Comments 52/2015]

Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments Burying Heads in Geneva Sands WP Without Dismantling the Sectarian Crux of Assad’s Rule, Syria Peace Talks Are Unlikely to Usher in Stability S Khaled Yacoub Oweis A web of corruption involving the Assad family, the security apparatus, and their business cohorts has been a major factor behind the outbreak of the Syrian revolt that started in 2011. UN-facilitated talks between the regime and the opposition are set to convene in Geneva in January 2016, after the refugee crisis in Europe and Russia’s entry into the Syrian war prompted a renewed international push to solve the conflict in Vienna. The proposed “thematic” negotiations ambitiously cover humanitarian issues; the military, terrorism, and security; the constitution and political systems; institutions and reconstruction. Germany set up an international fund for the rebuilding of Syria in 2013. But a deal that does not tackle fundamental imbalances linked to the domination of Assad’s Alawite sect risks repeating the reconstruction debacle of post-Saddam Iraq, inviting the Sunni majority to scuttle any stabilization and recovery efforts. Attacks by the so-called Islamic State on state institutions, including the adminis- civilian targets have accelerated a de facto tration, army, and security apparatus. Yet, rehabilitation of Bashar al-Assad in Europe those organizations are dominated by and the United States. The attacks have also Assad’s minority Alawite sect and have prompted a near abandonment of a 2012 been viciously geared toward internal re- deal between international powers (known pression. The result of a hasty international as the Geneva Communiqué) to seek a polit- compromise with no Syrian input, the ical transition in Syria. A new agreement to Vienna framework ignores the revolt that end the conflict was reached in November preceded the civil war. Therefore, it does 2015 in Vienna, comprising a wider range not provide the space to address the secta- of international and regional powers, most rian security core of the regime, as well as importantly Iran. The Vienna statement, to the pervasive, corrupt economic network which Germany is a party, calls for a cease- that has sustained Alawite domination over fire and the establishment of “inclusive and Syria for five decades. Rather, international non-sectarian governance” as well as a new actors are mainly motivated by the idea constitution followed by elections. It em- that the army and security services could phasizes the objective of a preservation of become a nucleus for fighting the Islamic Khaled Yacoub Oweis is a fellow in the project “The fragmentation of Syria” SWP Comments 52 realized by the Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP) and funded by the German Foreign Office December 2015 1 State along with pro-regime militia and ratus dominated by Assad’s Alawite sect vetted rebel groups. The approach toward had deepened. Corruption plagued the judi- Syrian institutions is also partly driven by ciary and bureaucracy. Public procurement the desire not to repeat the experience of contracts and tenders were mostly handed the dismantling of the Iraqi army after the through frontmen to three regime figures. 2003 US invasion, which was later seen as a The three were, and remain, Assad’s brother move that swelled the ranks of an insur- Maher – the most powerful figure in the gency. The legacy of post-Saddam Iraq has military – and two of their cousins: Rami curbed US involvement in Syria and will Makhlouf and Zuhayr Shalish, who heads cast a shadow when the Assad regime and the presidential guard. By 2011, dilapidated opposition representatives are due to meet infrastructure required US$85 billion to be again in Geneva in early 2016. fixed. Corruption had run the bureaucracy into the ground to the extent that it could not respond to a water crisis that destroyed The “Alawization” of Syria the agriculture-based economy of eastern The family succession that brought Bashar Syria. The crisis drove hundreds of thou- al-Assad to power in 2000 ushered a concen- sands of the region’s Arab Sunni and Kurd- tration of Syria’s economy into the hands of ish inhabitants to flee to Damascus and the ruling Alawite elite and business associ- other cities, contributing to a charged ates, stoking the resentment of the Sunni atmosphere by the time of the revolt. majority that culminated in the revolt a decade later. Along with limited economic liberalization, Bashar’s rule was marked by Sectarian Corruption and Control a partial lifting of bans on media and com- The water crisis was as much a result of munications, but the opposition remained drought as of corruption in a state-run agri- banned and the police state changed little culture industry, which helped deplete the from the iron-fisted rule of his father. The water table through the unauthorized dig- economic liberalization brought to the fore ging of wells. The United