Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002
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The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003
THE REGIME CHANGE CONSENSUS: IRAQ IN AMERICAN POLITICS, 1990-2003 Joseph Stieb A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: Wayne Lee Michael Morgan Benjamin Waterhouse Daniel Bolger Hal Brands ©2019 Joseph David Stieb ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joseph David Stieb: The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Under the direction of Wayne Lee) This study examines the containment policy that the United States and its allies imposed on Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War and argues for a new understanding of why the United States invaded Iraq in 2003. At the core of this story is a political puzzle: Why did a largely successful policy that mostly stripped Iraq of its unconventional weapons lose support in American politics to the point that the policy itself became less effective? I argue that, within intellectual and policymaking circles, a claim steadily emerged that the only solution to the Iraqi threat was regime change and democratization. While this “regime change consensus” was not part of the original containment policy, a cohort of intellectuals and policymakers assembled political support for the idea that Saddam’s personality and the totalitarian nature of the Baathist regime made Iraq uniquely immune to “management” strategies like containment. The entrenchment of this consensus before 9/11 helps explain why so many politicians, policymakers, and intellectuals rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change and invasion. -
A Legal Appraisal of Military Action in Iraq James P
Naval War College Review Volume 57 Article 6 Number 3 Summer/Autumn 2004 A Legal Appraisal of Military Action in Iraq James P. Terry Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Terry, James P. (2004) "A Legal Appraisal of Military Action in Iraq," Naval War College Review: Vol. 57 : No. 3 , Article 6. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol57/iss3/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Terry: A Legal Appraisal of Military Action in Iraq A LEGAL APPRAISAL OF MILITARY ACTION IN IRAQ James P. Terry he determination by the George W. Bush administration to enter Iraq and Tremove the regime of Saddam Hussein from power in early 2003 followed twelve years of Iraqi violations of United Nations Security Council resolutions. Prior to the decision by the United States and its coalition partners to intervene in Iraq with military force, Saddam Hussein had done everything possible to avoid complying with the will of the international community. Of the twenty-six demands made by the Security Council since 1990, Iraq had com- plied with only three. Equally significant, the regime’s repression of the Iraqi people continued. The 2 October 2002 joint resolution of Congress authorizing the use of all means, including force, to bring Iraq into compliance was merely one of a series of actions by Congress to address Baghdad’s noncompliance with its interna- tional obligations.1 In 1998, for example, Congress James P. -
§ 23. Executive Reorga- Nization Plans
POWERS AND PREROGATIVES OF THE HOUSE Ch. 13 § 23 which may constitutionally crease efficiency; group, coordi- be exercised by Congress, nate, and consolidate agencies; re- but also rulemaking and en- duce the number of agencies by forcement powers which consolidation; and eliminate over- have been delegated to other lapping and duplication of ef- branches of government. The fort.(6) These purposes could be Speaker and President pro achieved by transferring all or tempore may appoint mem- part of an agency or the function bers to commissions whose thereof to another agency; abol- authority is restricted to in- ishing all or part of the functions vestigation and information- of an agency; consolidating or co- gathering. Buckley v Valeo, ordinating the whole or part of an 424 U.S. 1 (1976). agency with another agency or the same agency; authorizing an offi- cer to delegate any of his func- § 23. Executive Reorga- tions; or abolishing the whole or nization Plans part of an agency which did not have or would not, as a con- The President was, prior to sequence of the reorganization, 1973, authorized to reorganize an have any functions.(7) Under this agency or agencies of the execu- statute a reorganization plan tive department if he submitted a could not create, abolish, or trans- plan to each House of Congress. A fer an executive department or provision contained in a reorga- consolidate two or more executive nization plan could take effect departments. only if the plan was transmitted A reorganization plan accom- before Apr. 1, 1973,(5) since the panied by a declaration that the authority of the President to reorganization was necessary to transmit reorganization plans had accomplish a recognized purpose not been extended beyond that must be delivered to both Houses date. -
Why Repealing the 1991 and 2002 Iraq War Authorizations Is Sound Policy Charles D
