Mediating Globalization: an Ethnography of the “English Problem” Through North Koreans’ English Learning with South Korean Evangelicals

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Mediating Globalization: an Ethnography of the “English Problem” Through North Koreans’ English Learning with South Korean Evangelicals MEDIATING GLOBALIZATION: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE “ENGLISH PROBLEM” THROUGH NORTH KOREANS’ ENGLISH LEARNING WITH SOUTH KOREAN EVANGELICALS by Eun-Yong Kim A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto © Copyright by Eun-Yong Kim 2017 Mediating globalization: An ethnography of the “English problem” through North Koreans’ English learning with South Korean evangelicals Doctor of Philosophy, 2017 Eun-Yong Kim Department of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning University of Toronto Abstract This ethnography examines the place of English in South Korea through the experience of North Korean migrants in South Korean evangelical institutions. The central thesis is that English in South Korea is both i) a terrain where the tensions in/ of the globalizing (divided) nation-state play out, and ii) a means of mediating those tensions. A central characteristic about the place of English in the South Korean state is the contradiction between the rise of an English testing system for social selection and the limited use of English for everyday communication. This shows the tensions of the neoliberal state, which include notably the tensions between i) globalization and Korean nationalism, and between ii) social stratification and democracy. The English testing system, at the same time, neutralizes these tensions by achieving to a certain extent the competing interests on both sides of the tensions. ii Evangelicals‟ educational institutions for North Korean students are mediating spaces for the North Korean young adults who are directly impacted by the state tensions. They do so by allowing the students to be i) both Korean (national) and English-speaking/ learning (global), and ii) both “North Koreans” (other) and fellow Koreans (us). The evangelicals‟ English teaching practices work to mediate their own tension between “helping and evangelizing” (Varghese & Johnston, 2007), because English learning is valuable for both neoliberal and evangelical self-development and thus meets the interests of both the evangelicals and the North Koreans. For the North Korean migrants in South Korea, they face the tension between being a South Korean (by citizenship) and not being a South Korean (by cultural habitus). That is, they are given, on one hand, political significance and social advantages through nationalistic/ evangelical institutions (e.g., English support programs particularly for North Koreans), but, on the other hand, they experience barriers in the neoliberal competition (e.g. English testing system). English, however, served as resource for constructing a “third-place” identity for some North Koreans who become fluent English speakers. They had been, in their migration process, less socialized into nationalistic ideology which makes English unspeakable for Koreans. iii Acknowledgements I thank Monica Heller, my supervisor and teacher. This thesis has centrally been a conversation with Monica. She understood my writing and took me to new ideas I had never thought before. I take the sole responsibility of the product of this research, but I could have not reached the level of thinking I have achieved in this work without her guidance. It was a privilege to experience her professional work ethics and insightful, encouraging feedback. It was an enormous experience working with her. I thank Julie Kerekes, my advisor, who has been patiently encouraging me from the very beginning of my long doctoral studies to the very end. I thank Alejandro Paz for his support and his course, which was one of the best courses in my doctoral program and introduced me to the field of linguistic anthropology. Every committee meeting with them was a feast. I am grateful that I was a member of OISE. This research was possible because of the generous funding of University of Toronto (Graduate Package Funding, Research Travel Grant, Doctoral Completion Award) and the academic support for free, critical thinking. I want to thank especially the Korean colleagues at OISE whose support was crucial: Kyungmee Lee, Inchul Jang, Jinsook Yang, and Hyeyoon Cho. I was privileged to meet the North Korean participants, enter their lives and their pasts. I am grateful for the Christian institutions which participated in this study. Their sacrificial work for the North Korean migrants was the basis of the trusting relationship I could build with the participants. I must acknowledge the support I have received from my old friends (Lee Ji-Hye, Lee Joo-yeong, Kang Myeongsook, and Han Seoni) and the inspirations I have