Navigating Freedom: Social Cohesion Policies and the Democratic Cultural Landscape of ’s Liberation Heritage Route by Steven Kotze and Bonginkosi Zuma

98 | MUSEUM international teven Kotze graduated from the University of Natal in 1994 with a B.A. Honours degree specialising in the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, Swhich was awarded cum laude. He is currently registered at the University of Witwatersrand for an M.A. in the Art History department. Since 1997, Kotze has worked in the field of public history and heritage, at the battlefields of Isandlwana and Rorke’s Drift, and assisting to develop policy for the iSmangaliso Wetland Park. As a lecturer at the University of KwaZulu-Natal and the Independent Institute of Education, he worked as a heritage consultant to curate tours of Trappist monastery missions in the this province. He is responsible for implementing a cultural landscape installation of liberation history sites for the inner-city of Durban.

onginkosi Zuma currently works as a researcher within the Local History Museums of eThekwini municipality. Since he joined the museums in B2011, he has enjoyed working with the collections, including taking care of artefacts and other objects of cultural and historical significance. Through exhibitions and other outreach programmes, Zuma has assisted in making these artefacts and objects available to the public. He participates in curatorial discussions that involve both permanent and temporary exhibitions, reflecting the overall purpose of the Local History Museums, which is to preserve the history and heritage of communities of this city for posterity. Zuma is affiliated with the South African Museums Association (SAMA) and is in the process of joining the International Council of Museums (ICOM).

MUSEUM international | 99 n October 2005, the UNESCO Commission for Culture adopted the Draft Resolution 33C/29 entitled Roads to Independence: African Liberation Heritage, to recognise the universal value and significance of this heritage (UNESCO 2005, p. 214). In the broadest perspective, this UNESCO programme draws together the common experience of African nations in their fight against co- lonial occupation, racism and the struggle for human rights. ’s struggle for liberation began with wars of resistance against colonial invasions and was followed by a coordinated fight against racist discrimination and by national political movements.1 The National Liberation Heritage Route (LHR) is an ongoing and far-reaching proj- ect of the South African National Heritage Council (NHC), designed to develop and Imanage resources related to the legacy of the liberation struggle throughout all nine provinces. While a small number of high profile sites make up a tentative UNESCO list, the implementation of a national route is effectively an undertaking of either pro- vincial or local government within a framework established by the NHC. This paper describes the initial phase of a localised route in Durban, the largest city in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, which does not directly form part of NHC plan- ning and implementation, but rather serves to support the national programme by identifying sites limited to a single municipal area, and which do not qualify for in- clusion on the proposed UNESCO list. In 2013, the eThekwini municipality, which runs the city of Durban, initiated a process to identify, document and commemorate local sites and icons of the struggle for freedom and democracy in South Africa. At its heart, this city-oriented liberation route of the largest urban area in KwaZulu-Natal pays homage to individuals representing a wide range of organisations, who made sacrifices or gave their lives in the fight against apartheid.

he National LHR seeks to ensure that key criticism of the ‘National juxtapositions yet to flower into interac- Tyoung South Africans, as well as fu- A Strategy for Developing an Inclusive tion (or not, for not all potential connec- ture generations, appreciate those great and a Cohesive South African Society’ tions have to be established), relations sacrifices made by ordinary women and (Department of Arts and Culture 2012, which may or may not be accomplished’ men to achieve the rights all citizens now online) is that while this policy has been (Massey 2005, p. 11). Moreover, Henri enjoy. The head of the NHC, Advocate widely debated and discussed, particu- Lefebvre’s understanding of social space Sonwabile Mancotywa, described the larly in the wake of xenophobic violence as a social construction (1991) is signifi- LHR as ‘an embodiment of our collec- in South Africa (Worby et al. 2008; cant with respect to the consequences of tive experiences, our ideals, values and Landau 2012), the ‘existing definitions apartheid urban planning, and any po- principles, which unified a people who of social cohesion [are] all-encompass- tential influence the Durban Amandla were subjected to national oppression ing [leading] to the use of the term being LHR has to mitigate the legacy of those through a repressive system. We seek to redundant’ (Ndinga-Kanga 2015, p. 5). policies. honour the freedom fighters that swelled We believe, however, that the Durban the ranks of the liberation movement, Amandla LHR is a tangible intervention hile it may be difficult to precisely the progressive movement, the clandes- that fosters opportunities for enhanc- Wevaluate the impact of this project tine structures, the guerrilla (military) ing social cohesion by emphasising local on the long-term effects of racial segre- formations [and] those who carried history in the public sphere. By locating gation and conflict, and Lefebvre warns high the banner through unprecedent- physical plaques (containing maps, im- that we cannot expect purely spatial in- ed international solidarity’ (Houston et ages and text in two languages) adja- terventions to result in social changes, al. 2013, p. 4). In what follows below we cent to historically significant sites, the raising the street level profile of a largely provide an overview of how this local Durban route allows visitors from dispa- hidden cultural route of previously iso- part of the LHR, hereafter referred to as rate social backgrounds to engage with lated struggle sites creates a disruption of the Durban Amandla LHR, has been im- otherwise hidden elements of the city’s the everyday spatial and temporal land- plemented in Durban, as well as a more past and the background of other com- scape in Durban (Lefebvre 1991, p. 190). detailed description of the sites includ- munities of which they may be unaware. Over time, the people who make use ed in the project, and then discuss how of this route, and the different ways in this might contribute to government-­ he plaques and content of the route which the content of the route is utilised sponsored programmes promoting so- Texpose relationships between vari- and engaged with, will provide insights cial cohesion. ous sites, organisations and individuals into the effectiveness of such a project as within the physical environment, there- part of social cohesion programmes. by calling attention to the ‘political im- plications of practising [space] different- ly’ (Massey 2005, p. 13). Doreen Massey argues that it is precisely this relation- al nature of space that is fundamental in allowing such encounters, as ‘there are always connections yet to be made,

