Vowel Epenthesis in Initial Consonant Clusters by Persian Speakers of English by Christina Akbari, M.A. CCC-SLP a Dissertation I

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Vowel Epenthesis in Initial Consonant Clusters by Persian Speakers of English By Christina Akbari, M.A. CCC-SLP A Dissertation In COMMUNICATION SCIENCES AND DISORDERS Submitted to the Graduate Faculty Of Texas Tech University Health Science Center in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY James Dembowski, Ph.D. CCC-SLP Committee Chairperson

Katsura Aoyama, Ph.D. Committee Member

Rajinder Koul, Ph.D. CCC-SLP Committee Member

Sue Ann Lee, Ph.D. Committee Member

Ali Roghani, Ph.D. Committee Member

Robin Satterwhite, Ed.D., FACHE Dean of the School of Allied Health Sciences

December, 2013

Texas Tech University Health Sciences Center, Christina Akbari, October 2013

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express my appreciation for the many people who have helped me make my dream of a Ph.D. in Communication Sciences and Disorders come to fruition.

First of all, I would like to thank my main advisor, Dr. Katsura Aoyama, for her undaunted help and support over these many years. She provided me with consistent guidance and support when the going got tough and encouraged me to persevere to reach the finish line. She continued to provide her support even with changes in her job and demands of a growing family. I will be forever grateful to her for her time, energy, and commitment to my success. I would also like to thank Dr. James Dembowski for his

“realisms” and helping to clear the way when the path became a little uncertain. He always provided great advice and was willing to help me in any way possible. I would like to thank Dr. Rajinder Koul for accepting me into the Ph.D. program in the first place and giving me this opportunity. I would like to thank Dr. Ali Roghani for taking part in my committee even though this was outside of his department. I am thankful for his great questions and interesting thoughts/ideas that he brought to my attention during our meetings. Finally, I would like to thank Dr. Sue Ann Lee for joining my committee and for making suggestions that truly helped to guide my focus for the dissertation.

Secondly, I would like to thank my friends and family members for their support.

I want to thank my two children, Ariana and Syrina, who were brave enough to make the move to Lubbock with me so that I could follow my dreams. In turn, I think that this move opened their eyes to the world outside of their small home town and helped them to realize that the world is full of opportunities. I also hope that they learned that you are

Texas Tech University Health Sciences Center, Christina Akbari, October 2013

never too old to dream or to pursue your goals. I would like to thank my mother and father, Alvin and Catherine Van Marion, for instilling a good work ethic because without this, I do not think that completion of the dissertation would have been possible. I want to thank my husband, Hosain, for providing the support and encouragement for me to complete this process. I would like to thank Mrs. Vickie Brown, ESL teacher with Bridge

City ISD, for providing her friendship, encouragement, and laughter over the years.

Third, I would like to thank all of the Persian speakers who took part in my study.

Many of these individuals were friends and family members. I appreciate the time that you took to help me with this study. I also would like to thank the other individuals who just volunteered for my study. Without you, this would not have been possible. I would also like to thank the Iranian Cultural Foundation in supporting my research. Thank you for providing a place for testing as well as advertising my need for participants on their website.

Finally, I would also like to thank Dr. Cheryl Giddens for giving me an opportunity to work at Oklahoma State University – Tulsa. Having been a clinician for many years, I set out to complete a Ph.D. because it was the next step in line after a

Master’s degree but also because it would provide me with new opportunities. I have enjoyed my time working as a clinician and feel that I have accumulated some great knowledge and skills that can be used for teaching and clinical supervision. I thank Dr.

Giddens for believing in my abilities and giving me the opportunity to widen my horizons. This is a great beginning in academia and I look forward to many more years of teaching, supervision, research, and clinical work.

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Table of Contents

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... ii ABSTRACT ...... vi LIST OF TABLES ...... viii LIST OF FIGURES ...... ii I. INTRODUCTION ...... 3 Review of the Literature ...... 5 Markedness ...... 5 Clusters ...... 23 Persian ...... 31 Differences between Persian and English ...... 36 Epenthesis ...... 44 II. METHODS ...... 60 Participants ...... 60 Materials and elicitation procedures ...... 62 Reliability ...... 64 Experimental Design ...... 65 III. RESULTS ...... 67 Sonority controlled double clusters ...... 67 Double and triple cluster comparisons ...... 71 Acoustic characteristics of epenthetic and main vowels ...... 80 Durations ...... 80 F1 and F2 formant frequencies ...... 84 IV. DISCUSSION ...... 93 Study limitations ...... 100 Areas for further research ...... 101 Clinical Implications ...... 102 Conclusion ...... 103 REFERENCES ...... 105

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Appendix A ...... 114 Appendix B ...... 115 Appendix C ...... 118

Texas Tech University Health Sciences Center, Christina Akbari, October 2013

ABSTRACT

This study investigated initial consonant clusters produced by Persian speakers of

English with an emphasis on vowel epenthesis. The occurrences of vowel epenthesis were examined in regards to the composition (obstruent + glide and obstruent + liquid) and complexity of initial consonant clusters (triple vs. double) where epenthesis was likely to occur. It was suggested previously that epenthesis may be impacted by the sonority make-up of the cluster components (Broselow & Finer, 1991; Clements, 1990;

Eckman & Iverson, 1993). Two theories based on sonority principles (the Minimal

Sonority Distance Principle (Broselow & Finer) and the Dispersion Principle using typological markedness predictions (Clements; Eckman & Iverson) were examined to determine which would more accurately predict the productions of the Persian speakers.

It was unclear as to the impact sonority would play in comparison to the complexity of the clusters (e.g., double vs. triple clusters). This study also examined the acoustic properties of epenthetic vowels produced by Persian speakers of English. Karimi (1987) suggested that epenthetic vowels may be copies of the main vowels but research regarding the acoustic properties of the epenthetic vowels has been limited.

The results revealed significantly higher frequencies of vowel epenthesis with the obstruent + glide clusters as compared to the obstruent + liquids. These findings tend to support the Dispersion Principle and typological markedness (Clements, 1990; also

Eckman & Iverson, 1993) which predicted that the obstruent + liquid combination would be produced more accurately than the obstruent + glide combinations. The speakers produced significantly higher frequencies of vowel epenthesis with the triple clusters as compared to the double cluster onsets. Prothesis was the type of vowel epenthesis

Texas Tech University Health Sciences Center, Christina Akbari, October 2013

observed most frequently with anaptyxis rarely occurring. This study found that prothetic epenthetic vowels were significantly different from main vowels in terms of durations,

F2, and F1 formant frequencies. These findings indicate that epenthetic vowels are not copies of the main vowels.

Persian speakers do exhibit vowel epenthesis but it was not as prevalent as would be expected given the speakers’ level of English proficiency. Some speakers with limited abilities and limited exposure to English had very low frequencies of epenthesis whereas other speakers with higher levels of proficiency and more exposure to English had high frequencies of vowel epenthesis. This finding highlights the fact that English proficiency in terms of syntax or semantics may not relate to phonological abilities. The discrepancy in occurrence of prothesis and anaptyxis was another interesting finding. It was assumed that both types of epenthesis would occur equally with the unfamiliar double cluster onsets.

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1.1 Comparative analysis of Persian/English consonants based on (Darzi, 1991) ...... 37

Table 1.2 Comparison of Persian/English vowels based on (Ladefoged, 1999; Strain,

1968) ...... 39

Table 1.3 Final double clusters found in Persian that occur in English onsets based on

(Kambuziya & Serish, 2006) ...... 41

Table. 1.4 Comparison of intrusive and epenthetic vowels based on (Hall, 2006) ...... 54

Table 2.1 Participant data ...... 62

Table 3.1 Frequency of vowel epenthesis for double obstruent + glide/obstruent + liquid

clusters across tasks ...... 68

Table 3.2 Word/frequency of vowel epenthesis for double clusters combined across

groups ...... 69

Table 3.3 Frequency of vowel epenthesis for triple obstruent + glide/obstruent + liquid

clusters across tasks ...... 73

Table 3.4 Word/frequency of epenthesis for triple clusters ...... 74

Table 3.5 95% confidence intervals of pairwise differences in mean frequencies of

epenthesis for word compositions ...... 76

Table 3.6 Means and standard deviations of durations in milliseconds ...... 81

Table 3.7 Words with same vowel differences ...... 85

Table 3.8 F1/F2 breakdown with absolute frequency values in Hz and tally counts for

total differences between main and epenthetic vowel values ...... 86

Table 3.9 F1/F2 breakdown with absolute frequency values in Hz and tally counts for

differences in epenthetic vowel values ...... 87

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Table 3.10 F1/F2 breakdown with absolute frequency values in Hz and tally counts for

differences in main vowel values ...... 89

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1 Spectrogram of scream produced as /ɛskrim/ ...... 66

Figure 2.2 Spectrogram of Platte produced as /pɛlet/ ...... 66

Figure 3.1 Frequency of epenthesis based on cluster complexity across tasks...... 77

Figure 3.2 Frequency of epenthesis based on word composition across tasks ...... 78

Figure 3.3 Vowel durations based on vowel types ...... 82

Figure 3.4 Vowel durations based on cluster composition/complexity ...... 83

Figure 3.5 Graphic display of F1/F2 total difference (Hz) by tally counts between main

and epenthetic vowels ...... 86

Figure 3.6 Graphic display of F1/F2 difference (Hz) by tally counts for epenthetic

vowels ...... 88

Figure 3.7 Graphic display of F1/F2 difference (Hz) by tally counts for main vowels ...... 90

Figure 3.8 Frequency difference based on vowel type ...... 91

Texas Tech University Health Sciences Center, Christina Akbari, October 2013

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

It has been proposed that the degree of difficulty that a speaker will have in acquiring a second language (L2) phonology is based not only on the complexity of the phonological structures encountered in the L2 (Eckman, 1977) but also on the composition of the structure

(Clements, 1990). The structural complexity is based on the number of segments in the onset or coda of the syllable (e.g., CVC, CCVC, CCCVCC). For structural complexity, a triple consonant cluster for example, would be considered to be more difficult to produce or “marked” in comparison to a double cluster. A double cluster, in turn, is more “marked” than a single phoneme in either the syllable onset or coda positions (Eckman, 1977). According to Clements, structural composition is related to the sonority of the segments. The syllable nucleus or vowel is considered to be the most sonorous segment of the syllable (Clements). The onset and coda consonants in the syllable range in sonority based on their manner of articulation with glides being the most sonorous and stops the least (Clements).

Syllable structure may be considered a significant component for determining the difficulties the speaker may encounter when learning a L2. Some languages do not allow consonant clusters but other languages, such as English, have not only double clusters but also triple clusters. One strategy of modifying more complex syllable structures involves the process of vowel epenthesis (Fleischhacker, 2001). Vowel epenthesis may serve to reduce the degree of difficulty or “markedness” of the syllable by creating breaks in the clustered syllable segments.

This study investigated the production of initial consonant clusters in English by native

Persian speakers. The frequency of vowel epenthesis occurring in different phonetic contexts

Texas Tech University Health Sciences Center, Christina Akbari, October 2013

(consonant and pause) across speech production tasks was examined. A major aim of this study was to compare two theories to determine which would more accurately account for the speech productions of the Persian speakers. The two theories examined were the Minimal Sonority

Distance (MSD) principle as purported by Broselow and Finer (1991) and the Dispersion

Principle following principles of typological markedness (Clements, 1990; Eckman & Iverson,

1993). In addition, the study examined the structural complexity of cluster onsets in comparison to structural composition to determine which had a greater impact on the speakers’ productions.

Another aim of this study was to acoustically analyze the epenthetic vowels produced by the speakers in addition to the main vowels in the single syllable target words. A previous study suggested that epenthetic vowels may be “copies” of the main vowels (Karimi, 1987) but research regarding the acoustic properties of the epenthetic vowels was limited. This study compared the vowel durations, F1, and F2 formant values of the epenthetic vowels with the main vowels to determine if they were true copies in terms of these measures.

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Review of the Literature

Markedness

Typological Markedness

Greenberg (1965) examined 104 languages of the world in an effort to develop universal generalizations about languages. He found that implicational relationships existed between many phonological structures. The concept of markedness refers to a binary relationship between linguistic structures whereby one member of the pair is more widely distributed within and across languages as presented by Trubetzkoy (1939) and

Jakobson (1941) (as cited by Eckman, 2004). Markedness has been defined as follows

(Eckman, 1977, p. 320):

A phenomenon A in some language is more marked than B if the presence of A in a language implies the presence of B; but the presence of B does not imply the presence of A.

The term used to describe this type of relationship is typological markedness (Eckman,

1977). In addition to referring to the relationship between structures, typological markedness is also considered to correspond with degree of difficulty. The more common element is considered to be unmarked and therefore less difficult. Markedness relationships exist in terms of individual sounds as well as sound clusters which result from variations in syllable structure. It is important to understand that although typological markedness in this dissertation will be used to address phonological aspects of language, it has also been used to describe lexical, morphological, and syntactic structures.

Individual segments can be ranked in terms of markedness or ease of production.

Based on linguistic universals and typological markedness, Greenberg (1965) provided

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the relationship between stops (e.g., /p/, /b/, /t/). Voiced stops (e.g., /b/, /d/, /ɡ/) are marked in comparison to voiceless stops (e.g., /p/, /t/, /k/) (Greenberg, 1965). Eckman and Iverson (1993) provide the typological markedness relationships for obstruents.

Obstruents are a class of sounds (with a noise source) including stops (e.g., /p/, /b/, /m/), fricatives (e.g., /f/, /s/, /z/), and affricates (e.g., “ch” /ʧ/ as in chair and “j’ /ʤ/ as in judge) (Ladefoged & Johnson). In this relationship, fricatives (e.g., /f/, /v/, /s/) are marked in comparison to stops (e.g., /p/, /b/, /t/). Voiced stops (e.g., /b/, /d/, /g/) are marked in comparison to voiceless stops (e.g., /p/, /t/, /k/), and voiced fricatives (e.g., /v/,

/ʒ/ as in measure) are marked in comparison to voiceless fricatives (e.g., /f/, /s/, /ʃ/)

(Eckman and Iverson).

In relation to consonant clusters, Greenberg (1965) found that a markedness relationship existed between obstruent + liquid (e.g., /pl/ and /kr/) and obstruent + nasal clusters (e.g., /sn/ and /sm/). This relationship is such that the presence of obstruent + nasal combinations implies the presence of obstruent + liquids. In terms of this implicational relationship, the obstruent + liquid would be considered unmarked and easier to produce. Another implicational relationship in terms of clusters involves fricative + liquid (e.g., /fl/ and /fr/) and stop + liquids (e.g., /pl/ and /br/). In this relationship, the presence of fricative + liquid clusters implies the presence of stop + liquids (Elbert, Dinnsen, & Powell, 1984).

The concept of markedness can be applied to syllable structures as well. The basic syllable consists of an onset, nucleus, and coda. The degree of markedness is based on the length of the onset and the coda of the syllable. The CV syllable (e.g., go /ɡo/, no /no/, he

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/hi/) is considered the most widely occurring syllable shape (Cairns & Feinstein, 1982;

Carlisle, 2001; Clements, 1990; Greenberg, 1965; Tarone, 1972). Therefore, it is considered to be the simplest and is considered unmarked (Carlisle, 2001). The CVC syllable shape (e.g., cat /kæt/, dog /dɑɡ/, mud /mʌd/) is more marked than the CV syllable. As the syllable becomes more complex, it increases in markedness so that the

CCV (e.g., snow /sno/, sky /ski/, spy /spaɪ/) or CCCVC (e.g., street /strit/, scream /skrim/, split /splɪt/) syllable shapes are even more marked (Carlisle; Greenberg, 1965).

In terms of sonority

A sound’s sonority is defined by Ladefoged and Johnson (2011, p. 245) as “its loudness relative to that of other sounds with the same length, stress, and pitch.” Sonority is another sort of typological predilection. There is a universal preference for syllable shapes based on sonority. The concept of sonority is used to theoretically explain the patterning of phonemes within syllables observed across different languages (Clements,

1990; Selkirk, 1984). In Selkirk’s Sonority Sequencing Generalization (SSG), the syllable is described as a structure consisting of a sonority peak (usually a vowel) with segments of progressively decreasing sonority following and/or preceding the peak. The sonority cycle is described by Clements as the universal preference for the syllable shape which rises maximally in sonority at the onset and drops minimally at the coda.

Clements’s (1990) Core Syllabification Principle (CSP) asserts that syllables are created by beginning with a syllable node (vowel) and adding segments to the left of the node which have successively decreasing sonority values based on the following sonority

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scale, O(bstruents) < N(asals) < L(iquids) < G(lides) < V(owels). Segments may be added to the right of the node following the same decreasing sonority schema. Languages often have constraints on the minimal distance allowed between segments. Spanish, for example, requires that consonants in the same syllable have a minimal distance of two on the sonority scale. Minimal distance constraints usually apply to syllable onsets and not to codas. The syllables that follow this sonority hierarchy are considered “unmarked”.

Those that violate it due to reversals in sonority or sonority plateaus are considered

“marked” (Clements).

Clements (1990) also suggests that languages can be described in terms of complexity based on the segmental composition of their syllables, the number of connected consonants in their syllables, and on the presence or absence of “marked” syllable onsets which violate the CSP. For the “marked” onsets, Clements describes the plateaus as being less complex than the onsets containing reversals (e.g., a NOV (/ntӕ/ compared to an OOV (/ptu/). The NOV syllable demonstrates a reversal in sonority patterns whereas the OOV syllable demonstrates a plateau. The LOV (/lbe/) syllable would be more “marked” as compared to the NOV (/mbɑ/) syllable because it has a greater distance in reversal of segments in terms of sonority. In these examples, N = nasal, O = obstruent, L = liquid, and V = vowel.

Sonority is another way of describing the markedness relationship of segments within a syllable. Clements (1990) using the Sequential Markedness Principle (SMP) suggests that the complexity of any arrangement of phoneme segments is a function of not only the number of conjoined consonantal segments (e.g., CCC as compared to CC) but also the types of segments that make up the sequence (e.g., OV, LV, GV). With

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sequential markedness, given a sequence of segments, if segment B is more marked in comparison to segment A, then sequence BX is marked compared to sequence AX.

