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New Labour, Old Morality
New Labour, Old Morality. In The IdeasThat Shaped Post-War Britain (1996), David Marquand suggests that a useful way of mapping the „ebbs and flows in the struggle for moral and intellectual hegemony in post-war Britain‟ is to see them as a dialectic not between Left and Right, nor between individualism and collectivism, but between hedonism and moralism which cuts across party boundaries. As Jeffrey Weeks puts it in his contribution to Blairism and the War of Persuasion (2004): „Whatever its progressive pretensions, the Labour Party has rarely been in the vanguard of sexual reform throughout its hundred-year history. Since its formation at the beginning of the twentieth century the Labour Party has always been an uneasy amalgam of the progressive intelligentsia and a largely morally conservative working class, especially as represented through the trade union movement‟ (68-9). In The Future of Socialism (1956) Anthony Crosland wrote that: 'in the blood of the socialist there should always run a trace of the anarchist and the libertarian, and not to much of the prig or the prude‟. And in 1959 Roy Jenkins, in his book The Labour Case, argued that 'there is a need for the state to do less to restrict personal freedom'. And indeed when Jenkins became Home Secretary in 1965 he put in a train a series of reforms which damned him in they eyes of Labour and Tory traditionalists as one of the chief architects of the 'permissive society': the partial decriminalisation of homosexuality, reform of the abortion and obscenity laws, the abolition of theatre censorship, making it slightly easier to get divorced. -
Mundella Papers Scope
University of Sheffield Library. Special Collections and Archives Ref: MS 6 - 9, MS 22 Title: Mundella Papers Scope: The correspondence and other papers of Anthony John Mundella, Liberal M.P. for Sheffield, including other related correspondence, 1861 to 1932. Dates: 1861-1932 (also Leader Family correspondence 1848-1890) Level: Fonds Extent: 23 boxes Name of creator: Anthony John Mundella Administrative / biographical history: The content of the papers is mainly political, and consists largely of the correspondence of Mundella, a prominent Liberal M.P. of the later 19th century who attained Cabinet rank. Also included in the collection are letters, not involving Mundella, of the family of Robert Leader, acquired by Mundella’s daughter Maria Theresa who intended to write a biography of her father, and transcriptions by Maria Theresa of correspondence between Mundella and Robert Leader, John Daniel Leader and another Sheffield Liberal M.P., Henry Joseph Wilson. The collection does not include any of the business archives of Hine and Mundella. Anthony John Mundella (1825-1897) was born in Leicester of an Italian father and an English mother. After education at a National School he entered the hosiery trade, ultimately becoming a partner in the firm of Hine and Mundella of Nottingham. He became active in the political life of Nottingham, and after giving a series of public lectures in Sheffield was invited to contest the seat in the General Election of 1868. Mundella was Liberal M.P. for Sheffield from 1868 to 1885, and for the Brightside division of the Borough from November 1885 to his death in 1897. -
John Buchan's Uncollected Journalism a Critical and Bibliographic Investigation
JOHN BUCHAN’S UNCOLLECTED JOURNALISM A CRITICAL AND BIBLIOGRAPHIC INVESTIGATION PART II CATALOGUE OF BUCHAN’S UNCOLLECTED JOURNALISM PART II CATALOGUE OF BUCHAN’S UNCOLLECTED JOURNALISM Volume One INTRODUCTION............................................................................................. 1 A: LITERATURE AND BOOKS…………………………………………………………………….. 11 B: POETRY AND VERSE…………………………………………………………………………….. 30 C: BIOGRAPHY, MEMOIRS, AND LETTERS………………………………………………… 62 D: HISTORY………………………………………………………………………………………………. 99 E: RELIGION……………………………………………………………………………………………. 126 F: PHILOSOPHY AND SCIENCE………………………………………………………………… 130 G: POLITICS AND SOCIETY……………………………………………………………………… 146 Volume Two H: IMPERIAL AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS……………………………………………………… 178 I: WAR, MILITARY, AND NAVAL AFFAIRS……………………………………………….. 229 J: ECONOMICS, BUSINESS, AND TRADE UNIONS…………………………………… 262 K: EDUCATION……………………………………………………………………………………….. 272 L: THE LAW AND LEGAL CASES………………………………………………………………. 278 M: TRAVEL AND EXPLORATION……………………………………………………………… 283 N: FISHING, HUNTING, MOUNTAINEERING, AND OTHER SPORTS………….. 304 PART II CATALOGUE OF BUCHAN’S UNCOLLECTED JOURNALISM INTRODUCTION This catalogue has been prepared to assist Buchan specialists and other scholars of all levels and interests who are seeking to research his uncollected journalism. It is based on the standard reference work for Buchan scholars, Robert G Blanchard’s The First Editions of John Buchan: A Collector’s Bibliography (1981), which is generally referred to as Blanchard. The catalogue builds on this work -
