nophobic debates and movements. populism, and infamousness the of xe- increasing state of debts, spectacles the of international the markets, financial of politics, aneoliberal arbitrariness the are – these promisesgrievances false the welfarethe state. contemporary Andthe justice andsocial common the of good freedom of democracy, accompanied by emotion of indignation, but it the isalso heritage of isthe Résistance the –this against contemporary The grievances. Résistance” obliges which usto protest listen attentively: it “heritage of isthe the cessity for public indignation makes us author Stéphane Hessel gives for ne- the Keywords Summary spontaneity, councils anddeepreforms ofEuropean politicsandeconomy. ideaofauniteddivided between thepreserved Europe andalostidealofthepolitics Hannah Arendt's politicaltheory, theauthorargues thattheheritageofRésistance is den traditions’ ofEuropean debates onpan-Europeanism history. and pre-WWII Invoking I OF THE RÉSISTANCEOF THE out! n the pamphlet –Hessel, reason 2010),the the

Résistance, hiddentraditions, Arendt, pan-Europeanism The authorisanalyzingthesignificance oftheRésistance asoneofthe ‘hid- THE NAMELESS THE NAMELESS Indignez-vous HERITAGE ( Cry Cry of at which parties administered the best movements were substituted for rule the tion of freedom inEurope, resistance the words. At moment the of refounda- the namelessness, by of right absence the the This hiddentradition ismarked by its a slogan like “Auschwitz again”. never a hiddentradition not does which have for freedom, without Résistance. the ble without civil the actors of fight the Stalinism. This heritage isnot imagina- wethink, horrors should addthe also of called for (Diner, 2001:65)–to I which, horror of Holocaust, the asDan Diner cratic Europe not only isbased on the implicitly that heritage the of demo- the However, we are concerned here with By hisessay, Stéphane Hessel declares Wolfgang Heuer Primljeno: prosinac 2011. Pregledni rad Freie Universität Berlin für Politikwissenschaft, Otto-Suhr-Institut

75 Konceptualni izazovi promišljanju demokracije 76 Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva 2012 “For if it istrue”, wrote Arendt, “that all ket economy but aspolitical freedom. mar- of freedom the as only not freedom capacity the also got lostto understand it. Obviously, together memory with this revolutionthe but able to be also to live afforded not only to know of truth the to realize asnon-truth this would have (Arendt, 1963:219).No wonder, because monstrous this to dispel tle falsehood” free enterprise, lit-stood we didvery we were told that by freedom we under- its own revolutionary heritage. “When USforget madethe 1963a: 279]),which deficit of capacity of judgment” [Arendt, translation Arendt wrote: “catastrophic (Arendt, 1963:219)(inherGerman and,ber with it, failure to understand” Unitedthe States a“Failure to remem- tage isanameless of heritage, case inthe associations.in local Thispolitical heri- 1956, and forms the of creating power lutions from France 1789to Hungary of spontaneous political action inrevo- Heuer, also see suddenevents 2007),the guard of hisown people (Arendt, 2007; scious rebellious Jewish pariah asvan- tradition’ times.Thecon- inmodern 1. TheUnnamed New for political theory. mention some of Arendt’s conclusions ly got completely lost.Finally, Iwill of European politics and economy, near- spontaneity, councils and deepreforms rope, other the politics part, the while of only of idea inthe aunitedserved Eu- Résistancethe asadivided heritage pre- heritage the of describe then periences, problemthe of namelessness the of ex- sistance assuch. tling years later dismantled Ré- the also a myth disman- of Résistance the whose Hannah Arendt spoke of a‘hidden In what follows Iwillfirst about talk thing new is described among isdescribed othersthing new by important problem of naming some- in understanding something new. The themselves which consistedexperiences dition arecovery becomes of forgotten spontaneous self-organisation. time and again lights up: tradition the of a tradition which only occasionally but comes alament about forgetting the of ment about missing the testament be- for resistance the fighters. Thus, la- the gotten could which have helpful been revolutionarythe were experiences for- nation. It wasrather about that fact the anism, Holocaust and war of extermi- pletely different world with totalitari- words new find and concepts for acom- to judge and to and act, challenge the to dition for our capacities to understand, wrote, the challenge of the break of tra- not only does mean,asArendtthis tage isnot preceded by any testament”, tance fighter RenéChar wrote: “Our heri- and inHungary. councils during Russian the Revolution as well as the republican heritage of the lated by leaders the of Revolution, the French Revolution were which annihi- at societies tionary beginning the of the forgottenthe of revolu- the experience ( are talked