904. However. transponing such an item to Canada would have prcscmcd a grcat challenge. Thal size is an important consideration for the transport of abjects is demonslI'atcd by the faet that five of the seven spears in Robertson's collection have becn sawn in half and fitted with a dowcl for re·assembling (ace. 490.01· .04..08). Il is not known wheilier ÙlÎs treatmem is Robcrtson's work, or Ûle result of a laLCr efficicncy expert. 146 dramatic than couId be achieved with the written word. The following reminiscence of one witness to such a performance, attests to Robertson's masterful exploitation of their evocative power: After the Robertsons had been there as missionaries for ten years they came home to Canada on furlough. Dr. Robertson travelled everywhere telling his wonderful story to increase the interest of the Church in the Mission and to narrate the Acts ofthose modem apostles. The writer of this sketch was a lad ofeight years when he came to his community. It was a lovely peaceful pastoral Sabbath moming in July when our minister lead him into the pulpit to tell his story. He was a striking-Iooking man, tall broadshouldered [sic] with red hair and a long red beard. In the midst of his address he paused, stooped, and picked up from the seat behind him a murderous looking weapon and, tuming again to face the congregation, as he held it at arm's length above his head exclaimed "This is the axe that killed James Gordon." That eight year old boy now an old man, will never forget the thrill that went through him and the evident breathless emotion ofthe congregation (Maritime Conference Archives,[n.d.]:11-12). Robertson's fascination with traditional objects may perhaps be explained by a romantic interest in salvaging the rnaterial he saw disappearing before his very eyes.20 The focus ofhis collection may also be construed as a practical attempt to persuade the Canadian public to assist in converting"heathen" Erromangans to Christianity. An account describing Robertson's efforts to deepen interest in the New Hebrides Mission, by visiting various Canadian congregations, notes the importance ofobjects in these endeavours: Rev. H.A. Robertson exhibited for severa! days at the Y.M.C.A. rooms in Halifax an extensive and interesting collection ofrelies and curiosities from the South Seas. These he has distributed among the various colleges in the Dominion (Maritime Presbyterian, 1883c:261).21 Political motives may have also influenced how Robertson chose to present the peoples of the New Hebrides. The unsettled political status of the area, brought vigorous 20 For a discussion of the importance of this notion in the 19th cenrury development of amhropology, see Gruber (1970). Edge-Partington's ùuee volumes devoted 10 the depicùon of traditional manufactures of Oceania are a testament to the practice of ethnographie salvage (1890-8[1969]). See aIso, Trigger's discussion of Indian slereotypes in written works for particular insights regarding European attitudes to traditional abjects (Trigger.1980:662-6;1985: 3-49). 21 For other examples of collections used 10 develop interest and gamer ftnancial support for foreign missions. see Allick (t978:298-9), Cole (1985:75). Coombes (1985). Stanley (t989). The efficacy of malerial goods for indoctrination of the young is suggested by an amlouncement appearing in MY Trip jD the "John Wmjams" by R. W. Thompson. London: London Missionary Society,1900. Advertised is a missionary cantata entitled "Boys and Girls of Other Lands". specifically adapted for children's missionary bands and Sunday Schools. It is accompanied by a note indicating that costumes from each country represented can he borrowed free from Ûle Mission House. conjuring up images of a combative performance of "missionaries and heathens" rcminiscent of Ùle American childhood game of "cowboys and indians". 147 1 missionary agitation in favour of British annexation by those fearful that the Protestants would lose their ground in the New Hebrides if the French gained control (Thompson, 1971 :25). The Presbyterian missionaries were actively engaged in the debate regarding annexation. and made great effort, to publicize the issue within their home countries, especially with the increase of French activities in the 1880s. As this issue was discussed frequently in Canadian missionary publications (see Chapter lII), it would not be surprising for missionary collections. also, to be used for gaining support. An especially important argument in the annexation issue was that native peoples were unable to adapt to change and hence were in need of protection. These supposed characteristics could be convincingly confirmed with artifactual evidence emphasizing an inability to adapt to a changing world. Another possible interpretation of Robertson's failure to include objects depicting a developing foreign culture is a nationalistic Înterest in altering the Canadian self· image from that of a colonized natioi! to a colonizing one. lt is conceivable that the presentation ofindigenous populations as static and undeveloped was seen as advancing a strong case for colonial expansion, in the sarne way that natural history museums were seen as a means of encouraging natural resource development (Dawson,1894:22-3). That missionary endeavour was linked with national progress was a frequently stated belief.22 Numerous interpretations may explain Robenson's bias in favour of traditional items and against objects showing European influence and indicative of a changing Erromangan way of life. One indisputable fact is that the collection was made by someone who knew the local situation weil. Yet Robertson's collection reflects neither the actual situation that existed on Erromanga when he resided there nor his own knowledge of the island's material culture. Robertson had extensive contact with non-Christian Erromangans and a competent understanding of both local custom and aspects ofEuropean culture that had been adapted locally (see, for example, Robertson,1882:74;1902:114-1 5,194,239-44,275. 22 Sec, for exarnple, Sir William Dawson's expansionist views regarding foreign missions in the presbyterian Record (1885:20) and Dickie (t88t) regarding their commercial potential. 148 294). Any obvious misrepresentations of Erromangan culmre by Robertson must be considered intentional, rather than the result of ignorance. His experience and knowledge of local culture would have allowed him to produce a more objective representation had he so chosen. Although the responsibilites ofmissionaries and ethnographers are quite different, one committed to cultural change and the other to objective description, both professions provide opportunities for observing the societies in which they work.23 Even if not foremost amongst their professional duties, missionaries, like ethnographers, often construct their observations of local culture into written texts. Though the finished representation may be quite different, the process of constructing texts is very similar to that described for ethnographers: The ethnographer always ultimately departs, taking away texts for later interpretation. (And among those "texts" taken away we can include memories - events pattemed, simplified, stripped ofimmediate context in order to be interpreted in later reconstruction and portrayal.) .... This translation ofthe research experience into a textual corpus separate from its discursive occasions of production has important consequences for ethnographie authority. The data thus refonnulated need no longer be understood as the communication of specifie persons .... Instead, these texts become evidences of an englobing context, a "cultural" reality (Clifford,1983:131-2). Since much missionary writing is not necessarily focused on the objective portrayal ofthose represented in their texts,24 many of Clîfford's comments regarding the process ofethnographie representation may seem to belabour the obvious when applied to these texts. What is important about Clifford's comments, however, is that by emphasizing the "fictive" aspects of supposedly objective ethnographies, he allows a certain credibility for cultural representations that are subjective constructions ofa less subtle nature. In discussing cultural representations, Clifford draws analogies between the collecting ofcultural facts and 23 For an in-depth treabnent of missionary as ethnographer. see Clifford (1982) regarding Maurice Leenhardt; for intcresting discussions comparing missionaries and anthropologists. see Boutilier et al. (1978:1-82) and Whiteman (1985b). 