100 | MUSEUM international Amandla: the Liberation Heritage Route in Durban ollowing a two-day consultation with lthough the British Colony of Natal n order to distinguish the most rel- Fcommunity and heritage stakehold- Awas established in 1845, the first Ievant examples at the initiation of ers within eThekwini municipality in July endeavour to enact racist discrimina- the project, a consultation process was 2013, the Durban Local History Museum tory legislation began during the 1870s conducted with community stakehold- was tasked with the responsibility of co- (Swanson 1983, p. 403). Such laws, as er groups, including representatives of ordinating with stakeholders to gather well as pervasive social prejudice, were Currie’s Fountain Development Trust, information on sites of significance and opposed by generations of activists in- Denis Hurley Centre, Diakonia Council creating a system to implement a for- cluding M.K. Gandhi, a founder of the of Churches, Durban University of mat for the LHR in Durban. Beyond the Natal Indian Congress in 1894 (Swanson Technology, Early Morning Market, city centre, sites on the Inanda Heritage 1983, p. 417) and Rev. John L. Dube, who Mahatma Gandhi Memorial Trust, Route, such as the Gandhi settlement at became the first president of the ANC in Grey Street Mosque, Monty Naicker Phoenix and Ohlange Institute, are well 1912 (Hughes 2011). In the 20th centu- Commemoration Committee, Surat known and qualify as locations of in- ry, as Durban became the largest urban Hindu Association and Victoria Street ternational significance, together with centre in the region, a racially restrict- Market, as well as the City Architects nearby locations such as John Dube ed franchise gave rise to a system of laws department (Minutes of LHR—Durban House, home of the first president of the that imposed state control on many as- Local History Museums). Through African National Congress (ANC). For pects of life including traditional beer monthly meetings and site visits, a list of ease of access to the different physical production, and later the free movement 30 sites were identified as the core of the sites, a pilot project was undertaken to and labour rights of African women and LHR for the inner city of Durban. establish a cultural route linked to sites men (la Hausse 1982, p. 64). Large scale around the inner-city area of Durban. passive resistance campaigns at the ad- The project was specifically envisioned vent of apartheid in the late 1940s (Desai as a route of numbered sites (Minutes of and Vahed 2010b, p. 195) were later LHR – Durban Local History Museums), supplanted by a militant labour move- most of which could be walked, and not ment, which resulted in a major strike in strictly a ‘cultural landscape’ as narrow- Durban in early 1973 (Brown 2010, p. 31), ly defined by UNESCO (Fowler 2002, while at the same time Steve Bantu Biko p. 18). While closely linked to the con- and others developed a political philos- cept of cultural landscapes, the choice to ophy of Black Consciousness as students identify the sites in association with one based in the city (Rosenberg et al. 2013, another, primarily as a cultural route, is p. 260). The various legacies of this di- grounded in text of the preamble of the verse political culture in Durban, includ- ICOMOS Charter on Cultural Routes, ing many other examples discussed lat- which states that such routes, ‘represent er in the paper, incorporate a combined interactive, dynamic, and evolving pro- heritage, which the LHR seeks to pre- cesses of human intercultural links that serve and promote. reflect the rich diversity of the contri- butions of different peoples to cultur- al heritage’ (ICOMOS 2008, p. 1). This definition incorporates the wide variety of cultural and political organisations, as well as individuals that played a role in the development of non‑racial oppo- sition to colonialism, segregation and apartheid in Durban for more than a century until 1994.

Fig. 1. Durban Liberation Heritage route emblem, Local History Museums, eThekwini municipality. © Garth Walker, Mister Walker Design

MUSEUM international | 101 Preliminary steps pilot phase of this route in eThekwi- A ni municipality will be launched us- ing these sites, after which the route will be extended using the same consultative process. The Local History Museums sourced funding for the design of unique branding and signage for the different sites on the route, as well as a dedicat- ed website that includes a digital map al- lowing users to navigate easily between the various sites (See Amandla Durban, online). This allows the physical markers and digital map to complement one an- other across the respective media used, Fig. 2. An aerial view of KwaMuhle Museum, Bram Fischer Street, Durban, in 2015. and facilitate the exploration of this © Durban Local History Museums Collection, eThekwini Municipality cultural route or landscape by users at street level. The group name chosen for Durban (Worpole 2000, p. 99). The proj- lthough five sites are located out- this project is Amandla: The Liberation ect presents aspects of city history that Aside the compact three square kilo- Heritage of Durban, with a distinctive are obscure in some cases, and have van- metre area at the core of the inner-city raised-fist logo in red (Fig. 1). ished entirely from their original con- route, the remaining 25 sites are all with- texts in others. By creating a network in one kilometre of each other and the he City Architects department ad- of sites, linked both virtually online and linear distance between these 25 sites is Tvised on construction requirements with physical markers at street level, vis- just over six kilometres. While visitors for site markers, described as ‘wayfind- itors are not only drawn to the histori- who explore the liberation sites deter- er pylons’, which are durable enough to cal background of the selected sites, but mine their own route based on the selec- withstand street traffic as they are placed also curious of other potentially hidden tion of sites they wish to visit, the Local on pavements as close as possible to each histories. History Museums numbered the mark- chosen site. These site markers are based ers in a sequence starting at KwaMuhle on a format previously used in eThekwini ince text on individual route mark- Museum, using the shortest distance municipality for other street signage and Sers is provided in both English and to connect each successive site (Fig. 2). serve a variety of functions. Firstly, in a Zulu and illustrated, the space for con- Upon completion, this route will com- similar way to the blue English Heritage textual information is limited to approx- memorate a series of organisations, lead- plaques, the markers allow users to rec- imately 250 words on each panel. To pro- ers and events that range from those of ognise the site both by name and as part vide additional details and background international significance to the local, of the route, as many of the institutions information on each site, it was decided less well-known ones, and that are de- no longer function in their original lo- to link the information on route mark- scribed below. cations. Secondly, a panel of texts in ers to the project website by means of English and Zulu on the marker brief- an SMS (short message service) or ‘text ocating the route’s point of departure ly explains the historical significance of message’ system as this is a universal Lat the museum is a critical element in the site and any significant figures asso- technology. When a visitor onsite sends the design of the project (LHR Minutes, ciated with that place, along with a black a free text message (containing the site’s Durban Local History Museum). and white photograph to provide addi- unique code) to a designated number, KwaMuhle serves both as a physical re- tional context. Finally, the reverse side they receive a text message with a hy- minder of apartheid policies, which once of the marker panel contains a map of perlink as a reply. When they click the were administered from within its walls, inner-city Durban showing other LHR hyperlink, they are taken to the project but also as a point of orientation and his- sites nearby. website and a detailed account of the torical context for the Amandla Durban relevant site. Users are provided the op- route (Berning et al. 1991). Many of the he installation of these ‘wayfind- portunity of gaining immediate access other sites described below have also Ter’ route markers, including textu- to more background if desired. The on- been repurposed, and while some are al and photographic information at the line website map is GPS-enabled, with consciously used to commemorate their physical locations of Liberation Heritage technology available on most phones own struggle-related heritage (such as sites, is the first attempt by Durban Local showing the proximity of other sites on the Gandhi Memorial and Diakonia); History Museums to curate a cultural the route, allowing users to navigate be- others are now commercial ventures landscape, even though it does not con- tween them using a smartphone. Thus, bearing no resemblance to their original form to the specific requirements laid out the phones are seen not only as a channel purpose. The route markers thus denote by UNESCO. Locating 30 large-format of communication to gain access to addi- what Massey terms the ‘heterogeneity’ displays across a discrete area covering tional background information if neces- of space, an expression of the dynamic approximately three square kilometres sary, but also as a supplementary tool to nature of space, where a multiplicity of of the inner-city has essentially result- find nearby sites on the route and assist meanings coexist (Massey 2005, p. 9). ed in an outdoor museum exhibition on users in planning which sites they would the history of South Africa’s struggle for like to visit. political freedom, as it transpired within

