Israel Horizons February 2020
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Additional Documents to the Amicus Brief Submitted to the Jerusalem District Court
בבית המשפט המחוזי בירושלים עת"מ 36759-05-18 בשבתו כבית משפט לעניינים מנהליים בעניין שבין: 1( ארגון Human Rights Watch 2( עומר שאקר העותרים באמצעות עו"ד מיכאל ספרד ו/או אמילי שפר עומר-מן ו/או סופיה ברודסקי מרח' דוד חכמי 12, תל אביב 6777812 טל: 03-6206947/8/9, פקס 03-6206950 - נ ג ד - שר הפנים המשיב באמצעות ב"כ, מפרקליטות מחוז ירושלים, רחוב מח"ל 7, מעלות דפנה, ירושלים ת.ד. 49333 ירושלים 9149301 טל: 02-5419555, פקס: 026468053 המכון לחקר ארגונים לא ממשלתיים )עמותה רשומה 58-0465508( ידיד בית המשפט באמצעות ב"כ עו"ד מוריס הירש מרח' יד חרוצים 10, ירושלים טל: 02-566-1020 פקס: 077-511-7030 השלמת מסמכים מטעם ידיד בית המשפט בהמשך לדיון שהתקיים ביום 11 במרץ 2019, ובהתאם להחלטת כב' בית המשפט, מתכבד ידיד בית המשפט להגיש את ריכוז הציוציו של העותר מס' 2 החל מיום 25 ליוני 2018 ועד ליום 10 למרץ 2019. כפי שניתן להבחין בנקל מהתמצית המצ"ב כנספח 1, בתקופה האמורה, אל אף טענתו שהינו "פעיל זכויות אדם", בפועל ציוציו )וציוציו מחדש Retweets( התמקדו בנושאים שבהם הביע תמיכה בתנועת החרם או ביקורת כלפי מדינת ישראל ומדיניותה, אך נמנע, כמעט לחלוטין, מלגנות פגיעות בזכיות אדם של אזרחי מדינת ישראל, ובכלל זה, גינוי כלשהו ביחס למעשי רצח של אזרחים ישראלים בידי רוצחים פלסטינים. באשר לטענתו של העותר מס' 2 שחשבון הטוויטר שלו הינו, בפועל, חשבון של העותר מס' 1, הרי שגם כאן ניתן להבין בנקל שטענה זו חסרת בסיס כלשהי. ראשית, החשבון מפנה לתפקידו הקודם בארגון CCR, אליו התייחסנו בחוות הדעת המקורית מטעם ידיד בית המשפט בסעיף 51. -
Post-Election Coalition Scenarios, Part II by David Eden
Post-Election Coalition Scenarios, Part II by David Eden Two other parties that may be possible coalition partners: · United Torah Judaism – Essentially, it is only concerned with internal issues. Its real demand is maintaining social services and allowances for their constituents. Other issues: Maintaining the powers of the Orthodox Rabbinical Courts over civil issues such as marriage, divorce, burial, etc. are among their top priorities, along with maintaining the Sabbath laws preventing work on the “Holy Day”, laws keeping ultra-Orthodox youth out of army service, etc. Although their constituency is sympathetic to the settlers and the Right, the leadership stresses that they are willing to support any coalition that accedes to their demands. As Olmert does not need them to guarantee the stability of the coalition, he won’t be “courting” them. Some of the issues that may affect their position in coalition negotiations are their rivalry with Shas and their often-confrontational relations with Meretz and groups within the Labor party over freedom of religion. · Meretz – The party that is the Israeli equivalent of the “Democratic wing of the Democratic Party”, Meretz and its predecessors have been at the forefront of not only the contacts that led to direct negotiations between Israel and the PLO (and the ensuing Oslo Accords), but from the earliest days after the creation of the State of Israel also have led the struggle for equal rights for Israel’s Arab citizens, labor & union rights, women’s rights, freedom of the press and freedom of religion issues, gay rights, etc. It endorses negotiated withdrawal from almost all of the West Bank, including parts of Jerusalem. -
Popular Culture, Relational History, and the Question of Power in Palestine and Israel Author(S): Rebecca L
Institute for Palestine Studies Popular Culture, Relational History, and the Question of Power in Palestine and Israel Author(s): Rebecca L. Stein and Ted Swedenburg Source: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 33, No. 4 (Summer, 2004), pp. 5-20 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3247543 Accessed: 18/05/2009 11:53 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucal. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of California Press and Institute for Palestine Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Palestine Studies. -
2016 Annual Report
Research. Debate. Impact. 2016 ANNUAL REPORT 1 Table of Contents Message from the President and the Chairman of the Board 4 Sixth Meeting of IDI's International Advisory Council 8 The Center for Democratic Values and Institutions 11 The Center for Religion, Nation and State 23 The Center for Governance and the Economy 29 The Center for Security and Democracy 35 The Guttman Center for Surveys and Public Policy Research 41 IDI in the Media 47 Our Team 50 Our Leaders 51 Our Partners 52 Financials 53 Message from the President and the Chairman of the Board Dear Friends, 2016 was a year of change and upheaval throughout the jobs available to Haredim. The government adopted most of democratic world. Set against the tumult of Brexit and the the recommendations and is now in the process of allocating US elections, Israel seemed at times