The Conservative Agenda for Constitutional Reform
UCL DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE The Constitution Unit Department of Political Science UniversityThe Constitution College London Unit 29–30 Tavistock Square London WC1H 9QU phone: 020 7679 4977 fax: 020 7679 4978 The Conservative email: [email protected] www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit A genda for Constitutional The Constitution Unit at UCL is the UK’s foremost independent research body on constitutional change. It is part of the UCL School of Public Policy. THE CONSERVATIVE Robert Hazell founded the Constitution Unit in 1995 to do detailed research and planning on constitutional reform in the UK. The Unit has done work on every aspect AGENDA of the UK’s constitutional reform programme: devolution in Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and the English regions, reform of the House of Lords, electoral reform, R parliamentary reform, the new Supreme Court, the conduct of referendums, freedom eform Prof FOR CONSTITUTIONAL of information, the Human Rights Act. The Unit is the only body in the UK to cover the whole of the constitutional reform agenda. REFORM The Unit conducts academic research on current or future policy issues, often in collaboration with other universities and partners from overseas. We organise regular R programmes of seminars and conferences. We do consultancy work for government obert and other public bodies. We act as special advisers to government departments and H parliamentary committees. We work closely with government, parliament and the azell judiciary. All our work has a sharply practical focus, is concise and clearly written, timely and relevant to policy makers and practitioners. The Unit has always been multi disciplinary, with academic researchers drawn mainly from politics and law. -
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler’s 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy’s fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties – the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege – recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today’s new and old democracies under siege. Daniel Ziblatt is Professor of Government at Harvard University where he is also a resident fellow of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies. He is also currently Fernand Braudel Senior Fellow at the European University Institute. His first book, Structuring the State: The Formation of Italy and Germany and the Puzzle of Federalism (2006) received several prizes from the American Political Science Association. He has written extensively on the emergence of democracy in European political history, publishing in journals such as American Political Science Review, Journal of Economic History, and World Politics. -
Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell
Copyrights sought (Albert) Basil (Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell) Filson Young (Alexander) Forbes Hendry (Alexander) Frederick Whyte (Alfred Hubert) Roy Fedden (Alfred) Alistair Cooke (Alfred) Guy Garrod (Alfred) James Hawkey (Archibald) Berkeley Milne (Archibald) David Stirling (Archibald) Havergal Downes-Shaw (Arthur) Berriedale Keith (Arthur) Beverley Baxter (Arthur) Cecil Tyrrell Beck (Arthur) Clive Morrison-Bell (Arthur) Hugh (Elsdale) Molson (Arthur) Mervyn Stockwood (Arthur) Paul Boissier, Harrow Heraldry Committee & Harrow School (Arthur) Trevor Dawson (Arwyn) Lynn Ungoed-Thomas (Basil Arthur) John Peto (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin & New Statesman (Borlasse Elward) Wyndham Childs (Cecil Frederick) Nevil Macready (Cecil George) Graham Hayman (Charles Edward) Howard Vincent (Charles Henry) Collins Baker (Charles) Alexander Harris (Charles) Cyril Clarke (Charles) Edgar Wood (Charles) Edward Troup (Charles) Frederick (Howard) Gough (Charles) Michael Duff (Charles) Philip Fothergill (Charles) Philip Fothergill, Liberal National Organisation, N-E Warwickshire Liberal Association & Rt Hon Charles Albert McCurdy (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett & World Review of Reviews (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Colin) Mark Patrick (Crwfurd) Wilfrid Griffin Eady (Cyril) Berkeley Ormerod (Cyril) Desmond Keeling (Cyril) George Toogood (Cyril) Kenneth Bird (David) Euan Wallace (Davies) Evan Bedford (Denis Duncan) -
Winckley Square Times