102 | MUSEUM international Fig. 3. A crowd gathered in Red Square, Dr Yusuf Dadoo Street, Durban, during the launch of the on 13 June 1946. © Durban Local History Museums Collection, eThekwini Municipality

Liberation Heritage Route Sites in Durban he endeavour to develop Amandla: he Amandla project seeks to create The former apartheid institution con- TThe Liberation Heritage Route of Ta living, interactive exhibition that tains exhibitions providing insight into Durban promotes a wider awareness of records how sites were used at different the way most South Africans were treat- the struggle against apartheid by incor- times and the ways in which they have ed as ‘second class citizens’ until 1994, porating sites that are testament to the changed during the intervening decades. incorporating the misery and absurdity social fabric of Durban at various times Collectively, the Durban LHR sites there- forced upon African people through leg- in its history (Fig. 3). To accentuate the by offer points of view that museum ex- islation such as pass laws, influx control often concealed historical context of hibitions often lack, demonstrating how and forced removals (Harrison 2004, sites, and of broader areas surrounding events not only have a historical context, p. 78). groups of sites serves as tangible evi- but are also located within in a physical dence of the mass struggle against rac- landscape shaped by the fluctuating so- artwright Flats (29°51’08.5”S, ism and discrimination, thereby pro- cial, cultural and architectural setting of C31°01’09.3”E) was a popular meet- moting social cohesion. The spectrum a city. Brief outlines of the various sites ing place for large crowds of workers of places includes spiritual and religious are provided below to give an indica- who were members of the Industrial and centres, business and leisure settings tion of the rich histories explored by the Commercial Workers Union. Among such as markets, restaurants and beach- route, for the most part, within a three leaders who addressed workers at this es, as well as spaces whose function was kilometre radius of Durban’s inner city. site was Johannes Nkosi, a Communist essentially political like administrative Party of South Africa (CPSA) activ- offices, venues for rallies or marches waMuhle Museum (29°51’10.3”S, ist who took advantage of rising mili- and places associated with overt acts of K31°01’27.0”E) commemorates the tancy among urban Africans in 1929 to oppression. struggle for dignity by ordinary peo- promote a CPSA political programme ple during apartheid. Constructed in calling for a ‘South African native re- 1927, this building housed the notorious public’ and the burning of passbooks. Department of Native Affairs, which In a fiery speech at Cartwright Flats on administered discriminatory policies 16 December 1930, Nkosi called upon and enforced laws of racial segregation Africans to fight for their freedom and (Berning et al. 1991). These offices were was fatally wounded in a bloody clash frequently the target of protests, and the between African workers and Durban building was bombed by uMkhonto we- city police (Merret 1994, p. 13). Sizwe in 1961 (TRC Report 1998, p. 170).

MUSEUM international | 103 Fig. 4. The Bantu Social Centre on Charlotte Maxeke Street, Durban, as seen in 1953. © Len Rosenberg Collection, Durban University of Technology