24 This is especially truc of nineteenÙl century Presbyterian and LM.S. (nonconformist) missionaries in Vanuatu, who were generally from modest backgrounds and less well-educated Ûlan their Anglican and Catholic counterparts. 149 ", i the collecting of cultural objects (Clifford,1982: 125). It has been my intention to carry his l analogy further by treating a collection ofobjects as a subjective cultural representation. As Morphy suggests in a discussion of how anthropological museums represent ether cultures: "No representations are true, ail are simply perspectives on reality" (Morphy,1986:4). This study is intended to demonstrate that ethnographic collections represent particular facets of contact history. Although they serve as important documents of cultural change, these 'documents' may produce misleading results if used uncritically as a basis for reconstructing the pas!. If one may gain insights into ethnographic texts by assessing the discursive occasions of their production, evaluating a corpus of objects by analyzing the collecting process may likewise be informative. Ethnographic collecting is based on the gathering of objects which serve as identity markers. Identity unconsciously and consciously becomes embedded in material symbols, which are vital for identifying those who have like-minded interests as weil as those in opposition.25 Collecting is not a neutral process, however, because it permanently transforms objects with certain cultural identities into other ones, fixes cultural identities that are dynamic, and imposes identities on objects that have none. In terms of the specifics of the nineteenth century in the southern New Hebrides, traders, missionaries, and labour recruiters each had their particular effects in terms of goods and values brought to the islands. Many traditional objects were rendered obsolete as a result ofthe introduction of more efficacious materials or by changing the contexts in which they were used. As these objects filtered out of local use, they became increasingly available to those traders, missionaries, and recruiters who wished ta document their own experiences ofexotic culture in a form that was transportable to their home countrîes. What was collected were not artifacts in the mainstream of indigenous usage, but 'relics' oftraditionalusage made obsolete by the very individuals who collected, preserved, 25 See, for example, Grahum (1976), Handler (1985:177), Hodder (I982b), MeCraeken (1987), Ran8er (1986), Rappaport (1988), Thomas (1989). Trevor-Roper (1986). 150 and exhibited them to an extent unfathomable in their original contex!. Whatever purposes these objects originally may have served, the process of collecting transformed this materiallO serve different interests, including curiosity, science, financial gain, and indoctrination.26 1 have argued that the transformation ofcultural syrnbols was an essential component in missionary collecting and more significantly served as a vital aspect of missionization. Missionary endeavour concentrated on replacing certain material embodiments ofErromangan identity with those that signified a specifically Christian identity. The process ofintroducing Western ideas into traditional practice through material culture was not confined to missionary endeavours. Material syrnbols ofchiefly power were used by the British administrative elite to establish indirect rule in Fiji in the late nineteenth century (see Thomas, 1989). Areas of particular vulnerability, suggested by the following description ofrnaterial symbols used for defending local identity, were also likely targets of those interested in changing local ways: People of small societies have usually maintained their social subdivisions with material syrnbols and paraphernalia, often in the form ofclothing and ritual objects .... [and] often feel the need to retrench, or at least to emphasize their native customs and values, especially when up against pressure. frorn missionaries or attractive but disruptive material offerings (Graburn,1976:24). In consideration ofthe batt1e over material representations ofidentity, Robertson's collection from Erromanga becomes more than a collection ofwhat was available to him by virtue of his missionary contacts. The 'other' conslrUcted by Robertson had to be exotic and as different as possible from his own cultural forms. Traditional clothing and ritual objects cast off by those won over to Christianity were transformed into trophies of spiritual victories. Furtherrnore, by placing his collection in a rnuseum, Robertson endowed these materials with an artificiallongevity, allowing objects personally selected by hirn to endure years after those ofequal or even greater significance had turned to dus!. Severa! writers have suggested that traditional objects are not merely images ofthe past, but hold significance for 26 See. for example, Breckenridge (l9g9), Cole (1985), Coombes (1985), Kaeppler (1978,1985). 151 present and future representations of cultural identity (see, for example, Graburn, 1976:23-30 and Larcom,1982,1990). This interpretation is especially relevant given the recent independence and renewed respect for tradition in Vanuatu and elsewhere in Melanesia, where many nations are "developing a post-colonial identity largely by resuscitating a pre-colonial past" (philibert,1986:2-3)P In discussing the relation between invented past in the contemporary Pacific and anthropology, Keesing remarks that: Pacific Island peoples asserting their identity and their continuity with the past are led to seek, characterize, and proclaim an "essence" that has endured despite a century or more ofchange and Westernization. In a different and older anthropological tradition - one that lives on in anthropology museums, hence is represented in the contemporary Pacific - a culture is metonymically represented by its material artifacts. This museological tradition, which has old fOOts in the nineteenth-century folklorism ofEurope, has fed as weil into the discourse on cultural identity .... From it derives the view that in preserving the material forms and performance genres of a people, one preserves their culture (Keesing,1989:33-4). Keesing uses the "museological tradition" metonymically to represent a multitude ofEuropean institutions that preserve non-material, as weil as tangible aspects of culture. However, material symbols are often important markers of cultural identity in their own right. As Tonkinson notes, in reviving kastom or 'custom' as a symbol of national identity and unity, people in sorne rural areas interpreted its meaning literally rather than ideologically: They worried about a retum to grass skirts and penis-wrappers, spears and bows and arrows, and wondered whether they would have to destroy non-kastom things such as hunting rifles, aluminium dinghies, outboards and so on (Tonkinson,1982:310). Museums, as the storehouses ofmost pre-colonial objects and potential sources for prospective symbols ofindependence, should be subjected to the same reflexive scrutiny suggested for cultural representations appearing in anthropogical and historieal works (see, for example, Adams,1987; Keesing,1989; Trigger,1986,1989). In s'le same way that objects in Robertson's collections are tied to the process of missionization, ethnographic collections in 27 See also, JoHy (1982), Keesing (1982,1989), Larcom (1982,1990), Lindslrom (1982), Linnekin and Poyer (1990), ROdman and Rodman (1985), and Tonkinson (1982). 152 museums are artificially and selectively preserved, are tainted with colonial choices ofhow the , '1'",' ' 'other' should be represented, and often objectify a variety of colonial niumphs. If determining bias is an essential task in considering historical documents and ethnographie accounts, it also seems a valid concem in the case ofvalue-laden collections ofobjects. 