Cumann Na Gaedhael

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Cumann Na Gaedhael Cumann na Gaedhael 1923 Election - Cumann na Gaedhael win majority - WT Cosgrave becomes our first Taoiseach - Ireland still called ‘Irish Free State’ - Dominion status (Anglo Irish Treaty) Constitution(the laws of our country) ​ - Dail Eireann & Seanad Éireann formally set up - Women are given equal voting rights to men. ​ ​ - Governor General to represent the King (rule of the treaty) ​ Law & Order - Minister for Home Affairs (Justice) Kevin O’Higgins - An Garda Síochána set up 1923 - Public Safety Act 1923 -1924 - arrest and detain IRA members without trial - Reduced the size of the army and arrested the officers who went against this policy as they considered this a mutiny. The Economy - Focus on Agriculture (ACC Bank set up - Agricultural Credit Corporation) - Reduced taxes to help export goods - THE SHANNON SCHEME - Hydroelectric Power Plant at Ardnacrusha, Co Clare - The ESB was set up - 13,000 more people employed in industry in 1930 than in 1922 Northern Ireland - 1924 Boundary Commission - Sean MacNeill threatened to resign - Seen as a failure, they did not reclaim counties lost to partition. Foreign Affairs - Joined the League of Nations 1923 - 1931 Statute of Westminster (British Law) Ireland could change any laws Britain had passed without interference Decline - Wall Street Crash 1929 means a global depression - Focus was on Agriculture more than Industry led to high unemployment. - Fianna Fail election campaign was better - focused on self-sufficiency The First Coalition Government 1948-1951 The First coalition was made up of three parties Fine Gael John A Costello Taoiseach Labour leader William Norton was Tanaiste Clann na Poblachta led by Sean Mc Bride, who was Minister for External Affairs Economy The Coalition Government established the following ● The IDA Industrial Development Authority: founded to promote Irish Industry ​ ​ ● A new Anglo Irish Agreement secured high prices for exported cattle and sheep. ● Brought electric power to the rural areas of Ireland. Helped modernise Agriculture. Foreign Affairs While on a state visit to Canada, Costello declared the 26 counties a republic. The ‘Republic of Ireland Act was introduced in 1949’ and Ireland left the commonwealth. ​ ​ Health TB Tuberculosis was a major killer that the Government successfully defeated by building a number of ​ special hospitals called sanatoria. With up to date equipment the disease was brought under control. Dr. ​ ​ ​ Noel Browne was the Minister for Health. In 1951 Dr. Browne introduced The Mother and Child Scheme. The aim of this scheme was to provide ​ ​ free medical care for pregnant women and children up to the age of 16.This was opposed by the Catholic Church who said that health should be a matter for parents not the government. The Church felt that the scheme would pave the way for abortion and birth control. Some Doctors also opposed the bill fearing a loss of income. As a result of controversy Dr. Browne resigned and the Coalition Government collapsed. Failures of the Coalition Government ● Unemployment and emigration remained high. 500,000 emigrated in the 1950s. ● Industry remained underdeveloped. Little foreign investment. ● There was still a shortage of public housing Fianna fail 1959-1966 The FF government of 1959-1966 was one of the most successful governments in the history of the Ireland. ​ ​ After a series of inter party governments Fianna fail returned to Government in 1959.Fianna Fail remained in office until 1973. sa DeValera had retired and Sean Lemass, became Taoiseach. Lemass was the last Taoiseach to have been ​ ​ involved in either the War of Independence or the Civil War. In 1959 De Valera was elected as President of the Irish Republic for the first of two terms. De Valera remained in office until 1973 and died in Dublin in 1975 at the age ​ of 93. The main leaders in this government were Sean Lemass, Taoiseach, Jack Lynch, Industry and Commerce, ​ Donogh O’ Malley, Education and Charles Haughey, Finance. Economy Dr TK Whittaker. Secretary to the Department of Finance introduced the Programme for Economic Expansion. Under this plan. o A policy of Free Trade was introduced o Foreign Industries were attracted by Grants and concessions. o Irish businesses were given grants to modernise their equipment. Social Changes 1961: RadioTelifis Eireann was introduced and began public TV broadcasting. Programmes such as the Late Late Show, then presented by Gay Byrne beamed into Irish homes. Programmes such as this made Irish people more ​ open to and aware of world opinions. Taboo subjects in a conservative Ireland such as sex, contraception and the authority of the Church were openly discussed and questioned. For the first time Irish people saw the leaders of Church and State being questioned openly and this helped to change attitudes to authority. Television advertised new fashion trends, music, films, and lifestyles. In the face of TV, traditional Irish culture went into decline. 1966: The Minister for Education, Donogh O Malley introduced Free Secondary Education. Irelands first Comprenshive School was already opened since 1963. Free Education was responsible for many important ​ changes in Irish life. As the rate of Leaving Certificate participants rose, so too did the number of college places. As third level fees were later abolished and grants made available, more and more young people were gaining qualifications and opportunities that their parents and grandparents may not have had. Foreign Policy Lemass led Ireland into the United Nations. Irish Troops began to go on peacekeeping missions to Cyprus, ​ ​ Lebanon and the Congo. During the Lemass era Ireland applied for Membership of the EEC, but refused to join when the French objected to British membership. Britain was Irelands major trading partner. .