he Durban Bantu Social Centre a radical national body for activists in t Aidan’s hospital was founded at T(29°51’06.4”S, 31°01’03.7”E), which racially segregated university campuses. S49 Cross Street in 1883 by Rev Dr moved to this site on 21 October 1933, Working from these offices, Steve Biko, Lancelot Parker Booth, an Anglican was created by municipal officials in Barney Pityana and other SASO leaders missionary. Appalled at the conditions of response to a period of large scale developed and promoted the ideology of hardship prevailing among parts of the black urbanisation (Fig. 4). Before the Black Consciousness, marking a resur- Durban Indian community, Rev Booth 1930s, African people tended to social- gence of revolutionary political activity founded the first Anglican Mission for ise in hostels, beerhalls, the Industrial since the early 1960s (Rosenberg et al. Indians in Colonial Natal with a focus Commercial Workers’ Union Club and 2013, p. 255). On 19 October 1977, SASO, on education and medical care (Wrinch- in a handful of churches. The Bantu BPC and allied Black Consciousness or- Schulz 1983). Rev Booth set up a simple Social Centre was intended as a means of ganisations were banned and their lead- dispensary and clinic in the backyard of ‘suitable control’ over African men when ers arrested following national unrest his Mission House school at 49 Cross they were not at work (Hughes 2011, over the torture and death in detention Street (29°51’15.3”S, 31°00’54.3”E) and p. 237). According to its founding aims, of Steve Biko (Rosenberg et al. 2013, the Mission Hospital was opened in 1897 it was a place where ‘[…] worthy char- p. 260). with financial assistance from the Natal acter may be encouraged and developed. Indian Congress and Parsee Rustomjee. Bantu men may spend leisure time in- imalaya House (29°51’16.9”S, 31°00’ St Aidan’s Hospital later moved to the stead of roaming the streets’ (Shepstone H38.0”E) was the first large apartment current site at 133 M.L. Sultan Road 1933). Contrary to the hopes of its white block built in this part of Durban. It was (29°51’03.6”S, 31°00’39.3”E). St Aidan’s founders, the centre was instead used by home to many leaders in the liberation made it possible for the Indian poor to an educated black African elite to inter- struggle and played a meaningful role in receive health care and basic education, act with working-class people and it be- the historical development of the Black regardless of their religious background came a platform for political meetings. Consciousness Movement (Babenia and or caste. The new hospital was opened on Edwards 1995, p. 87). This new political 4 July 1935 (Rosenberg et al. 2013, p. 205), uring the 1970s, the national head- philosophy developed, in part, through but under the Group Areas Act the hos- Dquarters of the South African discussions over meals and informal pital was noted as a ‘special zone’ in 1960, Students Organisation (SASO), and gatherings here and at other social pla- to allow continued treatment of all rac- offices of the Black Community­ ces such as the Alan Taylor student res- es in a white residential area (Wrinch- Program­mes (BCP) were housed at 86 idence (29°56’40.5”S, 30°59’08.6”E) in Schulz 1983). Charlotte Maxeke Street (29°51’07.0”S, Tara Road (Robbs 2005; Noble 2013). 31°00’54.3”E), in a buildings owned by This movement not only called for resis- the United Congregational Church of tance to apartheid, for freedom of speech Southern Africa (Rosenberg et al. 2013, and human rights for South African p. 253). In 1968, black students led by blacks, but a readiness to make black Bantu Stephen Biko broke away from consciousness, rather than simple liber- the multi-racial National Union of South al democracy, a rallying point. African Students and formed SASO, as

104 | MUSEUM international he first Indian high school and teach- Ters’ training college built in South Africa was opened at Sastri College (29°51’05.0”S, 31°00’31.6”E) in October 1929 (Fig. 5). Founded by the Honourable V.S. Srinivasa Sastri, it was designed by the architect Hermann Kallenbach, a friend of Mahatma Gandhi. Srinivasa Sastri collected £28,000 from Indian families and created an institution that functioned both as a boys-only second- ary school and a teachers training col- lege (Thakur 1992). Access to higher ed- ucation led to improvements in both the standard of teaching and the number of teachers available for Indian schools. In Fig. 5. Sastri College in Durban shortly after it was opened in October 1929. © Durban Local 1936, the Natal University College es- History Museums Collection, eThekwini Municipality tablished a segregated campus for black students, using the facilities of Sastri political gathering was held on the site in routes after an adjacent wetland was College (Rosenberg et al. 2013, p. 148). 1913 and during the apartheid era activ- drained, the area flourished during the Here a generation of intellectuals from ists gathered at Curries Fountain before 1930s (Maharaj 1999, p. 252). New resi- diverse ethnic, language and class back- marching in protest against government dents moved into the network of narrow grounds was educated and united in op- policies of segregation and racial dis- lanes to create a distinct social character position to racism and segregation. crimination (Rosenberg, Sumboornam in the ‘Duchene’. Under apartheid this and Vahed 2013, p. 231). The stadium racially diverse community of largely urries Fountain Stadium (29°51’00. is also associated with important poli­ working-class families was identified as C9”S, 31°00’27.2”E) has the unique tical events in its own right, such as a ‘Slum Zone’, resulting in the displace- status of a site where the ideals of non-ra- the Frelimo Rally in 1974 (Brown 2012, ment of many families. Residents resist- cial sports were developed and put into p. 70). ed relocation for 20 years and many still practice, as well as a venue for mass po- lived in the area in the 1980s when the litical events. Playing fields were created olloquially known as the ‘Duchene’ evictions were finally stopped. It is one here in 1892 when colonial segregation Cafter the Old Dutch Road, which it of the few inner-city ‘black spots’ in the policies prevented black teams from us- spanned, the racially diverse residen- country that survived apartheid forced ing grounds reserved exclusively for tial neighbourhood that developed on removals (Maharaj 1999, p. 259 , see also whites (Rosenberg, Sumboornam and the lower slopes of the Berea ridge was Fig. 6). Vahed 2013, p. 11). A permanent home first settled by former indentured Indian for non-racial sports fixtures was only labourers (29°51’04.2”2, 31°00’29.7”E). brought about in 1924. The first mass Situated close to markets and transport

Fig. 6. An aerial photograph from the mid-1970s depicting the construction of a new highway in Durban. The lower right of the image shows the mixed race residential area known as the ‘Duchene’, from which many residents were later forcibly removed to make way for the campus of the Durban University of Technology. © Len Rosenberg Collection, Durban Univesrity of Technology

MUSEUM international | 105 he Surat Hindu Association (29°51’ T21.7”S, 31°00’56.3”E) was founded by the Gujarati-speaking communi- ty in Durban in 1907) and is the oldest registered organisation in KwaZulu- Natal (Bana and Brain 1990, p. 217). The Association defended the interests and rights of Indian people, who faced dis- crimination in colonial-era Natal. The founders also built a Dharamashala (or ‘boarding house’) to cater for Indians travelling from other parts of the coun- try, or returning from India, due to a lack of hotels for Indian people in Durban at that time (Zegeye and Ahluwalia 2001, p. 18).