about over and over again” ing word and living the deedunlessthey back into futility the inherent liv- inthe endure, of happenings and events, sink grow which ries out of what mendoand and sto- the even itself. Experiences cise notions within it exer- which can further tilled into aframework of conceptual unlessitsecure iscondensed and dis- that true noremembrancealso remains thought with begins remembrance, it is ibid Thus, recovery the of hidden tra- the When French the and Résis- poet To forgotten this heritage belongs .: 222). But only woman the when can tell what glance examining faceof the other. the perfluous” ( “Words are not reliable and therefore su- action: countenance” (Márai, 2010:36). and authentic, isthe this mostextreme ismorewhich than and party politics, “that fact the riences, there issomething inwords distrust the anddescribes expe- and israped by Parain, him.Like Márai enters. She offers himherconfidence in abasement, where aRussian soldier RedArmythe istold by awoman hiding tion our place. Sándor Márai’s novel ( wears off inwords and revives inthem” named. Thedespair sung. isbeing All There isnoother one. ...Theabsurd is guage brings which right usthe solution. “Whenever it lan- weisthe are inmisery But we cannot live without9f). words: were sure not to dream” (Parain, 1969: ral sorrow –asifjust about to die–we joy –asifjust –or born being anatu- wewhen were nothing than asheer else momentsthe without images and words to our own impulses. elementary Only in andin talks repelled hadfinally books us from war. Along of distrust experience ance we when returned of surprise this human noises, “we acquaint- madethe and not familiar being anymore with like “the farmer returning to hisvillage” world: facing when speechlessness anew Nature and Function Language of or concepts on liesand based hypocrisy. ous concepts on other based experiences butnew incapacitation the also of previ- problems right words the to find for the er Sándor Márai. not knew only the Both Camus,Albert and Hungarian the writ- Brice Parain, philosopher of and friend ibid Only by we new can the defining find Parain his begins about liberation the of Budapest by .: 16f). ibid .: 39),reliable isonly the Studies about Libera- with the tremblingthe ends” inherbody ( ing aman ...Now formulating when this, is hiding hisface...He isashamed of be- ashamed about something, therefore he mutethe rape, shecan “heis when think happens to RedArmy the after soldier the Westthe not have does even slight- the tician Bronislaw Geremek in2000,that ration of Polish the historian and poli- nitsyn, how little decla- hadthe effect to West the by Solzhe- described though Sachalin and Workuta were of interest of Nowoscherkassk,GULags Kengir, named. How little rebellions the inthe defeated the when pecially remains un- victorious, straight leads to oblivion, es- tive power of the tions of armed resistance. Thenorma- ofpast and Résistance ac- the asaseries of brutal the forms of domination of the anism remains asone misunderstood be called the new, otherwise totalitari- all future memory. must Thenew also are assuch ifthey even ries basisfor the naming. For it isnot to sufficient tell sto- samethe timeare inseparably bound to and to sense understand,to find but at tivities for Arendt are not only key the and truth, the to narrate ac- –those (Camus, 1981:1672f). make which usdespairhide experiences or “to of dieon honour” field the are to like “to someone’s fulfil duty for society” utmost honesty,with sayings when e.g. ing our us,evenwhen istalking heart words, and sometimes words are deceiv- that sometimes we are lacking right the of Parain’s writings, Camus pointed out images andties, false lies.In areview ality and recovers herinnerbalance. happens, woman the can understand re- by articulating inherown words what 181). With hercapacity to understand To say what is(Herodotus), to tell But words of can full be ambigui- de facto , the rule of the rule , the ibid .:

77 Konceptualni izazovi promišljanju demokracije 78 Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva 2012 lergi declared that between the “Scylla of Heidelberg in1925.Coudenhove-Ka- PartySocial-democratic inits program hove-Kalergi, 1923)and by German the -Europe, in1923(Couden- abestseller Coudenhove-Kalergi inhisplea for Pan- dorsed twenties sincethe by persons like or It AlcidedeGasperi. wasrather en- Paul-Henri Spaak, Konrad Adenauer founders of Europe Schumann, –Robert tember 1946or invented by one of the ill inhisfamous inZürich speech inSep- by nomeans mentioned first by Church- sistance. ofrejected model the power of Ré- the assumed slowly of idea the Europe, but of traditionally organized They parties. inhibited after war the by power politics er and federation inarepublican sense ter dealt with creating horizontal pow- zation of European the Thelat- societies. formsnew of political organi- and social united Europe, and lessclear the goals of of itspects