LEGAL MEMORANDUM No. 256 | JANUARY 6, 2020 EDWIN MEESE III CENTER FOR LEGAL & JUDICIAL STUDIES Why Repealing the 1991 and 2002 Iraq War Authorizations Is Sound Policy Charles D. Stimson he Constitution’s allocation of war powers KEY TAKEAWAYS between the legislative and executive branches is a classic example of the sepa- T 1 The 1991 and 2002 AUMF Against Iraq ration of powers. The Congress has the power to Resolutions remain in force even though declare war but cannot fight the war on its own. The their purpose has been accomplished. President, as commander in chief of the Army and Navy, has (and has uniformly claimed) the authority to use military forces abroad in the absence of specific Repeal would not affect the 2001 AUMF, prior congressional approval.2 This authority derives the primary domestic statutory authority from his constitutional responsibility as commander for the war against al-Qaeda, the Taliban, in chief and chief executive for foreign and military ISIS, or associated forces. affairs. Without money from Congress, however, the President has no ability to fight those conflicts, nor Debating and repealing those war does he have the authority to appropriate funds to pay authorizations is a matter of congres- for those military conflicts on his own. sional hygiene and gets the Congress This tension between the legislative and executive back in the business of exercising its Article I muscles. branches was purposeful, as the Founders anticipated the grave significance of the country’s going to war. This paper, in its entirety, can be found at http://report.heritage.org/lm256 The Heritage Foundation | 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE | Washington, DC 20002 | (202) 546-4400 | heritage.org Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. -
Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance
Order Code RL31339 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance Updated May 16, 2005 Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance Summary Operation Iraqi Freedom accomplished a long-standing U.S. objective, the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, but replacing his regime with a stable, moderate, democratic political structure has been complicated by a persistent Sunni Arab-led insurgency. The Bush Administration asserts that establishing democracy in Iraq will catalyze the promotion of democracy throughout the Middle East. The desired outcome would also likely prevent Iraq from becoming a sanctuary for terrorists, a key recommendation of the 9/11 Commission report. The Bush Administration asserts that U.S. policy in Iraq is now showing substantial success, demonstrated by January 30, 2005 elections that chose a National Assembly, and progress in building Iraq’s various security forces. The Administration says it expects that the current transition roadmap — including votes on a permanent constitution by October 31, 2005 and for a permanent government by December 15, 2005 — are being implemented. Others believe the insurgency is widespread, as shown by its recent attacks, and that the Iraqi government could not stand on its own were U.S. and allied international forces to withdraw from Iraq. Some U.S. commanders and senior intelligence officials say that some Islamic militants have entered Iraq since Saddam Hussein fell, to fight what they see as a new “jihad” (Islamic war) against the United States. -
The President's Reorganization Authority
Order Code RL30876 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web The President’s Reorganization Authority: Review and Analysis March 8, 2001 name redacted Specialist in Government Organization and Management Government and Finance Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress The President’s Reorganization Authority: Review and Analysis Summary Among the initiatives being promoted with the beginning of the Administration of President George W. Bush is that of renewing the President’s lapsed authority to submit reorganization plans to Congress. The general rationale offered for renewing this authority is that it would provide additional flexibility and discretion to the President in organizing the executive branch to promote “economy and efficiency” as well as his political priorities. The regular legislative route for considering presidential proposals involving organizational changes is deemed by reorganization authority supporters as being unduly slow and cumbersome. Thus, the proposal to permit the President to submit reorganization plans subject to mandatory congressional consideration with “fast track” procedures is viewed by the reorganization proposal’s proponents as a necessary reform for good government. Critics of the reorganization plan authority reject the arguments and assumptions behind the proposal and defend the efficacy and legitimacy of the regular legislative process for executive reorganization proposals. This report addresses three specific issues: (1) the historical basis and use of the President’s reorganization authority; (2) the factors contributing to the lapse of the President’s reorganization authority in 1984,1 and (3) thoughts on the future of reorganization in the executive branch. 1 It is worth noting that the Reorganization Act of 1977, as amended, remains “on the books,” but is not presently operative for execution as it expired on December 31, 1984. -
Iraq: Divergent Views on Military Action