he Gandhi Memorial (29°51’17.5”S, Fig. 7. Protests led by African people outside the former municipal beerhall on Bertha 31°00’58.3”E) commemorates the Mkhize Street, Durban, on 17 June 1959. © Durban Local History Museums Collection, T eThekwini Municipality enduring presence of Mahatma Gandhi in Durban. The historic site was one of he Victoria Street Market rom 1909 until the late 1960s, Durban two purchased by Gandhi during his stay T(29°51’22.2”S, 31°00’53.2”E) and Fmunicipality held a monopoly on in the city, and transferred to the Natal Early Morning Market (29°51’21.2”S, the production and sale of tradition- Indian Congress in 1896 and 1897. The 31’0042.4”E) reflect the struggles of a al African beer, in beerhalls known as Mahatma Gandhi Memorial Trust was poor community striving to survive eMatsheni (Figs. 7 and 8). The Zulu name, established in 1960 to prevent their ex- economically. The markets were found- meaning ‘place of stones, originally des- propriation by the apartheid govern- ed by former indentured labourers who ignated from large rocks outside Durban ment. After 55 years the site was devel- turned to market gardening for an in- railway station where African women oped into a memorial, designed both come. Vendors were initially prevented sold beer before a monopoly was intro- in remembrance of Gandhi’s time in from selling their merchandise in the co- duced (la Hausse 1984, p. 47). Revenue Durban and to address the ongoing lonial town market and access was only from sales of beer at Victoria Street beer- need for social, economic and political permitted later under onerous condi- hall (29°51’22.1”S, 31°00’53.3”E) funded a transformation in South African society. tions. To bypass racist legislation, they repressive system of social control for Although since demolished, offices used created their own market, originally on Africans and the beer monopoly sup- by M.K. Gandhi formerly at 14 Mercury the grounds of the mosque, and later on ported the maintenance of barracks, Lane (29°51’32.3”S, 31°01’25.4”E) were as the population grew larger on Victoria hostels, beerhalls and breweries, as well used for the administration of both the Street (Desai and Vahed 2010a, p. 267). as a subsidy for the cost of policing the International Printing Press and Indian Trading in the open, exposed to the ele- town (la Hausse 1984). Municipal police Opinion, the newspaper he established ments, and without access to sanitation also held those arrested during raids for in 1903. The International Printing Press or toilets were part of their difficult work ‘pass’ law violations at eMatsheni before was founded on 29 November 1898 at 113 conditions. In 1910, the municipality incarceration in the Central Prison. This Dr Yusuf Dadoo Street, alongside the built a covered market in Victoria Street eMatsheni and others were seen as cen- Natal Indian Congress hall (Hofmeyr for Indian traders, in which stall hold- tral symbols of the ‘Durban System’ lim- 2013). ers paid rent to the municipality. Those iting the independent economic activity unable to afford the rent of stalls set up of African women, and it was vandal- he restaurant of Kapitan’s Balcony a ‘Squatters Market’ outside, which lat- ised during protests that took place in THotel was a Durban landmark and er became the Early Morning Market Durban during 1929 and 1959 (Fig. 7). many patrons included political lea­ders on an alternate site (Nadvi 2012, p. 99). from a wide variety of organisations who This market commenced trading on 1 met at Kapitan’s for meals and strate­gy February 1934, after more than 25 years ses­sions. It is reputed that Durban’s cel- of struggle for a marketplace by poorer ebrated ‘Bunny­ Chow’ curries were fir­ Indian gardeners excluded from the first st made in Grey Street, possibly at Kapi­ market. Victoria Street market was de- tan’s Hotel (29.°51’20.5”S, 31°01’00.5”E). stroyed by a fire that began under mys- Segre­ga­tion prevented African custom- terious circumstances on 15 March 1973, ers from eating inside the hotel, and which many traders suspected was an they were served through a hatch direct- act of sabotage by government agents ly onto the street. Indian shopkeepers (Rosenberg et al. 2013, p. 60). were known as banias, resulting in the name Bunny Chow meaning ‘food from the shopkeepers’ (Cosgove 2009, p. 118).

106 | MUSEUM international Fig. 8. Protests led by African people outside the former municipal beerhall on Bertha Mkhize Street, Durban, on 17 June 1959. © Durban Local History Museums Collection, eThekwini Municipality

n August 1881, Aboobaker Amod he Denis Hurley Centre (29°51’26.1”S, small open-air space is all that re- IJhaveri and Hajee Mahomed Dada T31°00’56.1”E) is a legacy of the po- A mains of a large area known as Red purchased a site in Grey Street for the litical activism of Archbishop Denis Square (29°51.28.7”S, 31°01’03.5”E), sit- construction of a mosque (Vahed 2001: Hurley. Hurley led Durban’s Catholics uated in Dr Yusuf Dadoo Street un- 314). In 1884, the structure was enlarged for 45 years and became international- til 1967. The public space was conve- to create the Juma Masjid (29°51’25.3”S, ly known for his outspoken opposition nient for large political gatherings, 31°00’59.5”E), the first mosque built in to apartheid, stemming from his faith notably for rallies held by the South the colony of Natal. Social and political and a belief in the universal values of African Communist Party. The SACP activists from the mosque congregation justice, freedom, truth, reconciliation offices were across the street in Lakhani fought against racial discrimination, and peace (Kearney 2009). In the 1970s, Chambers (29°51.31.6”S, 31°01’03.0”E), and Muslim leaders contested any laws Archbishop Denis Hurley voiced a desire which made this a convenient space that targeted Indians unfairly or limit- to establish an ecumenical organisation for leaders to address crowds of work- ed rights they were entitled to as British to work for justice in the greater Durban ers (Zegeye and Ahluwalia 2001, p. 19). subjects (Vahed 2001, p. 328). area. He believed the church should Authorities later regarded any protests have been doing more in the struggle here as Communist inspired, which re- he MK Gandhi Library (29°51’24.7”S, to end apartheid, stating that ‘[w]ork- sulted in the name ‘Red Square’. When T31°00’59.4”E) was opened opposite ing together to alleviate suffering and the Durban strikes broke out in January the mosque on 10 September 1921, at a to humanise society is perhaps the most 1973, large crowds of workers gathered time when public library services for promising and exciting opportunity for here to consult with union leaders based Indians were largely non-existent. It was ecumenism’ (Mvambo-Dandala 2011). in offices at Lakhani Chambers. the vision of Parsee Rustomjee, and the The Archbishop started discussions first librarians, Essop Bapu and A.M. with other church leaders in Durban, Kotwal, assembled books and magazines and founded Diakonia (29°51’45.9”S, with a focus on history, politics, reli- 31°01’02.7”E) on 25 March 1976 (Walshe gion and culture (South African Library 1997, p. 393). Association 1947, p. 84). The library ar- chive preserved records of Durban’s ear- ly Indian community, while the Parsee Rustomjee Hall was used for meetings, public lectures and social functions by a wide variety of organisations.

