NZME LIMITED and FAIRFAX NEW ZEALAND LIMITED COMMERCE COMMISSION CONFERENCE 7 DECEMBER 2016 9.30 Am Plurality
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JMAD Media Ownership Report
JMAD New Zealand Media Ownership Report 2014 Published: 2014 December 5 Author: Merja Myllylahti This New Zealand Ownership Report 2014 is the fourth published by AUT’s Centre for Journalism, Media and Democracy (JMAD). The report finds that the New Zealand media market has failed to produce new, innovative media outlets, and that all the efforts to establish non-profit outlets have proved unsustainable. The report confirms the general findings of previous reports that New Zealand media space has remained highly commercial. It also confirms the financialisation of media ownership in the form of banks and fund managers. The report also observes that in 2014 convergence between New Zealand mass media and the communications sector generally was in full swing. Companies, such as Spark (former Telecom NZ), started to compete head-to-head with the traditional broadcasters on the online on-demand video and television markets. The American online video subscription service Netflix is entering the NZ market in March 2015. Additionally, the report notes evidence of uncomfortable alliances between citizen media, politicians, PR companies and legacy media. As Nicky Hager’s Dirty Politics book revealed, the National Party and PR practitioners used the Whale Oil blog to drive their own agendas. Also, events related to Maori TV, TVNZ and Scoop raise questions about political interference in media affairs. It is now evident that the boundaries between mainstream media, bloggers, public relations practitioners and politicians are blurring. Key events and trends concerning New Zealand media Financialisation of mass media ownership confirmed Substantial changes in Fairfax, APN and MediaWorks ownership Competition heats up in online television and video markets Turbulence at Maori TV Blurred lines among politicians, bloggers, journalists and PR practitioners The JMAD New Zealand media ownership reports are available here: http://www.aut.ac.nz/study- at-aut/study-areas/communications/media-networks/journalism,-media-and-democracy-research- centre/journalists-and-projects 1 1. -
NZ Politics Daily: 7 June 2015 Page 1 of 309
NZ Politics Daily: 7 June 2015 Page 1 of 309 NZ Politics Daily: 7 June 2015 Today’s content Ben Rachinger Lisa Owen (TV3): Slater accused of offering blog hack payment Laura Walters: Cameron Slater denies hacking allegations Tim Watkin (Pundit): Dirty Politics 2.0 Patrice Dougan (Herald): Right-wing blogger accused of paying off hacker Martyn Bradbury (Daily Blog): Slater’s bizarre response to the allegations of hacking Pete George (Your NZ): Rachinger promises more Pete Geroge (Your NZ): Rachinger’s “I am Rawshark” tweet Pete George (Your NZ): The Standard’s ‘not Labour’ problem Frank Macskasy (Daily Blog): The Curious Case of Cameron Slater, the Hacker, and the unforgivable crime of stupidity Martyn Bradbury (Daily Blog): Compare how long Slater’s complaint gets investigated to investigations against him Pete George (Your NZ): Rachinger tweets Slater statement on his claims Pete George (Your NZ): Slater talks to Fairfax, contradicts Pete George (Your NZ): Links on Ben Rachinger accusations Pete George (Your NZ): The Nation on Rachinger and Slater versus The Standard Pete George (Your NZ): Rachinger on The Nation? Matthew Dentith: Episode 49 – The @B3nRaching3r Allegations Pete George (Your NZ): Standard goes dirty on dirty politics? Pete George (Your NZ): Slater’s statement on Rachinger looks dirty Pete George (Your NZ): Serious accusations against Rachinger Greg Presland (The Standard): Cameron Slater’s statement on Ben Rachinger TV3: Andrew Little: 'Toxic' Cameron Slater not wanted in NZ politicsMartyn Bradbury: Could this really be -
Behind the Mike
xxxxxcover stor y cover stor y He had big shoes to fill – metaphorically at least – but Mike Hosking has more than risen to the challenge with the help of just a little bit of magic. By Felicity Monk behind the mike Daunted? Oh no, wouldn’t use that word, says Mike like the fact that they have got to know Mike better as Hosking. This, in response to whether he felt taking over a person – particularly since he has had children, they from Paul Holmes’ 22-year reign over the Newstalk ZB can relate to him as a father and a family man. They breakfast programme, the highest rating radio show in have had a pretty long exposure to Mike on television the country, was a daunting thing. “Daunted means and in radio and they like what they get.” The feedback ‘Shit, I can’t do it,’ whereas I don’t doubt that I can do it. has been “very positive indeed. We’ve had strong It’s more of a privilege to be chosen. The biggest thing supportive comment – yup.” The station is in a ratings I think about is the history of the station. I’m only the fifth period at the moment (results will be out next month) breakfast host in 80 years, which is quite something.” and while Francis says he is not prepared to reveal how It was the week before Christmas when Hosking, the tracking is going, he will say: “I am very comfortable 44, replaced Holmes, who was enjoying some of his about where we sit – with Mike’s show and in general.” best ever ratings. -