Nations stepped a new class of mostly younger businessmen in with emergency food aid in 2010. In the who had access to Assad when he was being same year, up to 3 million Syrians – out of a groomed to become president. As “friends population of around 22 million – had sunk of Bashar,” the new class of businessmen into “extreme poverty,” deprived of food, milked the economy and national resources, drinking water, sanitation, health, proper such as oil fields and public land. They shelter, and education. Economic and joined an older class of profiteers and black human development indicators fell sharply marketers nurtured by Hafez al-Assad, who with the start of the civil war. had adopted a mixture of socialism and Yet, the revolt broke out in the relatively state capitalism. prosperous city of Deraa, in the southern By the outbreak of the revolt in March Hauran plain. The pro-democracy demon- 2011, Syria’s per capita income hovered strations in the city were sparked by arrests around US$2,500, on par with Egypt’s. Un- made by the secret police of children who employment was independently estimated had scribbled on walls anti-regime graffiti to be up to 25 percent, as liberalization of inspired by Arab Spring slogans. But finan- the economy had done little to improve com- cial and social resentment had already been petiveness, curb unemployment, or develop building from within the majority Sunni the country. Lifting of bans on imports and population in Deraa and in other regions. free enterprise had expanded the scope of Entrepreneurs, graduates, and professionals unofficial interference in commerce and had expected to benefit from economic business. Extortion of merchants, shopkeep- liberalization but were confronted with ers, and regular citizens by a security appa- expansive levels of Alawite-administered SWP Comments 52 December 2015 2 corruption. In the public sector, hiring also Perceived Property Grab favored Alawites. Typically, young Alawite Sunni frustration was compounded by the recruits would come from coastal regions seizure of private and public lands by the into the interior regions with little experi- military, as well as other expropriations ence and be appointed as principals of seen to be advantageous to the friends of schools or heads of government depart- Bashar, who started investing in real estate ments, whereas local Sunnis languished at as restrictions on the sector were lifted. lower strata. At higher levels, the prime Alawites were granted sweeping priority minister and most ministers in successive in the bureaucracy and military. This cabinets under Bashar (and his father) were prompted greater levels of Alawite migra- – and are – still Sunni. But power rests with tion from the coast to the interior and an mostly Alawite department heads through- encroachment on Sunni properties and out the executive apparatus, with backers public lands. For example, the Fourth in the intelligence apparatus as well. Up to Division – a praetorian guards army unit 75 percent of managerial positions in the headed by Bashar’s brother Maher – has bureaucracy were estimated to have been been blamed for the mass expropriation of held by Alawites before the revolt. Their Sunni-owned land in the western Damascus proportion is thought to have increased districts of Somariya, Daraya, Mouadamiya, since then, as the regime tightened its grip and Mezzeh, where housing was built for on sectors such as state media and Sunnis the mostly Alawite members of the divi- began to be seen as “suspect elements.” A sion. Large tracts of empty land in other similar proportion of Alawites dominated Syrian cities were cordoned off as belong- the officer corps before defections took ing to the military and intelligence units. place due to the revolt. Military intelligence This pushed urban population growth into and air force intelligence provided another more crowded quarters and has contrib- layer of control over Sunni foot soldiers. uted, since the 1980s, to the growth of il- Secret police branches also interfered in legal buildings, known as ashwaiyat (ran- the daily lives of regular Syrians. For ex- dom), which account for more than half ample, intelligence operatives would put of all urban construction across Syria. The pressure on public schools to accept stu- ashwaiyat residents, mostly comprised of dents whose parents had paid bribes to poor Sunnis, often fall prey to extortion by security officers to admit their children. In corrupt officials and bureaucrats. In 2007, higher education, grants favored Alawites, the governor of Homs, Iyad Ghazal, an- who were often awarded scholarships, to nounced the “Homs Dream” project to the disadvantage of more qualified Sunnis remove illegal housing and turn the city or applicants from other minorities, con- into a commercial hub, capitalizing on its tributing to a degradation of the education location near the border with Lebanon.

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