Therefore, a cluster such as /fl/ is marked in comparison to the /bl/ cluster, because /f/

(fricative) is more marked than /b/(stop).

Clements (1990) uses a Dispersion Principle to rank “unmarked” syllable types in terms of their complexity. The simplest syllable is the one that has the most evenly distributed and maximal rise in sonority at the onset and little, if any, drop in sonority at the coda. The “dispersion in sonority” is then based upon the distance in sonority between pairs of segments. An obstruent + vowel syllable (e.g., /tɑ/ and /be/) would be the simplest syllable type and would be rated in terms of complexity as a 1. The relative distance or dispersion between a nasal segment and vowel segment (e.g., /nӕ/ and /mɪ/) in the syllable onset would equate to a value of 2. The glide + vowel sequence (e.g., /wɑ/ and /jɛ/) would be rated a 4 according to this scale.1

Clements (1990) rates three-member onsets using the same scaling method. In the onset position, the obstruent + liquid + vowel combination (e.g., /ple/ or /krɪ/) are the simplest with a complexity ranking of 1. The liquid + glide + vowel combinations (e.g.,

/ljɑ/ or /rwɪ/) are the most complex with a ranking of 4. Complexity rankings for four member onsets follow the same pattern. The obstruent + nasal + glide + vowel combination (e.g., /pnjɪ/) have the lowest complexity with a ranking of 1. A nasal + liquid

+ glide + vowel combination (e.g., /nlje/ or /mrwɪ/) is the most difficult with an overall ranking of 3. Clements considers a syllable without any consonant in the onset (V) to

1Clements (1990) uses a 5 point scale for sonority dispersion. He lists obstruents (1), nasals (2), liquids (3), glides (4), and vowels (5). O + V sequences are the simplest with a rating of 1. N + V sequences would be rated a 2, etc.

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constitute the most complex syllable with a ranking of 5 because it fails to show any rise in sonority from the onset.

Minimal sonority distance parameter (MSD)

Broselow and Finer (1991) agree with the structure of syllables based on the SSG as presented in Clements’s Core Syllabification Principle (1990). They base syllable complexity on the Minimal Sonority Distance parameter. This principle also relates degree of markedness based on the amount of separation between the cluster members on the Sonority Hierarchy. However, unlike Clements’s Dispersion Principle, Broslow and

Finer suggest that segments closer to one another in terms of sonority are more marked than clusters whose members are farther apart on the scale. The overall difficulty or markedness of the syllable is based on the location of segments without regards to overall rise in sonority to the syllable nucleus (vowel) (Broselow & Finer).

An example of the MSD parameter setting as suggested by Broselow and Finer

(1991) is described in the following manner. Consonants are assigned a value based on the sonority scale. Stops are the least sonorous and are assigned a value of (1), followed by fricatives (2), nasals (3), liquids (4), and glides (5). If a language has a MSD setting of

(5), then it will allow syllables composed of each of the five consonant types but no clusters.2 If a language has a MSD setting of (4), then it allows all of the five consonant types plus clusters composed of stops + glides. A lower MSD setting results in a larger variety of acceptable onsets. The higher MSD setting results in fewer, less complex, and less marked onsets. The MSD principle suggests that the clusters that are closer in terms

2This scale differs slightly from Clements (1990). Broselow and Finer (1991) break down the obstruent category into stops and fricatives.

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of sonority are the ones that are more marked. For example, cluster onsets composed of fricatives + nasals (e.g., /sn/ or /fn/) are marked in comparison to cluster onsets composed of fricatives + liquids (e.g., /sl/ or /fl/).

To test the degree of markedness based on sonority principles, Broselow and

Finer (1991) examined the onset cluster production of 32 adult speakers of Japanese and

Korean whose English skills were at the high-intermediate level. The researchers hypothesized that speakers would have more difficulty producing clusters that were marked in regards to degree of sonority based on the MSD principle. The impact of the voiced/voiceless contrast in relation to degree of difficulty was also studied. The participants produced words with the initial clusters of /pr/ proof, /br/ broom, /fr/ fruit,

/pj/ pupil, /bj/ Buick, and /fj/ fuse.

In terms of the sonority hierarchy, the obstruent /p b f/ + liquid /r/ clusters are considered more marked than the obstruent /p b f/ + glide /j/ clusters, since they are closer together on the sonority scale. In terms of voicing, voiceless stops are less sonorous than their voiced counterparts. The voiceless stop /p/ is, therefore, less marked than its voiced counterpart /b/. The stop class of phonemes is considered less sonorous and less marked than fricatives. The researchers expected that the degree of difficulty in producing the clusters to be as follows in order of difficulty from most to least: /fr/, /fj/,

/br/, /bj/, /pr/, and /pj/.

Broselow and Finer’s (1991) results supported their hypothesis to some extent.

The actual order of cluster difficulty based on percentage of errors from highest to lowest was /fr/, /br/, /fj/, /bj/, /pj/, and /pr/. When the clusters were grouped based on total

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percentage of errors, more errors occurred with the /fC/ clusters, followed by /bC/, and

/pC/ onsets. More errors were observed with the /Cr/ than the /Cj/ clusters.

Broselow and Finer (1991) also noted that the participants’ errors consisted mainly of vowel epenthesis when producing the /br/, /bj/, /pr/, and /pj/ clusters. The other type of error that was common with this set of clusters was the substitution of one of the cluster members by another consonant (e.g., /j/ for /r/). The substituted phonemes were produced with a different manner of articulation which reduced the degree of sonority or markedness. For the /fC/ clusters, most of the errors resulted from the speakers replacing the /f/ with a /p/ which also served to reduce the degree of markedness for the syllable.

Another study examining the impact of the MSD parameter was conducted by

Hancin-Bhatt and Bhatt(1997). The researchers examined the MSD parameter on Spanish and Japanese learners of English by examining the speech productions of 10 Spanish- speaking and 10 Japanese-speaking adults. The participants produced sentences containing pseudo-English words containing initial and final clusters. Hancin-Bhatt and

Bhatt hypothesized that the Spanish speakers would have less difficulty than the Japanese speakers producing the stop + liquid (e.g., kren) and fricative + liquid clusters (e.g., slev) due to the transfer of their first language (L1) MSD settings. Spanish allows fricative + liquid onsets and therefore has a MSD setting of 2 whereas Japanese does not allow any cluster onsets and has a MSD setting of 5. Hancin-Bhatt and Bhatt found that the Spanish speakers had a higher frequency of errors with the stop + glide clusters (e.g., kwam) than did the Japanese speakers. However, these differences were not statistically significant.

Statistically significant differences were found in the productions of the stop + liquid and fricative + liquid onsets. The Japanese speakers in both instances had higher error rates

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than did the Spanish speakers. Hancin-Bhatt and Bhatt took this finding as support for the

MSD model for determining the accuracy or error rates experienced by L2 learners.

Hancin-Bhatt and Bhatt (1997) also studied the actual errors produced by both sets of speakers. For onset clusters, epenthesis was observed more frequently than deletion for both the Japanese and Spanish speakers. The opposite was true for coda clusters with consonant deletion occurring significantly more frequently than epenthesis.

The researchers also found that, for coda clusters, the cluster consonant (C1 or C2) deleted varied according to the native language. The Spanish speakers deleted the C1 consonant

(e.g., [pot] for /post/) more often whereas the Japanese speakers deleted the C2 consonant

(e.g., [pos] for /post/). It was suggested that the MSD model makes some predictions on accuracy and error rates but fails to predict what types of errors will be displayed by L2 speakers.

Typological markedness and second language acquisition

The Markedness Differential Hypothesis (MDH) (Eckman, 1977) hypothesizes that the degree of markedness of the language will impact the difficulty that the language learner will have in acquiring a L2. The MDH asserts that comparison of the L1 with the target L2 is critical. It also suggests that it is necessary to take into consideration the degree of difficulty to make predictions or to understand errors in L2 acquisition. The degree of difficulty is based on language universals and typological markedness. The

MDH proposes that, if the L2 structure is more marked than the one occurring in the L1, then the L2 learner will have more difficulty with the structure found in the L2. However, if the L2 structure has the same degree of markedness or is less marked as compared to

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the L1 structures then the L2 learner will have little or no difficulty acquiring the structure (Eckman).

As an extension to the MDH, Eckman (1991) developed the Interlanguage

Structural Conformity Hypothesis (ISCH) to describe the acquisition of double and triple clusters. This hypothesis suggests that, if a triple cluster (C1C2C3) is present in a L2 speaker’s system, then both of the corresponding double clusters C1C2 and C2C3 will also be present. This is considered the strong form of the hypothesis. The weak form of the hypothesis suggests that if a triple cluster (C1C2C3) is present in the L2 speaker’s system then only one of the corresponding double clusters will also be present (C1C2 or C2C3).

Empirical support for the MDH and ISCH has been provided by Carlisle (1997,

1998), Chan (2010), Eckman (1991), and Jabbari and Fazlinezhad (2011). Eckman

(1991) studied 11 adult participants acquiring American English as the L2. The participants were four Japanese, four Korean, and three Chinese speakers. None of these languages allow the double or triple onset consonant clusters found in English. The participants took part in several types of tasks. They read word lists, named line drawings, read short passages, and took part in conversations with the examiner. An 80% criterion level was set for a cluster to be considered present in the speaker’s interlanguage system. In 74% (147 out of 200) of the speakers’ productions, when C1C2C3 was present, then C1C2 and C2C3 were also present. In 24% (48 out of 200) of the productions, when

C1C2C3 was present, then either C1C2 or C2C3 was present while the other was absent.

Only five instances occurred out of 200 opportunities that were contrary to the hypothesis whereby C1C2C3 was present but neither C1C2 nor C2C3 were produced.

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For a different population of speakers, Carlisle (1997) studied the speech productions of 11 adult native Spanish speakers of English. The speakers were from

Mexico, El Salvador, Spain, Venezuela, Peru, and Honduras. All participants were considered to be at the intermediate level in terms of English language proficiency. All participants read a list of 176 sentences. Half of the sentences contained the triple consonant onsets /spr/ or /skr/ while the other half of the sentences contained the double onsets of /sp/ and /sk/. All four clusters violated the SSP whereby segments occur in increasing sonority to the syllable nucleus. All target words were presented with 22 different vowel and consonant environments preceding them. Carlisle found that on average 51% of the onsets that were preceded by a consonant were modified by epenthesis as compared to 35% which were preceded by a vowel. He also found that 38% of the double onsets (/sC/) were produced with epenthesis in comparison to 48% of the triple onsets (/sCC/). Examination of each individual participant’s performance indicated that 10 out of the 11 participants modified the triple onsets more frequently than the double onsets. The one participant that did not follow this pattern modified both onsets to the same degree. Carlisle took this as support for the ISCH since epenthesis occurred more frequently with the more marked triple onsets than with the less marked double onsets.

Carlisle (1998) further tested the ISCH by conducting a longitudinal study including 10 adult native Spanish speakers from Mexico, El Salvador, Spain, Venezuela,

Peru, and Honduras. The speakers were tested twice with a 10-month interval between testing sessions. Participants read sentences containing target words with the triple onsets

/spr/ and /skr/ in half of the sentences and the other containing target words with the

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double onsets of /sp/ and /sk/. The preceding phonetic environment was controlled with

13 instances of consonants and 9 instances of vowels occurring before the targets. An

80% criterion level for correct production was set as the criterion level for acquisition. At stated above, ISCH suggests that the structure with a higher degree of markedness will exist only if the structure with a lesser degree of markedness is present. Only one participant produced the /sk/ and /skr/ as well as the /sp/ and /spr/ clusters above the 80% criterion level. One participant produced the /sp/ cluster but not the /spr/ cluster at the criterion level. Although the other participants failed to reach the criterion levels, their production accuracy was higher for the double clusters than for the triple clusters.

Overall, it was concluded that the data supported the ISCH since double onsets were produced more accurately than triple onsets.

Chan (2010) examined the speech productions of 12 Cantonese speakers of

English to study the MDH and the ISCH with a different population of L1 speakers. The participants took part in four different types of tasks: word list reading, passage reading, picture description, and interviews. The speech samples resulted in the production of

7683 target words with onset clusters. Clusters were considered acquired if they were produced with an accuracy level of 80% or higher. Chan found that all of the participants who had acquired a triple onset (e.g., /spr/) had also acquired at least one of the corresponding double onsets (e.g., /sp/ or /pr/). None of the participants in the study had acquired all of the triple onsets. However, three of the participants had acquired all of the double onsets. The participants produced the double onsets more accurately than the triple onsets suggesting that the triple onsets were more difficult to acquire. Chan also found that all of the participants had significantly lower accuracy rates on the C + liquid

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clusters than the /s/ + C clusters. All of the participants who had acquired an obstruent + nasal (e.g., /sn/) onset had also acquired an obstruent + liquid (e.g., /sl/). Chan concluded that the results of this study support both the MDH and the ISCH.

Disagreement between theories

Eckman and Iverson (1993) disagree with Broselow and Finer’s MSD based approach for accounting for the speech productions of L2 speakers. Instead, they suggest that typological markedness alone would explain the productions observed by the L2 speakers in their study. In a similar study, Eckman and Iverson (1993) also examined the

English productions of Japanese, Korean, and Cantonese speakers. Eleven adult speakers with intermediate to high intermediate English skills took part in the study. The participants were engaged in topics regarding some facet of their lives (e.g., family, course of study), to provide an opinion on a topic (e.g., American food or studying overseas), or telling about an event or procedure (e.g., getting a visa or a close brush with death). All participants were engaged in at least eight conversations which lasted from 5 to 10 minutes each. All speech productions were recorded and then analyzed to determine the types of onset clusters produced and the accuracy of productions. Onsets were considered acquired if they were produced with 80% accuracy and occurred at least four times.

The theory of typological markedness suggests that if marked clusters appear then unmarked clusters should also be produced. Eckman and Iverson (1993) found that 92% of the cases (46 out of 50) that reached the 80% criterion followed markedness predictions. The remaining 8% (4 out of 50) at first appeared to contradict the typological markedness theory. The counter examples both came from two of the Cantonese speakers

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who both met the criterion for production of the /br/ and /fr/ clusters but failed to meet the criterion for the /pr/ clusters. The /pr/ clusters should be unmarked in comparison to the other two types and should be present if the other types are produced. Cantonese has

/p/, /pʰ/, and /f/ but does not have /b/. Closer examination of the errors revealed that the

Cantonese speakers were relating their native /p/ with the target /b/ and their native /pʰ/ with the target /p/. This in-depth error analysis indicated that productions did coincide with the markedness predictions.

In an effort to study the impact of sonority and markedness on Persian and Arabic speakers of English, Jabbari and Fazlinezhad (2011) compared the speech productions of

30 Persian and 30 Arabic high school students who had studied English as a foreign language. The researchers were interested in whether the Contrastive Analysis

Hypothesis (CAH) alone would account for the difficulties experienced by the learners and if the two types of learners would experience the same types of difficulties when confronted with unfamiliar syllable structures. The CAH suggests that the errors a L2 learner will make can be predicted by comparing the structures in the native language with those in the target language (Lado, 1957). The students were asked to read 35

English words (25 contained initial clusters and 10 contained final clusters). The words containing onset clusters consisted of 10 words composed of a stop/fricative + liquid

(e.g., try and free) and 15 words which contained a /s/ + stop/fricative/liquid in double and triple clusters (e.g., star, slick, and string).

Jabbari and Fazlinezhad (2011) found that the Persian speakers often inserted a vowel between the stop/fricative + liquid clusters whereas the vowel was inserted before the clusters with the /s/ + stop/liquid/fricative clusters. Differences were found between

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the Persian and Arabic speakers. The Arabic speakers produced more of the initial consonant clusters correctly (254 correct responses out of 750) than did the Persian speakers (89 correct responses out of 750) despite the fact that neither language has initial consonant clusters. Both groups performed similarly with final consonant clusters. The

Arabic speakers produced 132 words correctly while the Persian speakers produced 121 words correctly.

Jabbari and Fazlinezhad (2011) concluded that the CAH was not sufficient in determining the difficulties that second language learners would have since both Persian and Arabic languages do not have initial consonant clusters but the Arabic speakers had greater accuracy than the Persian speakers when faced with clustered syllable onsets. The researchers suggested the results supported for the MDH since both groups of speakers had difficulty with structures that were more marked in comparison to their native languages in terms of both syllable structure and in terms of sonority. Finally, the researchers concluded that all language learners do not utilize the same strategies when faced with unfamiliar syllable types. The Persian speakers were observed to produce unfamiliar syllable types with epenthesis whereas the Arabic speakers often deleted a cluster element.

In an attempt to study the relationship between obstruent + liquid and obstruent + nasal clusters, Carlisle (1988) studied the speech productions of 14 adult Spanish speakers from Colombia, Mexico, and the Dominican Republic. The participants read

English sentences including the target clusters of /sm/, /sn/, and /sl/. The target words either occurred at the beginning of the sentence or in the sentence preceded by various vowels and consonants. Carlisle predicted that Spanish speakers would have less

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difficulty producing the /sl/ cluster than either the /sm/ or /sn/ combinations. The mean frequency of epenthesis before the /sl/ onset was the least (29%), followed by the mean for /sn/ (33%), and /sm/ (38%). The differences between the /sm/ and /sn/ clusters were significant in comparison to the /sl/ clusters as were the differences between the /sm/ and

/sn/ clusters themselves. Carlisle took this finding as support for the Intralingual

Markedness Hypothesis which suggests that markedness relationships within a language can be used as predictors of difficulty associated with L2 acquisition. It also provided support for the markedness relationship between obstruent + liquid and obstruent + nasal clusters.

To study the impact of sonority on epenthesis in L2 acquisition, Abrahamsson

(1999) studied the speech productions of a male adult Spanish speaker from Bolivia who was learning Swedish longitudinally. Nine speech samples were collected every three to five weeks over a nine month period. The 10th and final sample was taken as a follow-up and was collected 10 months after the ninth sample. The speaker was recorded during natural conversation over various topics (e.g., world events and politics). The speaker also took part in object/picture description and picture story retelling tasks. All of the speakers’ /sC(C)/ clusters were examined for frequency of epenthesis. The data consisted of four cluster groups including /sl/, /s/ + Nasal (/m/ or /n/)/, /sv/, and /s/ + Stop (/p/, /t/, or /k/).