activities: the clear goal of a Heritage: Europe Yes,The Divided 2. -organisation of peoples. the place for republican anew form of self- andberalism communism, there wasno vided into spheres of domination of li- parliaments. In after-war the Europe, di- sequent elections of old into parties new of alliedforces, the victory and sub- the lightthe of power the of the framed inwords, but to oblivion left in self-organisation of people wasnot the Résistance asaspontaneous form of Union! (Spinelli, 2002:15f). spherein the of of influence Soviet the est badconscience for having Poland left Councils No Councils First the idea ofFirst idea the Europe: was Thisidea The Résistance ismarked by two as- In same way, the of essence the the de facto , the , the Movement of Europe” founded by Alti- pan-Europeanism. nationflictive states and of adisastrous tion to prevent restoration the of con- a political, federal and republic unifica- interest wasnot economic the union but Democrats, main their and Social the tinguished from Coudenhove-Kalergi lated goal the of aunited Europe. As dis- national resistance movements formu- failure of of Nations, League the but the democratic Europe. attempt a create to her -Europeanism by Arendt discussed in tural union, but asa also of idea exist asthe an economic and cul- power in1933. obsoletebecame with Hitler’s seizure of tablish aPan-Europe, an initiative which proposed at of Nations League the to es- foreign affairs Briand Aristide hopefully ter, 1980).In French 1929the minister of ples of allcontinents” (Osterroth /Schus- reach asolidarity of interests of peo- the stituting United the States of Europe to for economicnecessary reasons, of con- ropean Union of Economy compellingly ty propagated of idea the “creating aEu- acommunity be also of values. its worldwide empire. Thisunion would but excluding Great Britain of because et Union, including colonies, African the from Portugal to borders the of Sovi- the partnership of convenience” ( rope to constitute apolitical-economical rope and means: self-help by uniting Eu- future:the path iscalledPan-Eu- “This dictatorship”, only asmallpath to lead of American financial the Charybdis the of Russian the dictatorship military and In sense,group the this “Federalist Hitler and WWII demonstrated the But of idea the Europe didnot only Par- Social-democratic The German The Origins of Totalitarianism völkisch völkisch , and not a ibid asan pan- .: XI) an “international third force” the beside cal testament vision –the of Europe as vernment program in1947hispoliti- prime minister, presented with hisgo- Partyer of and Socialist the three times ism” (Lipgens, 1968:157). attempts to create disunion by national- attacks from outside and to oppress all to protect federated the peoples against sible cohesion enough powerful being to “supportand try pos- init highest the federationthe of free European peoples” Polish“The republic member of willbe formulated political statements saying: fourthe mostimportant organisations 1965:98). union /Beck, (Goerdeler onlywho argued for European aloose of national the conservative resistance, 125), aswell Goerdeler, asCarl member rope leadership underGerman ( how, Moltke could only imagineaEu- common sovereignty” ( states. “Europe isafederal state with a categories of sovereignty and nation rejection of any traditional thinking in of reformessence the aclear should be of church” medieval the ( byrienced humankind collapse sincethe reorganisation of world the ...not expe- offered “the opportunity of abeneficial lence over individual the hadcome and race thinking of and state the rule vio- endofthe power politics, nationalism, muth James von Moltke in1941,that ciples, goals and tasks”, written by Hell- Circle” declared inits manifesto “Prin- 157). its institutions” (cited inLipgens, 1968: bysecured aEuropean federation and on whole the continent could only be that “the defence and of freedom peace ero Spinelli inMilano in1943declared In France, Blum, Léon factual lead- Polish resistance delegates of of three In Germany above “Kreisau allthe ibid ibid .: 116).Any- .: 114).The ibid .: entation: aEurope of smallcommunities of states with astrong commonweal ori- as of afederal and decentralized union (Lipgens, ed., 1968:98). cies for unity the formulated by them...” cal life and developing exigen- detailed pluralityspecific of centres the of politi- means astructured unity respecting the important unity isthe from below, that movement declared in1944.