Spelcon 2005 Conference Report
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Oachkatzlschwoaf: a Study of Language Choice in Ried Im Innkreis, Austria
Oachkatzlschwoaf: A Study of Language Choice in Ried im Innkreis, Austria David Kleinberg A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Germanic Languages and Literatures. Chapel Hill 2006 Approved by Advisor: Paul Roberge Reader: Helga Bister-Broosen Reader: Laura Janda Reader: Sidney R. Smith Reader: Roland Willemyns © 2006 David Kleinberg ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT David Kleinberg: Oachkatzlschwoaf: A Study of Language Choice in Ried im Innkreis, Austria (Under the direction of Paul Roberge) A statistical analysis of data collected via self-reporting questionnaires and participant observation in Ried im Innkreis, Austria, shows that the speakers in this community typically prefer to speak their local dialect rather than Standard German or colloquial varieties, at a significantly higher frequency in more domains than speakers in other communities of similar size in Austria. Data from Ried im Innkreis are compared with results from Steinegger (1998) and Wiesinger (1989b), in which similar surveys were distributed throughout Austria. Factors that typically correlate with the choice of dialect over colloquial or standard varieties of German in large cities in Austria, such as socioeconomic class, do not play a significant role in Ried im Innkreis due to the small size of the community. The same trends apparent in the rest of the Austria with regard to gender are apparent in Ried. Males report that they speak dialect slightly more often than females, and a decrease in dialect use by females is indicated which corresponds to typical child-raising years and retirement. -
The Rechtschreibreform – a Lesson in Linguistic Purism
The Rechtschreibreform – A Lesson in Linguistic Purism Nils Langer, University of Bristol The Rechtschreibreform – A Lesson in Linguistic Purism 15 The Rechtschreibreform – A Lesson in Linguistic Purism1 Nils Langer The German spelling reform of 1998 generated an amazing amount of (mostly negative) reaction from the German public. Starting with a general overview of the nature of linguistic purism and the history of German orthography, this article presents a wide range of opinions of the spelling reform. The data is mostly taken from the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, either in the form of newspaper articles or letters to the editor, showing that the reform is rejected by untrained linguists (folk) for various political and pseudo-linguistic reasons, which, however, have in common a fundamenal misconception of the nature and status of both orthography in general and the 1998 spelling reform in particular. This articles argues, therefore, that the vast majority of objections to the spelling reform is not based on linguistic issues but rather based on a broadly politically defined conservative view of the world. On 1 August 2000 one of the leading German broadsheets, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ), returned to using the old ‘bewährten’ spelling rules after one year of working with the new rules, arguing that the new rules had not achieved what they set out to do. The FAZ is on its own in this assessment, no other German newspaper followed its lead, and only two intellectual societies, the Hochschullehrerverband and the Deutsche Akademie für Sprache und Dichtung, returned to the old spelling after the FAZ’s decision. -
GERMANY Hermann Avenarius, Hans-Peter Füssel, Ingo Richter
LINGUSTIC RIGHTS IN GERMANY Hermann Avenarius, Hans-Peter Füssel, Ingo Richter “Language has never been nor is it, at any time or any place, an unpolitical territory” ( Herta Müller, Nobel-Prize Winner for Literature 2009 )1 Introduction The German Language is currently used as mother-tongue by about 100 million people. Today "High German" is the official language in Germany, in Austria, Lichtenstein, and most of Switzerland.2 In addition, it is one of the official languages in Luxemburg and parts of Denmark, Belgium and Italy. "High German," developed in the centre of Europe towards the end of the 6th century and the beginning of the 7th century A.D. The differentiation of the "High German Sound Shift" separated "Low German" and "High German." Languages, such as Dutch and Flemish developed from "Low German," while the different (High) German dialects3 have the same root in the High German language. The development of "High German" as we know it today followed different phases up to the middle of the 17.century. Of importance for the unification and a common understanding of the German Language are Martin Luther’s translations of the Bible in 1521 and 1534. In the 19th century, the language developed so far that first steps in the direction of standardisation could be fixed.4 The common language in Germany became a symbol of identity and an important condition for the development of German culture. The expression of "Germany as a Cultural Nation", as it was used since the early 19th century, had already demonstrated two sides of the same coin: the cultural and the political. -
Language Museums of the World
Language museums of the world Edited by Ottar Grepstad Language museums of the world Institutions, websites, memorials Edited by Ottar Grepstad Centre for Norwegian Language and Literature Ørsta 2018 1 © 2018 Ottar Grepstad and Centre for Norwegian Language and Literature Last update 4 February 2018 Published at www.aasentunet.no 10 March 2018 Front page Inscription in 34 languages on a glass wall in the Ivar Aasen Centre, Ørsta, Norway (photo Ivar Aasen Centre). An inaccurate transcription of the texts: 1 Fulfulde (woodi ujuneeje bolle) 1–2 English (there are thousands of languages) 2 Estonian (maailmas on tuhandeid keeli) 3 Mandarin (shiejie shang you shuqianzhong yuyan) Irish Gaelic (tá mílte teanga ánn) 4 Italian (di lingue ce ne sono a migliaia) 4–5 Portuguese (há milhares de línguas) 5 Noregian Nynorsk (det finst tusenvis av sprsk) 5–6 Polish (jest kilka tysiecy jezyków) 6 Arabic (hunaak aalaaf allughaat) 7 Latin (linguarum sunt milia complura) 7–8 Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian (na svijetu ima nekoliko tisuca) 8–9 Spanish (hay millares de lenguas) 9 Shona (kune zviuru nezviuru zvemitauro) 10 Bulgarian (ima njakolko hiljadi ezika) 10–11 Turkic (binlerce dil vardir) 11 Finnish (kielis on useita tuhansia) 11–12 Icelandic (þađ eru til mörg þusund tungumál) 12 Armenian 13 Hindi (hazaaron bhaashaaen hain) Welsh (y mae miloedd o ieithoedd) 14 Russian (susjtsjestvujet neskol'ko tysiatsj jazykov) 14–15 French (il existe des milliers de langues) 15 Urdu (hazaaron zabaanen hain) 16 German (es gibt mehrere tausend sprachen) 16–17 Afrikaans (daar -