153 AI'PENDIX A Roberlson's Uonation 10 Ihe Redpalh Mnsenlll' Robertson, nev. H.A. 464 Nntive Dresses (17) 465 llemM Itsee or Hntive Tapa (3) (bark or mountnin tree). ErrOloonga N•!leb • 466 !lat1ve Cloth 467 ',lnts (3) 468 Cap and Cont 4611 FotimBse Mata (2) 470 Mask. N.Heb. Robertson, Uev. Il.A. 4n Bo.skets (3). N.Heb. 472 Grass Hnt 473 Fans (2).Qs1and of lomie, N.Heb. 474 Shell Beads or "Kirikiri". Erromangn N.Heb. 475 ~ater Batlle. Ambrim N.Heb. 476 Poisoned Arrows. N.Heb. 477 Pudding Dish, J,ra te N.Hab. 478 " ". Ambrim N.Heb. 479 " ". Tougan N.Heb. 4610 Fnvelah or Fetlsh Stone, Erroll\angn H.Heb. 4Rl r.nmh~ (al ErrOlUl1n"s u l'':'" Robertson, Rev. H.A. 3. 482 g"mboo Combs (81. ',rromungl1 N.m.b. 11127 483 Adze, Ambrim N.Hab. 484 Armlets of Cocounut 3he11 (7) Errornangn Il.Heb. 1i85 Carved Bnrnboo, Erromanga N.Hab. 1186 l'iar Club, Tougun N.Heb. ' 87 "" (2) Erromangl1 N.Heb. 88 Club from Island oJr Malikolo N.Heb. 89 Ba'lIS (2) 110 Poisoned SnPars • Reproduclion of cards for Robertson's donation from the KEY 10 CAIALQG1JE ENTRJES R.M. 1) OBJEeT NAME & ErnJomangan name. Description. Maximum measurernents. PROVENANCE: Island group [CtIllTeJllit mame] (see p. xi). Island name+ [ClJ[llelrut DllIJIllIIe] (seep. xi). Approximane claie colilecled Collector Collector's FemIIl1ll'ks Fecœded ian accession books (EthnologicaJ! Mhœsel1llllll,[I926-64]J. REFERENCES: DescriplriKmns œmcd iilllnas1n:OlJtiollS of simiJ.ar artifacls. li RefeFeJlliCes wiJl1miun hs thesis. • Ali illustrations in this catalogue are the work of David Rose. exc:ept. for ace. 471.ID2, w.lûch was ah:awm by SU5nn Wade. References in the catalogue have been presentegical order. accordmg bD the 3J!'IllIl0l'Cimate ycar the author visilcd lhe New Hcbridcs (or dcscribcd malerial [rom lIhe New Helrides). rathcr tha:n by p:uJl:bIiicabÏliHIl acc. 464.01) SKIRT or HUlllplat. Wide Slrips of pandanus leaf (2- 4 cm.), folded over and secured by waislband of plaited coconut fibre cord; leaves have incised l.ig-mg design and are coloured wiù, dark red pigment; ties extend from waist band and measure 22 cm. and 23 cm. respectively; both end with knots and frayed fibres. L. 144 cm. W. 64 cm. PROVENANCE: New Ilebrides [Vanuatu] Erromanga+lErromango] circa 1882-96 Robertson, Il.A. "Native dresses" (EthnologicaIMuseum,[ 1926-64D. REFER-Elli:ES: Gordon,1863:143; Wood, 1875:85; Robertson,1902: 365-7; Bumphreys,1926: 136-7,160-2. n See Chapter Il, p_ 48-9 and Chapter IV, p. 91. acc. 464.02) SKIRI or HUlllpla!. Wide strips of pandanus leaf, folded over and secured by waislband of plaited coconut fibre designs of zig-zags, dots, etc.; tics extcnd from waistband, one measuring 16 cm. with knot and fraycd cdge; ùle other measures 10 (;111. and is unravelled. L. 118 cm. W. 77 cm. Sec 464.01. 156 ncc. 464.(3) ~! 1 III ~ '1 . ' acc. 464.(4) SK1RI or nlllllplal. Wide strips of pandanus leaf, folded over and sccured hy waislbnnd of plaited coconut fibre con1; leaves have incised dcsign and arc coloured with a reddish pigment; tics extend from waistband and measure 22 cm. and 23 l'Ill. L. 81 cm. W. 59 cm. Sel' 464.01. acc. 464.(5) SKlRI or nUlllplat. Wide strips of pandanus lcaf, folded over and secured by waistband of plnitcd '/ coconllt fibre cord; leaves have incised /1 designs of chevrons, dots, and diagonal .. Ii, \ stripes, ami arc coloured with dark reddish \ brown pigment; tics extend from waislband and measure 20 cm., both have e,xlensions of frayed fibre. L. 82 cm. W. 54 cm. Sec 464.01. \57 lICC. 464.()(i) ,s."ŒT or IIUIllJlla1. Skin of shrcddcd pandanus !caf. dOllbled over waiSlband of twislcd fibre cord and slilchcd in place; fibres are eolollred with a rcddish pigllleu!. Skirt docs not have lies. although a relll nanl at one end of waistband indicates that there were ties at one time. L. 76 cm. W. 61 cm. See 464.01. lICC. 464.07) S-Klll or Il li III plal. SkiIt of fine-tcxturcd banana fibre; fibres hang in tllfts and are shrcddcd towards boltom edge. Certain areas show traces of brown colouring. ribre is doubled over a plaited fibrc cord and securcd with a stilched row of twistcd fibre. Waislband lies Illcasure 27 Clll. and 21 cm. L. 109 Clll. W. 72 cm. See 464.01. acc. 4G4.(8) SKIRT or HumJlla!. '" Skirt of fine-Iexlured banana fibre; " fibres hang in lufts and arc shrcddcd lowards Ihe botlom edge. Seclions of Ihe skirt show -1~~r?>, traces of colollring which darken 10 brown ,\~.. lowards the boltom edge of skir!. The skirt ~ \\ fibres are dOllbled ovcr the plaitcd waistband , and kept in place with a stitched row of lwistcd fibre. Waistband ties mcasure 16 cm. and 31 cm. L. 95 cm. W. 68 Clll. See 464.01. 158 llCC. 464.(9) ,sxun: or lIulII(l\at. \Vide Sirip of pandanus Jcaf, foldcd and secured by waistb:1I1d of plaited coconut fibre cOHl; Icaves bave incised designs and are coloured witb a reddish piglllent; lies cxtending from waislband are 28 l'Ill. and 20 l'Ill., caeh cnding with a knol and fraycd fibrc. L. 83 l'Ill. W. 59 l'm. See 464.01. llCC. 464.JO) Swrror IIUlllp\llt. Strips of natural eoloured pandanus Icaf, doubled over waislband of plaited vegetablc libre and secured wilh a row of stilched eoeonul fibre eord; pandanus slrips arc shrcdded towards skie and bollom edges of skirt; waislband lies are 20 l'Ill. and 19 cm. and knolled, with lenglhs of frayed fibre extending al ends. L. 94 l'm. W. 74 l'm. Sel' 464.01. ace. 464.11) SKJRT or IlIlIII pla1. Flat sU'ips of pandanus leaf, secured by fibre cord; strips are shredded towards side and bollom edges of skirt; traces of brown çolouring are espccially prominenltowards bollom cdge of skirt; ties extend 20 l'Ill. and 19 l'Ill. from waistband, with additional lenglhs of frayed fibre and end knots. L. 96 cm. W. 64 cm. See 464.01. 159 ncc. 464.12) SKI8.-1 or numplnl. Flnt strips of pnndnnlls lenf, secllrcd with plaited wnislbr.nd; tmces of brown colollring nre present, especially towards acc. 464.13) SK!RT or uumplal. ....",ijl,,"i,';,,\'~ Strips of flat, mcxlcratcly rigid fibre, secllred with plaited vegctable fibre cord; skirt fibres are of rclalivcly lInifonn length; knotted tics extcnd 23 cm. and 24 cm.; the lattcr with nn additionallcngth of fraycd fibre. L. 68 cm. W. 60 cm. Sec 464.01. 1 .' 1\ "'\ . '~\11\'"\ '1j ' 1 ncc. 464.14) SKIRT or uumplal. Strips of flat, moderately rigid, vegctablc fibre, secured by plailed fibre cord; strips are rclatively lInifonn in length and lInevenly colollred; waistband ties are both 24 cm. in length and knotted; one has an extension of frayed fibres. L. 68 cm. W. 59 cnl. See 464.01. 160 ace. 464.15) SKIRT or numplat. Strips of pandanus leaf fastened to a plaited vegetable fibre waistband; strips are separated into individual fibres towards botlom edge of skirt; ties extending from waistband have end knots and measure 29 cm. and 21 cm. L. 109 cm. W. 62 cm. See 464.01. ace. 464.16) SKIRT or numplat. Strips of pandanus leaf fastened to a plaited fibre waistband; gradual darkening of fibres towards bottom edge of skirt; ties extend from waistband and measure 26 cm. and 21 cm. L. lOI cm. W. 71 cm. See 464.01. ace. 464.17a-e) ROPE. Three lengths ofplaited coconut fibre cord; measureme ms: a)40.5 m. x 0.8 cm.; b)55.05 m. x 0.6 cm.; c)75 cm. x .2 cm. PROVENANCE: New Hebrides [Vanuatu] circa 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "Native dresses" (Ethnological Museum,[1926-64]). REFERENCES: ~ See Chapter Il, p. 48, n. 46. 161 acc. 465.(1) I3ABKC.l-.QlIl or nclllns ilsc. Coarse-textured, natural-eolouretl barkcloth with design outlined in blaek and eoloured with yellow-brown and red-brown pigments, which have saturatetl to unùersiùe of bm"kcloth. L. 178.8 em. '.·v. 69 em. PRQVENAN,ÇE: New lIebriùes [Vanuatul Erromanga' [Erromango] cirea 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "Ncmas ilsce [sic] or native tapa; bark of mountain tree; Erromanga" (Ethnologieal MuseulII,[1926-64J). REFERENCES~ Oorùon,1863: 135, 143; Robertson,1902: 368-9; lIumphreys, 1926: 159-60; see IIlso, Edge-Partington, 1895119691: 123,#7; 1898 11969]:n.123,#7 and Speiser,I923[1979]: tafel 75,#4,tafel 78,#4,#7. />, See Chapter Il, p. 49 and Chapter IV, p. 91. • Wnitc inc!IJùcs n very simiiar piccc of h:nkcJoth in hcr cntnloguc of nrlifact.<; h01l1 the Salolllon h>lallds collccled hy Julius Brcnchlcy (1987:59-60.p1.13.