MUSEUM international | 107 Fig. 9. Anti-apartheid protest outside Durban City Hall on 22 September 1989. © Durban Local History Museums Collection, eThekwini Municipality

ffices in this building were used by among the first resisters to go to prison urban Central Prison, which stood Omany organisations and individuals in 1946 and the last to be released when Din Durban city centre (29°51’18.5”S, engaged in the struggle against apartheid the campaign ended in 1948 (Desai and 31°0146.2”E) from the early 20th century and racism. From the 1940s onwards, the Vahed 2010b, p. 173). until it was decommissioned in 1985, was regional offices of progressive organisa- known to prisoners as Sentele, a Zulu tions such as the ANC, NIC and South ince the Durban City Hall was inau- pronunciation of ‘Central’. Leaders from African Communist Party were housed Sgurated on 12 May 1910, the impos- anti-apartheid organisations were held in Lakhani Chambers (Desai and Vahed ing domed building has been the centre here during various campaigns, includ- 2010b, p. 342). The close proximity of of municipal government (29°51’29.7”S, ing those who burned passbooks (Desai these offices to Red Square fostered the 31°01’32.6”E). During decades of state-­ and Vahed 2010b, p. 356). Any oppo- formal alliance between these organi- sanctioned racial segregation, and apart- nent to apartheid in Durban was prob- sations and was a factor in the coordi- heid legislation after 1948, the city coun- ably held in this prison at some time. A nation of their efforts to combat racist cil represented the will of only a small short section of the prison wall and two government policies. The close collab- white minority. As a result, the City Hall guard towers were preserved in memory oration later organised between labour, was a significant symbol of racist gov- of the prisoners of conscience interned nationalists and Communists was fos- ernment for the majority of Durban res- at the Central Prison for their political tered by close personal relations that idents (Fig. 9). Anti-apartheid protest beliefs, and for their participation in the developed between leaders working in marches against frequently moved along liberation struggle. A mural was creat- proximity to one another. Dr Pixley kaSeme Street to the offices ed on this wall in 1992 to celebrate the of the Mayor (Kearney 2009, p. 265). A Universal Declaration of Human Rights, he Indian Congresses embraced key event in the final decline of apart- as well as civil liberties later enshrined Tpassive resistance as a form of strug- heid occurred in the City Hall on 15 in South Africa’s democratic constitu- gle. In the late 1940s, the leaders of the August 1985 when President P.W. Botha tion (O’Brien 1999, p. 423). A nearby Natal Indian Congresses, Dr Gagathura addressed the National Party Congress site has been dedicated to Dr Gagathura Mohambry Naicker and Dr Yusuf held in Durban. Although expected to Mohambry Naicker (29°51.20.8”S, 31° Dadoo, supported by dozens of militant announce major reforms, including the 01.57.5”E). On completing his medical unionists and activists, revived the spirit release of , Botha re- studies ‘Monty’ Naicker was drawn to of the 1913 mass campaigns to mobilise fused to submit to international pres- radical politics, and was elected pres- the Indian community. On 13 June 1946, sure for change (Fig. 9). The event be- ident of the NIC in 1945 (Desai and the Passive Resistance Campaign against came known as the ‘Rubicon Speech’, and Vahed 2010b, p. 134). He took a cen- the Ghetto Act of 1946 was launched represented the last stand for advocates tral role in the 1946 Passive Resistance when 15,000 people marched from Red of South Africa’s policy of racial segre- Campaign and worked with African Square to Resistance Park in Umbilo gation and political persecution (Dubow National Congress president, Dr A.B. (29°52’12.9”S, 30°59’42.3”E). A small 2014, p. 221). Xuma, and Dr Yusuf Dadoo, president of group pitched tents to provoke arrest by the Transvaal Indian Congress to create the state and Naicker and Dadoo were a multi-racial united front against apart- heid (Desai and Vahed 2010b, p. 243).

108 | MUSEUM international Fig. 10. A 2015 view of the former Security Fig. 11. A 2015 view of the stone wall in Ballard Street, Durban, reputedly built by prisoners Branch police offices in Masobiya of war who served sentences of hard labour in Durban harbour following the Bhambatha Mdluli Street, Durban. © Durban Local uprising in 1906. © Durban Local History Museums Collection, eThekwini Municipality History Museums Collection, eThekwini Municipality he Security Branch of the South (Guy 2006, p. 170). Prisoners from the Reservation of Separate Amenities TAfrican Police was used by the gov- the Bhambatha Rebellion construct- Ordinance No. 37 (Natal), not only seg- ernment to suppress anti-apartheid or- ed the Escombe Sea Wall (29°52’12.7”S, regated all of Durban’s beaches accord- ganisations and activists (Fig. 10). Also 31°02’50.8”E), a low stone structure built ing to race group, but reserved the best known as the Special Branch, police to keep beach sand from silting the har- and most conveniently located beach- agents acted to curb activities includ- bour. It is the only physical remnant of es for white residents. The so-called ing sabotage, which the National Party the rebel prisoners in Durban and is a ‘African Bathing Beach’ (29°49’16.4”S, regime considered subversive. The provincial Category III Heritage Site 31°02’14.1”E) was relocated to a site, just Security Branch was a violent, coercive (Fig. 11). south of the Mngeni River. Regardless force within the state security appara- of efforts to ease segregation on Durban tus, and operated with cold-blooded ef- hroughout the 20th century, Durban beaches during the late 1970s and 1980s, ficiency. Police spies infiltrated banned TCity Council determined the use of these laws were only repealed in October underground organisations and politi- space within the city in response to po- 1990. cal activists were subjected to detention litical demands of the white middle class. and interrogation, frequently accompa- When Durban’s population expanded nied by torture. A building at 9 Fisher rapidly after the turn of the 20th centu- Street (29°51’32.0”S, 31°02’11.3”E) was ry the Indian Ocean beach was devel- the headquarters of the Security Branch oped into one of the premier seaside at- in Durban (Nicholson 2005, p.133). On tractions in South Africa (Hughes 2012, 18 March 1976, Masobiya Joseph Mdluli p. 145). The area was transformed with was brought here for interrogation and piers, boardwalks and a swimming en- the injuries he suffered led to his death closure intended for the exclusive use of the following day (Dladla 1983, p. 32). white bathers, although racial segrega- tion on beaches was not yet enforced by etween February and July 1906, the law. In 1929 the Durban Council set aside Bleaders of several African communi- a stretch of beach adjacent to the har- ties in the British colonies of Natal and bour breakwater for the use of African Zululand rose in armed rebellion against bathers (Hughes 2012, p. 152), and the injustice and colonial oppression. Chief following year beach segregation was Bhambatha kaMancinza of the Zondi formally enforced by Provincial Notice clan was the most widely known lead- No. 206 of 1930. African and Indian er, although other traditional leaders residents flocked to beaches allocated also joined the rebellion (Guy 2006). to their respective communities. After Following the brutal suppression of the apartheid was established in 1948 the uprising at Mome Gorge and the death National Party government imposed of Chief Bhambatha Zondi, other leaders more rigid requirements for social seg- of the rebellion were tried for treason. regation of race groups. The Reservation Many rebel prisoners were sentenced to of Separate Amenities Act of 1953 did hard labour in the Railways Department, specify use of beaches, and was amend- which included Durban harbour ed to include them in 1960. In 1967,