“What is cannot favoured be by federalism”, the federated unity states. from above “The of arepublican constitution of alltheir Unitedthe States of Europe on basis the rope” favoured aconstituency to create The Italian “Federal Movement of Eu- in ademocratisation of countries. their ance groups were interested especially ed Europe, allnon-communist resist- Ciampi. and later the president of Italy Carlo Nicolafriend Chiaromonte, Primo Levi ture senator Norberto Bobbio, Arendt’s d’Azione” (Party of Action) with fu- the in Italy, among others, the group “Partito group “Combat” with Henri Frenay, and Pan-Europethe of Nazi-Germany; the mon, pluralistic and Europe civilised to ter to Friend” aGerman opposed acom- Camus, Let- with “Third Albert whose cluding “Libérer etFéderer” Germany: and Italy wanted afederated Europe in- will perish”. form groups, federate and unite or we have to we that and survive, or wealth others nopeople can live anymore in that without avivid solidarity with the solved satisfyingly within borders, the of big the problems can any longer be economicporary development, none declared “that considering contem- the United States and Soviet the Union. He The “Kreisau Circle” ide- developed orientation the Beside of a unit- Also, resistance groups inFrance

79 Konceptualni izazovi promišljanju demokracije 80 Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva 2012 revolutionary Marxists, syndicalists of strongest resistance groups, attracted hardly bridged” be (Frenay, 1968a:229). between and them nation the which can returntheir that an abyss hasemerged willhave they to after realise otherwise governmentsthe to adjust themselves, before inhalfacentury. It isnow up to years lastthree the had faster than they and with it in gressed misery intheir should care.They take Thepeoples pro- der of wave the rising peoples. intheir away exiledonot intheir thun- hear the in 1943:“Some of governments the far of production” (Frenay, 1968:195). listic, but for adifferentiated organisation want to substitute it for astate-monopo- capitalism but isdead, that donot they importantfreedom isvery for that them, that isdead, but liberalism that individual cling to republican the form, know they Thirdthe Republic isdead,but that they areder they wanting? know They that Frenchdo the know about or- new the nity. doubt within international the commu- many future inthe waswithout any international union of states. integration of France into an effective mocratization of economy, the and the of smallsatellites” ( politicalthe institutions “the gravitation abandoning state centralism, adding to implementation of astrong democracy Blum endorsed athorough reform, the (Moltke, inLipgens, 1968). tions” should get “political privileges” tizenship, “commonweal-oriented func- ralized countries. With regard to ci- the and national economies instrong fede- “Libérer etFéderer”, one of the And heanswered questions these Henri Frenay asked in1941:“What For Résistance, the place the of Ger- In hiscritique of old the France, Léon ibid .: 187), the de- .: 187),the (Arendt /Jaspers, 1985: 101).“There still ready to fight and risk their lives” are there and are, they what isdecisive, course an evanescent minority, but they “There are still real men; they are of She wrote to Jaspers in1946: 1994: 113f). or German Prussian State”the (Arendt, nizations of Continent, the not merely problem of crisis isthe allState orga- mainmy their not isfascism, Germany; hominestrue novi” “main whose ene- ‘Germanthe Guilt’” “the shecalledthem movement. In heressay “Approaches to 1991: 47f). ple for allegedly goals higher (Camus, suffering andthe indignities of peo- the lar politics not does which yet require nowself; wasto task develop the popu- -war timeswasonly acaricature of it- of Europe” ( tegration of France into United the States civil equality of both sexes”, and “the in- on basisof the universal and suffrage the a representation of people the established al and national levels inconnection with on communal, the departmental, region- functions ...Federation of councils these various other activities and collective stitutions, establishments expressing the councils of different the enterprises, in- litical framework through the election of cians”, and “the organization of po- anew by assembly the of workers and techni- panies into hands the of “councils elected industry,terials transfer the of big com- gated nationalisation the of basicma- the justice. In its program group the propa- in favour of decentralisation and social litical turnover of French the central state action in1944for an economic and po- fought inits manifesto and program of Clair, (see tian socialists 1944:229),and Proudhonthe orientation, and Chris- Arendt wasenthusiastic about this For of Camus, pre- democracy the ibid .). ly incredible), man and heisamodern gent, understands (that America isreal- is not at allstupid but concise and intelli- cause and of stupidity, decency but who Libérationthe –and didnot doit be- one could who have power seized after husband only Heinrich “The Blücher: nay inParis, shewrote inaletter to her rences and economic interests. ditional marked parties by class diffe- distinguished themselves from tra- the ate a“unity without uniformity”, they and interest their other ineach to cre- and goal intheir of afederated Europe 1945: 511).Thereby, asArendt wrote, responsibilities of