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Or the “Trouvaille De La Statuette D'or,” to Be Iconography of Deities and Demons: Electronic Pre-Publication 1/4 Last Revision: 20 July 2009 God on a serpent throne Untash–Napirisha, ca. 1340–1300), found on the Acropole mound at Susa, specifically I. Introduction. Elamite god. There mentions three deities whom modern schol- are many difficulties in identifying specific ars have identified as the “titular triad of the Elamite gods in the visual record. Reasons (Middle Elamite) empire”: Napirisha, the for these problems include a limited icono- god of the Elamite highlands, Kiririsha, the graphic repertoire (HARPER et al. 1992: 107, great goddess, and Inshushinak (HARPER et 130); the predominance of documentation al. 1992: 132–134, whence the quote; POTTS coming from only one area, Susiana; and 1999: 218; note also HINZ 1972: 46, in the complete lack of any written data on which Napirisha is equated with Humban). Elamite mythology (MIROSCHEDJI 1980: Two sites, Susa and Al Untash- 129; KOCH 1995: 1959; GNOLI 1987: 277; Napirisha, account for the bulk of the evi- VALLAT 1998a: 337). Also, much of the dence for the god. At Susa a large temple visual evidence is fragmentary and/or dis- dedicated to Inshushinak was located on the placed from its original context (see VAL- western edge of the Acropole mound (HAR- LAT 1998a: 335f). The one deity frequently PER et al. 1992: 123f, fig. 41; VALLAT attested in the visual record from Elam is a 1998a: 335ff). The temple may have been male deity seated on a serpent throne. The founded at the time of the Neo-Sumerian figure may hold flowing waters, the rod and ruler Shulgi (2094–2047) (PITTMAN 1997: the ring, and/or serpents (MIROSCHEDJI 109; POTTS 1999: 132, for Shulgi’s “resto- 1980: 131; MIROSCHEDJI 1981). The debate ration” of the temple); by the Middle continues on whether this deity represents Elamite period the temple was elevated Inshushinak, Napirisha, or some other deity. above the other buildings on the Acropole Indeed, the serpent throne and/or the various mound. In Morgan trench 27 on the attributes may have referred to different Acropole mound a group of objects com- deities in different contexts (HARPER et al. posed of precious materials was found, 1992: 118; see also the discussion below). perhaps dating to the reign of the Middle Inshushinak was the patron deity of the Elamite king Shutruk–Nahhunte I (1190– city of Susa. He is attested as d.nin–šušinak 1155). Some scholars have taken the de- (“Lord of Susa”) in a god list from Abu posit, known and the “Inshushinak deposit” Salabikh by the middle of the 3rd mill. or the “Trouvaille de la statuette d’or,” to be (HINZ 1976–80; POTTS 1999: 58) and in the a type of foundation; others believe it is earliest known document written in Elamite, some type of funerary deposit (CAR- apparently a treaty between an Elamite king TER/STOLPER 1984: 167; HARPER et al. (perhaps Hita) and the Akkadian king 1992: 124, 145–153). On the south–eastern Naramsin (CARTER/STOLPER 1984: 14; edge of the Acropole mound the remains of KOCH 1995: 1960; POTTS 1999: 111). In- a small temple was perhaps dedicated to shushinak was equated with →Ninurta, the Inshushinak (Morgan trenches 16 and 17; patron god of Nippur, as well as with AMIET 1967; POTTS 1999: 264, 297; →Shamash (KOCH 1995: 1962f; VALLAT HARPER et al. 1992: 126). Some of the in- 1998a: 335). The realms of influence of the scribed bricks from the structure, made by god were apparently wide–ranging; final Shutruk-Nahhunte II (716–699) in the Neo- judgment of the dead (HINZ 1972: 46f; HINZ Elamite period, carry dedications to In- 1976–80: 118; MALBRAN–LABAT 1995; shushinak. Additional inscriptional evidence KOCH 1995: 1963; VALLAT 1998a: 339f) from the Acropole suggests that there may and royal investiture figured prominently have been additional structures on the (HINZ 1972: 45–47; VALLAT 1998a: 340; mound dedicated to Inshushinak in the POTTS 1999: 211). He was addressed as Middle Elamite period (HARPER et. al. “Father of the Weak” and “King of Gods” 1992: 125; note also CARTER/STOLPER (KOCH 1995: 1963; HINZ 1972: 45) and 1984: 157; VALLAT 1998a: 336f). A temple concerned with warfare and justice (KOCH of the god on the Apadana mound had relief 1995: 1963). The importance of the god can bricks in the forms of a frontal figure, a also be seen in the many Elamite royal bull–man, and date palms; the bricks carry names that are compounded with the god’s inscriptions of Kutir-Nahhunte (1155–1150) name (e.g., Puzur-Inshushinak) and the and Shilhak-Inshushinak (1150–1120) re- numerous invocations of the god in inscrip- cording the restoration and reconstruction of tions by Elamite kings from the Old Elamite a sanctuary dedicated to Inshushinak down through the Neo–Elamite periods (HARPER et al. 1992: 126, 141–144 [cat. no. (many listed in POTTS 1999: tables 4.12; 88, for the restored relief brick façade]. 