A Real Alternative? – How Alternative News Media Coverage Compares to the Mainstream in New Zealand Jay Acton 2019 School of C
A Real Alternative? – How Alternative News Media Coverage Compares to the Mainstream in New Zealand Jay Acton 2019 School of Communication Studies Faculty of Design and Creative Technologies A thesis submitted to the Auckland University of Technology in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of a Master of Communication Studies 1 ABSTRACT The public receives most of its information about important national and international events through the news media. Since the advent of the internet, mainstream news media has experienced a decline in its audience as the number and popularity of alternative media outlets has dramatically increased. What the mainstream and alternative news media include in their stories and how they frame these stories has implications for citizens and society. This study compares how news is covered by online text-based alternative and mainstream news in New Zealand using quantitative content analysis. Article length, Context Factors, Number, Type, and Balance of Sources, as well as Dominant Media Frames were measured in coverage of 25 news events across four mainstream and four alternative New Zealand news outlets. The research showed that, compared to the alternative news media, the mainstream news was more consistent, and slightly longer in average article length; used approximately 25% more context factors; relied heavily on government sources versus alternative news reliance on expert sources, and used approximately 30% more sources overall; were 30% more ‘balanced’ in their use of sources, and approximately seven times less likely to run a story using an unopposed source. Furthermore, the research showed that the ‘conflict’ frame dominated mainstream media news stories – wherein two or more sides to a story are presented - while the dominant frame in alternative news media stories was that of ‘attribution of responsibility’. -
Simon Lusk's Plan
CHAPTER 5 SIMON LUSK’S PLAN Simon Lusk had been watching US Republican politics for years and looking for ideas that were applicable to New Zealand. Gradually he put together a plan to move the country’s politics to the right. He laid this out in conver- sations with his close political allies and in a three-page strategy paper that was never intended to be made public. The plan was practical and methodical. The idea was to target candidate selection processes in safe National seats, installing a rump of hard right candi- dates who would influence politics for many years to come. Suitable candidates could also be found and trained for local government elections. At the same time, a pool of younger people would be identified, cultivated and guided into right-wing politics. Each of these groups would be managed and supported by professional strategy advisers, notably Lusk himself. Such figures were familiar in US politics but not in New Zealand. Lusk was also well aware, from his American observations, that the single greatest advantage of right-wing parties and candidates was their ability to greatly outspend their opponents with support from wealthy and corporate donors. Fundraising was central to the plan. Next, the right could dominate the media by the dominance of right-wing blogs: ‘the right currently controls the blogosphere,’ he wrote, ‘and political journalists repeat much of what appears on blogs.’ The blogs were part of the second track of politics available for ‘black ops’ and nega- tive campaigning. Finally, his plan involved ‘weakening the power of those who believe in big government’, meaning deliberate strategies and tactics to margin- alise anyone, even within the National Party itself, who did not hold hard right views. -
Its All Happening Just When You Thought Things Were Winding Down
Its All Happening Just when you thought things were winding down for the year and there would be only holiday racing to concentrate on, a couple of recent important announcements have rather re-focussed the mind. First of all, and definitely most importantly, a successor to Edward Rennell has been announced. As I’ve said earlier, Edward leaves a massive pair for shoes to fill, and I know that, for years to come, his legacy will be felt in many different ways. My main concern about his replacement was that it would be someone who didn’t have the same passion and love for harness racing that he undoubtedly possessed. It was with relief then, that Peter Jensen was selected to take the reins, because he is yet another whose passion for our industry is without question. Having known Peter on both a personal and business basis for many years, he will bring skills and experience to the role that will be sorely needed in the difficult times ahead. Having attended a number of meetings he has had with the Trainers & Drivers Greater Canterbury Branch since he took over at Addington, it is clear that he made a favourable impression on some folk in our game who are not easily impressed, with his considered approach and willingness to at least listen to concerns, at the same time making no promises. The other announcement, this time from the Government, was the naming of those to be involved in the Ministerial Advisory Committee. Fearing that this body would be heavily slanted in favour of our sister code, it was pleasing to see that, with the obvious exception of Sir Peter Vela, that doesn’t appear to be the case. -