citizen” the (Arendt, tice, liberty, human dignity and basic mental concepts of political life asjus- expressed revival inthe of such funda- political new the enthusiasm was which subjectthe of politics, but it inherited ing people(and the not solely classes) over not only principle the of proclaim- movements. Résistance ...took “The disastrousthe communist and fascist emerged hadnothing which to dowith and Résistance the two movements had emphasised that with Popular the Front ties, Movements, and Classes”, Arendt gram without any reality” ( former timesonly wasan pro- idealistic people accomplish inan instant what in youcism, when really madeit, letseveral It common isasifthe of fas- experience nearlyI didnot any see people. of those For isquite methis new, before war the is still much too atypical Frenchman ... Sartre incontrastat home everywhere. mus belongs are to They them. already European. such an Iknew Italian. Ca- and without any ‘European nationalism’ of type mandenly issimply anew who is now inallEuropean countries sud- When in1952Arendt metHenri Fre- In autumn 1945,inheressay “Par- ibid .: 103). etical resistance-diary inhispo- this RenéChar phrased 168f). aslave”be (Tocqueville, 1955,ch. III,3: dom anything other than itself to isborn of land. the Theman asksof who free- to noauthority save and laws the God live, and breathe freely, owing obedience wheretries it reigns can aman speak, tical’ considerations. For only incoun- tion it hasinitself, apart form all‘prac- isits intrinsicliberty glamour, afascina- men, sinceuntold ages, stake allon their Revolution: “What many hasmadeso Alexis deTocqueville French inthe also dom inmany movements, by observed 2006: 4).We apparition this find of free- dom”, and thus oneself (Arendt, to find to “visited be ...by an apparition of free- the joy to to actor act, be and challenger, ance of years of those wasan experience 3. TheEndof theRésistance (Arendt /Blücher, 1996:256). Federal Europe. much Iliked himvery ...” of annoyed being lostdump inthis of should really infact make politics instead ( graphical novel ist of “Partito d’Azione”, inhisautobio- Italian writer Luigi Meneghello, activ- aujourd’hui d’épaisseur triste”), and the le monde delaréalité etmoi, iln’y aplus to know texts, the but we didnot know scratch ...It would have enough been what it means to renovate oneself from Italy would have hadat ataste of least and second, the and then third. the But annihilated at soon, first the push, least lution. Ofcourse, we would have been simplehave arevo- to very start been ignorance of Resistanza: “It the would fundamentalthe problem of theoretical Italy.ern But also Meneghello described a resistance group of students innorth- Les Feuillets d’Hypnos What Arendt discovered Résist- inthe The Little Masters Leaves of Hypnos , No. 188:“Entre about about

81 Konceptualni izazovi promišljanju demokracije 82 Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva 2012 together with AlliedForces the on ra- derground for democracy, and focused a clever way to demands the of un- the (Arendt, 1994:118),adapted himself in otism and nationalism old inthe sense” ces “of day the before yesterday” of “patri- Gaulle, for Arendt representing for- the pied immediately. one Onthe hand, De um which thetraditional occu- parties a political movement created avacu- power the find to transform itself into own economic interests inFrance. Republic, but were only on their focused er fought for defence the of Spanish the momentthe workers the when nolong- losing fight against the Fascism since Popularthe Front inFrance, shewrote, same hadhappened the after war; to the ic interests of its members immediately potential with increasing the econom- essay that Résistance the lostits political already realized inherabove-mentioned ment (Clair, 1946:117).But, also, Arendt not moreessence than anational move- movement, Résistance the wasinits so was not sufficiently internalized by the Arendt, hedeclared that internationalism litical theory. In explicit contradiction to and it suffered from of absence the po- my endof the war, the didnot survive itsly solidarity diffuse, against ene- the existencethe of enemy, the it wassocial- he explained, wasonly heldtogether by reasonsthe of its defeat. Themovement, – two years later, healready searched for tics wrote optimistically inthe journal Coser and Lewis American sociologist andscience, virtues. by what war: the wasItaly, society, con- answersnot find to questions the posed of revolution. And, hewrote, did they them” (Meneghello, texts 1990:46),the about strength the of Résistance the The fact thatThe fact Résistance the didnot In non-dogmatic 1944,the socialist Poli- grasped that maingrasped the moral demand had never “They hopelessly: observed sideration Coser of experiences. these thatfact there was notheoretical con- al alliance Arendt, (see 1994: 118). marcated spheres of interest and bilater- states with collective security, clearly