Christmas Concert 2019: Michael Porter Photography Concert 2019: Michael Porter Christmas Winckley Square Times Friends of Winckley Square Welcome to our first Newsletter of 2020. We look forward to running some special events in the gardens this year. Our last event of 2019 was the Christmas Concert which was a huge success and attended by Issue 16 | February / March 2020 hundreds of people. We are very grateful to have received financial support from WSCIC and BID which meant we could have a grand finale of sound and light, which was incredible. Meet Paul Rushton This is the 16th edition of our bi-monthly newsletter. I was born and raised in Lancaster and Some of you are on my mailing list and receive it attended Lancaster Royal Grammar School electronically; others read it on our website. We in the mid to late 1960s. I gained a degree intend to reduce our carbon footprint so, as from in Chemical Engineering at Leeds University and went on to work in industry. For the issue 17, we will no longer be posting copies through last 20 years of my working life I was a letterboxes in the locality. However, we are aware that specialist inspector with the Health and many of our supporters prefer a paper copy so we Safety Executive before retiring in 2012. will continue to produce a smaller print run of paper copies and these can be collected from the Harris, the I have lived in Penwortham for 41 years so it is safe to say I know Winckley Pavilion in Avenham Park, the Town Hall, St Wilfrid’s Square well. -
Socialism and Education in Britain 1883 -1902
Socialism and Education in Britain 1883 -1902 by Kevin Manton A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (PhD) Institute of Education University of London September 1998 (i.omcN) 1 ABSTRACT This thesis examines the policies of the socialist movement in the last two decades of the nineteenth century with regard to the education of children. This study is used to both reassess the nature of these education policies and to criticise the validity of the historiographical models of the movement employed by others. This study is thematic and examines the whole socialist movement of the period, rather than a party or an individual and as such draws out the common policies and positions shared across the movement. The most central of these was a belief that progress in what was called the 'moral' and the 'material' must occur simultaneously. Neither the ethical transformation of individuals, nor, the material reformation of society alone would give real progress. Children, for example, needed to be fed as well as educated if the socialist belief in the power of education and the innate goodness of humanity was to be realised. This belief in the unity of moral and material reform effected all socialist policies studied here, such as those towards the family, teachers, and the content of the curriculum. The socialist programme was also heavily centred on the direct democratic control of the education system, the ideal type of which actually existed in this period in the form of school boards. The socialist programme was thus not a utopian wish list but rather was capable of realisation through the forms of the state education machinery that were present in the period. -
Schuler Dissertation Final Document
COUNSEL, POLITICAL RHETORIC, AND THE CHRONICLE HISTORY PLAY: REPRESENTING COUNCILIAR RULE, 1588-1603 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anne-Marie E. Schuler, B.M., M.A. Graduate Program in English The Ohio State University 2011 Dissertation Committee: Professor Richard Dutton, Advisor Professor Luke Wilson Professor Alan B. Farmer Professor Jennifer Higginbotham Copyright by Anne-Marie E. Schuler 2011 ABSTRACT This dissertation advances an account of how the genre of the chronicle history play enacts conciliar rule, by reflecting Renaissance models of counsel that predominated in Tudor political theory. As the texts of Renaissance political theorists and pamphleteers demonstrate, writers did not believe that kings and queens ruled by themselves, but that counsel was required to ensure that the monarch ruled virtuously and kept ties to the actual conditions of the people. Yet, within these writings, counsel was not a singular concept, and the work of historians such as John Guy, Patrick Collinson, and Ann McLaren shows that “counsel” referred to numerous paradigms and traditions. These theories of counsel were influenced by a variety of intellectual movements including humanist-classical formulations of monarchy, constitutionalism, and constructions of a “mixed monarchy” or a corporate body politic. Because the rhetoric of counsel was embedded in the language that men and women used to discuss politics, I argue that the plays perform a kind of cultural work, usually reserved for literature, that reflects, heightens, and critiques political life and the issues surrounding conceptions of conciliar rule. -
THE RISE and FALL of NEW YORK MURDER Zero Tolerance Or Crack’S Decline?