#l800). This ,o;inglc piccc of bnrkcloth, half in the Olilish Museum (WailC' catalogue, #800) nnd hnlf in the Maidstone Museum (Wnitc catalogue. #1803) hem:: n sllikillg IC'scmhlam:c in tll'~igll, coloul, and dimcn.o;ion (0 lhe Erromnngnn cX:llllplcs in the Rcdpath Museulli (:lcc. 11611.01-.03, 0166). This, und the faet thnt Brcllchlcy visitcd Erromnnga in 1865. on the saille voyngc that visitcd the Solorno/l Islands, suggesls the possibility Ihat this parlieulnr ilcm was ÎllcotTt'ctly nUrihlllcd by the coIlCf:lor. Thc provcilIllicC of this pi{'cc of barkc10th sCCIIlS also 10 hnve bC,CIl qucstiol1cd by scveral carly specialists: Edgc-I'artington includcs an illustration of the srunc c;'I>a1nplc in the British Museum nol! a noIe by Lawric, a 19th century lIlissionary in lhc New J1cbritles, who attributcs the cloth to EnolllflTlga (Edgc- PartÎllgton, 1895[ 1969 J: 123,#7; l 898( 1969I,n.123,#7). SpcisC'r prcscnts the sallie London ex:tmple as bcing from Efnlc, Ncw lIebridcs (Speiscr,1923l1979]:tafel 75,IM,tafcl 78,fltl.H7). 162 ace. 465.(2) l3 A~KÇ;JA2TIi or nelllas itse. Coarse-textured, natural-colollred barkcloth; design is ollilined in black and colourcd wilh rich brown pigment; one third of c\olh is lighter in colour, which may be the reslIlt of fading. The pigment has salurated to the lInderside of the barkc\oth. L. 201 cm. W. 77 cm. Sec 465.01. ace. 465.(3) 13ARKCLOTH or nemas itse. Coarsc-tcxtllrcd, natural-coloured barkcloth; complcx design with componenls outlined in black; somc sections arc colollred with orange-yellow and orange-red pigmenls; olher sections have black olltlined designs without pigment. There is SOlIIe saturation of pigment to the underside of the bark cloth. L. 183.5 cm. W. 87 cm. See 464.01. 16.1 acc. 466) BARKC-ldLfli or nClllas itsc. Conrse-textured, nnturnl-colourcd barkcloth with repetitive vcgetalmotif. The design is executed in black; outlined vegetal designs are colomed with yellow-brown pigment, which has penetratcd to the underside of the barkcloth. L. 174 cm. W. 91 cm. l'RQY.ENANŒ New lIebrides \Vanuatul Erromanga+ 1ErromangoJ circa 1882-% Robertson, Il.A. "Native clolh made from inner bark of trees" (Ethnological Museum,! 1926-(41). REFERENCES: Gordon,1863: 135,143; Robertson, 1902:368-9; 11uml'hreys, !926:159-60; see also, Edge-Partington, 1895l19691: 123,117; 18981.19691 :n.123,1I7; Sl'eiser,I923 119791:tafel 75,1I4,tafel 78,114,117. . 6. See Chapter Il, p. 49 and Chapter IV, p. 91. acc. 467.(1) MAT. Long rectangular mat of natmal-colomcd vegetable fibre in twill weave. Both sides of the mat are finished with overstitching and end in a trimmcd fringe, about .5 cm. in width. The opcnwork at one end is completely finished with a knot and tuft of fibre at one corner; the openwork al the other end finishes in several tufts of fibre. L. 84 cm. W. 33 em. PROVENANeJ.;,;, New lIebrides lVanuatu] circa 1882-96 Robertson, II.A. "Mats" (Ethnologiea! Museum,ll926-641). REFERENCES: Similar to head mats from "Maevo" IMaewo], depicted in Speiser, 1923l1979!:tafcl 72,117, 118,tafel 73,11 1-114,116,118,11 lU,tafel 74,118. 164 ace. 467.(2) MAT. Finely wovcn Illat of natural-colourctllibre in twill wcavc. Thc sides arc finishcd by folding ovcr thc fïbrc cll(is abollt .5 Clll. and ovcrstitehing. Thcre arc nine tufts of libre along eaeh sidc; both cnds havc opcnwork and arc ellillplcicly finishcd. L. 84 CIlI. W. 23 CIlI. l'R()VENANi:E: N~;;;-II~i~;id~;1Vanuatu] eirea 1882-91i Robcrtson. II.A. "Mats" (Ethnological Museulll.lI926-64J). acC. 467.03 MAT. Long rcctangular llIat cf natural-coloured libre, wovcn in twill wcave. The llIat is cOlllposed of two scclions that havc bcen stilcilCd together, cach approxilllalcly 17 CIlI. widc. The weave is plain and linishctl with overstitching, lcaving a Irillllllcd fringc of.5 CIlI. along the sides. Each end has opcnwork ane! is linishecl with approxilllately fort Ylibre tufts. The llIat is stencillee! with two rows of elongated spirals in a dark reddish-brown colour. There is some colour penetration to the undcrside of the mal. L. 108 CIlI. W. 34 cm. l'ROVENANC&; Ncw lIcbrides \Vanuatu] Lcpcrs Island+ [Aoba] circa 1882-% Robertson, Il.1\. "MalS" (Ethnological MUSCUIll,[ 1926-64J). R I;FER!iNCJ;:.s~ Edge-Partington, 189011969J:149,#I; Speiser,I923 11979]:tafcl 74,1f4,tafcl 75,115; lIarrisson, 1937: 106. A similar exalllplc is deseribed as a dancing mat from Aoba in Layard,1942:pl.vi,#3,523. 1(i5 acc. 468.0\) IIAT. Single piece of brown-colomed, coarse textured, coconut fibre 'cluth' with narrow tip, that resembles a conieal 'hat.' There are two sections of folding al'Ound the circulll ference. L. 31 cm. W. 21 em. PROVENANCE: New lIebrides IVanuatu] Europ'-~an-innuenced locallllanufacturc+ circa 1882-9G . Robertson, Il.A. "Cap and coat" (Ethnological Museum,II92G-Mi). REFERENCES: t!. See Chapter V, p. 124, n. 3 acc. 468.02) VESTMENT. Gannent of single piece of coarse-texturcd, brown-colourcd barkcloth; opening has been eut for neck and is ornamentcd with an embroidered border of simple design in heavy dark brown cotton thread. The silles of the garment are stitched \ togelher in an inside seall1 of light brown thread of heavy cotton. !Ill edges appear ta have beèn cut with scissors and arc left unfinished. The gnrmcnt is \ Europcan-influenced and probably designcd for those involved with chmch services. L. 142 cm W. 80 cm. See 468.01. ': L' .,/ 166 \ ace. 469.(1) 1l0lJSEIIOl.D MAT. Ilrown-colourcd mat in twill weave; suhlle variations of natural-coloured split cane proUuce wide diagonal bands of pattern; a 2 cm. band of reinforccd twill weave fonns a border on either side of the mat. L. 169 cm. W, 128 cm. !?EOVENANCE: New Ilebrides 1Vanuatul circa 1882-96 Robertson, JI.A. "Fotimese* [siclmats" (Ethnological Museum,[ 1926-64D. .,/' ./, . '-' \ .. ' .' ,/ ,/ acc. 469.(12) HO\JSEHOLD MAT. Natural-coloureclmat of pandanus Icaf in twill weave; slight variations in the natural colour of the Ieaf pro- _. . 'b 1 J' d' J .~-"':';~-r..dI:\,..:t.:;::.~.nnr"'~~~''''f'i.\~IJ!lU-~~.tci.''ln\üt''''~~î'I.,nlol\1;:'';iif1JJ!\{".w) (llice a Sli tellaltcrn; onglt li ma t~~;;\l;~i~f_~'': ;~Il ":';:'.;~ :::,.'~l.o,-:":~,:";:':< ~-:; '.::i .': ;:·:~'~l.:.:;" _\~ c , • ....;.~ '.::'. l;., ~.~., i: ::: ',:,1,:': ; ',,' t ~ .\.', . ~. _.:1.:",::" ' 1 f .' 4 '1' 1 ~"~"\-"l.j'''\~~_'"'.'>'''--..:>~""bi'';''',,,,"~lJT,\~_;-.,o.-,...·~-...... :.,~''l:hD''~''-'',~\:r....,,;.~l.'''''~~'''''''''1::'i:\1>.·'''·.''''',;",~~". b,1IlC 0 We,IVll1g cm.wll e Will -'.' ',' , . ,..,.. ,.' fringe, reinforces the two skIes. ·...~.~~\i.J,:;;.~~~~$Sl~:·bè~ ..~,~·,:..:.<';.,.~:.:;~t:..~-..,;;::'\i.i.;; ",~·'.!-~f~~"~:;".>:.-: ..... ,.'.;..'~>:-_ .-;:;' ~~..,,/ .... N7'/O. i . -,- ..... " '/' ,'-' . .' L. 179 cm. W. 136 cm. '" 1.. ' , ,.,,'; ....-. " , ~'."t"""~~~:;"'~~~~1)f'\}~'t-!':~.~:-)--~~'fu;.~~>.~'s1~~~~;,~~...,J~~~:h~.?-7'~-"·:' . ~:~~.~~.. ~l;~~,.I';"~.uh~";"~~~~~~~~~~"i·ffiF~~r .. This Illight be Il misspelling of 'Fulunese', The island of Futuna was also knawn as 'Faluna' and was nated for ilS skillfully wavell baskets and mals dming the laller ninctcenth century. A mÎssÎonary in the. areu abscrvcd lhnl the FutullcSC uSllally kept a quantily of baskets and sleeping mats on hand for sale or bUrler to pllssing vcsscls (Lawrie, 1892:307). 1(i7 acc. 470) MASK. Woodcn mask; e\ongated face with protmding forehead and wide mouth; carving is fairly crude and interior is roughly hewn. Surface of mask is covered with black pigment and ornamented with lines following contours of face in orange and white pigment; white slippled design appears under brow. Mask naJTOWS below chin, ending in a tang; face is surrounded by natural-coloured banana fibre, which hangs in tufts and is secured by plailed vegetable fibre cord. The cord is fastened directly ta the mask with fibre threaded through seven hales, which crudely pierce the mask's surface. The two Iron nails and plastic-capped lacks that fasten the hair to the forehead region are probably recent additions, as is the metal and wooden sland now affixed to the mask. Contact areas of mask's interior surface (i.e., forehead and cheeks) show traces of dark colounttion, pcrhaps left by face paint of wearer. II. 41 cm. L. 16 cm. W. 14 cm. PROVENANÇE,; New lIebrides [Vanuatu] Ambrim+ 1Ambrym] circa 1882-96 Robertson, 1LA. "Mask" (Ethnological Museum,[1926-G4 1). REFERENCES..:. Speiser,I923[1979]:tafeI90,#I,#7,tafeI91, #5,#13,tafeI93,116,#7. 