de- nation of terms in Europe of toration land, Churchill inGreece, and the res- in Europe by movements everywhere were squashed thinking. Finally,wishful liberation the nald, 1944:290-294),turned out to be Résistancethe and deGaulle (Macdo- edly coming “dual power” inFrance of radicals around Arendt, about asuppos- litics Sumner, 1996:81).A1944report in sphere” (Wilkinson, also 1981: 263;see ment its values political inthe or social rious failure inability wasthe to imple- principle of human dignity. Its mostse- tion of an consensus ethical on based the one: defeat the of nihilismand crea- the James D. Wilkinson, “remained amoral of Résistance, the declared historian the laborators. greatest “The contribution” executionmeaning of summary the col- of Congress, Washington, p. 023769), ble massacre inFrance” (Estate, Library Communism.Chief factor: Theterri- order of things. Thisdidnot come true. order free and to choose establish anew but that believed it would liberated be in ance movement waited for liberation the 1968: 240).Arendt wrote: resist- “The tion of its Grandeur” (Zentralkomitee..., ofdependence France and restitu- the sistance to advocate above “in- allthe state” of Europe and requested Ré- the resistance against supposedly the “super Party already agitated during timeof the other hand,the French the Communist pid elections for atired population. On But real the problem consisted inthe , ajournal of agroup of American realpolitik –Stalin inPo- Po- which wouldwhich presented be ussome day to freedom. ...There freedom isnoideal and not to resign inanything that refers to cedeinanything that refers to justice only one slogan”, Camus declared, “not real freedom. “For allof usthere can be out justice asreal justice isdefined or tice without freedom or freedom with- credited asbourgeois freedom, and jus- thatcriticised freedom isthereby dis- versa vice ing to dictatorship the inPoland, and torship of Franco isdefended by point- other inthe camp.same fact Thedicta- own camp by isrectified denouncing the ofsence freedom and justice inone’s expresses betrayal, this hesaid; ab- the Theconfusion East. the of language the partisans for West the and partisans for about division the of intellectuals the to “Breadhis speech and Freedom” in1953 dom and justice. Camus complained in time the betrayal of incorruptible free- legends comprehendThese at same the formation of legends 2003). (Benfredj, laborate inaGaullist and communist ating opinions and telling stories, to col- French intellectuals, professionally cre- thatleft could told” be (Arendt, 2006:6). membrance, there simply wasnostory out articulation the accomplished by re- thinking completion after with- act, the about and to remember. ...without this mind to inherit and to question, to think itwhen turned out that there wasno freedom that were doomed anyhow, but tomatically, smallhiddenislands the of country asawhole almostau- ruined, dy began not liberation the when of the Between Past and Future clared in1961herpreface to herbook them” (Clair, 1946:117).AndArendt de- able asto be times–so to changethese of our timesisprecisely to understand This madeit for easier even those (Camus, 1960:51).Camus : “The trage- : “The 4. The Unknown Social Contract 4. TheUnknown Social tion of phantasms. judgment;partial it meant domina- the the failure of theintellectuals, of an im- consequence of of lieand the victory the intellectualin the public of France isthe tims nor Executioners”). of revolutionary violence (“Neither Vic- borators, and hisrejection of any politics down execution and summary of colla- all killing, against especially the hunting addingpreserve, against hisplea to this age of Résistance the Camus wanted to This intransigent critique herit- wasthe one of without them other” the ( it willnolonger to possible choose be er with justice and, future inthe infact, choose them at the same time togeth- there and onlyeverywhere, there. We areof who those suffering and fighting freedomschoose today only on the level conquered,be one after other the ...We endofthe one’s life. Thefreedoms must at asingle blow like receiving pension at -left-schema and the rule of and-left-schema so-called the rule the judgment. override Councils right- the councils asplaces of public debate and of asrepresentativesthe rule parties and permanent generation of power, between delegation of power at election day and tween parliament and people, between reveals contradiction the experience be- oretical concept is still missing. with apolitical phenomenon the- whose sheputsSo Résistance the into acontext politics of its own, form asanew of state. tions asforms of generating power and of councils and revolutionary organisa- spontaneous the fined self-organisation revolution” of ( spirit sents her“effort to recapture lost the Arendt’s book The long-lasting isolation of Camus According to Arendt, historical the On Revolution ibid .: 226).She de- repre- ibid .).