BRIT. J. CRIMINOL. VOL. 39 NO. 4 AUTUMN 1999 THE RISE AND FALL OF NEW YORK MURDER Zero Tolerance or Crack’s Decline? BENJAMIN BOWLING* The striking reduction in homicide in New York City between 1991 and 1997 has been claimed as a great success for a ‘new’ policing tactic dubbed ‘zero tolerance’—the aggressive enforcement of minor offences. The evidence that changes in policing made ‘all the difference’ is largely circumstantial, however. Homicide rates were at an all-time high in 1990–91 and had begun to decline before any radical changes in policing policy were instituted. The 1985–91 ‘murder spike’ has been attributed largely to the simultaneous expanding crack cocaine ‘epidemic’ so the subsequent reduction in murder is related logically to the contraction of crack cocaine markets in the 1990s. There is some tentative support for the impact of policing on an already falling crime rate, but the changes in policing between 1991 and 1997 cannot adequately be described as ‘zero tolerance’. The author argues that the ‘New York story’ has been over-simplified and over-sold, and that ‘zero tolerance’ is an inappropriate language for police policy or practice. ‘New York made me do it’ (spray paint graffiti, anonymous, New Cross, London) On 6 January 1997, Tony Blair, then Prime Minister-in-Waiting, was asked whether he agreed with ‘so called Zero-Tolerance policies—practised in New York and being experimented with in London’s King’s Cross—in which every minor law is clamped down on hard by police’. His affirmative answer, ‘Yes I do’, married New Labour to zero tolerance.1 The romance between the Labour party and ‘New York-style policing’ began in the summer of 1995 when shadow Home Secretary Jack Straw visited New York to meet police Commissioner William Bratton and his deputy Jack Maple. -
TV Invited to Put EU in Spotlight After Britain Drops Opposition
TV invited to put EU in spotlight after Britain drops opposition By Stephen Castle and Andrew Grice in Brussels The Independent 17 June 2006 A British volte-face over openness in the EU has ended in humiliation as Tony Blair failed to water down moves to throw open law-making sessions to TV cameras and public scrutiny. At a summit in Brussels yesterday EU leaders agreed to plans, originally put forward in the European constitution, to make public all debates and votes by ministers on mainstream European legislation. Britain put forward very similar proposals last year during its six-month presidency of the EU when it called for the beginning and end of the procedures to be held in public. But when Austria, which now holds the presidency, proposed opening up all the process, the new Foreign Secretary, Margaret Beckett, came out against the plan. Arguing that this would push real decision-making into the corridors, she insisted that detailed discussions are, "not in the public domain and are never likely to be". Yesterday Mr Blair failed to back his minister, agreeing to the provisions and winning only the smallest of concessions - a review of the scheme in six months time. The summit's decision was an embarrassing rebuff for Mrs Beckett at her first major European meeting since succeeding Jack Straw. But British officials insisted she was happy to see a pilot scheme go ahead. Wolfgang Schüssel, the Chancellor of Austria and summit chairman, praised Britain for "withdrawing its concerns" about televising proceedings. "We are going to try to get a breath of fresh air into the European house and stimulate better public awareness," he said. -
Room 261 University of London Senate House London, Wcie 7Hu
n :e a c a d e .1C registrar ROOM 261 UNIVERSITY OF LONDON SENATE HOUSE LONDON, WCIE 7HU foi THE EDUCATIONAL POLICIES OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY, 1918-1944 Kevin Jefferys (Bedford College) Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ll: JLXN/! ProQuest Number: 10098489 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest 10098489 Published by ProQuest LLC(2016). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ABSTRACT This thesis sets out to examine the role played by the Conservative Party in the evolution of the state education system between 1918 and 1944. The early chapters provide a chronological account of ministerial policy and party attitudes towards secondary and elementary education between the wars. This is followed by assessments of the party's approach to the dual system of council and church schools, and to the problems of ' education for employment '. The manner in which Conservative education policy operated locally is then examined with particular reference to the area of London; and the arguments put forward are brought together finally by an analysis of the party's responsibility for, and reaction to, the 1944 Education Act.