168 liCl'. 471.()!lI-c) .!L.'\S_Kr~T Bag WOVCll in diagonal plaitcd wcavc of pnlm1eaf; l'illl is fillishcd with folding and nvcrslitching, prodllcillg a snmll flinge of fïlnc in intcrior of rim. 1\ IOllg cord of I"oseiy plaiLed leaf is fastelleI1taillillg a hrowlI-eoloured powdcrcd substallce. They Illeasure: b) 19.5 cm. e)21 ('Ill. d)21 l'Ill. e)21.5 cm. =""'" L. G8 l'Ill. W. 30 l'Ill. l'I{UVENANt'E: N~\;'; ï ié[;ri,jcs-I Valluatul circa 1882-9ô Rohensoll, 11.1\. "Baskets" (Etllllologicai Museun;,1192G-64 1). El;1]'ls!;!:'I.<':t'S~ Edge-Panillgton,1895119691:75,1I8. 1\ See Chapter IV, p. 98 and Chapter V, p. 140, n. 16. ace. 471.()1) .!L6-SKET. Basket wovcn of broad strips of pandanus in diagonal plaited weave; upper quarter of basket is woven ",ith narl'Q\Ver strips ill a tigbter \Veave. Rim is lÏnished \Vith over stitched braided Icaf, resultillg in a fringe in the hasket's interior'; a Iength of braided leaf fonns a canying strap. The basket has been wovell to fonn four corners and a squnred shape; one ::ide extcnds ta fonn a rectanglliar caver fiaI'. (This l'lay IlOt be apparent as thc baskct has been f1attenëÙ.) Il. 8 Cl1l. L. 27.6 cm. W. 29.2 cm. Du.) V 1~!'I ANÇE~ New 11cbridcs 1Vanuatul ('irca 1882-9ô Rohertson, 11.1\. "Baskets" (Ethnulogical Museulll,II926-64J). 1(,') acc. 471.03) BASKET. (missing) See 471.02. ace. 472) liAI. Narrow slrips of vegelable fibre in a cireular twill weave; the flat crown and brim resemble a European-style strnw hat or 'boaler.' II. 0.8 cm. D. 26.7 cm. PROVENANCE: ' New lIebrides [Vanuatu] European-influenced local manufacture+ circa 1882-96 Robertson, 11.1\. "Grass hat" (Ethnological Museum,[1926-MD. acc. 473.0l) FAN. A bifurcated handle, eXlending half the fan's length, is fonned by slrips of leaf lhat remain attached to their stem. 'Ille leaf seclions lhat fonn the hanclle are split inlo narrow strips and loosely plaited to fonn the blade, which is decoraled by half-twists of plaited leaf and openwork. L. 34.5 cm. W. 25 cm. PROVENANCJ~.~ New IIcbrides [Vanuatul Mae? IEmael circa 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "Fan; Island of Emie [sicJ" (Ethnological Museum,[1926-64 1). REFERENCES: An n1most idcnlical fan is given a provenance of Efate in Speiscr,1923[1979]:tafel 11,#7. 170 acc. 47J.(2) ElI!'/.. A hifulc"led handle. eXlending one third the ["n's lenl'lh. is fortlled by slrips of leaf Ihal len1:lin allachcd 10 Iheir slem. The leaf slrips of Ihe handlc :lle ioosciy plailed la fortll Ihe hlade. L. 35 cln. W. 20.5 cm. Sec 473.01 R EI'I~EJjt!Ç;ljS~ A similar fan is allrihulcd 10 Aoha by Speiser, 1923119791:lafel Il ,fl6. acc. 474.01) Nlia ORNAMENT or kil"ildl"i. A pair of finciy plaited coconul fibre slrands arc jnined logether by a dciicale cord; Ibe end ~-~'f,,'<'~ of ca ch Si rand divides inlo Iwo smaller cards .~y '\', for fastcnÎllg purposes. The strands are orna . ~, mented wilh shells Ihal are pierced and seeured with fihre conl. L. 68 cm. DillYJjNA}i.cJ~ ~ : ~ ( /\\ New lIebrides 1Vanualul \ ' , Frromanga 1Erromango1 , circa 1882-96 Rohertson, 1I.A. "Shell beads or kirikil"i; Erromanga" (Elhnological Museum,II926-64 D. E.1'FERENQjS~ Ilumphreys, 1926: 136. For a similar omament l'rom Tanna, sec Spciscr, 1923[1979J:tafel 39,1128. f\. Sec Chapter IV, p. 92. acc. 474.(2) NFCK ORNAMENT or Idl"ikil"Ï. Similar la 474.01. L. 48 cnl. ( ( ace. 474.0J) tlECK QRNAMENT or Idl"ikiri. Similar la 474.01. L. 38 cm. .liç . "'-.. , ,~ ,,. 171 , 1 \ • ace. 474.04) NECK ORNAMlliI or kirikiri. Similar to 474.01. L. 36 cm. ace. 474.05) NECK ORNAMENT or kirildri. Similar to 474.0\. L. 37 cm. ace. 475) W ATER CONTAINER. S\endcr brown-coloured gourd, slightly curved shape, with a smal\ hole picrced near a jagged edged rim. The extcrior surface of the rim is charred, except for the region near the hole. (Writing in pencil on surface of gourd reads, "Ambrim".) L. 43 cm. W. 13 cm. PROVENANCE: New Hebridcs [Vanuatu] Ambrim [Ambrymj circa 1882-96 Robertson, Il.A. "Water-bonle; Ambrim" (Ethnological Museum,[1926-64 J). REFERENCES: Simi\ar examplcs from Gaua and Pentecost arc il\ustratcd in Speiser,1923[19791:tafeI19,#5,#11-12,1I25. \ \ 172 acc. 476.(1) AERillY. 1.ight-coloured, jointcd cane shaft; bult is nocked and has a nat binding. The shaft has hecn blackened; the area near the foreshaft is hound with split cane. The foreshaft is dark hlOwn hardwood and is wrapped with fine fibre Ihat has t,cen treated with green, orange, and white pigments to fO['ln a geometric pattern. A bone point, encrusted with a dark substance, is insened in the foreshaft. L. 87.6 cm. l'W>VENANCE: New Ilebrides [Vanuatul Nonhern New Ilebrides [Vanualll] circa 1882-96 Robertson, 1I.A. "Poisoned arrows; N. New llcbrides" (Elhnological Museum,[1926-64 n. REFERENCES: l'or similar examples, sec Edge-Paninglon, 1890 [19691:136,1120 from Epi and Speiser,I92311979j: tafd 541119 from Aoba and #20 from Malo; for a discussion of poisoned arrows, see Codringlon,1891 119691:306-12 and Somerville,1894:387-8. Il Sec Chapter V, p. 124, n. 4. ace. 476.17 (simiIar (0 476.(1) ace. 476.02a-h) AR1'OW. Similar 10 476.01, butlhe foreshaft is olllamenied with a section Ihal is nOlched and squared, fol1owed by carved nanges and curved section lhaltapers a towards the fibre bindings. L. 89 cm. \( tirERENeES: Sec 476.01. A similar fOl'eshaft IreatInenl appears on a Malckulan al'row in Deacon,1934:214-15,fig.12. ace. 476.(3) ARROW. Similar 10 476.01. L. 94 cm. 173 acc. 476.04) A IiROW. Similar to 476.01. L. 87.7 cm. acc. 476.05) ARROW. Similar to 476.01. L. 85.5 cm. acc. 476.06) ARROW. Similar to 476.01. L. 92 cm. acc. 476.07) ARRQJY. or negasau. Light brown, jointcd cane shaft; bult and area near foreshaft are wrapped with very fine vegetable fibre conl; the fibres at the butt end overlap and fom1 a roughly geomcuical pattern. roreshaft is of dark brown hardwood with a section of small carved barbs that extends to fom1 a squared point. The entire forcshafl has been treated with a dark substance. L. 94 cm. PROVENANCE: New Hebrides [Vanuatu] Erromanga+ [Erromango] circa 1882-96 Robertson, 1I.A. "Poisoned arrows, N. New lIebrides" (Ethnological Museum,II926-04 [). REFERENCES: Bennett,1832: 120; Wood,1875:86,89-90; Robertson,1902:371; lIumphreys,1926:161-3; see also,Edge-Partington,189011969[: 136-7; occ- 476.07 1895[1969]:72-3; Speiscr,I923[1979j:tafeI53-5; Aubert de la Riie,1945: 180-1. l'or similar examples from Erromanga, see l1umphreys,1926: 162,116 and Speiser,I923[1979j:tafeI54,#9. tJ. See Chapter IV, p. 94 and Chapter V, p. 124, n. 4, p. 126, n. 6. 174 acc. 476.(11) 6RRW'i. or negasall. Similar to 476.07. L. 92.2 cm. RFœB !jliÇli.~ Sec 476.07. For a similar example from Erromanga, sec Speiser,1923119791:lafeI54,1I9. ncc. 476.(9) i\RRü\Y. or negasall. Similar ta 476.07. L. 88.5 cm. RE!'Ji!S ~lliJiQ;, Sec 476.07. For similar examples from Erromanga, sec Edge-Partington,1 890119691: 136,1110,4112,1114 and Speiser,I92311979j:tafeI54,1I7. ace. 476.\0) M.BJl.\Y. or negasall. Similar to 476.07, but the foreshaft is slightly flattened, giving il an oval cross-section. L. 100 cm. REFERElli:ES: S~e476.07:-ror similar examples from Erromanga, sec lIumphrcys,I926: 162,116 and Spciscr,I923[1979j:tafel 54,119. acc. 476.11) MRQJY. or negaslIlI. Similar 10 476.07. L. 91 cm. R EFI;B~lli:E..s.;, Sce 476.07. For similar cxamJ1les from Erromanga, sec Edge-Partington,1 890119691: 136,#10,#12,#14 and Spciscr,I92311979j:tafel 54,#7. ncc.476.11 175 acc. 476.12) A RB~ or ncgasau. Similar ta 476.07, but the foreshaft lice. 47fi. 17 is carved with a small barb, severa1 l1anges, and a u'iangular point. L. 84.3 cm. REFERENCES: see 476.07. for similar examples from Erromanga, see Speiser,1923119791 :tafcl 54,#23,1124,1126. acc. 476.13) A REillY.. Similar ta 476.01. L. 90 cm. acc. 476.14) ARROW. Similar ta 476.01. L. 85.5 cm. acc. 476.15) ARROW. Similar ta 476.01. L. 92.6 cm. acc. 476.16) illlRüW. Similar ta 476.01. L. 84.4 cm. acc. 476.17) ARRQW. Similar ta 476.01. L. 89.6 cm. acc. 476.18) ARROW. Similar ta 476.01. L. 93 cm. acc. 476.19) A ~!illYL. Similar ta 476.01. L. 87.5 cm. acc. 476.20) AR ROW. Similar ta 476.01. L. 82.2 cm. 176 ace. 476.21) A 1lli.QYL. Similor la 476.01. L. 82 elll. ace. 476.22) 6JUill-YL. Similor la 476.01. L. 