Abrahamsson (1999) hypothesized that the sonority of the segment following the

/s/ would impact the frequency of epenthesis. A lower degree of sonority would result in a higher frequency of epenthesis. According to the Sonority Principle, the /sl/ (/s/ +

Liquid) cluster has the highest degree of sonority followed by /s/ + /Nasal/, /sv/ (/s/ +

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Fricative), and /s/ + Stop. The highest frequency of epenthesis (.75) was observed in the

/sl/ cluster. However, the /s/ +Stop category had the next highest frequency of epenthesis

(.59) followed by /s/ +Nasal (.54) and /sv/ (/s/ + Fricative) (.47). Therefore, the results obtained by Abrahamsson did not support the Sonority Sequencing Principle.

Second language (L2) acquisition

Markedness has been used in several studies (Broselow & Finer, 1991; Eckman,

1977) to explain the difficulties experienced by L1 speakers in learning a L2. Eckman

(1977) based his theory on typological markedness. This relationship is demonstrated in an example using voiced (e.g., /b/ and /ɡ/) and voiceless (e.g., /p/ and /t/) obstruents.

English has both voiced and voiceless obstruents. No language has been found that has only voiced obstruents. Therefore, the presence of voiced obstruents in a language implies the presence of voiceless obstruents. Based on this, the voiced obstruent would be considered marked in comparison to its voiceless counterpart (Eckman).

Broselow and Finer (1991), on the other hand, define markedness as relating to sets of parameters and the parameter settings that are associated with Universal

Grammar. Transfer is described as the process of carrying over the parameter settings from the L1 into the L2. Positive evidence for change is needed to adjust a parameter setting for the L2 learner. If the language allows CCV syllables, then this is a more marked pattern because CCV syllables cannot occur without the presence of CV syllables.

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Role of markedness and input on L2 acquisition

Cardoso (2007) studied the impact of frequency of input and markedness on the development of /sC/ clusters by Brazilian Portuguese speakers of English. Cardoso analyzed 30 hours of recordings of an English as a Second Language teacher speaking to her adult learners over two and a half months. A total of 837 instances of onset /sC/ clusters were found in these recordings. The highest number of /sC/ clusters was /st/ with

731 or 87%, followed by /sl/ with 54 or 6%, and /sn/ with 52 or 6%. Cordoso also analyzed two written corpora and one oral corpus. Overall, the same frequency patterns of onset clusters were found. The /st/ cluster occurred more frequently (88 to 91%) than

/sl/ (6 to 9%) and /sn/ (3 to 4%). If frequency impacts production, then it is predicated that students acquire the clusters in the following order: st > sl > sn. Based on markedness and sonority, however, the order of acquisition is predicated as follows: sl > sn > st. Cardoso examined the speech productions of 10 adult Brazilian Portuguese speakers using a picture naming tasks containing the English words with initial /st/, /sl/, and /sn/ clusters. Cordoso found that the speakers produced more target-like productions of /sl/ (61%) and /sn/ (54%) as compared to /st/ (39%). Cordoso suggested that these findings support the role of markedness and sonority in comparison to the impact of frequency of input in cluster acquisition.

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Clusters

Cluster types in American English

Double segmented onset clusters in American English may be divided into /s/- clusters and non-/s/-clusters. The non-/s/-clusters (e.g., /fl/, /pr/, /kw/) all follow the

Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP) whereby sounds are sequenced in order of rising sonority from the onset to the nucleus (Barlow, 2001; Clements, 1990; Selkirk, 1984).

The /s/-clusters composed of /s/ + nasals, /s/ + liquids, and /s/ + glides follow this principle (e.g., /sm/, /sw/, and /sl/). The onsets composed of the /s/ + stop sequences

(/sp/, /st/, and /sk/) and the three element /s/ onsets (e.g., /skr/, /spl/, and /skw/) do not adhere to this principle.

The /s/-clusters differ from the non-/s/-clusters in several other ways. The /s/- clusters vary phonotactically from the non-/s/-clusters in allowing homorganic consonant sequences (e.g., /st/ and /sn/) (Barlow, 2001). These homorganic consonant sequences are not found in the non-/s/-clusters (e.g., */tl/ and */pw/) (Barlow). The /s/-clusters are also unique in that they may be followed by both nasals and stops (e.g., /sm/ and /sp/) whereas non-/s/-clusters cannot (e.g., */fm/ and */pk/).

Developmentally, when children omit a segment in consonant sequences, the least sonorant segment in the sequence is usually the one that is retained (e.g., [kɪp] for clip

/klɪp/ or [bɛd] for bread /brɛd/) (Gnanadesikan, 2004; Ohala, 1999). This is not always true with /s/-clusters. With /s/-clusters, the /s/ is often deleted no matter if it is the least or the most sonorant segment (e.g., [pɑt] for spot /spɑt/ and [lɪp] for slip /slɪp/) (Smit, 1993).

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Differences in the degree of difficulty found by L2 learners of a language have been attributed to the type of cluster encountered by the speaker. Altenberg (2005) studied the speech production of 30 Spanish-speaking adults from various Spanish backgrounds. The participants consisted of beginning, intermediate, and advanced

English speakers. English words were used as stimuli consisting of eight words with clusters that did not start with /s/ (e.g., ‘flag’ /flæɡ/) and eight cluster words beginning with /s/ (e.g., ‘sleep’ /slip/). The non-/s/-clusters were allowable cluster types in both

Spanish and English. The /s/-clusters were allowable in English but not in Spanish. A difference in the number of correct productions across cluster types was found. The

Spanish speakers had more difficulty with the /s/-clusters than with the non-/s/-clusters.

Substitutions and consonant deletions were found in the non-/s/-clusters. However, epenthesis involving [], [e], [ə], and [ʔ] was the most common error associated with the

/s/-clusters. The Spanish speakers had the most difficulty producing the /sl/ clusters followed by /sn/, /sp/, and /sm/. No differences were found in the number of production errors among the participants based on their level of English proficiency (Altenberg,

2005).

Differences between L1 and L2 learners

Language learners, children and adults, modify syllable structures that are too complex based on their phonetic abilities (Weinberger, 1994). Young L1 learners of

English often use consonant deletion and rarely employ vowel epenthesis whereas L2 learners frequently exhibit vowel epenthesis in clusters. Weinberger suggests that the different strategies employed by the different types of learners are related to the recoverability principle. The process of deletion results in the production of

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unrecoverable information (e.g., [si] for seed, seat, seep or seek). Vowel epenthesis maintains the underlying form (e.g., [sidǝ] for seed). Weinberger theorizes that the process of deletion precedes the process of epenthesis. Developmentally, young children may skip the process of vowel epenthesis because the principle of recoverability becomes available to them at the same time that they develop the ability to produce complex syllables (e.g., CCVC). The recoverability principle is developing in the children’s system just as their phonological system is developing. The normally developing child progresses from syllable simplification which may involve deletion to a point where syllable simplification is no longer needed. Therefore, the child skips the stage of vowel epenthesis.

Cluster acquisition of American English

Epenthesis may involve the insertion of a vowel (e.g., [bᴧlӕk] for black /blӕk/) or insertion of a consonant into the word (e.g., [stɑk] for sock /sɑk/; Greenlee, 1974;

McLeod et al., 2001). Epenthesis serves to simplify the syllable shape but retains all of the phonemes in the target word unlike cluster reduction which eliminates some of the phonemes (Major, 1987).

Clements (1990) suggested the universal preference for CV syllables as being sonority driven. The preferred sonority contours create a maximal rise in sonority to the vowel for syllable onsets and little or no decline in sonority in the coda position. Ohala

(1999) found support for the idea that cluster reduction in L1 is sonority driven because children often retain the consonant in the cluster which creates the greatest rise in sonority to the vowel.

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Cluster acquisition with American English as the L2

Chan (2006) observed the productions of six secondary students and six university students whose native language was Cantonese and who spoke English as their

L2. The participants took part in four different speech tasks: word-list reading, picture description, passage reading, and spontaneous speech. Chan examined productions of all of the permissible English onset clusters except for the C + glides (e.g., /j/ and /w/). The speakers had more difficulty producing the triple cluster onsets (63% accuracy) as compared to the double onsets (81% accuracy). The participants produced 69% of the obstruent + liquid onsets (e.g., /pl/ and /tr/) correctly as compared to 96% of the obstruent

+ nasals (e.g., /sm/ and /sn/). The Cantonese speakers produced the obstruent + obstruent clusters (e.g., /sp/ and /st/) with 93% accuracy (Chan).

The simplification processes exhibited with the cluster productions were also analyzed (Chan, 2006). Approximately 10% of the clusters underwent cluster reduction where one of the members of the cluster was deleted (e.g., /sp/ becomes /p/). For the clusters that demonstrated deletion of a segment, the liquid (e.g., /l/ or /r/) was deleted in

99% of the cases. In less than 1% of the cases was the obstruent (e.g., /s/ or /p/) deleted.

For the triple clusters, the fricative (e.g., /s/) was deleted less than 1% of the time while the stop (e.g., /p/ or /t/) was deleted 55% of the time. The liquid was deleted 44% of the time. Another 10% of the responses underwent cluster simplification. Chan observed that

7% of the /r/ and 2% of the total /l/ segments were replaced by /w/ (e.g., /ʃrɪmp/ became

/ʃwɪmp/ shrimp). Vowel epenthesis rarely occurred in the Cantonese-speaking participants (Chan, 2006). Out of 7355 tokens analyzed, only one instance of vowel epenthesis was observed.

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Altenberg (2005) studied the cluster productions of 30 native Spanish speakers of

English. The participants were from various Latin American countries and ranged in age from 18 to 46. One set of target words consisted of clusters considered permissible in both English and Spanish (non-/s/-clusters, such as /bl/, /fl/ and /kr/) and the other set of target words consisted of clusters considered permissible in English but not in Spanish

(/s/-clusters). Target productions were elicited using a picture naming task. Participants were divided into three categories (beginner, intermediate, and advanced) based on their written language abilities and placements at the university. The speakers produced a total of 88 cluster errors with only 9 errors involving the non-/s/-clusters. No significant differences were found in accuracy of production based on proficiency levels nor was any interaction between proficiency level and word type observed. The processes observed with the non-/s/-clusters included cluster reduction (e.g., /bl/ as /l/) and cluster simplification (e.g., /kl/ as /kw/). The other 79 errors involved the /s/-clusters. Out of these 79 errors all but one resulted from epenthesis of /ə/, /ɛ/, /e/, or /Ɂ/. The errors broken down by onset for the /s/-clusters were as follows: 24 for /sl/; 20 for /sn/; 17 for

/sm/; and 18 for /sp/.

Significance of cluster type: /s/-clusters verses non-/s/-clusters for L2 learners

Differences in the degree of difficulty found in L2 learners of a language have been attributed to the type of cluster encountered by the speaker. Altenberg (2005) found a difference in the number of correct productions across cluster types. A significant difference in accuracy was found between the non-/s/-clusters (96%) and the /s/-clusters

(66%). Different modification strategies were also observed with substitutions and consonant deletions reported with the non-/s/ initial clusters. Vowel epenthesis, especially

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//, occurring more frequently with the /s/ initial clusters among Spanish L2 speakers of

English.

Impact of task performed

Lin (2001) studied the simplification processes used by Mandarin Chinese and

Taiwanese speakers of English when producing initial consonant clusters in tasks which varied in terms of formality. The 20 adult speakers produced real and pseudo-English words while reading minimal pairs and word lists. They produced sentences and real words in a controlled conversation. Lin hypothesized that the error rates would be the same across the tasks but that the types of errors observed would vary based on the formality of the task. Lin hypothesized that epenthesis would occur more frequently with the more formal tasks which required greater attention to form than to content. However, with less formal tasks substitution and deletion would occur because more attention would be paid to the content than the form. The minimal pairs task was the most formal while the conversation task was the least formal. The epenthesis/deletion difference in terms of formality was based on Weinberger’s (1987) recoverability principle. This principle suggests that epenthesis will occur in more formal tasks because linguistic context is not available to aid with ambiguity that arises with deletion of phonetic information. In less formal tasks, deletion would be more prevalent than epenthesis because information is recoverable from the context.

In Lin (2001), the speakers produced a total of 1,206 errors. There were no significant differences in error rates across the four tasks as observed in the following percentages: minimal pairs (49%), word list (47%), sentences (43%), and conversation

(48%). However, as hypothesized, the types of errors did differ based on the formality of

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the task. Epenthesis accounted for 35% of the errors in the minimal pairs and 28% in the word list. It only accounted for 11% during the sentence task and 4% during the conversation. The opposite pattern was found for both deletion and substitution (i.e. higher frequencies in sentences and conversation than in word lists and minimal pairs).

These results supported Lin’s hypothesis that the type of errors would vary based on the formality of the task.

In a larger, better controlled study, Lin (2003) further studied the impact of style or formality on types of errors. In this study, participant gender and level of English proficiency were also studied. Twenty Cantonese speakers with low levels of English proficiency and 20 with high proficiency ratings participated. Twenty of the participants were male and 20 were female. The participants took part in three reading tasks (minimal pairs, words, and sentences) and a conversation task.

Lin (2003) tested several hypotheses. One hypothesis was that the epenthesis/deletion ratio would be higher for formal styles as compared to the more informal styles. Another hypothesis was that the epenthesis/deletion ratio would be higher for individuals with higher levels of proficiency than for those with less English proficiency. The third hypothesis was that the epenthesis/deletion ratio would be higher for the females as compared to the male participants since females have been shown to outperform males on some language tasks (Farhady, 1982). The epenthesis/deletion ratios were calculated by dividing the proportion of epenthesis to deletion found per task. This ratio should be higher in tasks without linguistic contexts because more epenthesis than deletion should take place. The opposite pattern should be seen in tasks with linguistic context. Of 7,330 tokens analyzed, the highest epenthesis/deletion ratio occurred with the

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minimal pairs (10%) followed by word list reading (6%). The epenthesis/deletion ratios for the sentence and conversation tasks were very similar (1.4% vs 1.5%). Lin concluded that the first hypothesis was supported because higher error rates occurred with more formal styles.

In regards to proficiency, the more proficient speakers had significantly higher epenthesis/deletion ratios (9%) as compared to the speakers with low proficiency rates

(2%) (Lin, 2003). These results confirmed the second hypothesis. The impact of gender was the focus of the third hypothesis. The results indicate that the female speakers had higher epenthesis/deletion ratios (6%) as compared to their male counterparts (2%).

These results were significant and provided support for gender playing a role.

Syllable simplification strategies

The CV syllable has been suggested to be the simplest or the least marked syllable type (Carlisle, 1994). English as a second language (ESL) learners usually exhibit either vowel epenthesis or consonant deletion as a process for breaking up the more marked or more complex syllable structures (e.g., CCV or CCCV; Lin, 2001). The vowel which is inserted is most commonly the schwa /ǝ/ and the second consonant in CC sequences is the one that is usually deleted (Lin, 2001). The same deletion of the second consonant has been reported in the productions of children acquiring English (Ingram, 1995; Smit,

1993). As with developmental acquisition of English by L1 speakers, substitution is another common process observed among ESL speakers (Broselow & Finer, 1991; Lin,

2001). Just as observed with consonant deletion, it is primarily the second consonant that is replaced (e.g., /bw/ for /bl/ or /kw/ for /kr/) (Lin).

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Persian

Introduction to the language

Persian is the language spoken in the countries of Iran, Afghanistan, and

Tajikistan. The Persian spoken in Iran is referred to as Persian. The Persian spoken in

Afghanistan is known as Dari and the Persian spoken in Tajikistan is now called Tajik

(Iran Chamber Society). It is estimated that approximately 45 million people speak

Persian in Iran (Ethnologue, 2011). Approximately 400,000 Iranians reside in the United

States (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000), with approximately 329,348 Persian speakers in the

U.S. (Modern Language Association, 2012). Some sources suggest that these figures underestimate the Iranian population in the United States and report a total population closer to 1 million (Ansari, 2009).

This language is most commonly referred to as Persian by English speakers since the country of Iran was originally called Persia. The language is also known as Farsi

(Ethnologue, 2009). Persian (Farsi) belongs to the Iranian branch of the Indo-European language family as seen below (Ethnologue).

Indo-European

Indo-Iranian

Iranian

Western

Southwestern

Persian

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Syllable structure in Persian

Persian syllable structure consists of the (C)V(C)(C) configuration (Karimi,

1987).

Examples of Persian syllables (Karimi, 1987):

V = /u/ he, she CV = /bɑ/ with VC = /ɑb/ water VCC = /æsb/ horse CVC = /bɑd/ wind CVCC = /mærd/ man

Other descriptions (Darzi, 1991; Jazayery & Paper, 1961; Keshavarz, 2002;

Samareh, 1977) differ slightly in that the CV(C)(C) structure is considered to exist since all vowels in the onset position are preceded by a glottal stop. A variety of consonant clusters can occur in the coda position (Kambuziya & Serish, 2006). Samareh adds that the syllable coda position may also contain triple consonant clusters. However, he suggests that triple consonant clusters only occur in the five French loan words (stamp

/tambr/, September /septambr/, November /novambr/, December /desambr/, and chandelier /lustr/), and therefore should not be considered as one of the Persian syllable types. Samareh as well as Jazayery and Paper state that modifications to pronunciation of these words occur and that triple clusters are often reduced to either double clusters or single consonants when produced during most communicative exchanges. Examples of sound deletion are observed in the following, be patient /sæbr/ + /kon/ → /sæbkon/ and someone who cleans the streets /roft/ + /ɡær/ → /rofɡær/ (Karimi, 1987). The deletion

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occurs even though /ft/ and /br/ are acceptable coda clusters. An exception to this type of deletion occurs when the first consonant in the cluster is a /r/, so that spend money /xærj kærd/ results in the same production /xærj kærd/ (Karimi).

The number of consonants that can occur between any two vowels ranges from one to three (Samareh, 1977). The onset may consist of only one consonant with the coda varying from one to two consonants in length.