CERA Inquiry Final Report
CERA Inquiry Final Report CERA: Alleged Conflicts of Interest Inquiry for State Services Commissioner Final Report dated 31 March 2017 In accordance with Principle 7 of the Privacy Act 1993, a statement received from Mr Gallagher and Mr Nikoloff is attached at the end of the Report. Michael Heron QC Page 1 of 46 CERA Inquiry Final Report TABLE OF CONTENTS 1) Introduction 2) Summary of Conclusions 3) Applicable Standards 4) Discussion - PIML 5) Discussion - 32 Oxford Terrace – Mr Cleverley Appendix 1 – Terms of Reference Appendix 2 – Prime Minister’s letter and Jurisdiction Appendix 3 – Process and Documentation Appendix 4 – Applicable Standards Appendix 5 – Interviewees Appendix 6 – Canterbury DHB chronology Page 2 of 46 CERA Inquiry Final Report 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 The Canterbury Earthquake Recovery Authority (CERA) was established under the Canterbury Earthquake Recovery Act 2011 to assist with the Government's response to the devastating Canterbury earthquakes of 2010 and 2011. After five years of operation, CERA was disestablished on 18 April 2016. 1.2 Within CERA, the Implementation/Central City Development Unit (CCDU) set out to drive the rebuild of central Christchurch. The Investment Strategy group sat within that unit and was responsible for retaining, promoting and attracting investment in Christchurch. 1.3 In early 2017, investigative journalist Martin van Beynen published a series of articles on alleged conflicts of interest within CERA and CCDU. Due to the serious allegations raised, the State Services Commissioner appointed me to undertake this Inquiry on his behalf on 7 February 2017 pursuant to sections 23(1) and 25(2) of the State Sector Act 1988. -
Anna Czerwińska∗
Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 52(4), 2017 doi: 10.1515/stap-2017-0019 BETWEEN ANZAC DAY AND WAITANGI DAY ANNA CZERWIŃSKA∗ Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań ABSTRACT This paper discusses the historical background and significance of the two most important national holidays in New Zealand: Waitangi Day and Anzac Day. Waitangi Day is celebrated on the 6th February and it commemorates the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi between British representatives and a number of Māori chiefs in 1840. Following the signing of the treaty New Zealand became effectively a British colony. Anzac Day is celebrated on 25th April, i.e., on the anniversary of the landing of soldiers of the Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) on the Gallipoli peninsula in Turkey in 1915, during World War One. There are three major differences between these two holidays: the process of those days becoming national holidays, the level of contestation, and the changing messages they have carried. The present study analyzes the national discourse around Anzac Day and Waitangi Day in New Zealand, and attempts to reveal how the official New Zealand government rhetoric about national unity becomes deconstructed. The following analysis is based on a selection of online articles from the New Zealand Herald and Stuff published in Auckland and Wellington, respectively. Both cities are populated by multi-ethnic groups, with Auckland featuring the largest Māori population.1 Keywords: Anzac Day; Waitangi Day; New Zealand; national holidays; identity. 1. Introduction Historical events often become important parts of a national identity. Politicians make use of the commemorations of historical events to promote party ∗ Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UAM, Collegium Historicum, ul. -
CANNABIS REFERENDUM 2020 Introduction
Media Analysis NEW ZEALAND CANNABIS REFERENDUM 2020 Introduction This analysis looks at 281 New Zealand-based media articles and opinion pieces as they appeared online during the cannabis referendum campaign period between May and October 2020. The objective was to assess the extent to which the set of articles and op-eds, as a whole, provided balanced coverage of both sides of debate – consistent with the New Zealand Media Council’s first principle of “accuracy, fairness and balance.”1 All the articles obtained were based on the list provided by NZ Politics Daily, a comprehensive, non- partisan list of articles, columns, and analysis relating to New Zealand politics and government, produced by the Democracy Project at Victoria University Wellington. This list was used to maintain the neutrality of the analysis and to avoid any accusation of searching for articles that leaned to one side or the other of the debate. There were 203 news items and 78 opinion pieces. Accuracy, fairness and balance was assessed across a variety of measures: the headline used, the number of people quoted within each piece arguing one or other side of the referendum question, and the proportion of content arguing each side of the campaign issues. Experts who quoted research or data were considered to be neutral. Any observed imbalance in the content or coverage across the set of news items and opinion pieces is interpreted as evidence of overall bias in reporting on the referendum question. The report was commissioned by Family First New Zealand. The analysis has been audited by an Emeritus Professor who specialises in research methods and statistics. -