MUSEUM international | 109 Creating social awareness perspective that museum exhibitions of- (MDGs), because these goals were clear- s seen by the types of sites that the ten struggle to give, and show that events ly aligned with the vision expressed and ALHR includes, the current project have a spatial as well as temporal con- supported by more than 3000 South seeks to create an alternate social aware- text, which is always changing as the so- Africans at Kliptown in 1955 who rati- ness of that historical struggle by using cial, cultural and architectural dynamic fied the Freedom Charter, a document a very broad variety of site types. These of a city shifts over time. that, in turn, became an important basis range from spiritual and religious cen- for the nation’s democratic constitution. tres to commercial or recreational set- Towards a socially cohesive society One might argue that the original goals tings such as markets, restaurants and rguably, one of the most significant of the Charter were an integral part of beaches, as well as more obvious places Ashifts in recent history is the advent the ongoing work and challenges taken like political offices, scenes of rallies or of democracy in South Africa, embod- on by the post-apartheid government. marches and sites of overt oppression. By ied by the new constitution. Adopted locating the route markers at street level in 1996, the constitution emerged as a t is against the backdrop of these his- alongside the respective sites, the Local document that placed the country at the Itoric demands for, and challenges to, History Museum has curated an exten- forefront of respect for human rights and social justice that the development of a sive outdoor exhibition on this aspect dignity for all citizens. A critical view of LHR should be considered. In this pa- of Durban’s history, thereby creating an the constitution, however, might pos- per, we seek to highlight issues perti- effective cultural landscape of liberation it that while the letter of South Africa’s nent to post-apartheid reconciliation, heritage within the context of ongoing constitution is perfect, the spirit is per- nation-building and social cohesion. daily life in the city. The size, scale and haps wanting as recent widespread de- While not completely disagreeing with distinctive red colour of the site markers mands for more effective social trans- the methodology used by the South are designed to attract the attention of formation demonstrated in 2015. The African government in trying to create both locals and visitors, while the print problem in this respect lies with both sustainable social environments with- maps on the pylons and GPS naviga- implementation and the evaluation of in the country, we would like to point tion available via smartphone technolo- policies. If state strategies are not im- out certain deficiencies in South African gy alerts users to the proximity of other plemented in a manner that satisfies the policy, which both limit the success of a sites and hopefully encourages further South African people, initiatives aimed programme such as the LHR and poten- exploration of other sites on the route. at engendering social cohesion and nur- tially create grounds for breeding social The 30 sites identified for the launch of turing nation building are bound to be exclusion. this project are not intended as a com- smothered. To what extent can a pro- prehensive list, but should be regarded as gramme such as the Durban LHR im- Current challenges to social representative of the initiative’s full po- plement the values of the constitution cohesion tential. Public responses beyond stake- and how might it be positioned to foster he final report of the MDGs (UN holder groups is anticipated, allowing better social cohesion? T2015) provides the world community for further expansion of the route within with many reasons to celebrate. Thanks eThekwini municipality, to include new hen Nelson Mandela wrote that to concerted global, regional and nation- selections of sites and historical contexts W‘to be free is not merely to cast al efforts, the MDGs have saved the lives not yet addressed. off one’s chains but to live in a manner of millions and improved conditions for that respects and enhances the freedom many more in various respects. Among hrough the process of visiting all of of others’, many South Africans and numerous statistics, the report states that Tthe sites, or just selecting a few, vis- the rest of the world came to hope that the proportion of undernourished peo- itors are encouraged to engage with the South Africa would eventually become ple in developing regions has fallen by shifting physical and social context of a more socially cohesive society, partic- almost half since 1990, from 23.3 per cent our various historical sites. The project ularly in contrast with the dividedness in 1990–1992 to 12.9 per cent in 2014– extends the work of the Local History of the apartheid period (Mandela 1994). 2016. Sub-Saharan Africa has had the Museum beyond its institutional walls. Mandela was especially addressing those best record of improvement in primary With exhibition content of this nature— in a position of power, commending vig- education of any region since the MDGs on pavements and in the streets—people ilance over the manner in which public were established. The region achieved a who participate in this heritage experi- resources were managed, essentially urg- 20 percentage point increase in the net ence perceive how history is accumulat- ing state officials to devise strategies that school enrolment rate from 2000 to 2015, ed within everyday spaces, in the form of engendered conditions to care for and compared to a gain of eight percentage layers of architecture, the changing use promote human dignity. points between 1990 and 2000. The lit- of the sites, and past and present devel- eracy rate among youth aged 15 to 24 opments. Accounts of events and move- n 2000, the leaders of 189 nations made has increased globally from 83 per cent ments are more integrated with pla- Iit their stated goal to rid the world of to 91 per cent between 1990 and 2015. ces where people lived, enjoyed leisure extreme poverty and the many forms of The developing regions as a whole have time, worshipped or attended political deprivation that have haunted all soci- achieved the target to eliminate gender rallies. In addition to this vital sense of eties. That vision, which was translat- disparity in primary, secondary and ter- spatial context, visitors are also able to ed into eight Millennium Development tiary education. discern the changes that have occurred Goals (UN 2000), remained a pow- in these spaces during the intervening erful development framework for 15 time. In this way, the Liberation Heritage years. South Africa was a signatory to Route of inner city Durban provides a the Millennium Development Goals