Examples:

/dɑræm/ I have = one medial consonant

/ʃæmbɛh/ Saturday = two medial consonants

/pɑnzdæh/ 15 = three medial consonants

One to three consonants can occur between two vowels, for example, CVCV, CVCCV, and CVCCCV (Samareh). The syllable division must occur between the vowel and the consonant since no syllable can begin with a vowel (e.g., CVCV → CV.CV). For the

CVCCV sequence, the syllable split occurs between the two consonants since Persian does not allow syllables to begin with clusters (e.g., CVCCV → CVC.CV). For the third pattern, CVCCCV, the syllable division would occur between the second and third consonants since consonant clusters cannot occur in syllable initial position (e.g.,

CVCCCV → CVCC.CV) (Samareh).

Vowel epenthesis

Vowel epenthesis is characterized by the insertion of /e/ in Persian (Mahootian,

1997). This type of epenthesis occurs when a plural pronominal clitic is added to a stem that ends with a consonant. The pronominal clitics include (–mun) our /mun/, (-tun) your

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/tun/, and (–shun) their /ʃun/ (Mahootian). With vowel epenthesis, these endings become

/emun/, /etun/, and /eʃun/ (e.g., manzel-mun our house [mænzelemun]. Vowel epenthesis may also occur between consonant clusters, as seen in the word ruzgar era [ruzeɡɑr].

Phonotactics

All consonants may occur at the beginning and at the ends of words (Mahootian,

1997). The distribution of some final consonants is limited. The /v/ occurs only after the vowels /ɑ/ and /i/ while /j/ is rarely produced word finally. The glottal stop /ʔ/ occurs before all vowels in the initial position of words and it is non-phonemic (Mahootian).

Although consonant clusters are not allowed in the syllable onset position, a variety of consonant combinations are allowed in the syllable coda position (e.g., /st/,

/br/, /rd/, and /ʃt/) (Mahootian, 1997). The only combinations not allowed are nasal + glide (e.g., /nj/), liquid + liquid (e.g., /lr/), fricative + glide (e.g., /fj/), and glide + glide

(e.g., /jw/) combinations.

Medial clusters occur in monomorphemic words (e.g., grateful /mæmnun/) as well as at morpheme (e.g., open-hearted /dɛlbɑz/) and syllable junctures (e.g., regret

/æfsus/; Mahootian, 1997). A maximum of three consonants can occur consecutively, as observed in the word handkerchief /dæstmɑl/.

Consonant inventory

The Persian consonant inventory includes the stops /p b t d k ɡ/, fricatives /f v s z

ʃ ʒ x/, affricates /tʃ ʤ/, nasals /m n/, glide /j/, and /l r/ (Darzi, 1991; Keshavarz, 2002;

Mahootian, 1997; Majidi & Ternes, 1999; Mirhassani, 1983). The /r/ is described as a trill

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(Darzi, Majidi & Ternes, Mirhassani) or an approximant (Keshavarz, Mahootian).

Mirhassani and Keshavarz included the glide /w/. The /w/ is described by Mirhassani as only occurring after /o/ as in /ow/. Darzi, Keshavarz, Mahootian, and Mirhassani also include a uvular stop /q/. /q/ occurs in the initial position of words or in medial clusters and as a uvular friction when it occurs intervocalically (Mirhassani). The glottal stop /Ɂ/

(e.g., impression /tӕɁir/) is included by Darzi, Keshavarz, Mahootian, as well as by

Majidi and Ternes. The fricative /ɣ/ (e.g., sorrow /ɣӕm/) is also included by some

(Keshavarz; Majidi & Ternes).

Vowel inventory

The Persian vowel inventory consists of six main vowels (Darzi, 1991;

Keshavarz, 2002; Lambton, 2000; Mahootian; 1997). Toosarvandani (2004) explains that the Persian vowels /ɑ/, /i/, and /u/ maintain their durations in all syllable contexts or environments. These three vowels are also described as being long (Lambton). The durations of the other three vowels, /æ/, /e/, and /o/ are considered to be highly variable

(Toosarvandani). Vowel length is described as being non-phonemic with changes in length resulting in no changes in meaning (Mirhassani).

Diphthongs

Mahootian (1997), Rastorgueva (1964) and Samareh (1977) consider /ou/ and /eɪ/ as the two diphthongs in Persian. Mirhassani (1983) and Strain (1968) include the additional diphthong of /aɪ/). Two more diphthongs, /uɪ/ and /ɑɪ/, are included by

Lambton (2000).

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Differences between Persian and English

Consonant inventories

Persian and English share many consonants. As discussed above, there are some discrepancies concerning the consonant inventories of Persian. For comparison between

English and Persian, the inventories suggested by Darzi (1991) will be used. Persian and

English share six stops, seven fricatives, two affricates, two nasals, two liquids, and one semi-vowel. See Table 2.1 for a comparison of Persian and English consonant inventories.

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Table 1.1 Comparative analysis of Persian/English consonants (Darzi, 1991) Consonants Persian only Shared English only

Stops q p b

Ɂ t d

k ɡ

Fricatives x f v θ ð s z ʃ ʒ

Affricates tʃ ʤ

Nasals m ŋ n Liquids l r Semivowels j w

Although both languages may be considered to have the /r/ phoneme, the manner of production is different in the two languages. In English, the /r/ is an approximant

(Ladefoged & Johnson, 2011) whereas it is trilled in Persian (Mirhassani, 1983; Strain,

1968) or produced as a flap (Strain). For Persian L2 speakers of English, the Persian speakers may substitute /t/ and /d/ for the American English phonemes /θ/ and /ð/, and /v/ is often substituted for /w/ (Mirhassani; Strain). Persian speakers also reportedly have

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difficulty with the /ŋ/ and will produce it as a sequence of two phonemes (/n/ and /ɡ/)

(Mirhassani).

Vowel inventories

The Persian vowel inventory consists of six vowels (Majidi & Ternes, 1999), whereas the English vowel inventory consists of 11 vowels (Ladefoged, 1999). Since

Persian has fewer vowels than English, vowel substitutions may be observed in the speech of Persian speakers of English (Strain, 1968). Common vowel substitutions include /i/ for /ɪ/, /e/ for /ɛ/, and /ɑ/ for /ə/ (Strain).

Mirhassani (1983) describes some of the differences found between the vowels that occur in English and Persian. The /i/ in Persian is described as being lengthened when it occurs in a pre-stressed position (Mirhassani). The /ӕ/ is produced in Persian with less mouth opening than in English. In Persian, it may be produced similar to the /e/ and /ɑ/ sounds (Mirhassani). See Table 2.2 for a comparison of the two vowel inventories.

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Table 1.2 Comparison of Persian/English vowels (Ladefoged, 1999; Strain, 1968)

Persian Shared English i  e ɛ æ ɑ  ʊ u Ʌ ɚ

Syllable structure and phonotactic constraints

The syllable structure of English is much more complex than that of Persian.

Persian consists of the (C)V(C)(C) type structures (Darzi, 1991; Karimi, 1987; Keshavarz

& Ingram, 2002), whereas English may consist of (C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C)(C) forms

(Hammond, 1999). In English, double cluster onsets may be divided into three different groups. The first group consists of /sC/ clusters (e.g., /sl/, /sm/, and /sn/). The second group is composed of the /Cj/ clusters (e.g., /mj/, /fj/ and /kj/). The third group of double clusters is composed of an obstruent plus an approximant. This includes the /Cl/ clusters

(e.g., /kl/, /pl/, /fl), /Cr/ clusters (e.g., /kr/, /fr/, /ʃr/), and the /Cw/ clusters (e.g., /sw/, /tw/,

/kw/). The triple onsets which may be found in English are /spr/, /str/, /skr/, /spl/, /skl/,

/skw/, /sfr/, /spj/, /stj/, and /skj/ (Hammond). Although these are possible cluster onsets,

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some of these occur less often and are more dependent on dialectal variations in productions.

In regards to the phonotactic constraints, the phonemes /s/ and /t/ occur in both

Persian and English, and the combination of these phonemes is allowed in the coda position in both English, as seen in cost and the Persian word dust /dust/ meaning friend.

They are also allowed in the onset position in English (e.g., stop) but are not allowed in the onset position in Persian since initial clusters are not permitted. Other clusters that occur in the onset position in English that occur in syllable-final position in Persian include those shown in Table 1.3.

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Table 1.3 Final double clusters found in Persian that occur in English onsets (Kambuziya & Serish, 2006)

/Cr/ clusters /sC/ clusters /Cl/ clusters

/kr/ in shokre /ʃokr/ thanks /sl/ in vasle /væsl/ joining /fl/ in gofle /ɡofl/ lock

/br/ in babre /bæbr/ tiger /sm/ in esm /Ɂesm/ name /kl/ in shakle /ʃækl/ shape

/dr/ in gadre /ɡædr/ value /sn/ in hosn /hosn/ /ɡl/ in agle /Ɂæɡl/ wisdom goodness

/fr/ in sefre /sefr/ zero /sk/ in soosk /susk/ beetle /bl/ in estable /Ɂes.tæbl/

stable

/tr/ in gotre /ɡotr/ diameter

/ɡr/ in fagre /fæɡr/ poverty

/ʃr/ in geshre /ɡeʃr/ skin

Persian acquisition of English as a second language (L2)

The speech development of a Persian-English bilingual child was studied from 8 to 20 months (Keshavarz, 2002; Keshavarz & Ingram, 2002). The child was exposed to

Persian and English simultaneously from birth. The mother only spoke Persian while the father only spoke English. The child was exposed to more Persian from 8 to 14 months of age because more time was spent with the mother. However, this changed at 15 months

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with greater interactions with the father and more English input from television. Data were collected using diary observations, audio recordings, and informal assessment of comprehension and production.

Keshavarz (2002) reported that the child exhibited six different syllable types during this period. Five of these (V, VC, CV, CVC, and CVCC) were found in both

Persian and English. The sixth syllable type (CCV) occured only in English. Keshavarz found that the child showed a higher frequency of use for the CV syllable type (45%) compared to the other syllable shapes V (6.89%), VC (6.89%), CVC (37.8%), CVCC

(1.72%), and CCV (1.72%). The higher frequency of CV syllables emphasizes the preference for this type of syllable shape (Clements, 1990).

The child’s first words were in Persian and Persian productions predominated until about 15 months of age (Keshavarz & Ingram, 2002). The child’s vocabulary in

Persian grew from six words at 10 months to 29 words at 15 months. During this same time frame in terms of English development, the child demonstrated one word at 11 months and 25 words at 15 months. As mentioned above, a change occurred at 15 months with a greater increase in English vocabulary development as compared to Persian. From

16 to 20 months, the child’s vocabulary increased from 55 to 162 words in English and from 46 to 116 words in Persian respectively.

Keshavarz and Ingram (2002) also observed the child’s productions of monosyllabic and multisyllabic words. The child produced more monosyllabic words in

English with an average of 57%. However, in comparison, the child produced an average of only 39% of monosyllabic words in Persian.

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The acquisition of initial and final consonants in both languages was also reported

(Keshavarz & Ingram, 2002). For a phoneme to be considered acquired, it had to be produced correctly in at least three words and have a percentage of correct production of over 50%. The child in this study produced more English initial consonants (15) as compared to Persian (9). The same criterion was applied for acquisition of consonants in the final position. The child again acquired more English consonants (9) than Persian (7).

The child was also found to apply Persian stress patterns to Persian words which occurred in the majority of his productions early on (Keshavarz & Ingram, 2002). Persian stress patterns were applied to the English words until after the 15-month point when

English skills became stronger than the Persian skills. The child then applied the appropriate stress to each of the two languages. Keshavarz and Ingram also observed the child substituting a glottal stop which occurs in Persian into English words, e.g. happy

[Ɂӕpi], please [peɁiz], and rabbit [Ɂӕbi].

Several vowel substitutions were also reported (Keshavarz & Ingram, 2002). The

Persian /o/ was substituted for the vowels in the English words mouth /mof/ and boy /bo/.

The schwa which occurs in English but not in Persian was frequently used in the Persian productions, for example, [bəʹlɑ] for bala up and [məʹsi] for merci thank you. The substitution of the English /ʊ/ was frequently observed in the production of Persian words

(e.g. [bʊs] for boose /bus/ kiss and [mʊʃ] for moosh /muʃ/ mouse). The English /ɔ/ was used in Persian words, for example, khoresh [ɔʃ] for /xoreʃ/ stew.

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Epenthesis

Description

Vowel epenthesis or vowel insertion is one form of modification that results from the speaker encountering a different or unfamiliar syllable structure and is often reported as a process observed with L2 acquisition (Karimi, 1987). Epenthesis serves to simplify the syllable shape but retains all of the phonetic information unlike cluster reduction which eliminates some of the phonetic information (Major, 1987). Broselow (1983) suggests that for second language learners epenthesis is a rule-based process which converts the underlying form into acceptable syllable types. There are two types of vowel epenthesis: anaptyxis and prothesis (Fleischhacker, 2001).

Anaptyxis is vowel epenthesis that takes place within cluster segments.

Anaptyxis has been reported to occur in the speech productions of children acquiring

English as their L1 (Greenlee, 1974; McLeod et al., 2001; McLeod et al., 2002), in the production of loan words (Rose & Demuth, 2006), and in the speech productions of individuals acquiring English as the L2 (Boudaoud & Cardoso, 2009; Carlisle, 1991,

1997; Lin, 2003). Anaptyxis has been reported to occur with obstruent + sonorant clusters in English and other languages, (e.g., flip /felɪp/ or clap /kelæp/ (Broselow, 1987;

Dyson & Paden, 1983; Greenlee; Mahootian, 1997; Strain, 1968).

Anaptyxis is a less commonly observed process in developmental cluster acquisition in English. This type of vowel insertion, which is characterized by the addition of the schwa in English, has been observed in the utterances of children between the ages of three and eight (Smit, 1993). Anaptyxis has been described as occurring later developmentally and as occurring either immediately prior to correct cluster production

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or simultaneously with correct cluster production (Greenlee, 1974). In English, anaptyxis occurs more often with /r/ and /l/ clusters such as /pr/ and /ɡl/ in the words prince and glass and least often with /s/ clusters as with the /sn/ or /sp/ in the words snack and spot

(Smit).

Anaptyxis has been observed in the developmental cluster acquisition of other

L1s. Freitas (2003) observed anaptyxis in European Portuguese acquisition with the epenthetic vowel /i/ or /ɐ/. It was observed by Nunez-Cedeno (2008) in Spanish with insertion of the schwa vowel. Similar to Greenlee’s finding (1974), Freitas and Nunez-

Cedeno observed the co-occurrence of anaptyxis with correct onset production of clusters.

The second type of vowel epenthesis is known as prothesis. Prothesis is the insertion of a vowel before the consonant cluster which occurs most frequently with clusters composed of sibilant + stop elements and has been observed with L2 speakers of

English (e.g., stop [estop], skip [eskɪp], and spit [espɪt]; Carlisle, 1991; Jabbari &

Fazlinezhad, 2011). Prothesis and anaptyxis may occur either in isolation or in combination with one another. With triple consonant clusters, both prothesis and anaptyxis may occur in order to break down the cluster into preferred syllable types as with scream [eskerim] (Karimi, 1987).

Impact of word class in American English

In English, vowel epenthesis occurs when the –ed suffix is added to words ending with alveolar /t/ and /d/ (e.g., wasted /westǝd/ and flooded /flʌdǝd/; Kawamoto & Farrar,

1990). The type of word to which the –ed suffix is added also determines whether vowel

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epenthesis occurs. Vowel epenthesis can occur when the suffix is added to words that are used as adjectives and nouns but not when they are verbs (Kawamoto & Farrar). For example, vowel epenthesis occurs with the adjective crooked but not with the verb cooked.

Kawamoto and Farrar (1990) studied the impact of word type on the production of an epenthetic schwa with the –ed suffix. Sixteen adult English speakers were presented with sentences containing pseudo words in a CVCed form. The pseudo words were placed in the sentences as either adjectives or verbs. The participants were instructed to read the sentences naturally. The following two sentences are examples taken from the study with the italicized words being the targeted words:

Only our darped peers who were close were invited. (adjective form)

Only he darped peers who were close. (verb form)

Kawamoto and Farrar found that none of the pseudo verbs were produced with vowel epenthesis. However, 8% of the pseudo adjectives were produced with epenthesis.

To further examine the impact of grammaticality on vowel epenthesis with the – ed suffix, Kawamoto and Farrar (1990) had 10 adult English speakers produce sentences containing pseudo words which added –ness and –ly to the –ed ending. The –ly suffix changes an adjective to an adverb (e.g., alleged to alledgedly) whereas the –ness suffix changes an adjective to a noun (e.g., prepared to preparedness). Sample sentences used were as follows:

Those dogs barked thrakedly. (adverb form)

Those thraked dogs are unusual. (adjective form)

People enjoy the pelledness of most beaches. (noun form)

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People enjoy most pelled beaches. (adjective form)

Kawamoto and Farrar found that with the –ed suffix in the adjective form of the word, vowel epenthesis occurred in 10% of the responses. However, with the addition of the –ly or –ness suffixes, the frequency of vowel epenthesis increased dramatically to

88%. The findings from this study indicate that noun and adverb suffixation of –ed words greatly increases the chance of vowel epenthesis. Kawamoto and Farrar suggest that vowel epenthesis may take place in order to simplify production. The insertion of the vowel reduces the number of syllable coda consonants produced.

Environment or context with English as the L2

The impact of phonetic environment on epenthesis was tested by Carlisle (1991).

Nine adult Spanish speakers from six different countries participated in the study. They read English sentences containing target words with /st/, /sk/, and /sp/ initial clusters. The environment occurring before the target words consisted of either words ending with vowels or consonants. A higher frequency of epenthesis occurred when the target was preceded by a consonant (M =76%) than by a vowel (M =63%).

Carlisle (1997) further tested the role of phonetic environment on epenthesis. The participants were 11 adult native speakers of Spanish from Mexico, El Salvador, Spain,

Venezuela, Peru, and Honduras who were at an intermediate level in English. Participants read sentences where half of the sentences contained the triple cluster onsets of /spr/ and

/skr/ while the other half contained the double onsets of /sp/ and /sk/. The environment before the onset (consonant or vowel) was controlled so that this variable could be further tested. The results indicated that a significantly greater frequency of epenthesis occurred

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with the consonant environment (51%) as compared to the vowel environment (35%).