Recommended publications
  • History In-Service Team, Supporting Leaving Certificate History Later Modern Ireland Judging Dev: a Selection Of
    History In-Service Team, Supporting Leaving Certificate History www.hist.ie Later Modern Ireland Judging Dev: a selection of documents, 1913–72 CONTENTS Introduction 2 Biographical notes 3 Glossary 5 Documents used 7 Biographical note on Eamon de Valera 8 1. De Valera the revolutionary: Irish Volunteers and 1916 9 2. De Valera’s mission to the USA, 1919–20 13 3. De Valera and the Anglo–Irish Treaty negotiations, 1921 14 4. De Valera and Fianna Fáil, 1926–7 20 5. 1937 Constitution, comments on the status of women 22 6. 1937 Constitution, comment of John Charles McQuaid 25 7. Economic War, 1932–8 26 8. Neutrality, 1939–45 28 9. De Valera, the statesman, 1948 33 10. De Valera on the Irish language and emigration, 1951 34 11. De Valera on rugby, the GAA, and ‘the ban’, 1957 36 12. De Valera as president, 1959–73 38 13. Cartoons and election posters 42 14. Photographs of de Valera 48 This material is intended for educational, classroom use only, not to be reproduced in any other medium or forum without permission. Every effort has been made to trace, and acknowledge, copyright holders. In the case where a copyright has been inadvertently overlooked, the copyright holders are requested to contact the Publications Office, Royal Irish Academy, 19 Dawson Street, Dublin 2. Tel: 01 6762570 Fax: 01 6762346 email: [email protected] web site: www.ria.ie © 2007 History In-Service Team, Monaghan Education Centre, Monaghan, Co. Monaghan Tel: 047 74008 Fax: 047 74029 email: [email protected] web site: www.hist.ie Introduction De Valera is the most prominent personality in twentieth-century Irish history, with a career stretching over six decades.
    [Show full text]
  • Eamon De Valera's Contributions to Modern Ireland
    Nation and State: Eamon de Valera’s Contributions to Modern Ireland Marshall Bursis Ireland in the 20th Century Trinity College Dublin Dr. Anne Dolan Bursis 2 Eamon de Valera dominated Irish politics in the 20th century. 1 But, despite de Valera’s electoral success and decades as Taoiseach and President, many describe his policies as failed, isolationist, and reactionary. In contrast with de Valera’s traditionalism, his successor as leader of Fianna Fáil and Taoiseach, Sean Lemass, receives praise for his efforts to reform and modernize the Irish economy. 2 As early as 1969, a popular magazine had declared “one of the great tragedies of modern Ireland is that Lemass did not become Taoiseach immediately after the war.” 3 While there is no doubt Lemass merits much of the credit for Ireland’s development in the sixties, this historical narrative devalues de Valera’s crucial contribution to Irish identity and government. Lemass modernized the Irish economy and radically redefined the state for the better, but de Valera’s premiership was not the Irish dark age many consider it to be. Despite his shortcomings, de Valera created an Irish identity necessary for the formation of the state and founded a comparatively liberal and democratic political system that has persisted for almost one hundred years. I. Historical Contempt for ‘de Valera’s Ireland’ In many historical accounts, the phrase “de Valera’s Ireland” usually carries a connotation of sarcasm and derision. For some assessing the island after independence, it “became shorthand for all the shortcomings of twentieth-century Ireland.” 4 Borrowing from James Joyce, one academic makes the expression’s subtext clear, characterizing the period as “the Devil Era.” 5 To his critics, de Valera left a legacy of economic stagnation, poverty, and generational emigration and conservative, theocratic politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Catholicism and the Judiciary in Ireland, 1922-1960