110 | MUSEUM international owever, as the South African MDG Lessons for the future he Durban Amandla cultural route, HReport of 2013 vividly illustrates, hile South Africans may share a Thowever, endeavours to shift the em- there are still many challenges in the Wsimilar vocabulary when it comes phasis of memorialisation away from a country’s endeavour to ensure that it to social cohesion, we do not yet share paradigm of statues or large-scale mon- achieves those stated goals (Millennium a similar understanding of that vocabu- uments to a series of physical markers Development Goals 2013). The South lary. We find that Ndinga-Kanga’s defini- on the street, containing text and im- African government is confident that tion is a productive one. She has defined ages. The markers, and the information it has dealt effectively with the goal to social cohesion as ‘the bond between provided about the various sites, disrupt reduce extreme poverty by half, but re- members residing in a state, a bond fa- the daily spaces surrounding the places mains deeply concerned that relative in- cilitated by equal opportunity to success- where people work and transact busi- equality remains high, as measured by fully participate in economic, social and ness, consume food or make purchas- the Gini coefficient, which measures the political processes that enhance relative es, thereby affecting the present through inequality of a distribution. This is partly well-being while diminishing inequali- what is known of the past. This disruptive because of the high unemployment rate ty in the greater society; and that result function of the Durban Amandla LHR and the low labour force participation in higher levels of trust and association content enables a form of performative rate in the economy. Meanwhile, the ‘tri- with a national identity across a diverse discourse, potentially producing inno- ple challenges’ of unemployment, pov- range of complex and fluid identities’ vations of collective or individual use of erty and inequality threaten any gains (Ndinga-Kanga 2015). space, described by Pierre Bourdieu as South Africa has made in trying to cre- habitus (Bourdieu 1984, p. 279). ate a socially cohesive society. Only once owever, we would argue that so- these three significant challenges are suf- Hcial cohesion should also include he route and cultural landscape that ficiently improved will the government’s opportunities to participate in cultur- Tit make tangible interventions that pursuit of social cohesion be allayed, al processes. Drawing from the work affect the knowledge and therefore agen- as a more socially cohesive society will of Richard Sandell, McNulty illustrates cy of individuals, and the communities consequentially manifest itself in South how a museum programme such as the they inhabit. With greater emphasis on Africa as a matter of course. Ulwazi Programme, a multi-authored the transformative nature of such inter- platform that records and shares local ventions than we would claim, Bourdieu ursuing social cohesion as a policy histories and culture in the eThekwini stated that, ‘to change the world, one has Phas proven problematic for two main municipality, extends representations to change the ways of world‑making, that reasons, namely the lack of an agreed of cultural heritage and offers individ- is, the vision of the world and the practi- upon definition or means of measuring uals opportunities to participate in the cal operations by which groups are pro- implementation (Ndinga-Kanga 2015). process of cultural production (McNulty duced and reproduced’ (Bourdieu 1989, In 2012, the South African Department 2013, p. 64). Although a spatial interven- p. 23). By means of a conscious disrup- of Arts and Culture produced a ‘National tion like the Durban LHR does not focus tive mediation of the knowledge of the Social Cohesion Strategy’ as the basis for on the economic sector, it does empha- past, though, the Durban Amandla LHR discussion at the National Summit on sise both historic and ongoing struggles seeks to actively engage with the practi- Social Cohesion held at Kliptown in July for equality in South Africa, and allows cal reproduction of symbolic power in 2012. Although this strategy and other everyday people to interact with both the city. policies provide a framework through physical and digital spaces. which social cohesion can be examined, the government does not provide a clear ollowing Henri Lefebvre’s princi- definition of either what it means by so- Fple (1991) that social space is a so- cial cohesion, nor how this may be mea- cial product, and the social production sured. Definitions used by the govern- of urban space is fundamental to the ment are devoid of enforcement clauses reproduction of society, the most obvi- or mandatory regimes. It frequent- ous way to interpret the enduring racial ly sounds as though the government segregation of South African cities on and certain organisations are playing a the basis of apartheid-era planning and tricky rhetorical game when the term designs is that social divisions based on ‘social cohesion’ is used without estab- race and class must be repeated in fu- lishing a common definition or facilitat- ture generations. According to Lefebvre, ing redress by means of social and polit- even an ambitious attempt to elevate and ical processes. Is it possible for a project recognise alternative, radical or progres- like the Durban Amandla LHR to make sive history in the urban cultural land- a meaningful contribution to social co- scape of Durban is misguided because hesion when the government’s definition we cannot ‘change the city to change of it, and mechanisms for measuring it, life’. He also defines monumentality, the are loosely defined? construction of physical monuments to the past, as a ‘singular spatial represen- tation of collective identity’ that fails to acknowledge the lived experience of space for the majority of South Africans (Lefebvre 1991, p. 221).

MUSEUM international | 111 n the current context of South African government, where social cohesion is poorly defined, and the implementation of policies does not include tangible ways to measure the changes that social cohesion could bring, the Durban Amandla LHR programme offers an approach that contributes to enhancing Isocial cohesion as defined by Ndinga-Kanga with our addition of the importance of cultural processes in social cohesion. Although the realisation of a more socially cohesive society is subject to the alleviation of economic disparities and persistent racial segregation in South African cities, the LHR is an example of efforts by the South African heritage sector to foster a more inclusive society by providing an accessible narrative of the historic struggle against apartheid segregation in Durban. While, following Lefebvre, we do not contend this type of project is able to ‘change the city to change life’, we believe that by using physical sites, digital spaces and museum resources, this cultural route is well placed to provoke newfound curiosity about the history of daily spaces residents occupy, thus disrupting Durban’s engagement with the past.

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