Carlisle also found a higher proportion of epenthesis with the /sCC/ clusters (48%) than with the /sC/ clusters (38%). Carlisle concluded that environment does impact the frequency of epenthesis as does the markedness of the structures.

Comparable results were found by Boudaoud and Cardoso (2009). Boudaoud and

Cardoso examined the productions of 30 adult Persian speakers who varied in terms of their English proficiency from beginners to advanced speakers. The participants took part in a formal reading task and an informal interview. The reading task involved the production of sentences that included words which started with the /st/, /sn/, and /sl/ clusters. Three different contexts preceded the words in the sentences: consonant, pause, and vowel. The informal portion involved a picture-based interview which included pictures of words starting with the /st/, /sn/, and /sl/ clusters as well as other pictures for distractors. Boudaoud and Cardoso investigated how context, level of proficiency, task style, and type of cluster (SSP following /s/ + nasal and /s/ + liquid vs. SSP violating clusters /s/ + stop) influenced vowel epenthesis in Persian-English speakers.

Boudaoud and Cardoso (2009) found higher frequencies of epenthesis with consonant/pause contexts (68%) compared to vowel contexts (17%). They also found higher frequencies of epenthesis with the informal interview style (62%) in comparison to the formal reading task (35%). It was found that beginners produced higher frequencies of epenthesis (79%) than either the intermediate (47%) or the advanced speakers (23%).

Finally, Boudaoud and Cardoso found the highest rates of epenthesis with the /s/ + stop clusters (60%) as compared to the /s/ + nasal (51%) and the /s/ + liquid onsets (35%).

These results supported the hypothesis that the /s/ + stop clusters would be the most

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difficult since they violate the sonority sequencing principles. However, higher frequency of epenthesis was observed with the /s/ + nasal clusters than the /s/ + liquid onsets.

Boudaoud and Cardoso speculated that more gestural effort was involved in the articulation of the /sl/ clusters. The /sl/ clusters consist of two continuants but the /sn/ and

/st/ clusters switch from continuant to non-continuant features.

Characteristics of epenthetic vowels

Rose and Demuth (2006) studied the characteristics of epenthetic vowels produced in 949 loanwords taken from African English produced by speakers of the

Bantu language Sesotho. Sesotho does not have initial consonant clusters. For initial consonant clusters, vowel quality in terms of the front/back contrast was determined by the initial consonant cluster or the consonant to the left of the vowel insertion sight (Rose

& Demuth). This was due to consonant spreading or assimilation. With velar consonants, the place features of the consonants were not carried over into the epenthesized vowel, instead the vowel to the right of the inserted vowel was copied resulting in vowel harmony.

Slightly different insertion patterns were found for /sC/ clusters (Rose & Demuth,

2006). For word initial clusters, the place feature sharing from the consonant to the inserted vowel remained with the insertion of a front vowel /ɪ/ (e.g., school /skɔl/

[sɪkolo]). For sCL(iquid) clusters, the /ɪ/ vowel was inserted between the /s/ and the following consonant. Another vowel was inserted between the consonant and the following liquid. The general rule was to copy place features from the consonant to the left of the insertion site (e.g., splash /splæʃ/ [sɪpolɑʃe]). When the consonant in the triple

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cluster was a velar (e.g., /k/), the vowel quality of the vowel to the right of the insertion site impacted the type of vowel inserted (e.g., screw /skʀuf/ [sɪkurufu]).

Differences between true and epenthetic vowels

In a study using acoustic analysis, Davidson (2006) examined 20 adult native

English speakers’ productions of initial consonant clusters containing an epenthetic schwa (CəC) and clusters split by a syllabic or lexical schwa (CəC) to determine if the two types of schwas were acoustically similar. The speakers produced pseudo-Czech words with initial clusters composed of /s/, /f/, /z/, and /v/ followed by an obstruent or nasal (e.g., [zvaba], [zbano], and [fnada]). This was considered the CC condition. The speakers also produced the same words with a lexical schwa inserted between the two initial cluster consonants (e.g., [zəvaba], [zəbana], and [fənada]). This was known as the

CəC condition. The epenthetic and lexical schwas were then acoustically analyzed for duration, F1, and F2 characteristics. F1 and F2 are the first and second formants which are measurements of the resonating frequencies of the vocal tract (Kent & Read, 2001).

Both formant values are related to tongue positioning. The F1 value relates to the tongue height whereas F2 values relate to the front/back positioning of the tongue.

Significant differences in durations for the initial segment types (/f/, /z/, and /v/) and the conditions (CC or CəC) were found (Davidson, 2006). Stimuli starting with /s/ were not analyzed because fewer instances of epenthesis occurred with this segment type.

The average durations for the /fC/ clusters were respectively 43.6 milliseconds (ms) for the CǝC and 31.3 ms for the CC conditions. The average durations for the /zC/ clusters were 64.3 ms for the CǝC and 45.0 ms for the CC clusters. The same pattern was shown

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with the /vC/ clusters with the average duration for the CǝC clusters being 64.9 ms and for the CC clusters at 42.5 ms.

Significant differences in F1 and F2 midpoint values for both the segment and condition analyses were also found (Davidson, 2006). The F1 values were slightly higher for all three cluster types (/fC/, /zC/, and /vC/) in the CǝC condition than for the CC condition. The same pattern was found for the F2 values with the CǝC values being higher than those observed in the CC condition. The results of this study indicated that there are qualitative differences between the schwa produced in the (CəC) and the (CəC) conditions. The durations of epenthetic schwa were significantly shorter than the lexical schwa as well as the F1 and F2 midpoint values were significantly lower. This indicates that for the epenthetic vowels the tongue was positioned higher and further to the back of the mouth than it was for the lexical schwa. Davidson suggested that this difference may be due to gestural mistiming taking place during the production of the cluster elements.

In an effort to further study epenthesis as a result of gestural mistiming, Davidson and Stone (2003) conducted an ultrasound study of five speakers producing initial

English consonant clusters (/sp/, /st/, and /sk/), initial syllables with a schwa (/sǝp/, /sǝt/, and /sǝk/), and illicit initial clusters in English (/zb/, /zd/, and /zg/). The illicit English clusters were permissible in Polish and were produced by a Polish speaker. Davidson and

Stone examined the tongue movements to determine if the movements produced with the illicit clusters (e.g., /zɡ/) were more like those produced with a schwa, such as /sǝk/ in succumb or were more similar to the /sk/ cluster in scum. With the production of the /sǝk/ syllable, the tongue body is much lower for the /s/. It remains low for the /ǝ/, and then rises for the /k/. The tongue body starts in a higher position for the /s/ in the /sk/ cluster.

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Davidson and Stone hypothesized that a true epenthetic vowel would resemble the /sǝk/ movements, whereas articulatory mistiming would result in movements closer to the /sk/ tongue shape.

For the labial /sp/ and velar /sk/ clusters, the participants’ productions of the /zb/ and /zɡ/ clusters often resembled the /sp/ and /sk/ movements, which are phonotactically permissible in English (Davidson & Stone, 2003). The epenthetic vowel produced may have been the result of an open vocal tract resulting from the consonant gestures being pulled apart slightly. However, for the coronal cluster /st/, the movements for the illicit cluster /zd/ were often closer to the syllable with the schwa vowel /sǝt/. Davidson and

Stone suggest that the homorganic nature of the /st/ and /zd/ clusters may have played a role in the resulting schwa-like vowel. Since these clusters are homorganic, the only way that a vowel could have been present would have been a release of the tongue from the palate during the transitional movements.

In another study, Davidson (2010) acoustically analyzed the vowel inserted between consonant clusters in comparison to intentionally produced schwa vowels produced between consonants to study the differences in the vowels. The participants in this study included 23 English-speaking and 14 Catalan-speaking adults. The participants were presented with target words containing initial consonant clusters (CC) or schwa inserted consonant sequences (CǝC). The participants said the target word after having it presented to them either auditorily or with both auditory and visual input. The responses were recorded and acoustic analysis was conducted to determine the duration, F1, and F2 values of the intentionally produced schwa vowels and the inserted vowels.

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Davidson (2010) found that on average the participants had higher levels of accuracy on the clusters that were presented with the auditory and visual input (57%) as compared to auditory input alone (47%). Davidson (2010) found that the lexical schwas had longer durations when produced by both the English speakers (M = 51 ms) and the

Catalan speakers (M = 52 ms). The inserted vowels were shorter for both the English speakers (M = 40 ms) and the Catalan speakers (M = 37 ms). Davidson found that the F1 values for inserted vowels were slightly lower than those of lexical schwas. Significant differences were found in the productions of the schwa for both languages with F1 values being significantly higher for the Catalan speakers. The F2 values for the inserted vowels were also lower for the English speakers across both input conditions (audio and audio + text) and for the Catalan speakers under the audio condition. The F1 values for the inserted vowels were slightly higher under the audio + text condition. No significant differences were found between the F2 values of the inserted and lexical schwas for the

Catalan speakers. However, for the English speakers, a significant difference existed with the inserted schwas being significantly lower than the lexical schwas due to the differences in the audio + text condition. Davidson suggested that type of input may impact frequency of epenthesis and that lexical schwas are qualitatively different from epenthetic schwas.

Differences between intrusive and epenthetic vowels

Hall (2006) suggests that there are two different types of inserted vowels. One type may be considered intrusive while the other type should be characterized as epenthetic. Hall’s proposed differences are outlined in Table 1.4 below. Hall suggests that intrusive vowels may also occur due to the production of a vocalic sound occurring

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because of a retiming of articulatory gestures without the addition of a vowel articulation.

For example, in the Scots Gaelic word bull [tarav], the italicized /ɑ/ is intrusive. It results from the movement of the articulators between the /r/ and /v/ and is not a true 3vowel.

Hall also suggests that epenthetic vowels serve as syllable nuclei whereas intrusive vowels do not. For example, arm /arm/ [arǝm] produced in some English dialects is considered a one syllable word and not two. An example of epenthesis would be the production of stop [estop] by Persian speakers.

Table. 1.4 Comparison of intrusive and epenthetic vowels (Hall, 2006)

Characteristics Intrusive Vowels Epenthetic Vowels

Vowel types Schwa, copy of an adjacent vowel, or Vowels may be fixed or may be influenced by the place features of the copied from an adjacent vowel. nearby consonants. Does not have to be schwa. Vowel copies If the vowel quality of another vowel is The vowel quality may be copied copied over a consonant, then that over any type of intervening consonant must be a sonorant or a consonant. guttural. Cluster types Occurs in heterorganic clusters.

Speech rate May have a variable duration. May Not impacted by speech rate. disappear at fast rates. Vowel function Does not repair illicit structures. Serves to repair structures that are Clusters where it appears may be less marked in terms of being cross- marked in terms of sonority than clusters linguistically rare. in the same language which are not The structure may be avoided by impacted by vowel insertion. other processes in the same language.

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Vowel epenthesis by Persian speakers

In producing initial consonant clusters, prothesis commonly occurs resulting in the Persian speakers producing [esp], [est], [esk] for English /sp/, /st/, /sk/ which makes the cluster into a VC + C sequence (Mahootian, 1997; Strain, 1968). Anaptyxis may also occur. For example, [kl] and [br] are produced for /kl/ and /br/ resulting in the CVC sequence. When the consonant cluster begins with the /s/ phoneme, the epenthetic vowel is inserted before the consonant cluster (e.g., slide /eslaɪd/, Karimi, 1987).

Yarmohammadi (2005) describes prothesis as also occurring with /ʃm/ onset clusters

(e.g., Schmidt /eʃmɪt/).

According to Karimi (1987), the epenthesized vowel may be the same vowel as the syllable nucleus (e.g., drink [dirink] or it may differ from the nucleic vowel (e.g., proud /peraʊd/). Although prothesis usually occurs with /s/ initial clusters, Karimi suggests that with Persian speakers when the consonant cluster begins with /s/ and is followed by the glide /w/ then anaptyxis occurs resulting in the epenthetic vowel being inserted between the /s/ and the /w/ (e.g., swing /sewɪŋ/).

Shademan (2002) examined the speech productions during a word reading task of four adult Persian speakers. The participants produced 55 words containing initial consonant clusters. Shademan’s goal was to examine the type of epenthesis occurring and to document the types of epenthetic vowels produced. Shademan described all epenthesis involving /s/ clusters as prothetic in nature with the insertion of the /e/ vowel. When anaptyxis occurred, the vowel inserted was dependent on the vowel which followed the cluster. When the cluster was followed by a low vowel then the vowel which was inserted

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was the /e/ (e.g., traffic [terɑfik] and plan [pelɑn] (Shademan). When the cluster was followed by a mid-vowel, copy epenthesis occurred when the second member of the cluster was /r/ (e.g., chrome [korom]) (Shademan). If the cluster was followed by a mid- vowel and the second member of the cluster was a /l/ then /e/ was inserted (e.g., Florida

[feloridɑ] (Shademan). Out of the six Persian vowels, the /e/ vowel operated as the default epenthetic vowel due to its unmarked features of non-low, non-high, non-round, and non-back (Shademan).

According to Yarmohammadi (2005), the substitutions observed by Persian speakers of English in terms of consonant cluster production can be broken down into several rules:

1. The C1C2 cluster is produced as C1V.C2 when C2 is /j/, /w/, or /r/ (e.g., craft [ke.ræft]).

2. The C1C2 cluster is produced as ʔVC1.C2 when the C1 is /s/ or /ʃ/ and C2 is not /j/, /w/, or /r/ (e.g., sleep [Ɂes.lip].

3. The C1C2 cluster is produced as C1V.C2 if C1 is not /s/ or /ʃ/ and C2 is not /j/, /w/, or /r/ (e.g., clean [ke.lin].

4. The vowel inserted will be /u/ if the C2 is /w/ (e.g., queen /kuwin/).

5. The vowel inserted will be /i/ if the C2 is /j/ (e.g., cute /kijut/).

6. All other insertions involve the /e/ vowel (e.g., clap /kelæp/).

7. The C1C2C3 cluster is produced as ʔeCCVC. The V will be produced as /u/ when the C 3 is /w/ (e.g., squint [ʔeskuwint]). The V is produced as /i/ when h the C3 is /j/ (e.g., student [ʔest ijudent]) and as /e/ in all other circumstances (e.g., street [ʔestherit]).

In another study, Jabbari and Samarvarchi (2011) examined the speech productions of 12 Persian children (four to six years of age) producing 53 pseudo-English words containing initial and final consonant clusters. The children repeated words twice

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that were said to them. The pseudo-words were composed of the CCVC, CCCVC,

CVCC, CVCCC, and CVCCCC syllable types. The aim this study was to examine the type of syllable modifications that would take place since consonant clusters do not exist in Persian. The CCVC syllables contained clusters composed of /s/ + obstruent (e.g., spon), obstruent + liquid (e.g., plim), and obstruent/nasal + glide (e.g., twas and mupe).

The CCCVC syllables were composed of /s/ + obstruent + liquid/glide clusters (e.g., splen and skjul). The CVCC clusters consisted of liquid + obstruent (e.g., salp), nasal + obstruent (e.g., peng), and obstruent + liquid/nasal (e.g., puble and sagen). The CVCCC syllables contained a nasal + two obstruent clusters (e.g., fanks) while the CVCCCC syllables were composed of a nasal + three obstruents (e.g., limpsed).

For the /s/ + obstruent onset clusters, Jabbari and Samarvarchi (2011) found that prothesis (vC1C2) occurred 85% of the time while both prothesis and anaptyxis (vC1vC2) occurred 15%. For the obstruent + liquid clusters, correct production (C1C2) occurred

25% while anaptyxis (C1vC2) occurred 75% of the time. For the obstruent + nasal/glide clusters, correct production occurred 95% with anaptyxis occurring 5%. For the triple onset clusters, 30% of the productions involved prothesis, 65% involved both prothesis and anaptyxis with the syllable being broken down as vC1C2vC3, and 5% involved both prothesis and anaptyxis with the syllable broken down as vC1vC2vC3.

A different pattern was found for the coda clusters. For the liquid + obstruent coda cluster, correct production occurred 15% while deletion of the C1 (liquid) occurred

85% (Jabbari & Samarvarchi, 2011). For the nasal + obstruent codas, the children produced the clusters correctly 100%. For the obstruent + liquid codas, the children deleted the C2 (liquid) 75% of the time and anaptyxis occurred in 25% of the productions.

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For the triple cluster codas, the children produced them correctly approximately 79% of the time and deleted the C2 (obstruent) 21% of the time. For the four consonant cluster endings, the children produced them correctly almost 59% of the time, deleted the C2

(obstruent) in almost 13% of the cases, and deleted the C3 (obstruent) 29%. The researchers suggest that this study provides further evidence of the role that transfer plays in second language acquisition and how language rules in the first language are applied to new words containing unfamiliar syllable types. Epenthesis and deletion both serve to change the unfamiliar syllable types into forms that fit into the sequences found in their native language.

Purpose of the Study

This study had three main objectives. The first objective was to examine whether the MSD principle (Broselow & Finer, 1991) or the Dispersion Principle along with typological markedness (Clements, 1990; also Eckman & Iverson, 1993) more accurately accounted for the speech productions of Persian-English bilingual speakers. The MSD principle (Broselow & Finer, 1991) predicts that the members of the clusters occurring closer together in sonority will be more difficult to produce than those which are further apart on the scale. Therefore, in the minimal pairs of queen /kwin/ and clean /klin/, it was predicted that /kwin/ would be easier for the speakers to produce since /kw/ is composed of an obstruent + glide as compared to /kl/ which is composed of an obstruent + liquid.

Liquids are closer to stops on the sonority scale than are glides. In contrast, the

Dispersion Principle (Clements, 1990; also Eckman & Iverson, 1993) predicted that the obstruent + liquid combination would be produced more accurately than the obstruent + glide combinations due to the sharp and steady rise in sonority in the obstruent + liquid

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pairs. Therefore, according to Eckman and Iverson, it was predicted that clean /klin/ would be easier for the speakers to produce than queen /kwin/. Eckman and Iverson’s theory also predicted that accurate productions of the obstruent + glide combinations would not occur until the obstruent + liquid combinations were produced correctly.