    IRISH JUDICIAL STUDIES JOURNAL 1 CATHOLICISM AND THE JUDICIARY IN IRELAND, 1922-1960 Abstract: This article examines evidence of judicial deference to Catholic norms during the period 1922-1960 based on a textual examination of court decisions and archival evidence of contact between Catholic clerics and judges. This article also examines legal judgments in the broader historical context of Church-State studies and, argues, that the continuity of the old orthodox system of law would not be easily superseded by a legal structure which reflected the growing pervasiveness of Catholic social teaching on politics and society. Author: Dr. Macdara Ó Drisceoil, BA, LLB, Ph.D, Barrister-at-Law Introduction The second edition of John Kelly’s The Irish Constitution was published with Sir John Lavery’s painting, The Blessing of the Colours1 on the cover. The painting is set in a Church and depicts a member of the Irish Free State army kneeling on one knee with his back arched over as he kneels down facing the ground. He is deep in prayer, while he clutches a tricolour the tips of which fall to the floor. The dominant figure in the painting is a Bishop standing confidently above the solider with a crozier in his left hand and his right arm raised as he blesses the soldier and the flag. To the Bishop’s left, an altar boy holds a Bible aloft. The message is clear: the Irish nation kneels facing the Catholic Church in docile piety and devotion. The synthesis between loyalty to the State and loyalty to the Catholic Church are viewed as interchangeable in Lavery’s painting.
    [Show full text]
  • Consumption, Catholicism and the Birth of the Free State (1922-1937)
    1 Searching Ireland’s Soul: Consumption, Catholicism and the Birth of the Free State (1922-1937) By John Hugh Porter In 1924 the newly formed Irish Free State government adopted the “traditional” Irish harp as the great seal for the nation. The harp had been symbolic of Eire for centuries, and was, therefore, an obvious emblem for the Free State.1 However, the harp already served as the emblem for another great Irish institution, perhaps greater than the government itself; the Guinness company. The iconic Irish drink had adopted the Irish harp as its logo in 1862.2 Thus, in 1924 there began considerable correspondence between the government and the Guinness Company as to the right of use of the harp symbol.3 Arthur Guinness, Son and Company, was unwilling to let the Free State appropriate the use of the harp. Eventually the matter was resolved when it appeared that the harp on the great seal would be presented with the back facing to the right, whereas, when it appeared on the Guinness Trade Mark the back of the harp faced towards the left.4 This resolution only came after a considerable amount of legal wrangling, demonstrating the contested territory of symbolic consumption. The harp had, by 1924, already become a symbol of consumerism, with its connection to the most recognisable of Irish brands. Yet, the nexus between consumerism and nation building has been somewhat neglected in Irish historiography.5 We see a lack of analysis into concepts such as the “consumer”, the ways in which such concepts have been constructed, and what impact they may have had upon Irish social and political discourse.6 This is especially true for the Irish Free State, as historiography on the period has tended to focus on political and economic concerns to the detriment of significant concepts, such as, the 1 In folklore the harp was said to belong to Brian Boru and later to the O’Neill family.