6.4; 7.3, 7–8, 10; HARPER et al. 1992: 266f, Based on the discovery of Middle Elamite cat. nos. 185–186). The inscription on the inscribed bricks, yet another temple of the bronze statue of Queen Napir–Asu (wife of IDD website: http://www.religionswissenschaft.unizh.ch/idd Iconography of Deities and Demons: Electronic Pre-Publication 2/4 Last Revision: 20 July 2009 god may also have been located on the Ville stood for the god’s name. MIROSCHEDJI Royale mound (HARPER et al. 1992: 126). (1980: 129–137) argued for two separate The great ziggurat complex at Al Un- deities, Humban and Napirisha, whose epi- tash-Napirisha (modern Choga Zanbil) is thets were essentially interchangeable and the second major site for the worship of each of which was honored by the Elamites Inshushinak. Inscribed bricks record that as a “great god.” This interpretation has Untash–Napirisha built the complex (MIRO- generally been more widely accepted (e.g., SCHEDJI 1997: 487; see also CAR- KOCH 1995: 1962; see also VALLAT 1998a: TER/STOLPER 1984: 37f, 160f). GHIRSHMAN 340). In an Assyrian incantation series, (1966; 1968), the excavator of the site, Napirisha was equated with Ea/Enki (KOCH identified two major phases of the ziggurat 1998–2001: 163; KOCH 1995: 1962; MIRO- complex. There were apparently two tem- SCHEDJI 1980: 131). MIROSCHEDJI (1980: ples dedicated to Inshushinak in the first 133–137) notes the earliest appearance of phase (HARPER et al. 1992: 9f, 130; MIRO- the god’s name does not occur until the 19th SCHEDJI 1997: 487). The program in the cent. Thereafter he appears as a major deity second phase, also undertaken by Untash– with the patron god of Susa, Inshushinak. Napirisha, transformed the space by incor- Starting in the reign of Untash–Napirisha porating the original building into the low- (ca. 1340–1300), the god appears very est step of a ziggurat that carried at its prominently in surviving inscriptions, e.g., summit a temple dedicated to both In- on the bronze statue of Queen Napir–Asu shushinak and Napirisha. In addition, there (see above). Napirisha appears to have been were shrines to many other deities in the the personal god of Untash–Napirisha sanctuary (MIROSCHEDJI 1997: 487f; POTTS (MIROSCHEDJI 1980: 135, 142) and figured 1999: 222ff counts no fewer than twenty- prominently in the re–formation of the sanc- five deities for whom building inscriptions tuary at Al Untash–Napirisha, from whence document one or more shrines at the site). the most abundant physical evidence for the The renovation of the sanctuary and textual importance of the god comes (see above). evidence have been interpreted as short– Another temple near the northern gate to the lived attempts by Untash–Napirisha to con- ziggurat at Al Untash–Napirisha was also trol the lowlands (represented by Inshushi- dedicated to Napirisha (MIROSCHEDJI 1997: nak/Susa) and highlands (represented by 488). Inscribed bricks from Anshan (mod- Napirisha/Anshan) through a union of the ern Malyan) record that one Hutelutush– major deities of each of these areas (CAR- Inshushinak (ca. 1120) built a temple dedi- TER/STOLPER 1984: 38, 160–163; MIRO- cated to several gods, among whom was SCHEDJI 1997: 490). Currently no evidence Napirisha (LAMBERT 1972: 66; MIRO- exists for the worship of the god in the SCHEDJI 1980: 143; VALLAT 1998a: 338; Achaemenid period (KOCH 1995: 1963). POTTS 1999: 247). The worship of Napirisha, literally “great god” (napir + Napirisha survived at least into the risha; note also DINGIR.GAL in Sumerian, Achaemenid period, where he is mentioned and ilû rabu in Akkadian [HINZ 1965]), was in two texts from the Fortification archive generally associated with the eastern high- (HALLOCK 1969: PF 353 and 354) at Perse- lands of Elam. He became one of the most polis, dating to the reign of Darius I (522– important gods in the Elamite pantheon and 486). had wide–ranging influence (MIROSCHEDJI II. Typology 1980; HARPER et al. 1992: 8, 118; KOCH II.1. Phenotypes 1998–2001: 163f; KOCH 1995: 1962). Napi- Most of the evidence for the god on the risha’s consort was Kiririsha, whose name serpent throne dates from the 2nd mill. It essentially meant “great goddess.” GRILLOT includes in particular the rock–cut relief at (1986: 179) noted the “rapport” between Kurangun in Western Fars, near the site of Kiririsha and the Sumero–Akkadian Anshan (1*). The right- and left-hand pan- goddess →Ninhursaga, and saw a parallel in els of the relief are Middle and/or Neo– the unions of →Ea/Enki–Ninhursaga and Elamite in date. The central panel is gener- Napirisha–Kiririsha. The general consensus ally dated sometime in the sukkalmah pe- is that Napirisha was first and foremost the riod (first half of the 2nd mill.; e.g., SEIDL “dynastic” god of Anshan in the Elamite 1986: 11–13).
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