like an island of stability. a half-billion-shekel budget in line with these proposals. This However, under the surface, Israeli society is changing, and IDI success story illustrates the potential of turning relatively small took on a leading role in identifying those changes and working philanthropic investments into large-scale transformational with policymakers to address them. change by affecting policy and legislation on the basis of outstanding applied research. As the report that follows lays out, 2016 was a year rich in activity and achievements. In this letter, we have chosen to single Several new scholars joined our team in 2016. Ms. Daphna out the impact one program had on government policy in the Aviram-Nitzan, former director of research for the Israel employment area. -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
The Bennett-Lapid ‘Change Government’
BICOM Briefing The Bennett-Lapid ‘Change Government’ June 2021 The Bennett-Lapid ‘Change Government’ On Wednesday evening, 2 June, Yesh Atid leader Yair Lapid informed President Rivlin that he had succeeded in forming a coalition government, adding that it would “work for all the citizens of Israel, those that voted for it and those that didn’t. It will do everything to unite Israeli society”. Swearing the new government into office, which only requires only a relative majority, will take place within the next 11 days. Yamina’s Naftali Bennett will serve as Prime Minister for the first two years, followed by Lapid. Maariv 1 June, Bennett and Lapid stare lovingly at eachother as the sun – with the face of Netan- yahu sets The Change Government How did we get here? The elections for the 24th Knesset which took place on 23 March 2021 gave neither the pro-Netanyahu bloc nor the anti-Netanyahu bloc a clear majority of 61 seats. Following the results, two parties who defined themselves as unaligned were considered to be key to both sides - Naftali Bennett of Yamina (7 seats) and Mansour Abbas of Raam (4 seats). Bennett emphasised his preference for a right-wing and ultra- Orthodox coalition. When Likud sources sent out feelers to Raam to support the government from outside 2 the coalition, that move was opposed by Bezalel Smotrich and his Religious Zionist party. With Saar unwilling to sit with Netanyahu, and Smotrich unwilling to countenance outside support from Raam, the pro-Netanyahu right-wing/ultra-Orthodox coalition could only muster 59 seats. -
Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv. -
A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Copyright © 2021 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org APRIL 2021 ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Map .................................................................................................................................. i Summary ......................................................................................................................... 2 Definitions of Apartheid and Persecution ................................................................................. -
Meretz Is Not Lost
Meretz is not Lost President’s Message Meretz is not Lost The essay below tries to unravel the political calculations made before the March 2 election, and the necessary post-election reflection that the Israeli Left should engage in. However, ultimately, Israeli citizens in Israel will make those decisions and there’s a limited amount we in the US can do to affect their choices. Nevertheless, as other articles in this issue of IH explain, there is an election that we as American Jews can participate in and make our voices heard. That would be the World Zionist Organization (WZO) elections held every five years; this year from Jan. 21 through March 11. Partners for Progressive Israel is a primary originator of the HATIKVAH Progressive Israel Slate. The “polls” are open and you can simply click this link and vote in 5 minutes from your phone or computer. VOTE! Days before the deadline for submission of electoral lists for Israel’s March 2 election (the 3rd within 11 months) Meretz and Labor announced an election “partnership” (shutfut) under Labor’s banner. It was a shotgun marriage of sorts; despite the rhetoric, everyone involved knew that the arrangement was not particularly appealing, but was arrived at in order to stave off a not unlikely disaster. Without running together on one slate, very possibly one, or conceivably both of the parties might fall below the 3.25% threshold. Not only might that party disappear (most likely Meretz, which scraped through the last election with a bare 4 seats, the smallest party in the Knesset), but its votes would be irretrievably wasted. -
The National Left (First Draft) by Shmuel Hasfari and Eldad Yaniv