New Words for the Duden! Kathrin Kunkel-Razum Bibliographisches Institut Gmbh [email protected] Abstract a New Print
New Words for the Duden! Kathrin Kunkel-Razum Bibliographisches Institut GmbH [email protected] Abstract A new printed edition of the Rechtschreibduden (Duden's Orthographic Dictionary (Duden)), the prestigious German language dictionary, is published every three or four years. The past five or six editions have boasted approximately 5,000 newly added lemmas each (the 27th edition, with 145,000 lemmas, is the most recent), and since 1996, the year of the “Rechtschreibreform” (national spelling reform), public response to each new edition has focused primarily on these new additions. Once a word is included in the Rechtschreibduden, it is considered to have become officialized. There are people who wonder whether words that are not included exist, although even its online version offers an additional 100,000 lemmas. What then are the criteria applied by the Duden’s editorial staff when deciding which new words to include? Which sources are used? What is the editors’ position in the ongoing discussion about the – arguably excessive – use of Anglicisms in the German language and the addition of terms and grammatical adaptions related to or dictated by political correctness? How about the ratio of new entries in the printed edition of the Rechtschreibduden as opposed to its online version, and what are the procedures for inclusion? And finally, on what grounds are words deleted from the dictionary? In this paper I will refer to these issues and, with regard to future editions, I will also talk about which new sources the Duden will have to consider and work with to remain the predominant dictionary of the German (standard) language. -
German and German Disunity: an Investigation Into The
GERMAN AND GERMAN DISUNITY: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE COGNITIVE PATTERNS AND PERCEPTIONS OF LANGUAGE IN POST-UNIFIED GERMANY by KEITH E. KENNETZ (Under the Direction of William A. Kretzschmar, Jr.) ABSTRACT This study investigates folk perceptions of speech in post-reunified Germany, exploring how such perceptions are cognitively created, organized, and maintained. Using a modified form of Tamasi’s pile-sorting methodology (2003), this study specifically examines how German political disunity (i.e. “Mauer in den Köpfen” or “wall of the mind”) is manifested in speech evaluations and further explores the cognitive factors involved in spatial perceptions of regional speech varieties. A total of sixty-one informants from two locations (Dresden, Saxony, and Bamberg, Bavaria) took part in a four-part interview designed to elicit their perceptions of variation in German. Informants were given cards with the names of German cities printed on them. They were asked to sort and divide the cards into piles according to where they think people speak differently. They were then given a set of social and linguistic descriptors with which they could describe and evaluate the dialect piles they had made. The third task asked participants to recognize and evaluate female and male voices from three locations within Germany (Dresden, Bamberg, and Hanover) using the same descriptors they used in the pile-sorting task. Lastly, informants were asked to answer a series of brief questions to clarify and substantiate quantitative results obtained in the previous tasks. Results from this study show that a “linguistic wall” clearly exists in the perceptions of West German respondents as revealed in their negative evaluation of eastern (Saxon) dialects. -
2005 Conference Report
Founded 1908 in London, England the simplified Working for planned change in English spelling for the benefit of learners and users everywhere spelling society Spelcon 2005 Conference Report International English for Global Literacy University of Mannheim – First International Conference, 29th–31st July 2005 Report compiled by Bernadette Hughes, SSS Business Secretary This report was intended to be Journal 33, but was not published. Contents 1. List of Attendees 2. Speaker abstracts 3. Opening of the conference 4. Papers presented 4.1 ‘The worst aspects of English Spelling’ Mrs. Masha Bell 4.2 'Why the Internet age will not accept simplified English spelling’ Dr. Christopher Rollason 4.3 ‘How to prepare for, select and implement a reformed spelling scheme for global English’ Mr. Niall Waldman 4.4 ‘The German spelling reform – An example for the Simplified Spelling Society’ Prof. Gerhard Augst 4.5 ‘Challenges with English spelling while teaching English in Germany’ Mr. Adrian Alphohziel 4.6 ‘Spelling in Indian English – English spelling simplification activity in ‘my’ country: The classroom experience’ Dr. Jenny Bayer 4.7 ‘Strategies for implementing spelling reforms’ Mr. Christopher Jolly 4.8 ‘Centre of power in educational change’ Mrs. Isobel Raven 5. Final announcement by the Chairman 6. De-Briefing session 7. Additional papers 7.1 ‘An alphabet for English – XVIII’ Dr. J Conrad Crown 7.2 ‘Strategies for English spelling reforms’ Dr. L. Devaki 7.3 ‘A practical plan for achieving spelling reform’ Mr. J. Carter 7.4 ‘How systematic repair is possible’ Dr. Valerie Yule, SSS Vice-President 7.5 ‘The case for an International Commission on English Spelling' Dr.