[2016] Nzhc 2496
IN THE HIGH COURT OF NEW ZEALAND AUCKLAND REGISTRY CIV-2015-404-1845 [2016] NZHC 2496 JORDAN HENRY WILLIAMS v COLIN GRAEME CRAIG Hearing: 28 September 2016 Counsel: P A McKnight and A J Romanos for plaintiff S J Mills QC and J Graham for first defendant Judgment: 19 October 2016 REASONS FOR JUDGMENT OF KATZ J [Defence of qualified privilege] This judgment was delivered by me on 19 October 2016 at 11:00am Pursuant to Rule 11.5 High Court Rules Registrar/Deputy Registrar Solicitors: Langford Law, Wellington Chapman Tripp, Auckland Counsel: S J Mills QC, Barrister, Auckland P A McKnight, Quayside Chambers, Wellington A Romanos, Barrister, Wellington Introduction [1] Jordan Williams is the founder and Executive Director of an organisation known as “the Taxpayers’ Union”. Colin Craig is the founder and former leader of the Conservative Party, a political party that unsuccessfully contested the 2011 and 2014 Parliamentary elections. [2] Mr Williams brought these proceedings against Mr Craig, in defamation. He alleged that Mr Craig defamed him in remarks he made at a press conference on 29 July 2015 (“Remarks”) and in a leaflet that was made available at that conference and was subsequently delivered nationwide (“Leaflet”). I will refer to the particular statements that are said to bear defamatory meanings as “the statements”. Mr Williams claimed, amongst other things, that the natural and ordinary meaning of the statements was that he had told lies about Mr Craig, including that Mr Craig had sexually harassed a person and that he had sent her sexually explicit text messages. Mr Williams further alleged that a reasonable person who read or heard the statements would understand them to mean that Mr Williams is dishonest, deceitful, a serial liar, cannot be trusted and lacks integrity. -
Key Police Disclosure
THE HIGH COURT OF NEW ZEALAND CIV 2014-485-11344 WELLINGTON REGISTRY Under The Judicature Amendment Act 1972, Part 30 of the High Court Rules, the Bill of Rights Act 1990, and the Search and Surveillance Act 2012 In the matter of An application for judicial review And in the matter of A search warrant issued by Judge IM Malosi of the Manukau District Court on 30 September 2014 Between N A HAGER Applicant And HER MAJESTY’S ATTORNEY-GENERAL First Respondent And THE NEW ZEALAND POLICE Second Respondent And THE MANUKAU DISTRICT COURT Third Respondent Key Evidence Bundle Volume 4: Key Police Disclosure Solicitor Counsel Thomas Bennion Julian Miles QC Felix Geiringer Bennion Law Richmond Chambers Terrace Chambers L1, 181 Cuba Street L5, General Buildings No. 1 The Terrace PO Box 25 433 33 Shortland Street PO Box 10 201 Wellington 6146 PO Box 1008 Wellington 6143 Tel: +64 4 473 5755 Auckland 1140 Tel: +64 4 909 7297 Fax: +64 4 381 3276 Tel: + 64 9 600 5504 Fax: +64 4 909 7298 [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] 34 Radio LIVE 14/08/2014 MH Mike HOSKING NH Nicky HAGER MH Dirty Politics broadly claims that the government runs an attack type campaign using bloggers like Cameron SLATER to attack those they don’t like. Many of the allegations ironically come from leaked emails and Nicky HAGAR is with us, good morning. NH Good morning. MH Given this isn’t a long interview, give us your best shot. Is there anything corrupt or illegal here, anything that will bring the government down? NH It’s not my job to bring down the government. -
Chapter 4 Extract
EXTRACT FROM DIRTY POLITICS BY NICKY HAGER. PUBLISHED IN 2014 BY CRAIG POTTON PUBLISHING. CHAPTER 4 THE CRUSHER AND THE ATTACK DOG The attack bloggers’ point of contact in the National government, year after year, remained John Key’s office. But Cameron Slater had another close friend and ally in the government, Cabinet minister Judith Collins. They had much in common. One cultivated the iron woman persona of Crusher Collins, future prime minister, the other the reckless bully-boy persona of Whale Oil, crusading outsider. They were drawn together by right-wing politics and a shared attraction to aggressive and often petty attack politics. Slater was a devoted supporter of Collins, using his blog to promote her and to attack her critics. Collins, in return, fed a continuous supply of material to Slater: public press releases, political gossip, tip-offs and serious leaks. She boast- ed for him in 2013 that ‘you might not like it but Whaleoil is better informed and better read than any other news outlet or social media’.1 They talked often by phone, and in the evenings and weekends they chatted via Facebook. In work hours Collins e-mailed him directly from her sixth-floor Beehive office. Often their exchanges were about small events of the day. The following are typical of Collins’s messages: ‘You should whack these guys hard, they are truly pathetic’;2 ‘Cam, FYI. Another own goal for plughead’, her name for Labour MP Clayton Cosgrove;3 could he edit her Wikipedia page and replace an unflattering photo;4 and, forwarding a document, ‘I think I seri- ously annoyed certain people over it.