    [Show full text]
  • Ireland Between the Two World Wars 1916-1949, the Irish Political
    People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research University of Oran Faculty of Letters, Arts and Foreign Languages, Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages Section of English THE IRISH QUESTION FROM HOME RULE TO THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND, 1891-1949 Thesis submitted to the Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages in candidature for the Degree of Doctorate in British Civilization Presented by: Supervised by: Mr. Abdelkrim Moussaoui Prof. Badra Lahouel Board of examiners: President: Dr. Belkacem Belmekki……………………….. (University of Oran) Supervisor: Prof. Badra Lahouel…………………………… (University of Oran) Examiner: Prof. Abbès Bahous………………….. (University of Mostaganem) Examiner: Prof. Smail Benmoussat …………………..(University of Tlemcen) Examiner: Dr. Zoulikha Mostefa…………………………… (University of Oran) Examiner: Dr. Faiza Meberbech……………………… (University of Tlemcen) 2013-2014 1 DEDICATION …To the Memory of My Beloved Tender Mother… 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS By the Name of God the Clement and the Merciful First and foremost, I would like to thank my mentor and supervisor, the distinguished teacher, Professor Badra LAHOUEL, to whom I am so grateful and will be eternally indebted for her guidance, pieces of advice, encouragement and above all, her proverbial patience and comprehension throughout the preparation of this humble research paper. I am also profoundly thankful to whom I consider as a spiritual father, Professor, El Hadj Fawzi Borsali may God preserve him, for his inestimable support and instructive remarks. Special thanks to all my previous teachers through my graduation years: Lakhdar Barka, Moulfi, Maghni, Mostefa, Sebbane, Boutaleb, Layadi, Chami, Rahal, and those we lost Mr Bouamrane and Mr Benali may their souls rest in peace. I would also like to express my gratitude to Mr Moukaddess from England, for his valuable help, and to my friend Abdelkader Kourdouli for being very willing to help.
    [Show full text]
  • Fianna Fáil: Past and Present
    Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne Fianna Fáil were the dominant political prompted what is usually referred to as party in Ireland from their first term in gov- a civil-war but as Kieran Allen argues in ernment in the 1930s up until their disas- an earlier issue of this journal, the Free trous 2011 election. The party managed to State in effect mounted a successful counter- enjoy large support from the working class, revolution which was thoroughly opposed to as well as court close links with the rich- the working class movement.3 The defeat est people in Irish society. Often described signalled the end of the aspirations of the as more of a ‘national movement’ than a Irish revolution and the stagnation of the party, their popular support base has now state economically. Emigration was par- plummeted. As this article goes to print, ticularly high in this period, and the state the party (officially in opposition but en- was thoroughly conservative. The Catholic abling a Fine Gael government) is polling Church fostered strong links with Cumann at 26% approval.1 How did a party which na nGaedheal, often denouncing republicans emerged from the losing side of the civil war in its sermons. come to dominate Irish political life so thor- There were distinctive class elements to oughly? This article aims to trace the his- both the pro and anti-treaty sides. The tory of the party, analyse their unique brand Cumann na nGaedheal government drew its of populist politics as well as their relation- base from large farmers, who could rely on ship with Irish capitalism and the working exports to Britain.
    [Show full text]
  • Five Days in Labour Party History by Brendan
    SNAPSHOTS: FIVE DAYS IN LABOUR PARTY HISTORY Essays originally published in The Irish Times, 1978 By Brendan Halligan 1 SNAPSHOTS: FIVE DAYS OF LABOUR PARTY HISTORY By Brendan Halligan Essays originally published in The Irish Times, 1978 1. The Triumph of the Green Flag: Friday, 1 November 1918 2. The Day Labour almost came to Power: Tuesday, 16 August 1927 3. Why Labout Put DeValera in Power: 9 March 1932 4. Giving the Kiss of Life to Fine Gael: Wednesday, 18 February 1948 5. The Day the Party Died: Sunday, 13th December 1970 2 No. 1 The Triumph of the Green Flag: Friday, 1 November 1918 William O’Brien Fifteen hundred delegates jammed the Mansion House. It was a congress unprecedented in the history of the Labour Movement in Ireland. Or, in the mind of one Labour leader, in the history of the Labour movement in any country in Europe. The euphoria was forgivable. The Special Conference of the Irish Labour Party and Trade Union Congress (to give it its full name) was truly impressive, both in terms of its size and the vehemence with which it opposed the conscription a British government was about to impose on Ireland. But it was nothing compared to what happened four days later. Responding to the resolution passed by the Conference, Irish workers brought the economic life of the country to a standstill. It was the first General Strike in Ireland. Its success was total, except for Belfast. Nothing moved. Factories and shops were closed. No newspapers were printed. Even the pubs were shut.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded 2021-09-26T08:18:34Z