The second objective was to examine whether the composition of the consonant sequences based on sonority or the complexity of the sequences would have a greater impact on the frequency of vowel epenthesis in the production of initial English consonant clusters by Persian speakers. Since modification could occur in two different places with these types of clusters, it was predicted that the speakers would have more difficulty with the more complex sequences than they would with the sequences of two consonants.

The third objective was to compare the qualities of the epenthetic vowels

(duration, F1, and F2 frequencies) and the following main vowels acoustically.

According to Karimi (1987), the epenthesized vowel may be the same vowel as the syllable nucleus (e.g., drink /dɪrɪnk/ or it may differ from the nucleic vowel (e.g., proud

/peraʊd/). Although Karimi suggested that the anaptyctic epenthetic vowel may be the same vowel as the syllable nucleus, no acoustic data were analyzed to determine the specific qualities of the epenthetic vowels as compared to the main vowels and no information was provided for the qualities of the prothetic vowels.

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CHAPTER II

METHODS

Participants

Twenty adult Persian speakers took part in this study. They resided in southeast

Texas at the time of testing. All of the participants grew up in Iran and arrived in the

United States after the age of 22. All participants reported no history of speech or hearing problems. They all reported English to be their L2. Three participants in the beginner group also reported knowing Gilaki which is a language spoken in the Gilan region of

Iran (Ethnologue). One participant reported knowing some Arabic. Four participants from the intermediate group also reported knowing Gilaki. One participant reported knowing some Spanish. Two participants reported speaking Shushtari which is a dialect of the

Dezfuli language spoken in the north Khuzestan Province of Iran (Ethnologue). One participant reported knowing some French.

The beginner and intermediate groups each consisted of five females and five males. The ages of the participants in the beginner group ranged from 29 years 6 months to 58 years 11 months (M = 42.7). The ages of the participants in the intermediate group ranged from 34 years 9 months to 59 years 8 months (M = 43.9). The length of residency in the United States for the participants ranged from less than one year up to 37 years.

The age of arrival as well as length of residence in the United States varied across participants. All of the participants reported having at least a high school diploma. See

Table 2.1 for complete participant information.

The participants were given the Picture Vocabulary and Story Recall subtests of the Woodcock-Munoz Language Survey – Revised (WMLS-R) to determine their level

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of English proficiency. This test is composed of a total of seven subtests: Picture

Vocabulary, Verbal Analogies, Letter-Word Identification, Dictation, Understanding

Directions, Story Recall, and Passage Comprehension. The two subtests administered were chosen because they result in an Oral Expression score. After completing the assessment, the scores were entered into the report generator which is a part of the

WMLS-R program. A report was generated which provided the Cognitive Academic

Language Proficiency (CALP) levels. CALP scores range from one to six with one being negligible and six being very advanced. Participants were assigned to a category depending on their CALP scores on the WMLS-R. Participants who scored a one on Oral

Expression were assigned to the beginner category. Those with a CALP score of two were assigned to the intermediate category. All of the participants in the study fell between these two levels.

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Table 2.1 Participant data Participant Sex Age Age of Arrival Length of Education (Years; (Years) Residence Months) (Years) Beginners

1 F 36;8 31 5 Bachelor’s (Iran) 2 M 58;11 54 4 Master’s (Iran) 3 F 36;7 36 .08 M.D. (Iran) 4 M 35;6 27 8 Master’s (USA) 5 M 39;4 35 4 Bachelor’s (Iran) 6 F 42;0 30 12 Bachelor’s (Iran) 7 F 35;7 34 1 Master’s 8 F 56;9 48 8 Bachelor’s (Iran) 9 M 56;4 50 6 Bachelor’s (Iran) 10 M 29;6 29 .6 Bachelor’s (Iran) 5F, 5M 42;7 37.4 4.9 Intermediate

11 M 50;8 28 22 Bachelor’s (USA) 12 F 34;0 29 5 Bachelor’s (Iran) 13 M 46;0 25 21 Bachelor’s (USA) 14 M 42;0 23 19 Bachelor’s (USA) 15 High School F 50;1 44 6 (Iran) 16 M 40;1 29 11 Bachelor’s (Iran) 17 M 59;8 22 37 Bachelor’s (USA) 18 F 44;5 33 11 Bachelor’s (Iran) 19 F 32;11 30 2 Master’s (Iran) 20 F 38;2 30 8 Master’s (Iran) 5F, 5M 43;9 29.3 14.2

Materials and elicitation procedures

All participants were tested in a quiet room at their home, at a friend’s home, at the home of the investigator, or at the Iranian Cultural Foundation. A total of 120 target words were elicited from each participant. The participants produced 10 words each for the cluster composition comparison (obstruent + glide vs. obstruent + liquid) used in the

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first analysis. The participants produced an additional 10 words each of the obstruent + liquid double clusters, obstruent + glide double clusters words, obstruent + liquid triple and the obstruent + glide triple cluster combinations for the second analysis examining composition and complexity (see Appendix A). The target words occurred in a phonetic environment that was preceded by a consonant /t/ (e.g., that queen /ðæt kwin/) or in isolation (e.g., queen /kwin/). A total of 2400 tokens (2 tasks x 60 target words x 20 participants) were recorded. If a speaker repeated the target words, the final production containing both the preceding context word and the target word was used for analysis in order to assess the impact of context. For example, if the participant said “that queen, queen”, the first queen was analyzed. If the participant said “that queen, that queen”, then the second queen was analyzed.

The participants wore a head-mounted Gigaware microphone (model # 4300122) connected to a Toshiba Laptop Computer. Speech samples were recorded directly into

.wav files on the computer using the Speech Monitor software (Arenas, 2009). The sampling frequency for the .wav files was 44.1 kHz. The word order for minimal pairs was counter-balanced across participants. The target words for this study were printed on plain 3 x 5 inch index cards using 16 point Times New Roman fonts. A minimal pair target was printed on each card with one word from the pair printed on each side of the card. Some words were used as fillers. The participants were given the cards with the target words. In addition to the index cards, the experimenter instructed the participants by providing the auditory input (e.g., “Say, that queen”). All target words were real words. The words included nouns, verbs, adjectives, and a pronoun. Many words had more than one part of speech.

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The tokens which contained an epenthetic vowel were then acoustically analyzed using spectrograms produced with the TF32 program (Milenkovic, 2002). The tokens were submitted to LPC analysis for F1 and F2 formant measurements and durations of the epenthetic and main vowels. Vowel duration was measured to the nearest .01 millisecond. The frequencies of F1 and F2 were obtained by positioning a cursor on the formant tracks of the spectrograms at the 50% point of the vowel duration.

Reliability

To determine the intra-rater reliability of the data, 90 of the tokens were randomly selected and re-measured by the investigator using the TF32 program (Milenkovic, 2002) as explained above. The mean differences between the sets of duration measurements and formant frequency measurements were calculated. The vowel durations for the epenthetic vowels in the two data sets differed by a mean of 4.06 ms while the durations of the main syllabic vowels differed by a mean of 3.26 ms. The F1 values of the epenthetic vowels differed by a mean of .84 Hz whereas those of the syllabic vowels differed by a mean of

3.2 Hz. The two measures of the F2 values of the epenthetic vowels differed by a mean of

30.88 Hz and the syllabic vowels differed by a mean of 95.91 Hz. Correlation coefficients were computed between the first data collected and that obtained during the re-check. The correlation between the duration of the epenthetic vowel and the re- checked value was significant, r(88) = .81, p <. 001. The correlation between the duration of the main vowel and the re-checked value was significant, r(88) = .80, p < .001. The correlation between the F1 values epenthetic vowel and the re-checked value was significant, r(88) = .93, p < .001. The correlation between the F1 values of the main vowel and the re-checked value was significant, r(88) = .97, p < .001. The correlation

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between the F2 values of the epenthetic vowel and the re-checked value was significant, r(88) = .55, p < .001. The correlation between the F2 values of the main vowels and the re-checked value was significant, r(88) = .77, p < .001. These results indicate that the initial values and the re-checked values were all strongly, positively related.

Experimental Design

This study used a quasi-experimental design. This type of design does not require random selection or random assignment of participants. The participants were assigned to two categories (beginner or intermediate) based on their performance on the WMLS-R.

The independent variables consisted of task (word and phrase), gender (male and female), level of English proficiency (beginner and intermediate), cluster complexity

(double or triple), and cluster composition (obstruent + liquid and obstruent + glide). The dependent variables that were measured were frequency of epenthesis, duration, F1 formant frequency, and F2 formant frequency.

The criteria for determining the presence of an epenthetic vowel included the observation of acoustic material prior to the production of the initial consonant cluster as in Figure 2.1 ([ɛskrim] for scream) or with the insertion of vowels between the clusters as in Figure 2.2 ([pɛlæt] for Platte).

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ɛ s k r i m

Figure 2.1 Spectrogram of scream produced as [ɛskrim]

p ɛ l e t

Figure 1.2 Spectrogram of Platte produced as [pɛlet]

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III. RESULTS

Sonority controlled double clusters

Descriptive analysis

The participants produced 10 words each for the obstruent + glide and obstruent + liquid comparison of double clusters (see Appendix A for word list) designed to test the role of sonority in cluster production. Twenty target words were produced by each of the

20 participants for a total of 400 target words (20 x 20) on each task. Vowel epenthesis occurred 24 out of 400 (6%) possible opportunities. Prothesis (the insertion of the vowel occurring before the consonant cluster, e.g. /ɛspleʃ/ for splash) occurred more often than anaptyxis (the insertion of the vowel between the cluster segments, e.g. /pɛlæn/ for plan).

Anaptyxis was observed only once in this task as compared to 23 instances of prothesis.

For the word task, vowel epenthesis occurred a total of 16 times out of a possible 400 opportunities (4%). Vowel epenthesis occurred less in the phrase task with only 8 instances out of 400 opportunities or 2%. Table 3.1 summarizes the frequency of vowel epenthesis for each word type across participants and tasks.

In comparing groups across tasks, the beginner speakers demonstrated vowel epenthesis in 14 out of 400 opportunities (3.5%) as compared to 10 (2.5 %) for the intermediate speakers. When the two tasks were compared, a higher frequency of vowel epenthesis was observed with the beginner speakers on the word task with 11 out of 200 opportunities (5.5%) as compared to the intermediate speakers with 5 instances of vowel epenthesis or 2.5%. For the phrase task, the beginner speakers demonstrated vowel epenthesis in 3 out of 200 tokens (1.5%) in comparison with the intermediate speakers’ production of vowel epenthesis in 5 out of 200 opportunities (2.5%).

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Table 3.1 Frequency of vowel epenthesis for double obstruent + glide/obstruent + liquid clusters across tasks

Double Cluster Double Cluster Word Task Phrase Task Participant Obstruent + Obstruent Obstruent + Obstruent Glide + Liquid Glide + Liquid

1 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 4 2 1 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 6 0 2 0 0 7 0 0 0 2 8 0 1 0 1 9 0 2 0 0 10 0 3 0 0

Total Beginner 2 9 0 3

11 0 0 0 0 12 0 0 0 0 13 0 0 0 0 14 1 1 1 2 15 0 1 0 0 16 1 1 0 0 17 0 0 0 2 18 0 0 0 0 19 0 0 0 0 20 0 0 0 0

Total Intermediate 2 3 1 4

Overall Totals 4 12 1 7

To examine the impact of sonority, the frequency of epenthesis was compared for obstruent + glide (e.g., /kw/, /sw/, and /fj/) and obstruent + liquid (e.g., /kr/, /sl/, and /fl/)

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clusters. Both beginner and intermediate speakers demonstrated a higher frequency of epenthesis with the obstruent + liquid clusters as compared to the obstruent + glide combinations. In comparing these clusters, epenthetic vowels occurred in 19 out of 200 cases (9.5%) of the obstruent + liquid clusters as compared to 5 cases (2.5%) of the obstruent + glide clusters as shown in Table 3.1. A gender difference was also found in terms of frequency of vowel epenthesis. A higher frequency of epenthesis was produced by the male speakers (17) as compared to their female counterparts (7). A breakdown of the words with vowel epenthesis is shown for the combined beginner and intermediate speakers in Table 3.2. Anaptyxis occurred only once in the word clean. All of the other words had a prothetic vowel inserted before the cluster. It should also be noted that all of the epenthesis occurred in /s/ + clusters except for the one exception in the word clean.

Table 3.2 Word/frequency of vowel epenthesis for double clusters combined across groups Word Frequency clean 1 sleet 7 slim 4 sling 7 sweet 2 swim 1 swing 2

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Statistical analysis

A series of One-Way Analyses of Variance (ANOVA) were conducted on the frequency of epenthesis for the double clusters. A series of ANOVAs were conducted to control for Type I error due to the number of independent variables. The independent variables were level of English proficiency (beginner or intermediate), word composition

(obstruent + liquid or obstruent + glide), task (word or phrase), and gender (male or female). Due to the overall low total frequency counts on the production of both types of double clusters, no significant differences were found for proficiency level, F(1,14) =

2.80, p = .12, word composition, F(1,14) = .82, p = .38, task, F(1,14) = .17, p = .69, or gender, F(1,14) = .17, p = .69.

Summary

This analysis was designed to specifically test the role that sonority plays in cluster production. Clusters containing obstruent + liquid and obstruent + glide combinations were used as target words. The beginner and intermediate level speakers produced the target words in isolation and in short phrases. A very low incidence of vowel epenthesis occurred with a dissymmetry observed between the occurrences of anaptyxis and prothesis. Anaptyxis was observed in the production of only one word

(clean). Prothesis occurred in words which were all /s/-clusters. No significant differences were found between clusters based on their sonority compositions. Significant differences were not found between speakers based on level of English proficiency, task, or gender.

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Double and triple cluster comparisons

Descriptive analysis

The participants produced five target words each of the obstruent + liquid and obstruent + glide double clusters. In addition, they produced five target words each of the obstruent + liquid and obstruent + glide triple cluster combinations (see Appendix A).

The double clusters all followed the sonority sequencing principle. However, all of the triple clusters violated this principle. The C2 and C3 consonants of the triple clusters were either obstruent + liquid or obstruent + glide combinations (e.g., /spl/ or /skw/). Each target word was produced twice. A total of 800 targets (5 target words x 2 repetitions x 4 compositions x 20 participants) were produced per task. This analysis was designed to compare the role that sonority would play in cluster production in comparison to the structural complexity of clusters.

No epenthesis occurred with any of the double clusters for either the beginner or intermediate level speakers in either the word or phrase task. For the triple clusters, prothesis was observed in 94 out of 200 cases (47%) in the beginners’ productions for the word task and 60 times (30%) in the phrases. No cases of anaptyxis were found. Vowel epenthesis was observed 23 times (out of 200 or 11.5%) in the intermediate speaker productions of the word task and 36 times (18%) for the phrase task. Again, no cases of anaptyxis were observed in the productions of the intermediate level speakers. The beginner speakers had a higher frequency of epenthesis on the word task as compared to the phrase task with frequency counts of 94 and 60, respectively. However, the opposite pattern was observed with the intermediate speakers with a higher frequency of epenthesis occurring in the phrase task (36) as compared to the word task (23). As with

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the sonority controlled double clusters, the male speakers produced a higher frequency of epenthesis (139) in comparison to the female speakers (74).

Since no epenthesis occurred with the targeted double clusters in this experiment, the triple obstruent + glide (i.e. /skj/, /spj/, /skw/) and triple obstruent + liquid constructions (i.e. /str/, /spl/, /skr/) were compared (see Appendix A for the target words).

Table 3.3 shows the frequencies of epenthesis for each type of triple cluster. A higher frequency of vowel epenthesis was found with the triple obstruent + glide than with the triple obstruent + liquid combinations. Overall, vowel epenthesis occurred in 131 out of the 400 (32.8%) triple obstruent + glide clusters produced. Vowel Epenthesis occurred

82 times (20.5%) in the obstruent + liquid combinations. A breakdown of frequency of occurrence per word is shown in Table 3.4.

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Table 3.3 Frequency of vowel epenthesis for triple obstruent + glide/obstruent + liquid clusters across tasks

Triple Word Task Triple Phrase Task Participant Obstruent + Obstruent Obstruent + Obstruent Glide + Liquid Glide + Liquid

1 4 1 1 0 2 2 0 0 0 3 5 4 2 2 4 6 7 8 8 5 2 2 8 0 6 10 6 0 0 7 7 2 6 2 8 6 3 10 2 9 6 2 1 1 10 10 9 3 6

Total Beginner 58 36 39 21

11 0 0 0 0 12 0 0 0 0 13 0 0 0 0 14 6 1 8 7 15 0 1 0 0 16 8 6 3 1 17 1 0 8 9 18 0 0 0 0 19 0 0 0 0 20 0 0 0 0

Total Intermediate 15 8 19 17

Overall Totals 73 44 58 38

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Table 3.4 Word/frequency of epenthesis for triple clusters

Word Frequency scream 16 strip 18 sprint 19 splash 11 splat 18 spew 24 skew 23 squad 31 squid 26 squints 27

Statistical analysis

A series of One-Way Analyses of Variance (ANOVA) were conducted on the frequency of epenthesis. A series of ANOVAs were conducted to control for Type I error due to the number of independent variables. The independent variables were level of

English proficiency (beginner or intermediate), word composition (obstruent + liquid or obstruent + glide), word cluster complexity (double or triple onset), task (word or phrase), and gender (male or female). Gender was statistically examined because of differences found in the descriptive results. For statistical purposes, since no epenthesis occurred on the targeted double cluster words used in this analysis, the double cluster targets which were elicited in the first analysis of sonority controlled double clusters were used for comparisons between double and triple clusters.

No significant differences were found for level of English proficiency (F(1,59) =

.634, p = .43), gender (F(1,59) = .55, p = .46), or task (F(1,59) = .36, p = .55). Significant differences were found for word composition and word cluster complexity. For cluster

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complexity, a significantly higher frequency of vowel epenthesis occurred with the triple clusters as compared to the double clusters, F(1,59) = 17.90, p < .01. Figure 3.1 displays the two tasks on the x-axis and the frequency of epenthesis on the y-axis. It illustrates the higher frequency of epenthesis occurring with the triple clusters in comparison to the double clusters.