90.6 cm. ace. 476.23) 6Jl.ROW. Similor to 476.01. L. 95.2 cm. ace. 476.24) 6J3.J:illR. Similar ta 476.01, bUllhe bone poinl is missing. L. 84 cm. ace. 476.25) 6_RROW. nec. 476_25 Similar la 476.01. L. 93 cm. ace. 476.26) ARROW. Similor to 476.01. L. 91.6 cm. ace. 476.27) ARKillY.. I3rown-coloured, joinled cane shafl; bult and area near foreshaft have nat bindings; binùing at the bull enù has been fire-treated. The foreshaft and point are missing. L. 62.6 cm. See 476.01. Rl'FERENCJ1.'t Edge-l'artinglon,189011969J: 136-7; 1895 [1969J:72-3; Spciscr, 1923[1979j:tafcl 53-5. ace. 476.28) 6_RROW. Similar to 476.01. L. 85 cm. ace. 476.29) A RROW. Similar ta 476.0J. L. 95 cm. 177 acc. 476.30) AR!LffiY.. Similar to 476.27. L. 55.2 cm. acc. 476.31) ARRQW. occ. 416.31 Similar to 476.02a-b, but the point is missing. L. 78.4 cm. acc. 476.32) A R!LffiY.. Similar to 476.27, but the foreshaft is present; foreshaft is of dark brown hardwood and trcatcd with green pigment. L. 84.6 cm. acc. 476.33) ARRQW. Similar to 476.0 l, but foreshaft is extensively scorched and the point is missing. L. 79.6 cm. acc. 476.34) ARROW. Similar to 476.01, but ail that remains of point is a small picce of bone lcxlgcd in the foreshaft. L. 81.6 cm. acc. 476.35) ARROW. Similar to 476.0l, but point is missing. L. 82 cm. acc. 476.36) ARROW. Brown jointed cane shaft with irregular bUll; bull and arca near foreshaft have flat bindings. The fOlcshaft is of dark brown hardwood and extends to form a point. The entire surface of the arrow has bcen blackcned. L. 99.6 cm. See 476.27. 178 Bec. "176.37 acc. 476.37) ARRQW. Similar 10 476.36. L. 89.4 Clll. acc. 476.38) ARROW. Similar to 476.36. L. 95 Clll. acc. 476.39) ARROW SlIEATH. Single Ieaf rolled to fonn a cylindrical shealh; culer surface has rich dark brown palina, probably resulting from continued exposure to wood smoke. L. 103 cm. PROVENANCE: New IIebrides 1Vanuatu] cirea 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "Poisoned arrows; N. New lIebrides" (Ethnologieal Museull1,II926-64Il. REFERENCES: Aubert de la Riie, 1945: 181. ace. 476.4{) ARRQW SHEATIJ. Similar to 476.39. L. 101.5 cm. Bee.4i6.39 17~) •, acc. 477) PlJOOING mSlI. Zoomorphic dish of dark brown hardwood with visible carving marks; f1atlened rim enlarges at eilher end 10 fonu handles resembling a head and tail. The dish is fairly shal10w and has a f1at-bottomed interior. The outer surface has a rich brown patina. lI. 8 cm. L. 80 cm. W. 30 cm. PROVENANrE: New Hebridcs rVanuatul Efate IEfatel circa 1882-96 Robertson, Il.A. "Pudding dish made From "Morie", avcry hard wood, but leaf and bark like Canadianwillow trce; Efate" (Elhnological Mnseum,II926-64l). REFERENCES: Somcrville,1894:382; Spciser,1923[ 19791:tafcl 24-5. acc. 478) PllI201NG DIS!!. Oval dish carved of dark brown wood; hanelles extend From either end; carving marks visible; interior of dish is elarker in colout than underside, the latter is carved wilh the letlers "lIAR". L. 71 cm. W. 35 cm. PROVENANCE: New Hebrides rVanuatul Ambrim IAmbryml circa 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "Pudding dish; breadfmit tree; Ambrim" (Ethnological Mnsenm,II926-64I). REFERENCES: Somerville,1894:382; Speiser,1923119791:tafel 24-5. ISO ace. 479) PUDDING DISII. Large aval dish, carved of medium brown wood; a lip is carvcd at both ends of dish and extends tn fnrtn smalillat hal1llles; carving on underside div ides surface mea into three sections. Carving marks are visible on ail surfaces; interior surface is a darker colour th an the exterior one. II. 13.2 cm. L. ]()O.2 cm. W. 32.7 cm. PROVENANCE: New lIebrides IVanuatu! Tongoa ITongoal circa 1882-96 Robertson, Il.A. "Pudding dish; breadfruit tree; Tongoa" (Ethnological Museum,II926-64 J). REJ'ERENCES: Somerville,1894:382; Edge-Partington,1898 119691:62,114; Speiser,I923[19791:tafel24-5. ace. 480) SACRED STONE or navclah. Ring of white calcite mouled with brown; perimeter is fairly regular; ring's thickness varies l'rom a minimum of 5 cm. to a maximum of 9 cm. The interiOf surface is slightly convex and smooth; Ihe exterior surface is more markedly convex; it is also rougher in texture, with some pilled areas. II. 9 cm. D. 31 cm. PROVENANCE: New Hebrides [Vanuatu! / Erromanga 1Erromango] ~ :-' circa 1882-1896 ,,-. ~~~: :,~ ::;:'!.'- Robertson, II.A. "Navclah or fetish stone; Erromanga" (Ethnological Museum,[1926-641). REFERENCES: Gordon,1863: 135,165-6; Brenchley,1 873:304, 320,322; Robertson, 1902:29-30,192,359,389 ...... ~- ,,'lt" 90; Hmnphreys,I926:164-5,I71-2; see nlso} ',' ...... ' f:. :'," .:."" ,,::, . " Edge-Partington, 1890[1969]: 146,#9; Speiser, 192311 979!:ta l'el 78,#11; Christie's, 1989:26. t. See Chapter IV, p. 97 and Chapter V, p. 143-4. IX 1 ace. 481.01) CQMJl. Wooden comb with triangular decorative blade; the reverse side is undecorated. The four carved tines measure between 13 and 14 cm. The entire surface of the comb has a rich browh patina. L. 30 cm. W. 4.5 cm. PROVENANCE: New Hebrides \Vannatul Erromanga* [Erromangol circa 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "Combs; Erromanga" (Ethnological M nseum,[1926-641). [{EFERENCES: Wood, 1875:87; Humphreys,1926:135-6; Cillistie's,1989:26-7. According to Wood, who visited Erromanga in 1872, fiat wooùen combs and single pins for ornamenting the hair were called "nangasow" (1875:87). tl See Chapter 1V, p. 91-2. acc. 481.02) COMB. Similar to 481.01, but comb is orange brown in colOU!' and has two carved tines, each approximately 12.5 cm. in length. ... Markham auribulCs an ulmOSl idcntic&! comb 10 Cherry Island (Anullll in die Sauta Cruz grollJl (Maü:halll,I~73: xvi). The comb dcpictcd was collcctcd during li cruisc of the Ro,';ario. wiLiciJ visitcd tiLe New IIdlJitics am] Sant:.! Clll/. Islands bctwccn Novcmbcr 1871 and Fcbruury 187210 invcsLigalc t!Je ar.:Liviti~s of !;l!JOllf U,:cfuÎlcrs in tlle UIC;l. 'l'hl; enlise includcd li. stop ul Erromunga and, us ÙlI.:rc is no [miller dt)(;Umcnla\Îon rcgarding, tlLe comh ÎIl l\1artllalll':' \exI. il is possible lhut it I1<1S bccn mislllbclloo. Edgc*Partinglol1 iIlusllu\cS fi. tdmllur COlLlh allaI is Umh,:cO(1I1I:J U/lll llHriiHll":. lt to "Cherry Island, New IIcbrides [sic]". citing Markhum us his source (Edgc-Paningt{)Il,1890119WI:13I\,112). IR:! · ..... al:C. 482.0l} CUMJL Bamboo comb wirh clllved cross-section and carved tines; upper section of comb is incised wilh asymmetric designs. The reverse side is undecorated, but is incised with the word "Novu-woi" in cursive script. L. 22 cm. W. 7.5 cm. PROYENANCE: New Hebrides [Vanuatul Erromanga [Erromangol circa 1882-96 Robertson, B.A. "Bamboo combs; Erromanga" (Elhno\ogical Museum,[I926-64l). REFERENCES: Wood,1875:87; Robertson,1902:364; Humphreys, 1926:135-6; for similar bamboo combs from Maleku1a, Ambrim, and Tanna, see Speiser,1923 \19791:tafe134. According to Wood, who visiled Erromanga in 1872, these bamboo combs were caBed "now" (1875:37). f',. See Chapter IV, p. 91-2. acc. 482.02) COMD. Similar to 482.01. L. 18 cm. W. 5 cm. acc. 482.03) COMD. Similar to 482.01. L. 13.5 cm. W. 4 cm. 183 ace. 482.04) COMll. Similar 10 482.01. L. 21 cm. W. 4 cm. ace. 482.05) COMll· Similar 10 482.01. L. 20.5 cm. W. 4 cm. ace. 482.06) COMB. Similnr 10 482.01. L. 16.5 cm. W. 3.5 cm. acc. 482.07) COMB. Similar 10 482.01. L. 20 cm. W. 6 cm. ~: . .'. acc. 482.08) COMIL Similnr to 482.01. L. 19.5 cm. W. 4.5 cm. 111111 1X.\ r ace. 483) ADZE. Elbow-shaped pieee of wood, earved to fortn a slender shaft and decorative haft. Haft has a carved finial and eight notches on either side; the blade is made from the bone of a large animal, possibly a sea turtle, and is hllfted atop a wooden tongue. The blacle is wrapped with trade clolh and secured to the hart with loosely plaited coconut fibre cord; Il dark substance is encrusted on the underside of the wrnpping and the blacle. L. 34.5 cm. W. 16.5 cm. PROVENANCE: New Hebrides IVanuatul AmbrimlAmbrym) circa 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "Adze; Ambrim" (Ethnological Museum,II926-64 n. REFERENCES: Many examples of similar adzes with sheB or stone blades are cited in the literature; sec, for example, Speiser,1923[19791 :tafel 32,1128· 30,tafeI33,1I6. Blades are rarely made of bone, although Speiser depicts three larger examples [rom Ambrim made l'rom sea-turtle bone. 185 ncc. 484.01) ARMIlAND. CirculaI' bnnd carved from coconut shell; jnterior surface is undecorated; exterior surface is ornamentcd with an incised design. D. 9 cm. PROVENANCE: New lIebrides [Vanuatu) Erromanga 1Erromango] circa 1882-96 Robertson, Il.A. "Annlets ofcoconnut [sic] shell; Erromanga" (Ethno1ogical Museum,[ 1926-64 D. REFERENCES: Robenson,1902:364,367; Humphreys,I926: 136; see also, Edge-Partington,1890[1969]: 146,116,117. Very similar annbands are noted for Tanna; see Kaeppler,1978:246 and Speiser,I923[1979]:tafel 40,1119,1120,1123. '" See Chapter IV, p. 92. ace. 484.02) ARMIlAND. Similar ta 484.01. D. 9.5 cm. acc. 484.03) A RMIlAND. ~ C~ D.Simil"11.5 cm.484.01. ~ ,~ -= ~~- ~€[~ ~ acc. 484.04) ARMIlAND. Similar ta 484.01. D. 8.5 cm. ace. 484.