    Provided by the author(s) and University College Dublin Library in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite the published version when available. Title Speeches of Seán Lemass as Taoiseach Authors(s) Cullen, Clara Publication date 2010 Series UCD Irish Virtual Research Library and Archive Research Report Series; 8 Publisher UCD Irish Virtual Research Library and Archive Item record/more information http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2489 Downloaded 2021-09-26T08:18:34Z The UCD community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters! (@ucd_oa) © Some rights reserved. For more information, please see the item record link above. IVRLA1 RESEARCH REPORT: SPEECHES OF SEÁN LEMASS AS TAOISEACH Dr Clara Cullen (Researcher) 1. CONTEXT Seán Francis Lemass (1899-1971) was an active contributor to Irish national and political life from 1916, when he fought in Dublin’s General Post Office in the Easter Rising, until his retirement from the post of Taoiseach in 1966. His life and political career mirror those of the emerging Irish state, starting with armed opposition, moving into an acceptance of constitutional politics, and finally embracing the challenges of political, economic and industrial modernisation. As a boy of sixteen he was briefly imprisoned after the Rising and some years later he was interned at Ballykinlar Camp during the War of Independence. He was a member of the Four Courts garrison in 1922 and was subsequently interned by the Irish Free State government. Described by one of his biographers as Eamon de Valera’s “loyal lieutenant for four decades” (Horgan), Lemass was first elected to Dáil Eireann for Sinn Féin in 1924, representing Dublin South City, although he followed the Sinn Féin abstentionist policy and did not take his seat there.
    [Show full text]
  • Irish Literature Since 1990: Diverse Voices
    9780719075636_4_005.qxd 16/2/09 9:24 AM Page 79 5 The stuff of tragedy? Representations of Irish political leaders in the ‘Haughey’ plays of Carr, Barry and Breen Anthony Roche Plays which deal directly with political life are rare in the Irish canon. Mostly, the emphasis is on family relations, with the direct political con- text placed in the background, if not almost entirely effaced. But there are those exceptional occasions when contemporary playwrights have felt the need to address the state of the nation more directly by placing politicians squarely on the stage. Brian Friel did so in his 1969 play The Mundy Scheme, with its mendacious Taoiseach F.X. Ryan and his scheme to repopulate the west of Ireland by filling it with the dead bodies of rich foreigners; and in 1982’s The Communication Cord the equally corrupt Senator Donovan mouths as hypocritical pieties many of the views of Irish identity seriously promulgated two years earlier in Translations: ‘This determined our first priorities! This is our native simplicity! Don’t give me that shit!’1 Both plays were unusual in Friel’s oeuvre in being ferocious satires; neither did well commercially or crit- ically, neither has been much revived (if at all) and The Mundy Scheme is not currently in print. In 1982, Hugh Leonard followed his autobiographical plays of the 1970s, Da and A Life, with his black comedy, Kill, whose central politician Wade is a thinly disguised version of then-Taoiseach Charles Haughey. Leonard’s play was neither a critical nor commercial success. With such antecedents it can hardly have been on commercial grounds that in the concentrated period of 2002–03 three Irish playwrights staged dramas which centred on a political leader who bore in varying degrees a recognisable resemblance to Charles J.
    [Show full text]
  • Études Irlandaises, 39-2 | 2014, « Les Religions En République D’Irlande Depuis 1990 » [En Ligne], Mis En Ligne Le 20 Novembre 2016, Consulté Le 02 Avril 2020
    Études irlandaises 39-2 | 2014 Les religions en République d’Irlande depuis 1990 Eamon Maher et Catherine Maignant (dir.) Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/etudesirlandaises/3867 DOI : 10.4000/etudesirlandaises.3867 ISSN : 2259-8863 Éditeur Presses universitaires de Caen Édition imprimée Date de publication : 20 novembre 2014 ISBN : 978-2-7535-3559-6 ISSN : 0183-973X Référence électronique Eamon Maher et Catherine Maignant (dir.), Études irlandaises, 39-2 | 2014, « Les religions en République d’Irlande depuis 1990 » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 20 novembre 2016, consulté le 02 avril 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/etudesirlandaises/3867 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/ etudesirlandaises.3867 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 2 avril 2020. Études irlandaises est mise à disposition selon les termes de la Licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d’Utilisation Commerciale - Partage dans les Mêmes Conditions 4.0 International. 1 SOMMAIRE Avant-propos Eamon Maher et Catherine Maignant Introduction : les données Le paysage religieux de la République et de l’Irlande du Nord au début du XXIe siècle Catherine Piola L’église catholique en question : évolutions et enjeux The Aggiornamento of the Irish Catholic Church in the 1960s and 1970s Yann Bevant Reconstruction de l’Église catholique en République d’Irlande Déborah Vandewoude Church and State in Ireland (1922-2013): Contrasting Perceptions of Humanity Catherine Maignant Dark walled up with stone: contrasting images of Irish Catholicism Colum Kenny Représentations littéraires des changements religieux “They all seem to have inherited the horrible ugliness and sewer filth of sex”: Catholic Guilt in Selected Works by John McGahern (1934-2006) Eamon Maher Seán Dunne’s The Road to Silence: An Anomalous Spiritual Autobiography? James S.