A significant difference was also found in regards to word composition with a higher frequency of vowel epenthesis occurring in words composed of the obstruent + glide as compared to the obstruent + liquid combinations, F(1,59) = 5.99, p = .02 as shown in Figure 3.2. Figure 3.2 displays the two tasks (word and phrase) on the x-axis and the frequency of epenthesis on the y-axis. The figure illustrates the highest frequency of epenthesis occurring with the triple obstruent + glides, followed by the triple obstruent

+ liquids, the double obstruent + liquids, and lastly the double obstruent + glides.

When cluster complexity and composition were combined for the cluster types

(triple obstruent + glide, triple obstruent + liquid, double obstruent + glide, and double obstruent + liquid) significant differences between some of the combinations were found,

F(3,57) = 50.25, p < .01. Levene’s Test of Equality of Error Variances was significant, p

< .01. This indicates that the variation between the population groups was not the same.

Dunnett’s C was conducted to control for Type I error across the multiple pairwise comparisons. Dunnett’s C is a multiple comparison procedure that does not require the population variances to be equal. Using this Post Hoc comparison, significant differences were found in the frequency of occurrence of epenthesis (p < .05) for the triple obstruent

+ glides (M = 5.46) in comparison to both of the double obstruent + liquid (M = 1.58) and double obstruent + glide (M = 1.25) combinations. The same significance level (p<.05)

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was also found with the triple obstruent + liquid (M = 3.9) in comparison to the double obstruent + liquid (M = 1.58) and double obstruent + glide (M = 1.25) combinations. No significant differences were found between the two types of triple clusters. The 95% confidence intervals for the pairwise differences as well as the means and standard deviations for the four word compositions are reported in Table 3.5.

Table 3.5 95% confidence intervals of pairwise differences in mean frequencies of epenthesis for word compositions

Word Type M SD Triple-Glide Triple-Liquid Double-Liquid

Triple-Glide 5.46 3.0

Triple-Liquid 3.9 2.88 -.89 to 4.00

Double-Liquid 1.58 .67 2.08 to 5.67* .47 to 4.17*

Double-Glide 1.25 .50 2.18 to 6.24* .57 to 4.73* -.98 to 1.64

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Figure 3.1 Frequency of epenthesis based on cluster complexity across t asks

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Figure 3.2 Frequency of epenthesis based on word composition across t asks

Summary

No epenthesis was observed in any of the double clusters targeted in this experiment. Vowel epenthesis did occur with the triple clusters. The beginner speakers had a higher frequency of vowel epenthesis than did the intermediate speakers. The beginner speakers had a higher frequency of epenthesis with the triple clusters on the word task as compared to the intermediate speakers. The intermediate speakers, on the other hand, had a higher frequency of epenthesis with the triple clusters on the phrase task. The male participants had higher frequencies of epenthesis than their female

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counterparts. For statistical purposes, data from the sonority controlled double cluster analysis were used for the double cluster portion of this analysis since no epenthesis occurred in the double cluster target words designed for this analysis. No significant differences were found in terms of level of English proficiency, task, or gender.

Significant differences were found for cluster composition and cluster complexity. The triple clusters had a significantly higher degree of epenthesis than did the double clusters.

The obstruent + glide combinations had higher frequencies of epenthesis than did the obstruent + liquid combinations.

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Acoustic characteristics of epenthetic and main vowels

Durations

Descriptive analysis

Vowel epenthesis occurred in 95 of the triple clusters and 11 of the double clusters for the beginner speakers on the word task. It was found in 60 of the triple clusters and three of the double clusters produced by the beginner speakers in the phrase task. For the intermediate speakers, epenthesis occurred 23 times for the triple clusters and five times for the double clusters on the word task. Epenthesis occurred 36 times for the intermediate speakers on the phrase task with the triple clusters and five times with the double clusters. This resulted in a combination of 238 targets with vowel epenthesis.

The vowel durations of each of the epenthetic and main vowels were measured. The epenthetic vowels for both the beginner (56.61 ms) and intermediate speakers (61.85 ms) were shorter than the respective main vowel durations (119.68 ms and 107.14 ms). The means and standard deviations of both the epenthetic and main vowel durations along with the total for each vowel type are shown in Table 3.6 based on level of English proficiency. The mean duration for the combined epenthetic vowels across speakers was

58.13 ms and 116.03 ms for the main vowels.

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Table 3.6 Means and standard deviations of durations in milliseconds Level of English Proficiency Vowel Type Mean SD

Beginner Epenthetic (N = 168) 56.61 21.32

Main 119.68 45.44

Intermediate Epenthetic (N = 69) 61.85 26.63

Main 107.14 34.89

Total Epenthetic (N = 237) 58.13

Main 116.03

Statistical analysis

A series of One-Way Analyses of Variance (ANOVA) were conducted on vowel durations. A series of ANOVAs were conducted to control for Type I error due to the large number of independent variables. The independent variables were level of English proficiency (beginner or intermediate), word type (double obstruent + liquid, double obstruent + glide, triple obstruent + liquid or triple obstruent + glide), task (word or phrase), gender (male or female), and vowel type (epenthetic or main). Level of proficiency, F(1, 472) = .64, p = .42, word type, F(3, 470) = 2.06, p = .11, task, F(1,472)

= .43, p = .51, and gender, F (1, 472) = .03, p = .86 were all non-significant. Vowel type resulted in a significant difference between epenthetic and main vowels, F(1, 472) =

334.34, p < .01. Figure 3.4 displays the epenthetic and main vowels on the x-axis and the durations in ms on the y-axis. The figure illustrates the shorter durations of the epenthetic vowels in comparison to the main vowels. This significant difference was found for all

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word compositions (obstruent + glide and obstruent + liquid) and word complexities

(double clusters and triple clusters). Figure 3.5 displays the composition and complexity of clusters on the x-axis along with the durations in ms on the y-axis for both the epenthetic and main vowels. The figure illustrates that the epenthetic vowels had shorter durations than the main vowels in all conditions.

Figure 3.3 Vowel durations based on vowel types (N = 237 for epenthetic and main vowels)

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Figure 3.4 Vowel durations based on cluster composition/complexity (N = 19 for the Double obstruent + liquid clusters, N = 5 for the double obstruent + glide clusters, N = 82 for the triple obstruent + liquid clusters, N = 131 for the triple obstruent + glide clusters)

Summary

For all of the target words where vowel epenthesis occurred, both the epenthetic and the main vowel durations were measured. Differences in durations were found with the durations of the epenthetic vowels being significantly shorter than those of the main

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vowels. No differences were found in vowel durations based on level of English proficiency, task, gender, or word type.

F1 and F2 formant frequencies

Descriptive analysis

To control for variations in F1 and F2 formant frequencies due to gender (male and female) and vowel variation in the target words (e.g., /i/, /ɪ/, etc.), the F1 formant values were subtracted from the F2 values for each vowel token to create a F1/F2 difference value. To further examine the formant values, the F1/F2 frequency difference values for the epenthetic vowels were subtracted from the same F1/F2 difference values of the corresponding main vowels. This analysis was conducted to determine how many epenthetic vowels were copies of the main vowels measured by frequency values. A total of 9 out of 238 tokens (4%) differed by an absolute value of |0 or 1| Hertz (Hz). The |0 or

1| Hz value was assigned as an arbitrary value. Eight out of nine of these tokens were produced by beginner speakers.

It should be noted that although the comparison of the F1/F2 frequency values for the epenthetic and main vowels differed by a value of zero or one, this does not indicate that the original F2 and F1 values were exactly the same. For example, Token 1 with epenthetic vowel F1/F2 values of 1835 and 635 respectively when compared with main vowel F1/F2 values of 2000 and 800 both result in a difference of 1200. In only a single instance did one participant produce what would be considered a “true” copy with the values of both the epenthetic and main formants being exactly the same for both of the F1 and F2 measurements. Further information regarding these tokens can be seen in Table

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3.7. A breakdown of the F1/F2 value differences are shown in Table 3.8. Figure 3.6 displays the frequency counts of the F1/F2 differences between epenthetic and main vowels on the x-axis and frequency differences in Hz on the y-axis. The figure illustrates the variation in vowels demonstrating very few copies between the main and epenthetic vowels in terms of F1 and F2 formant frequencies. Natural breaking points were noted in the data with grouping of no more than four Hz per group. For the comparison of the differences between the main and epenthetic F1/F2 values a total of 40 subgroups were found. For the epenthetic F1/F2 values 39 subgroups were recorded and 56 for the main vowels. As stated earlier, the F1 and F2 values are related to tongue placement within the oral cavity (Kent & Read, 2001). This indicates a much larger range of tongue placements occurring with the main vowels than with the epenthetic vowels.

Table 3.7 Words with same F1/F2 differences for main and epenthetic vowels

Participant Word Task Epenthetic Epenthetic Main Main Vowel F1 Vowel F2 Vowel Vowel Value Value F1 Value F2 Value 16 spew phrase 560 1766 345 1550 3 sprint word 732 2024 732 2024 5 sprint word 388 1723 603 1938 7 sprint word 388 1852 775 2239 9 spew word 430 1034 431 1034 1 squints phrase 388 1680 732 2024 7 squints phrase 474 1637 775 1938 8 squid phrase 431 2196 560 2326 10 skew phrase 431 1507 388 1464

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Table 3.8 F1/F2 breakdown with absolute frequency values in Hz and tally counts for total differences between main and epenthetic vowel values

Frequency Tally Frequency Tally Frequency Tally Difference Difference Difference (Hz) (Hz) (Hz) 0 to 1 9 344 to 345 11 774 to 776 9 18 1 388 4 818 to 819 6 33 1 430 to 431 14 861 to 862 4 38 1 473 to 474 4 878 1 42 to 44 11 516 to 517 9 903 to 905 9 58 1 521 1 947 2 86 to 87 13 560 to 561 10 990 1 101 1 603 5 1033 to 1034 3 129 to 130 22 629 1 1076 to 1077 2 172 to 173 13 645 to 646 5 1118 to 1120 4 215 to 216 15 688 to 689 6 1206 1 258 to 261 16 700 1 1291 1 268 1 731 to 733 6 300 to 302 11 737 1

1400

1200

1000

800

600 Series1

400

200

13 25 37 49 61 73 85 97

121 133 145 157 169 181 193 205 217 229 109

Figure 3.5 Graphic display of F1/F2 total difference (Hz) by tally counts between main and epenthetic vowels

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For the epenthetic vowel F1/F2 difference the values ranged from 345 Hz to 1895

Hz. A breakdown is provided in Table 3.9. Figure 3.7 displays the frequency counts of the F1/F2 differences for the epenthetic vowels on the x-axis and the frequency values on the y-axis. This figure illustrates less variability in frequency values for the epenthetic vowels.

Table 3.9 F1/F2 breakdown with absolute frequency values in Hz and tally counts for differences in epenthetic vowel values

Frequency Tally Frequency Tally Frequency Tally Difference Difference Difference (Hz) (Hz) (Hz) 345 1 1187 1 1507 to 1508 13 603 to 604 2 1201 1 1524 1 732 to 733 4 1205 to 1206 14 1550 to 1551 9 775 1 1226 1 1593 to 1594 9 818 to 819 3 1249 16 1636 to 1637 9 861 to 863 5 1257 1 1679 9 904 to 905 8 1292 to 1293 15 1722 to 1723 7 947 6 1295 to 1297 3 1765 4 990 to 991 10 1335 13 1808 to 1809 4 1033 to 1034 4 1349 1 1852 4 1076 to 1077 8 1362 to 1364 2 1895 1 1119 to 1120 4 1378 to 1379 12 1157 1 1420 to 1422 16 1162 to 1163 7 1464 to 1465 7

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2000 1800 1600 1400 1200 1000 Series1 800 600 400 200

13 25 37 49 61 73 85 97

121 133 145 157 169 181 193 205 217 229 109

Figure 3.6 Graphic display of F1/F2 difference (Hz) by tally counts for epenthetic vowels

A much larger range of differences was seen with the main vowels. The F1/F2 differences for the main vowels ranged from 388 Hz to 2541 Hz. A breakdown of values is shown in Table 3.10. Figure 3.8 displays the F1/F2 frequency counts on the x-axis and the formant values in Hz on the y-axis. The figure illustrates a wider range of variability in differences between F2 and F1 values occurring with the main vowels.

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Table 3.10 F1/F2 breakdown with absolute frequency values in Hz and tally counts for differences in main vowel values

Frequency Tally Frequency Tally Frequency Tally Difference Difference Difference (Hz) (Hz) (Hz)

388 4 1033 to 1035 9 1679 to 1680 7 431 4 1076 to 1077 9 1723 2 464 1 1119 to 1120 6 1766 3 474 2 1139 1 1809 4 517 3 1163 4 1852 4 526 1 1205 to 1206 10 1895 3 559 to 560 10 1249 9 1938 1 603 4 1262 1 1981 5 646 4 1288 1 2024 4 666 1 1292 7 2067 1 689 10 1315 1 2110 1 732 4 1335 4 2196 1 775 to 776 9 1378 6 2240 1 818 10 1395 1 2325 1 843 1 1421 7 2368 1 861 4 1464 12 2541 1 904 to 905 6 1507 4 943 1 1550 5 947 to 948 6 1565 1 990 to 991 7 1593 7

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3000

2500

2000

1500 Series1

1000

500

13 25 37 49 61 73 85 97

121 133 145 157 169 181 193 205 217 229 109

Figure 3.7 Graphic display of F1/F2difference (Hz) by tally counts for main vowels

Statistical analysis

A paired-samples t test was conducted to evaluate whether the F1 and F2 formant frequencies of the epenthetic vowels differed from those of the main vowels. The results indicated that the mean formant frequency difference for the epenthetic vowels (M =

1317.38, SD = 281.15) was significantly greater than the frequency difference for the main vowels with larger standard deviations occurring with the main vowels than the epenthetic vowels (M = 1179.76, SD = 461.18), t(236) = 4.24, p = .01 (see Figure 3.9).

The 95% confidence interval for the mean difference between these two values was 73.74 to 201.48. Figure 3.9 displays the two vowel types on the x-axis and the F1/F2 frequency difference on the y-axis. The figure illustrates the wider variation in F1 and F2 values produced for the main vowels in comparison to the epenthetic vowels.

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Figure 3.8 F1/F2 Frequency difference based on vowel type

Summary

The F1 values were subtracted from the F2 formant values for the main and epenthetic vowels to get a F1/F2 difference value. This analysis was to control for differences due to variations in vowels (e.g., /i/, /e/, /ɪ/, etc.) and gender. The resulting values indicate that epenthetic vowels are not copies of the main vowels in terms of their

F1 and F2 formant values. The mean differences between the main and epenthetic vowel formant frequencies were found to be statistically significant. The range for the F1/F2

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difference of the epenthetic vowels was much smaller than that of the main vowels. The smaller variation associated with the epenthetic vowels indicates less variability in tongue placement for the epenthetic vowels with greater variability in tongue placement for the main vowels since F1 and F2 values are related to tongue positioning.

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CHAPTER IV

DISCUSSION

The first analysis in this study was designed to compare two different theories

(the MSD principle (Broselow & Finer, 1991) and the Dispersion Principle following typological markedness) (Clements, 1990; also Eckman & Iverson, 1993) to determine which theory would more accurately account for the productions of initial consonant clusters by Persian-English speakers. The prediction based on the MSD principle

(Broselow & Finer) was that members of the clusters occurring closer together in sonority would be more difficult to produce than those which were further apart on the scale. The Dispersion Principle on the other hand, predicted that the obstruent + liquid combination (/k/ + /l/) would be produced more accurately than the obstruent + glide combinations (/k/ + /w/) due to the sharp and steady rise in sonority to the vowel or syllable nucleus that takes place with the obstruent + liquid pairs. According to Eckman and Iverson, it was also predicted that accurate productions of the obstruent + glide combinations would not occur until the obstruent + liquid combinations were produced correctly. The results of this study showed significantly higher frequencies of vowel epenthesis with the obstruent + glide clusters as compared to the obstruent + liquids.

These findings support the Dispersion Principle (Clements, 1990; also Eckman &

Iverson, 1993).

Across the word and phrase tasks, the participants produced very low numbers of vowel epenthesis. The low frequency of epenthesis was unexpected given the fact that either prothesis or anaptyxis could occur with the double clusters and that half of the

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speakers had very limited English skills. A dissymmetry was also observed between the processes of anaptyxis and prothesis. Anaptyxis occurred only once in all of the productions elicited. The results indicate that two different processes may be driving these different types of vowel epenthesis. Prothesis occurred with /s/-clusters whereas anaptyxis occurred with non-/s/-clusters. The data indicate that /s/-clusters are more difficult for Persian speakers than the non-/s/-clusters. This suggests that the /s/ in the clusters plays a role in vowel epenthesis. Altenberg (2005) also found differences in cluster productions by Spanish speakers with higher frequencies of epenthesis occurring with /s/-clusters as compared to non-/s/-clusters. The results of this study add support to

Altenberg’s findings. Barlow (2001) outlined differences that exist with /s/-clusters in terms of some following the Sonority Sequencing Principe (e.g., /s/ + nasals, liquids, and glides), others (e.g., /s/ + stops) violating this principle, and in regards to /s/-clusters allowing homorganic consonant sequences (e.g., /st/ and /sn/).

Triple cluster targets which varied in construction with /s/ + obstruent + liquid or

/s/ + obstruent + glide were studied along with the obstruent + liquid and obstruent + glide double clusters. The target words chosen for the double clusters for this analysis were all non-/s/-clusters. The participants produced no vowel epenthesis on these double cluster words. For comparisons, the double target words that involved epenthesis from the first analysis were used for statistical purposes. The participants demonstrated significantly higher frequencies of vowel epenthesis with the obstruent + glide clusters as compared to the obstruent + liquids. In the double clusters a higher frequency of vowel epenthesis was found with the obstruent + liquid clusters than the obstruent + glides.

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However, for the triple clusters, the opposite pattern was found. This suggests that the role of sonority may not be strong and may vary depending on cluster composition.