(5) ARMBAND. Simi!ar to 484.0\. D. 9 cm. ace. 484.06 A,RMBAND. Simïlar 10 484.0\. D. 10.5 cm. ace. 484.l17a.b) ARfyWAND. Simïlar to 484.0 l, but in two picees: a)I,"9 cm.; b)I~8 cm. D.7 cm. ace. 485.01) llli:lSJ'.D BAMBOO. Lcngth of bamboo, divided inlo horizontal bands ofvarying incised geomelric and vegetal patterns. The incised Hnes arc blaekened and the bamboo surface is patinated. L. 61.5 cm. D. 4 cm. PROVENANCE: New Hebrides [Vanuatu] Erromanga [ErromangoJ cirea 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "Carved bamboo; Erronmnga" (Ethnological Museum,[1926-64D. REFERENCES: Robertson,1902:381. For sil1lilar incised decorations appearing on ear ornaments and bal1lboo Outes l'rom Erromanga, see Edge-Partington,1890[19691: 145,118; 189811969J:60,1I7; for other exal1lples of incised bamboo l'rom the New Hebrides, sec Speiser, J923[1979J: tafel36,lafel 106,tafel108-9 and Lobsiger-Dellenbach, 1964:23-34. . '..~ 187 ace. 485.02) lliCISED RAMJillQ. Similar 10 485.01. L. 88 cm. D. 2.5 cm. ace. 485.03) INCISED RAMilOO. Similar to 485.0\. L. 59 cm. D. 5.5 cm. ace. 485.04) lliQSED IlAMROO. Similar 10 485.01. L. 67 cm. D. 5 cm. ace. 485.(5) lliCISED IlAMilOO. Similar 10 485.01. L. 57 cm. D. 1.5 cm. ~ 1 o ace. 486) CLUB.. Siender club of dark hardwood with patinated surface; cylindrical shaft expancls gradually to fonn a blunt head with circulaI' cross-section. The shaft narrows towards proximal end, which . consists of a cmvecl fiange, a lenglh of shaft, and a dome-shaped grip. There is a dark substance encrusted 011 the dislai end of the shan. The chips and cracks on the club's surface are well-patinated. L. 94 cm. W. 2.4 cm. D. 5.5 cm. PRQVENANCE: New lIebrides [Vanuatul Tongoa? [Tongoa] circa 1882-96 Robertson, Il.A. "War club; Tougan [sic l, New lIebrides" (Ethnological Museum,11926-64 D. REFERENÇES~ Somerville,1894:386. An iclel:lical club is altributed to Efale, Erromanga, or Epi based on infonnation from o Lieutenant Somerville, R.N.; see Edge-I'artington, 1890 [1969\: 140,117; 1895[1969]:n.140,117; 1898[1969]:n.140, 117. A specimen from Efate that is similar, except for a minor difference in the trealment of the grip, is illustrated in Speiser,1923[ 1979]:tafel 57,1124. o 189 acc. 487.01) CI.tIll or nctnivri. Slcndcr club of mcdium-brown hardwood whh patinatcd surface; discoid proximal end is carved wilh a vegclalmolif in Icnlicular fonn againsl a background of carvcd lïnes. The distal portion of the shaft is carvcd with two discoid nanges, followed by a spindle-shaped head wilh an undecoratcd discoid fini al. Carving marks arc in evidence in areas near nangcs and finial. L. 90.5 cm. W. 1.2 cm. D. 5 cm. PROVENANCE: Ncw IIebrides [Vanuatu] Erromanga [Erromango) circa 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "War clubs; Erromanga" (Ethnological Museum,[1926-64]). REFERENCES: Wood, 1875:86-7; Robertson, 1902:372-3; Humphreys,1926: 163-4; see also, Edge-Partington, 1890[ J9691: J39,#12; Speiser, 1923[1979]:tafel 59, If2,tafel 60,#35. li. Sec Chapter IV, p. 94. o acc. 487.02) CI.lIll or IIctnivri. Siendcr club of medium-brown bardwood; surface is palinated with areas of mottled colour 0n head and shaft; irregularly-shapcd discoid proximal end has a dark-coloured triangular mark. The dislal end of the shafl is carved wilh a siugle irregularly-shaped, tillcd flange, followed by a spindle-shapcd hcad, and an undecomted tilted discoid finial. L. 85.5 cm. W. lA cm. D. 5 cm. Sec 487.01. f o 1l)(l acc. 488) Club. 11eavy club of richly patinated brown-colourerl hardwood; proximal end of shaft has a carved Oange followed by a section which ta pers and lhen expands to fonn a dome-shaped grip. Thc distal end of the shaft is carved with a Oange and spindle-shaped head; the head tenninales in three carved Oanges and is cappcd with a discoid finia1. The Oanges at Ihe head are encrustcd with a dark substance. The large chips from the f1ange at the head are patinated. L. 106.5 cm. W. 3.2 cm. D. 6 cm. PROVENANCE: New Hebrides (Vanuatu1 Malekula IMalakula1 circa 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "Club from island of Malikolo [sic]" o (Ethnological Museum,[ 1926-64I). REFERENCES: Somerville,1894:386. A similar club from Epi or Malekula is noted in Edge-Partinglon,18~)()119691: 140,#3; 1895[ 19691 :n.140,#3. Simîlar clubs arc attributed to Epi in Speiser,1923119791:tafel 57,1126, tafel 60,1121. 191 ace. 489.01).!lQ.YL or ncrane. Narrow bow of medium brown, finely graincd, polished hardwood wilh semi circulaI' cross-seclion. 11le bow is straighl and lapers towards eilher end, finishing in a 4 cm. tang at one end, and a 1 cm. tang al the olher. There is no bowstring. L. 114.3 cm. W. 1.8 cm. l'RQYBNANCE~ New lIebrides [Vanuatu] a Erromanga+ 1Erromangol circa 1882-96 Robertson, 1I.A. "Bows" (Ethnological Museum,[1926-64]). R BEER liliCliS.~ Robertson,1902:370-1 ;lIumphreys, 1926: 161; see a1so, Edge-Paninglon,1890[1969):138,1/4; 1895119691:82,1/6. 6. See Chapter, IV, p. 94. acc. 489.02) .!lQ.YL or nerane. Similar 10489.01. L. 113 cm. W. 1.9 cm. 1()2 acc. 490.01a-h SPEAR. Shaft of lighl-coloured bamboo. A doubh:-fnccd anthropomorhic head is carved on the wooden ,- foreshaft and fastened to Ihe shaft with a binding of plaited coconut fibre; the binding is ornamented IlCC. 490.0 Ill-II with grey feathers. A heavily encrusted bone point is secured to the foreshaft with a plaited coconut fibn: binding. Tbe sbaft and binding bave been blackened. L. 272 cm. D. 2.5 cm. PROVENANCE: New Hebrides IVnnuntu] Mnlekula+ [Malakula] circa 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "Poisoned spears" (Etbnological Museum,! 1926-6'\]). REFERENCES: Somerville,1894:388-9. An almost identical example is allributed to nonbwestern Malekula in Speiser,l923rJ 979]: wfel49,#18. , ';/ acc. 490.02a-h) SPEAR. Medium brown-coioured bamboo shafl, bouml with coconut fibre cord al distnl end. Fibre binding. secures a wooden foreshaft carved with a b\tlb and double-faced anthropomorphic bead; each face is divided in six sections, alter nutely coloured in blue and wbite pigment. A dl.. , bifurcated tHng extending from the head secures a bone point, which is beavily encrusted and wrapped " wilh vegetable fibre and plaited coconUI fibre conl. The shaft and binding have been blackened. L. 126 cm. D. 2.3 cm. ~.-.-2.-.· PROVENANCE: r"-, New Hebrides !Vanuatu] Maleku1a+ !Malakula] lice. 490.021l-11 circa 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "Poisoned spears" (Ethnological Museum,! 1926-641). REFERENCES: Somerville,1894:388-9; Speiser,l923!19791 :tafel 49-51 . . ,'~. 193 ace. 490.03a-h SPEAR. Light-colourcd bamboo shafl with hem'y encmstations, especially near joints; distal shaCl is bouml with plaited coconut fibre cord that is also encrustcd. The binding secures several grey-coloured feathers and also a double faced anthropomorphic head, carved in deep relief. A cylindrical tang extends From the head and is tightly bound with plaited coconut fibre cord; it has ueen treated with an ochre-coloured substance; the point is missing. L. 242.7 cm. O. 2.5 cm. PROVENANCE: New Hebrides [Vanuatul Malekula+ [Malakulal circa 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "Poisoned spears" (Ethnological Museum,[1926-641). REFERENCES: Somerville,1894:388-9. An ahnost identical example ftOm nol'thWestelll Il'lalekula, with a large hone point, appears in Speiser,l923[1979J: tafel 49,tl18,tafel 50,t16. -- 19·\ ·'1 ... ~R .