    [Show full text]
  • Thirteenth Dáil
    THIRTEENTH DÁIL Thirteenth Dáil (18.2.1948 - 7.5.1951) Fifth Government (18.2.1948 - 13.6.1951) Name: Post held: John A. Costello Taoiseach Minister for Health (from: 12.4.1951) William Norton Tánaiste & Minister for Social Welfare Minister for Local Government (3.5.49 to 11.5.49) Sean Mac Bride Minister for External Affairs Patrick McGilligan Minister for Finance Daniel Morrissey Minister for Industry & Commerce (to: 7.3.1951) Minister for Justice (from: 7.3.1951) Timothy J. Murphy Minister for Local Government (died : 29.4.49) Noel C. Browne Minister for Health (to: 11.4.1951 - resigned) (see J. A. Costello above) James M. Dillon Minister for Agriculture Richard Mulcahy Minister for Education Sean MacEoin Minister for Justice (to: 7.3.1951) Minister for Defence (from: 7.3.1951) Thomas F. O'Higgins Minister for Defence (to: 7.3.1951) Minister for Industry & Commerce (from: 7.3.1951) James Everett Minister for Posts & Telegraphs Joseph Blowick Minister for Lands Michael Keyes Minister for Local Government (from: 11.5.1949) - 1 - THIRTEENTH DÁIL (Thirteenth Dáil (18.1.1948 - 7.5.1951) / Fifth Government (18.1.1948 - 13.6.1951) condt. Notes: (1) Following the dissolution of a Dáil, the Government remain in office, even if it loses the General Election, until the new Dáil meets and nominates a new Government. (2) Inter-party Government comprising of Fine Gael, Labour, Clann na Talmhúain & Clann na Pobhlachta. (3) William Norton acted as Minister for Local Government in the period between Mr. Murphy's death and Mr. Keyes' appointment. (4) Ministers are listed in order of seniority.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 2 Elections and Political Communication Donnacha Ó
    Chapter 2 Elections and political communication Donnacha Ó Beacháin Election campaigns are sporadic events during which the apathy that the non- participatory political system engenders has to be momentarily surmounted to inject renewed legitimacy into the system of organised political parties. How the citizenry are to be motivated to mobilise from their habitual passivity depends on the quality and quantity of political communication with the electorate. In short it is influenced, if not determined, by the character of the election campaign. This chapter provides a brief introduction to how those competing for votes have communicated with the Irish electorate since the foundation of the state. Campaign slogans, techniques and candidates As the revolutionary generation that had monopolised political power for the first four decades of independence exited the political stage during the 1960s, prospective candidates for election had to find new ways of getting on the ticket. For those not part of a political dynasty forged during the formative years of the state, sport proved another way of coming to the attention of the electorate, and the party leaderships. The 1965 general election returned 17 former Gaelic games stars (Whyte, 1966, 31) but a focus on GAA luminaries provides only a partial picture of the influence of the organisation. Brian Farrell (1971, 321–22) has noted that the 1969 election returned in addition to 15 GAA ‘stars’ four GAA county officials and another 25 deputies who had been or continued to be active within the GAA as players or officials. The most significant figure of this new generation was Jack Lynch, who governed Ireland for 43 most of the period spanning the mid-1960s to the late 1970s, and whose complete lack of a political pedigree was compensated for by having won six All-Ireland hurling and football medals.
    [Show full text]