Eckman and Iverson’s theory (1993) also predicted that accurate productions of the obstruent + glide combinations would not occur until the obstruent + liquid combinations were produced correctly. The production data of the triple clusters in this study supported this prediction. For the triple clusters, epenthesis occurred 82 times in the triple obstruent + liquid clusters as compared to 132 times for the obstruent + glide combinations. The data collected on the double clusters also showed a pattern consistent with this theory (19 epenthesis occurring with the obstruent + liquid double clusters compared to five with the obstruent + glide clusters). In other words, the productions of the obstruent + liquid must be mastered before correct productions of the obstruent + glide would occur because the obstruent + glide clusters are more marked in comparison to the obstruent + liquid clusters.

When the double and triple clusters were compared in the second analysis, the complexity of the clusters significantly impacted the frequency of vowel epenthesis recorded. For the word and phrase tasks, the speakers produced significantly higher frequencies of vowel epenthesis with the triple clusters as compared to the double cluster onsets. This may indicate that structural complexity takes priority in regards to markedness with sonority playing a secondary role. It is also important to note that all of the triple clusters were /s/-clusters. The increasing complexity in combination with the

/s/-structure may be what triggered the epenthetic vowel production.

Although it was not a primary aim of this study, support for the ISCH (Eckman,

1991) was found for syllable structure acquisition. The ISCH suggested that if a triple

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cluster was present (C1C2C3) then its respective double clusters (C1C2) or (C2C3) should also be present. There were no instances in either of the two tasks where the speakers produced a triple cluster correctly but failed to produce the corresponding double clusters

(see Appendices B and C).

This study found that prothetic epenthetic vowels were significantly different from main vowels in terms of durations, F2, and F1 formant frequencies. These findings indicate that epenthetic vowels are not copies of the main vowels. The data showed that the epenthetic vowels were significantly shorter in duration as compared to the main vowels. An F1/F2 difference measure was taken whereby the F1 values were subtracted from the F2 values for both the epenthetic vowels and the main vowels. These values were then compared with one another. Significant differences were found between the values obtained for the epenthetic vowels and those obtained for the main vowels. The ranges of F1/F2 values for the epenthetic vowels were much smaller than those for the main vowels indicating less variation in the vowels being produced. This also indicates less variation in tongue placements since F1 and F2 values relate to tongue height and advancement (Kent & Read, 2002).

Vowel epenthesis has been described as a form of modification that results from the speaker encountering a different or unfamiliar syllable structure (Karimi, 1987).

Epenthesis is suggested to serve to simplify the syllable shapes (Major, 1987). Broselow

(1983) suggested that for second language learners epenthesis is a rule-based process which converts the underlying form into acceptable syllable types. The results of this study did not support epenthesis as being a rule-based process specifically resulting from unfamiliar or unacceptable syllable shapes (Broselow). Anaptyxis occurred only once

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within the (238) tokens analyzed. Persian does not allow initial consonant clusters (Darzi,

1991; Karimi, 1987; Keshavarz & Ingram, 2002) and half of the participants in this study had very limited English skills. Four of these participants had been in the United States for less than one year. However, only one instance of anaptyxis and 237 instances of prothesis occurred out of a possible 2400 tokens. A much higher frequency would be expected if vowel epenthesis is a way for the speaker to “deal” with unfamiliar syllable shapes since all of the double and triple onsets should have been considered unfamiliar to the speakers.

Carlisle (1991, 1997) found that context impacted the frequency of vowel epenthesis with Spanish speakers of English. In his studies, Spanish speakers of English produced higher frequencies of epenthesis when the target words were preceded by a consonant as compared to a vowel. In the current study, a pause or a consonant (/t/) preceded the target words in these tasks as compared to Carlisle’s studies where varieties of contexts were examined (13 consonants and 9 vowels, Carlisle, 1997); 20 consonants and 8 vowels, Carlisle, 1991). Perhaps a difference would have been found if a variety of preceding consonants had been used. Boudaoud and Cardoso (2009) examined Persian speakers’ productions of consonant clusters of English and examined the contexts of pause, consonant, and vowel. Higher occurrences of epenthesis were found with consonant/pause contexts (68%) compared to vowel contexts (17%). The results of the current study confirm the findings of Boudaoud and Cardoso in that no significant differences were found in the frequency of epenthesis following the pause and consonant contexts.

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The level of English proficiency of the speakers was examined across tasks.

Although slightly higher frequency counts of vowel epenthesis were found with the beginner group than with the intermediate group, these differences were not significant.

The beginner speakers did have higher occurrences of epenthesis on the word tasks as compared to the phrase task. This was reversed with the intermediate speakers who had a higher frequency of epenthesis with the phrase task than the word task. This too suggests that other factors such as prosodic elements may play a role in epenthesis. The fact that differences in frequency counts were observed for the two tasks is an interesting finding.

Lin (2003) found that the formality of the task impacted vowel epenthesis but did not find differences in terms of formality and proficiency levels.

The results of the English proficiency tests highlight the difficulty that individuals have in fully acquiring a second language. Many of the participants in this study had lived in the United States for many years, had completed college educations in the United

States, and worked on a daily basis in the United States where English was required daily. Despite these facts, they still scored within the very limited area on the proficiency tests (WMLS-R) (Woodcock & Munoz, 2011). The low scores were surprising given some of the participants’ length of residence in the United States, educational backgrounds, and use of English on a daily basis.

The low proficiency scores also suggest that stringent and very specific measures should be used in controlling for level of proficiency across participants in future research studies. Boudaoud and Cardoso (2009) had groups of beginner, intermediate, and advanced speakers. However, they grouped their participants based on an informal conversation between the researcher and the participant, a participant self-assessment,

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and acquisition of English sC clusters. The current study demonstrates that proficiency level and production of English sC clusters do not necessarily coincide. Many of the speakers with low performances on the proficiency measure had high frequencies of correct productions on the sC clusters. Participants with higher proficiency scores often had high frequencies of epenthesis. Lin (2003) ranked participants according to proficiency levels based on English class placements at a university and scores on the

Michigan Test. Future studies should carefully assess the participants’ proficiency levels so that clear comparisons can be made. It is also important to consider that proficiency in the areas of syntax or semantics may not necessarily correlate with phonological proficiency.

One participant in this study had very high frequencies of vowel epenthesis despite having a higher proficiency level and having lived in the United States for many years. This participant had lived in the United States for 37 years, had received his college education in the United States, and had worked at jobs where English was required on a daily basis since graduating from college. This participant still had many examples of vowel epenthesis in his productions. If language exposure plays any part with epenthesis, then it would be expected that this participant would have had fewer examples of epenthesis in his speech.

Given this participant’s productions and the productions of participants with very limited English exposure and levels of proficiency, the findings suggest that some extended exposure with an unfamiliar syllable type may be needed before vowel epenthesis will occur. It is not an instantaneous effect resulting from “contact” with an unfamiliar syllable type. Instead, this process may evolve over time and may be impacted

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by other factors, such as prosody or shifting from language form to content. Another aspect that needs to be further examined is the role that fossilization plays in speech production since one participant had high exposure and experience with English but continued to demonstrate high frequencies of vowel epenthesis. Does epenthesis initially serve a purpose such as breaking the syllable structure apart that overtime becomes a fossilized pattern of production? This participant was also one of the oldest participants, so what impact, does age play on epenthesis? Individuals should be studied longitudinally to determine what changes in epenthetic vowels take place over time in terms of frequency of occurrence and acoustic characteristics.

Study limitations

1. It was expected that high frequencies of vowel epenthesis would be elicited in

this study given the participants’ beginner and intermediate proficiency

English proficiency levels. Lower numbers of epenthesis were produced than

expected with the L2 syllable structure being different from the L1 for Persian

speakers (Broselow, 1983). To elicit higher numbers of epenthetic

productions, longer sentences could be used more of the phonological

breakdowns would occur because speakers may shift their attention from form

to content (Lin, 2001, 2003).

2. Hearing and speech screenings could have been conducted on each

participant to rule out any of these problems. The participants were asked if

they had a history of speech or language difficulties but the study could have

been strengthened with screening results. This would have also allowed for

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the inclusion of older participants who did demonstrate high frequencies of

vowel epenthesis.

3. Rate differences could have had an impact on the vowel duration measures.

The words and phrases could have been recorded and played for the

participants to make sure that the stimuli were more consistently delivered.

Also, a light or signal of some type could have been implemented to control

for the rate of responses following the elicitation stimuli.

Areas for further research

Lin (2003) examined the role of style, gender, and English proficiency on vowel epenthesis. However, the findings differed for this study in terms of gender and style.

More research needs to be carried out to determine the role that these factors play on epenthesis as well as the role of language, e.g., Chinese, Spanish, Persian, and others on vowel epenthesis. Continued work needs to be done in the examination of the acoustic characteristics of the epenthetic vowels themselves to detail further what types of vowels are being produced and whether these vowels change over time. This would provide further information regarding the nature of epenthetic vowels as resulting from articulatory mistiming or syllable structure. In addition, it would be interesting to compare both anaptyxis and prothesis to see how these two types of epenthetic vowels compare acoustically. Anaptyxis rarely occurred in this study and it is perhaps the result of articulatory mistiming. Prothesis, on the other hand, may be triggered by something else such as phonological differences or prosody. The /s/-clusters need to be further examined to determine their role in epenthesis since all of the epentheses observed in this study except for one occurred with /s/-clusters. Epenthesis should be studied using longer

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target words (e.g., bi-syllabic and tri-syllabic) to see what impact word length in syllables plays. Finally, proficiency level and epenthesis needs to be further studied. Clear guidelines using more standardized measures need to be used in assessing language proficiency so that better comparisons can be made across studies and participants.

Clinical Implications

This study has several clinical implications. First of all, it emphasizes the importance of understanding language differences which occur with second language learners. ASHA’s Multicultural Issues Board (2004) published a document highlighting the knowledge and skills needed by speech pathologists in working with culturally and linguistically diverse populations. This document emphasizes the importance of the clinician understanding language differences in order to be effective in differentiating speech and language disorders from differences. This includes understanding of language development in the L1, transfer which takes place from the L1 to the L2, and determining the type and severity of the language disorder if present. This document also emphasized the importance of understanding and being able to determine the presence of an

“articulation disorder, phonological disorder, an accent, a dialect, transfer patterns and typical developmental patterns” (ASHA, 2004). This study highlights differences in production involving vowel epenthesis that may occur for Persian speakers of English.

This study also emphasizes the importance of understanding the differences in initial consonant clusters. The performance by the speakers stressed differences that may exist between the /s/ and the non-/s/-clusters. It also accentuates the differences that exist

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between double and triple clusters and finally it highlights that differences may exist between obstruent + liquid and obstruent + glide clusters.

This study also demonstrates the impact that context and task can have on sound productions. Clinically, it is important to understand these relationships in order to elicit the best productions from clients. This helps clinicians understand how co-articulation effects can increase the difficulties with productions since more epenthesis was shown with the preceding consonant context than with the pause. The task also played a role with greater epenthesis occurring with the word task for the beginner speakers and with the phrases for the intermediate speakers.

Finally, this study demonstrates the role that acoustic phonetics can play in ascertaining additional information regarding sound productions. The epenthetic vowels had been suggested to be copies of the main vowels. By using acoustic analysis, more details were observed with the vowels which indicated that they were not copies.

Acoustic analysis can play a role in determining more about the sound productions of individuals in the clinical setting.

Conclusion

The current study examined the production of initial consonant clusters by adult

Persian speakers of English with an emphasis on vowel epenthesis. The occurrences of vowel epenthesis were examined in regards to the structure and complexity of initial consonant clusters where epenthesis was most likely to occur. Two theories with different predictions in terms of syllable structure and sonority were compared to see which theory would more accurately account for the productions observed in this study. This study also

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examined the acoustic qualities of epenthetic vowels produced by Persian speakers of

English. Vowel epenthesis was observed in both double and triple onset clusters.

The findings in this study tend to lend support to the Dispersion Principle

(Clements, 1990; also Eckman & Iverson, 1993) which predicted that the obstruent + liquid combination would be produced more accurately than the obstruent + glide combinations due to the sharp and steady rise in sonority in the obstruent + liquid pairs.

The findings also indicate that structural complexity has a major impact on the frequency of vowel epenthesis in the productions of Persian-English speakers. Triple clusters were more frequently produced with vowel epenthesis than were double clusters. Another finding was that prothetic epenthetic vowels differ acoustically from main vowels. The epenthetic vowels examined in this study had shorter durations and their F1/F2 formant frequencies were significantly different from the main vowels. Additionally, a dissymmetry was observed between prothesis and anaptyxis with prothesis observed more often than anaptyxis. No differences were found in frequency of vowel epenthesis based on preceding consonant or pause contexts. The results also indicated that characteristics of /s/-clusters may impact vowel epenthesis to a significant degree for

Persian speakers since all of the epenthesis observed except for one case involved the /s/- clusters.

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Appendix A

Target words

Sonority controlled double clusters (composition)

Obstruent + glide Obstruent + liquid Word Cluster Word Cluster queen /kw/ clean /kl/ quack /kw/ crack /kr/ quest /kw/ crest /kr/ quick /kw/ click /kl/ butte /bj/ brute /br/ few /fj/ flew /fl/ cue /kj/ crew /kr/ sweet /sw/ sleet /sl/ swim /sw/ slim /sl/ swing /sw/ sling /sl/

Double vs. triple clusters (complexity)

Obstruent + liquid Double clusters Triple clusters Word Cluster Word Cluster cream /kr/ scream /skr/ trip /tr/ strip /str/ print /pr/ sprint /spr/ plash /pl/ splash /spl/ Platte /pl/ splat /spl/ Obstruent + glide Double clusters Triple clusters Word Cluster Word Cluster pew /pj/ spew /spj/ cue /kj/ skew /skj/ quad /kw/ squad /skw/ quid /kw/ squid /skw/ quince /kw/ squints /skw/

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Appendix B

Beginner participants’ error words across tasks

Words produced with vowel epenthesis by beginner speakers Participant OG OL Double Double Triple OG Triple OL OG OL 1 Spew (W) Strip (W) Squad (W) Squid (W) Squints (W) Squints (P) 2 Skew (W) Squid (W) 3 Skew (W) Strip (W) Squints (W) Sprint (W) Spew (W) Scream (W) Squid (W) Sprint (W) Squad (W) Spew (P) Sprint (P) Squid (P) Sprint (P) 4 Sweet (W) Sling (W) Spew (W) Splat (W) Swim (W) Skew (W) Sprint (W) Squad (W) Strip (W) Squints (W) Splash (W) Squints (W) Splat (W) Squad (W) Scream (W) Spew (P) Strip (W) Skew (P) Scream (P) Squad (P) Strip (P) Squid (P) Sprint (P) Squints (P) Splash (P) Skew (P) Splat (P) Squad (P) Scream (P) Squid (P) Splash (P) Splat (P) Note: O = obstruent, G = glide, L = liquid, W = Word Task, P = Phrase Task

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Participant OG OL Double Double Triple OG Triple OL OG OL 5 Squints (W) Strip (W) Squints (W) Sprint (W) Squad (P) Squad (P) Squid (P) Squid (P) Squints (P) Squints (P) Spew (P) Skew (P) 6 Sleet (W) Spew (W) Scream (W) Sling (W) Skew (W) Strip (W) Squad (W) Sprint (W) Squid (W) Strip (W) Squints (W) Sprint (W) Spew (W) Splash (W) Skew (W) Squad (W) Squid (W) Squid (W) Squints (W) 7 Clean (P) Spew (W) Splat (W) Sleet (P) Squid (W) Sprint (W) Squints (W) Spew (W) Squad (W) Squid (W) Squints (W) Skew (P) Strip (P) Squad (P) Strip (P) Skew (P) Skew (P) Squad (P) Squints (P) Note: O = obstruent, G = glide, L = liquid, W = Word Task, P = Phrase Task

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Participant OG OL Double Double Triple OG Triple OL OG OL 8 Sleet (W) Spew (W) Scream (W) Sleet (P) Squad (W) Sprint (W) Squid (W) Splat (W) Squints (W) Squad (W) Squints (W) Spew (P) Splat (P) Skew (P) Splat(P) Squad (P) Squid(P) Squints (P) Spew (P) Skew (P) Squad (P) Squid (P) Squints (P) 9 Slim (W) Squad (W) Splat (W) Sling (W) Squints (W) Scream (W) Spew (W) Skew (W) Squad (W) Squints (W) Squid (P) Scream (P) 10 Sleet (W) Spew (W) Scream (W) Slim (W) Skew (W) Strip (W) Sling (W) Squad (W) Sprint (W) Squid (W) Splash (W) Squints (W) Splat (W) Spew (W) Scream (W) Skew (W) Strip (W) Squad (W) Sprint (W) Squid (W) Splat (W) Squints (W) Skew (P) Scream (P) Squad (P) Sprint (P) Squid (P) Splash (P) Splat (P) Strip (P) Splash (P) Note: O = obstruent, G = glide, L = liquid, W = Word Task, P = Phrase Task

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Appendix C

Intermediate participants’ error words across tasks

Words produced with vowel epenthesis by intermediate speakers Participant OG OL Double Double Triple OG Triple OL OG OL 14 Swing (W) Sling (W) Spew (W) Sprint (W) Squad (W) Spew (W) Skew (W) Squad (W) Squid (W) Swing (P) Sleet (P) Spew (P) Scream (P) Slim (P) Skew (P) Strip (P) Squad (P) Sprint (P) Squid (P) Splash (P) Squints (P) Splat (P) Spew (P) Scream (P) Skew (P) Strip (P) Squad (P) 15 Sling (W) Sprint (W) 16 Sweet (W) Slim (W) Spew (W) Splat (W) Skew (W) Scream (W) Squad (W) Strip (W) Squid (W) Sprint (W) Squints (W) Splash (W) Spew (W) Splat (W) Squad (W) Squid (W) Spew (P) Splat (P) Squad (P) Squints (P) 17 Sleet (P) Squid (W) Sling (P) Spew (P) Scream (P) Skew (P) Strip (P) Squad (P) Sprint (P) Squid (P) Splash (P) Squints (P) Splat (P) Skew (P) Scream (P) Squad (P) Strip (P) Squid (P) Splash (P) Splat (P) Note: O = obstruent, G = glide, L = liquid, W = Word Task, P = Phrase Task

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