·1·. acc. 490.04a-h) . Darkened bamboo shaft; foreshaft is wrapped with a piece of inner bark and honnd with plaited cocoma fibre cord. Spear head is of dark l1anlwood lICC. 490.0 '-- acc. '490.05) f!PEA R. A Iight~coloured bamboo shaft is bouml with a cane and vegetable fibre binding thm has been blackened. The surface of the shaft is ornamented with a design of darkened chevrons. A long point of patinated hardwood, 99 cm. in lenglh, is insened in the shaft and gradually tapers towards the distal end. L. 195.7 cm. D. 3.2 cm. PROYENANCE: New Hebrides [Vanuatul circa 1882-96 Robertson, B.A. "Poisoned spears" (Ethnological Museum,[1926-64 Il. REFERENCES: Somervil1e,1894:388-9. Several examples fTom Malo have similar long tapering hardwood points and bamboo shafts with geometric designs, see Speiser,1923[1979]:lafeI49-51; for a simi!ar example from Ambrim, sec Speiser,I923[1979[: tafe! 51,#18. DCC. 490.05 195 ace. 49(1.06) S PEA R. Long spear ealVed from single piece of dark brown palm wood; shart is slighlly curved. Foreshart is calVcd Wilh rows of raised chevrons; head is calVed 10 fOl1ll barbs which gradually decrease in size lowards IiI'; base of IiI' has square cross-scclion; IiI' is cncruslecl with a clark subslance. L. 224 cm. D. 3.9 cm. PROYENANCE: Ncw Hebrides IVanualu] Erale+ 1Erale) circa 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "Poisonecl spears" (Elhnological Museull1,l1926-641l. R EEERENCEs;' Edge-Paninglon, 1890[19691: 135,115; SomelVille, 1894:388-9; Spciser,192311979j:lafeI5',,1I11. ace. 490.07) PUDDING KNIFE. Unoman1ented spalulale hardwood blade wilh poinled end; one side has a convex surface, while lhe olher is flal; a 10 cm. long slem with circulaI' cross-scclion extends From shouldcr of blade; blade and stem are encrusted with a dark substance. L. 40.5 cm. W. 5.3 cm. ~NANCE: New lIebrides [Vanuatu] Tongoa+ (Tongoal eirca 1882-96 Robertson, H.A. "Poisoned spears" (Elhnological Museum,11926-64 Il. REFERENCES;. SomelViI\e,1894:382. This artifact bears a slrong resemblance in shape and dimension to a pudding knife from Tongoa in Edge-Partington,1898[1969]: 59,119. t!. See Chapter Il, p. 48 and Chapler V, p. 126, n. 6. 196 acc. 490.08a-b) SPEAR. Dark brown shaft of palm wood, tapering towards proximal end; foreshaft is wrapped with cane binding and covered with a dark brown substance; wooden foreshaft expands towards point and is carved with band of design; a stylized anthropomorphic head is filted into the foreshaft. The long tip is filted with wooden splints to fonn barbs, which decrease in size towards the tip. The barbs are secured in place by cane bimlings covered with a black substance. Certain sections of the binding are not blackened. L. 259.5 cm. D. 3.2 cm. .E!illVENANCE: New Hebrides [Vanuatu] circa 1882-96 Robertson, Il.A. "Poisoned spears" (Ethnological Mnseum,[1926-64j). REFERENCES: ' Somerville,1894:388-9. acc. 835.01) B EATER or neko. Beater carved ofmedium brown-coloured hardwood with patinated surface. Grip has a circular cross-section with carving marks in evidence on proximal end. 1be head is roughly rectangtilar with an oval cross-section and is carved with a chevron motif. The centrallengths of the two faces bear the strongest patination. L. 23.5 cm. D. 5 cm. PROVENANCE: New Hebrides [Vanuatu] Erromanga [Erromango] circa 1882-96 Robertson, H.A.? "Sticks with which the Erromangan women make their native cloth from bark of Banyan tree; Erromanga" (Ethno10gical Museum,[1926-64]). REFERENCES: Robertson,1902:368; Humphreys,1926:159. D. See Chapter II, p. 43, n. 33. ~"" "l',,,,,,, A ...... ~...... , ... , ...... , ."""""""",...-... -...... ", ...... ,~ \Y .• ,,,,,,.!,,,1,,,, '1 197 ace. 835.02) !1.JidIf.R or neko. I3caler carved of single picce of medium brown-coloured hardwood. llle dislal end is cmdely finish cd, will! carving marks appcaring in high relief. TIle grip area is not articulalcd in any way, but relains its natural bark covering; it has a circular cross-section. "Ille bealer has four faces and has been worn to such a degree by use that ils cross-section is squarcd. One face is carved with lengthwise grooves, the adjacent face with a lattice-work dcsign, the next face has a chevron pattern, and the fourlh face repeals the lattice-work molif. 'Ille distal end of lhe beater appears bulbous due 10 Ihe extensive wear to the carved faces. The enlirc surface, including the bark-covered grip is palinaled. L. 46.5 cm. D. 5.5 cm. Sce 835.0\. REFER!iliQi~: Robcrtson,1902:368; Humphreys, 1926: 159; see also, Edge-Partington,1898[1969J:57,#2. ace. 835.(3) BEATER or neko. The bealer is cylindrical in shape with a circular cross-scclion and is carved of a singlc piece of Iight-coloured hardwood. The handle is slightly narrower than the head and has clearly visible carving marks. Both dislal and proximal ends are crudely finished with carving marks in high relief. The surface of the bealer is carved with closely-spaccd vertical grooves. TIle raised areas between grooves are patinated, as is the overall surface of the bealer. L. 49.3 cm. D. 7 cm. Sce 835.01 REFERENCES-;. Robertson, 1902:368; Humphreys, 1926: 159; see aIso, Edge-Partinglon,1895[1969J:75,#3;1898[ 1969J:57,#1,#2. 198 ApPENDIX C Map of New Hebrides [Vanuatu] Showing Cook's 1774 Visit· 170" NEW HEBRIDE5 Ta 11IU31rau th. Vi.it. of July-August In4. 167" • Reproduccd from: The Voyace of lbe RewluJion and AdvCDtllle (J772-J7751, THE JOURNAL OF CAlyrAIN JAMES COOK ON HIS VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY. v. 2. cdited by J.C. Beaglehole. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1961. p. 456. fig. 66. 199 Map 0 r Erromanga [Erromango]* (ir, - • -----:-Rcproduccd from: EoEql!lllQwUlIllnng:.n;..R. ..I..IlIU>Dm MArtyr...... _Isle by HA.. R0bcrlSon . London..H0ddcr & Sloughlon,1902. p. 449. 200 APPENDIX E "";' Presbyterian Missionaries Stationed in the Southern New lIebrides (IS4S-S3)' Almost all ofthe Presbyterian missionaries were marricd. ror thc sake of breYity, only the missionaries' names have been indicated, but it can bc assumcd by thc rcadcr that they were accompanied by their wiyes, and often childrcn (one exception being James Gordon, a bachelor). Aneityum Rey. John Geddie (Church of Nova Scotia) 1848-72. Rey. John Inglis (Reforrned Church of Scotland) 1852-76. Rey. William McCulloch (Church ofthe Lower Provinces of British North America) arriyed 1864-6. Rev. James Murray (Church of the Lower Provinces of Canada) 1872-6. Rey. Joseph Annand (Church of the Lower Provinces of Canada) 1876-87. Rey. James H. Lawrie (Free Church of Scotland) arrived i879. Aniwa Rey. John G. Paton (Reforrned Church of Scotland. supported by Church of Victoria) arriyed 1866-83. Erromanga Rey. George N. Gordon (Church of Nova Scotia) 1857-61. Rev. James Gordon (Church of the Lower Provinces of British North Amcrica. later supported by Church of New South Wales) 1864-72. Rey. James Macnair (Reforrned Church of Scotland, supported by Church of thc Lower Provinces of British North America) 1866-70. Rey. Hugh Angus Robertson (Church of Scotland in the Maritime Provinccs) 1872-1913. Futuna Rey. Joseph Copeland (Reformed Church of Scotland) arrivcd 1866-&2. Dr. William Gunn (Free Church of Scotland) arrived 1883. Tanna Rey. Joseph Copeland (Reforrned Church of Scotland) 1858-9. Rey. John G. Paton (Refomled Church of Scotland) 1858-62. Rey. J.W. Matheson (Church of the Lower Provinces of British North Amcrica) 1858-62. Rey. S.F. Johnston (Church of Nova Scotia) 1860-1. Rey. Thomas Neilson (Free Church of Scotland) arrived 1868-82. Rey. William Watt (Church of Northern New Zealand) arrivcd 1869. Rey. W. Gray (Presbyterian Church of South Australia) arrived 1882. • Compi1ed from: Adams (1984). Boyd 11955l. Gordon (1863). Gunn (1906), King (1899), ~arilime l're,byterian (1881-1885), Markham (1873). Murray (1863). Parsonson (1956), Palon,J. (1891). Paton.M. (1894). l'allerson (1864.1882). The Presbyteriao Record (1883·1885), Robertson (1902), Sleel (1880). and Turner (1861). ••• .:> 201 ArrENDlX F Map of Mission School-houses on Erromanga [Erromango] c.1884* ... Rcproduccd rrom: The Prcshytcri an Record, 1884. v. 9. n. 2. p. 32. 202 ApPENDIX G Cl:ristian vs."iIeathen" Dress· l I.AI.I~1 NIMl'tI. • Reproduced from: Erromanga: The Martyr Isle by H.A. Robertson. 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