The National Left (First Draft) by Shmu'el Hasfari and Eldad Yaniv Open Source Center OSC Summary: A self-published book by Israeli playwright Shmu'el Hasfari and political activist Eldad Yaniv entitled "The National Left (First Draft)" bemoans the death of Israel's political left. http://www.fas.org/irp/dni/osc/israel-left.pdf Statement by the Authors The contents of this publication are the responsibility of the authors, who also personally bore the modest printing costs. Any part of the material in this book may be photocopied and recorded. It is recommended that it should be kept in a data-storage system, transmitted, or recorded in any form or by any electronic, optical, mechanical means, or otherwise. Any form of commercial use of the material in this book is permitted without the explicit written permission of the authors. 1. The Left The Left died the day the Six-Day War ended. With the dawn of the Israeli empire, the Left's sun sank and the Small [pun on Smol, the Hebrew word for Left] was born. The Small is a mark of Cain, a disparaging term for a collaborator, a lover of Arabs, a hater of Israel, a Jew who turns against his own people, not a patriot. The Small-ists eat pork on Yom Kippur, gobble shrimps during the week, drink espresso whenever possible, and are homos, kapos, artsy-fartsy snobs, and what not. Until 1967, the Left actually managed some impressive deeds -- it took control of the land, ploughed, sowed, harvested, founded the state, built the army, built its industry from scratch, fought Arabs, settled the land, built the nuclear reactor, brought millions of Jews here and absorbed them, and set up kibbutzim, moshavim, and agriculture. -
Russia in Syria and the Implications for Israel Israel's Imagined
Volume 19 | No. 2 | July 2016 Russia in Syria and the Implications for Israel Amos Yadlin Israel’s Imagined Role in the Syrian Civil War Tha‘er al-Nashef and Ofir Winter Will Russia and Iran Walk Hand in Hand? Ephraim Kam Changes in Hezbollah’s Identity and Fundamental Worldview Roman Levi No Magic Solution: The Effectiveness of Deporting Terrorists as a Counterterrorism Policy Measure Adam Hoffman A Troubling Correlation: The Ongoing Economic Deterioration in East Jerusalem and the Current Wave of Terror Amit Efrati Troubles in Paradise: The New Arab Leadership in Israel and the Challenges of the Hour Doron Matza, Meir Elran, and Mohammed Abo Nasra Selective Engagement: China’s Middle East Policy after the Arab Spring Wang Jin China and Turkey: Closer Relations Mixed with Suspicion Galia Lavi and Gallia Lindenstrauss Israel and the International Criminal Court: A Legal Battlefield Bar Levy and Shir Rozenzweig Israel’s Second War Doctrine Ron Tira Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 19 | No. 2 | July 2016 CONTENTS Abstracts | 3 Russia in Syria and the Implications for Israel | 9 Amos Yadlin Israel’s Imagined Role in the Syrian Civil War | 27 Tha‘er al-Nashef and Ofir Winter Will Russia and Iran Walk Hand in Hand? | 41 Ephraim Kam Changes in Hezbollah’s Identity and Fundamental Worldview | 53 Roman Levi No Magic Solution: The Effectiveness of Deporting Terrorists as a Counterterrorism Policy Measure | 67 Adam Hoffman A Troubling Correlation: The Ongoing Economic Deterioration in East Jerusalem and the Current Wave of Terror | 81 Amit Efrati Troubles -
NAFTALI BENNETT INAUGURATION SPEECH at the Knesset in Jerusalem, Israel by Luis B
NAFTALI BENNETT INAUGURATION SPEECH At the Knesset in Jerusalem, Israel by Luis B. Vega [email protected] www.PostScritpts.org ‘When Sanballat, Tobiah, Geshem the Arab, and the rest of our Enemies heard that I had rebuilt the Wall and not a gap was left, though to that time I had not yet installed the Doors in the Gates, Sanballat and Geshem sent me this message: Come, let us meet together in one of the villages on the plain of Ono. But they were planning to harm me.’ -Nehemiah 6:1-2 The purpose of this study is to 1st provide the official released Inauguration Speech of Israel’s new Prime Minister, Naftali Bennett. The 2nd purposed is to analyze key prophetic inferences related to the Last Days that are pertinent from the speech in light of a Christian perspective and interpretation of world event and Israel’s coming 70th Week for Years. It is very interesting how when such national events occur and the occasion is for a Transition of Government, for example, that such People invoke the Name of GOD, in this case, the GOD of Israel, YHVH. Bennett ended his speech with a prayer to ‘Our Heavenly Father, the Rock and Redeemer of Israel’. It is very interesting as it echoes the Triune Nature of YHVH being, Father, Son and the Holy Spirit. If one knows and has read the Gospel accounts of Jesus, it is striking how at the account of the Resurrection of Jesus, Mary Magdalene sought to locate the body of Jesus. Why? She came to the Garden Tomb and found that the Stone that had sealed the Tomb was rolled away.