Order Code RS21325 Updated January 31, 2003 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Iraq: Divergent Views on Military Action Alfred B. Prados Specialist in Middle East Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary Officials of the Bush Administration believe military action against Iraq may be necessary to eliminate threats posed by the Iraqi regime to the U.S. and international communities. In October 2002, Congress passed a joint resolution (H.J.Res. 114) giving the President authority to use force if necessary to eliminate threats posed by Saddam Hussein’s Iraq. Some Members of Congress, commentators, and analysts question the Administration’s rationale for military action or favor delaying it to allow U.N. weapons inspectors more time to complete their findings in Iraq. This report summarizes arguments advanced by the Administration and by critics of the Administration’s position. It will be updated as the situation continues to develop. For further reading, see CRS Report RL31339, Iraq: U.S. Efforts to Change the Regime, by Kenneth Katzman. Overview Discussion continues between the Bush Administration and Congress and in the international community about the rationale for military action against the Iraqi regime and the feasibility of such action. Supporters of a military option believe a campaign to oust Iraqi President Saddam Hussein is probably the only way to compel Iraq’s compliance with U.N. Security Council resolutions, eliminate its weapons of mass destruction (WMD), and terminate its ability to support international terrorism. Opponents argue that resumption of U.N. weapons inspections with unfettered access throughout Iraq may achieve the goal of ridding Iraq of WMD without a costly military campaign, which could prove difficult to implement, and also could destabilize U.S. -
Authorization for the Use of Military Force Against Iraq
PUBLIC LAW 107–243—OCT. 16, 2002 AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF MILITARY FORCE AGAINST IRAQ RESOLUTION OF 2002 VerDate 11-MAY-2000 13:44 Oct 23, 2002 Jkt 019139 PO 00243 Frm 00001 Fmt 6579 Sfmt 6579 E:\PUBLAW\PUBL243.107 APPS06 PsN: PUBL243 116 STAT. 1498 PUBLIC LAW 107–243—OCT. 16, 2002 Public Law 107–243 107th Congress Joint Resolution Oct. 16, 2002 To authorize the use of United States Armed Forces against Iraq. [H.J. Res. 114] Whereas in 1990 in response to Iraq’s war of aggression against and illegal occupation of Kuwait, the United States forged a coalition of nations to liberate Kuwait and its people in order to defend the national security of the United States and enforce United Nations Security Council resolutions relating to Iraq; Whereas after the liberation of Kuwait in 1991, Iraq entered into a United Nations sponsored cease-fire agreement pursuant to which Iraq unequivocally agreed, among other things, to eliminate its nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons programs and the means to deliver and develop them, and to end its support for international terrorism; Whereas the efforts of international weapons inspectors, United States intelligence agencies, and Iraqi defectors led to the dis- covery that Iraq had large stockpiles of chemical weapons and a large scale biological weapons program, and that Iraq had an advanced nuclear weapons development program that was much closer to producing a nuclear weapon than intelligence reporting had previously indicated; Whereas Iraq, in direct and flagrant violation of the cease-fire, attempted -
I V / '/ Ijvey M. Sapolsky LIBRARIES
The Real Rules of the Budget Game: Minority Fiscal Decision Making in the United States Senate by Marsha Jean Simon A.B., Economics and Political Science Mount Holyoke College, 1973 M.S., Political Science Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1975 SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE AT THE MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY JUNE 2005 ( 2005 Marsha Jean Simon. All rights reserved. The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or part. .- s 'A / Signature of Author: ! _ , - '-, 61 Department of Political Science I f-'D March 31, 2005 Certified by: V / IJvey'/ M. Sapolsky Professor of Public Policy and Organization Thesis Supervisor Accepted by: :~ ~ MSACUET IN E Roger Petersen MASSACHUSTS INSTI Associate Professor of Political Science OF TECHNOLOGY Chairman, Graduate Program Committee OCT 17 2005 4° ,/lv LIBRARIES 2 The Real Rules Of The Budget Game: Minority Fiscal Decision Making In The United States Senate by Marsha Jean Simon Submitted To The Department Of Political Science On March 31, 2005 In Partial Fulfillment Of The Requirements For The Degree Of Doctor Of Philosophy In Political Science At The Massachusetts Institute Of Technology ABSTRACT: This study examines the consequences of the Gramm-Rudman super-majority budget rules on fiscal decision making in the Senate. It attempts to determine the efficacy of these rules as defined by those who advocate them, Public Choice scholars and conservative activists, by testing both whether they restrain spending overall and, second, whether they more often block spending benefiting concentrated special interests than other types of spending. -
1 the Human Cost of US Interventions in Iraq