received from iv colleagues I have met to talk through this research (especially Nicholas Harkness, Huamei Han, Carolyn Kristjanson, and Lydia Catedral). I thank Wooridle Church in South Korea and Pastor Kim Yang-Jae, which was my spiritual home in the last stage of my studies. I thank the leaders of each of the small groups I was in (Hong Ji-Won, Shin Myeong-Jin, and Choi Jin-Yeong) for their exceptional commitment to the group members. These small groups have been with me through the difficult journey as I gained the ability to produce this writing and conceive a baby. I thank my family, especially my husband, Hae-Eon, my parents, my brother Jinny and sister-in-law In-ah, and my parents-in-law. The love and support they gave me through this doctoral study is really beyond what I can express in words. I miscarried two babies, Somang and Hong, in the last years of my Ph.D. program. I experienced love through their short quiet lives, and currently waiting for our new baby, Sarang, in a few months. I give my most special thanks to Hae-Eon. Thank you for giving me this precious gift of pursuing my dream. v Table of Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................................................ ii Acknowledgements...................................................................................................................... iv List of Tables.……….………………………………………………………………………...... ix List of Figures ………………………………...………………………………………………… x List of Appendices……………………………………………………………………………… xi Chapter page Chapter 1 The English “problem” …………………………………………………………….1 1. My entry ……………………………………………………………………………………….6 1.1 Seoul Church 1.2 Mee-Soo and I 2. Approaching the problem ……………………………………………………………………13 3. Tensions …………………………………………………………………………………...…18 3.1 Korean vs. English 3.2 Test-driven vs. communicative 3.3 English test vs. English divide 3.4 Helping vs. evangelizing 4. Methodology …………………………………………………………………………………35 4.1 Critical ethnographic sociolinguistics 4.2 Why North Korean young adults 4.3 Focal participants 4.4 Institutions 4.5 Data analysis 5. Structure of thesis ……………………………………………………………………………52 Chapter 2 Crossing state boundaries ………………………...……………………………....57 1. Division of the “Korean nation” ………………………………………………………..……60 2. Post-Cold War economic crises ……………………………………………………….….….65 3. The first North Korean refugees …………………………………………………….…….…68 4. South Korean state policies ………………………………………………………….……....73 5. Stories: Between defectors and migrants …………………………………………….……....77 5.1 Ye-Young 5.2 Wha-Hong 5.3 Bee-Eun 6. Conclusion …………………………………………………………………………………...90 vi Chapter 3 Encountering evangelical outreach ……………………….……………………...93 1. Evangelical Christianity in Korea ……………….………………………………….………..94 2. Visions of North Korea …………………….……………………………………….………..98 3. Stories: Encounters and conversions ………………………………………………..……...103 3.1 Han-Young 3.2 Hae-Mee 3.3 Mee-Soo 4. Declining evangelicals ……………………………………….………………….………….118 5. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………..………124 Chapter 4 Learning (how) to learn English ……………………..………………………….127 1. Testing in the unspoken language ……………………………………………..……………129 2. English in North Korea ………………………………………………………..……………132 3. English in South Korea ………………………………………………………..……………133 3.1 State policies 3.2 Employers 3.3 Educational institutions 3.4 The private market 4. When I was in North Korea: “Why study?” ……………………………….…………….…142 5. In South Korea: “I didn‟t think I would need English that much.” ………….……………. 147 6. A case of short resistance: “Is grammar that important?” …………………….………….…153 7. Test English as barrier: “It‟s disgusting!” …………………………………….……….……158 8. Insistence on Test English: “The exam doesn‟t have listening.” …………….……………..163 9. Conclusion …………………………………………………………………….…………....168 Chapter 5 Negotiating missionary English teaching ……………………………………....172 1. Educational outreach…………………. …………………………………..………………..175 2. Conditions of missionary ELT…... ……………………………………..…………………..178 3. English as language of “Christian leader” …...………………………..……………………181 4. Teachers‟ tensions: Between helping and evangelizing …………………………………… 187 4.1 Struggling with Test English 4.2 Negotiating with Christian English 4.3 Creating spaces of Communicative English 5. Students‟ tensions: “I don‟t think North Korean students go to church just for English.” …198 5.1 Calculating cost and benefit 5.2 A case of resistance against Christian requirement 5.3 Accepting to become a “bridge” 6. Conclusion ……………………………………………………..…………………………...213 vii Chapter 6 Ways with identities …………………….………………………………………..217 1. Chul-Kyoo, a South Korean civil servant-to-be …………..………………………………..220 2. Han-Young, the North Korean evangelical ………………..………………………………..227 3. Ye-Young, the English speaker ……………………………..………………………………237 4. Conclusion …………………………………………………..……………………………...246
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