The Human Cost of U.S. Interventions in Iraq: A History From the 1960s Through the Post-9/11 Wars Zainab Saleh1 October 13, 2020 The United States government has justified decades of intervention in Iraq in a variety of ways, the most recent of which is the current “war on terrorism.” All of these interventions have had devastating costs and consequences for Iraqis. Since the 1960s, the U.S. has treated Iraq as essential to its own economic and geopolitical interests; Iraqi arms purchases have bolstered the American military-industrial complex and stable access to Middle East oil has secured U.S. dominance in the global economy. As the U.S. has pursued these interests in Iraq, U.S. interventions have reshaped the Iraqi social, political, and cultural landscape. While the role the United States has played in Iraq since the 1960s is beginning to receive some scholarly attention, it remains widely unknown to the American public. Iraqis have lived in the shadow of U.S. interventions for decades, whereby the United States has attempted to control events and resources in the Gulf region. In 1958, the fall of the Iraqi monarchy brought an end to British influence in Iraq and the emergence of the United States as a major player in Iraqi affairs. In 1963, under the pretext of protecting the region from a communist threat, the Central Intelligence Agency backed the Ba‘th coup, an Arab nationalist party, after Iraq nationalized most of its oil fields. During the 1980s, the United States supported Saddam Hussein’s regime and prolonged the Iran-Iraq War in order to safeguard its national interests in the region, which entailed weakening Iran after the Islamic Revolution in 1979 to prevent it from posing a threat to U.S. -
Hawaii Joins 20 State Coalition Urging Congress to Protect Legal Rights of Victimized Consumers
DEPARTMENT OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL DAVID Y. IGE GOVERNOR DOUGLAS S. CHIN ATTORNEY GENERAL For Immediate Release News Release 2017-101 July 28, 2017 HAWAII JOINS 20 STATE COALITION URGING CONGRESS TO PROTECT LEGAL RIGHTS OF VICTIMIZED CONSUMERS HONOLULU – Attorney General Doug Chin and Stephen Levins, Executive Director of the Office of Consumer Protection, joined a coalition of 20 states urging U.S. Senate leaders not to repeal the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau’s (CFPB) arbitration rule, which stops companies from forcing consumers to sign away their legal rights. The U.S. House of Representatives recently passed a Joint Resolution of Disapproval that would set aside the CFPB’s rule under the Congressional Review Act. The attorneys general are asking the Senate to oppose that resolution and support consumers’ rights to go to court to assert their claims against financial institutions. The multistate letter, led by Massachusetts Attorney General Maura Healey, was sent today to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and Minority Leader Charles Schumer. “The CFPB’s Arbitration Rule would deliver essential relief to consumers, hold financial services companies accountable for their misconduct, and provide ordinary consumers with meaningful access to the civil justice system,” the letter states. In August, a coalition of attorneys general sent a multistate letter to CFPB Director Richard Cordray supporting the CFPB’s rulemaking and calling for the restoration of these protections for consumers. Restrictions on participation in class action cases are routinely inserted by financial institutions into contracts for financial products such as credit cards, payday loans, and checking accounts. Many consumers enter contracts without being aware that they are relinquishing significant rights, including their rights in court. -
Corrected Version Aysegul Keskin Zeren
IRAQ’S DE-BA`THIFICATION: RATIONALES AND IMPLEMENTATION OF A CONTESTED TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE MECHANISM A dissertation submitted to Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Aysegul Keskin Zeren January 2014 Dissertation written by Aysegul Keskin Zeren B.A., Istanbul Bilgi University, 2005 M.A., Sabanci University, 2007 Ph.D., Kent State University, 2014 Approved by Patrick G. Coy, Co-Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Landon E. Hancock, Co-Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Andrew Barnes, Committee Member Pete W. Moore, Outside Committee Member C. Lockwood Reynolds, Graduate Faculty Member Accepted by Andrew Barnes, Chair, Department of Political Science Raymond Craig, Associate Dean, College of Arts and Sciences ii TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION ............................................................................................................... VIII ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .............................................................................................. IX CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................... 12 1.1 Research Question and Argument ........................................................................... 12 1.2 Transitional Justice .................................................................................................. 17 1.3 The Case: De-Ba`thification .................................................................................... 22 1.4 Structure of the Dissertation