83 Konceptualni izazovi promišljanju demokracije 84 Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva 2012 Executioner”, cated inhisessay “Neither Victims nor contract,cal social which Camus advo- contract”, sheisnot dealing with an ethi- todistinction Camus and his“new social Machiavelli to Marx” (Arendt, 1965).In inherunpublisheddoes lecture “From that what isexactly Arendt implicitly of Hobbes, and Locke Rousseau, and implies rejection contracts of the social dom islost” ( have parted company, spaceof the free- dom. “Wherever knowing and doing Arendt, are they only the places of free- nationthe state, and finally, according to representism, they republic the and not of power, decentralisation and federal- public opinion, consist they indivision 1 “Let ussuppose that individuals certain re- which bindwhich ussup- to them other men.Let ety and accept only duties the and obligations refuse advantages allthe of present-day soci- trickery, simple honour. ussuppose they Let hortation; to insult, reasoning; friendly to power force the of example; to authority, ex- solve that willconsistently they oppose to This way of thinking about politics 1 ibid but with the political so- .: 268). voice and face. of to allinthe task give tradition this populism and but neo-liberalism, first defencein the of our freedom against notof Résistance only does the consist ments and bureaucracies. Theheritage nopolistic supremacy of parlia- parties, and mo- the it democracy with liberal it intheoretical terms, and to confront and forgotten history, about to think ture of thread the ahidden,oppressed we opportunity should the use to recap- ciety have emerging been for decades, of federalism, participation and civil so- practical freedom. on existence the of political spacesof cial contract of acitizen’s republic based prison ustoday” (Camus, 1947:146). knocking down afew of wallswhichim- the preparing future the and at same the time pians but ashonest would realists. They be that such menwould not acting be asUto- ward principles the outlined here. ThenIsay education, press the and public opinion to- devote they themselvespose to orienting In aEurope different inwhich forms Benfredj, CharlesBenfredj, (2003) Arendt, Hannah /Karl Jaspers (1985) Arendt, Hannah /Heinrich Blücher Arendt, Hannah (2007)We Refugees, Arendt, Hannah (2006)Preface: Th Arendt, Hannah (1994)Approaches to Arendt, Hannah (1965)“From Machia- Arendt, Hannah (1963a) Arendt, Hannah (1963) Arendt, Hannah (1945)Parties REFERENCES Camus, Albert (1991) ToCamus, Albert Make Demo- Camus, (1947)Neither Albert Victims Camus, (1981)‘Sur Albert unePhilo- Camus, (1960)Brot Albert undFreiheit. between Past and Future, in: la mémoire volée Briefwechsel 1926-1969 (1996) 264-274. in: Past and Future Kohn, New York. derstanding ‘Germanthe Guilt’, in: ton. of Congress, Library pers, Washing- velli to Marx”, in:Hannah Arendt Pa- lution New York. view ments, and Classes from the Resistance the from in: (“Combat”,cracy September 2, 1944), nor Executioner, in: in, in: sophie del’expression’. Brice Para- De gen derZeit Arbeitsbörse von St. Etienne, in: Ansprache vom 10.Mai 1953an der -August. Th Between Hell and Reason. Essays e Jewish Writings Jewish e , 12/4(Fall). , New York. Essais Briefe 1936-1968 , Reinbek. , Paris. 1930-1954 , New York. , Paris. , Hanover NH. , in: Politics , New York, pp. , ed. by Jerome On Revolution , München. Über die , München. Essays in Un- Henri Frenay, Partisan Re- Partisan , 4,July- Between , e Gap Move-

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85 Konceptualni izazovi promišljanju demokracije 86 Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva 2012 Lipgens, Walter (ed.) (1968) KLJUČNE RIJEČI pokret Résistance, RIJEČIpokret tradicije, skrivene KLJUČNE Arendt, pan-europeizam reformivijećanja idubokih europske politikeigospodarstva. ljeno izmeđupreživjele idejeujedinjeneEurope iizgubljenogidealapolitikespontanosti, političku teoriju HanneArendt, autor Résistance branitezu podije- dajenasljeđepokreta ropske povijesti. Pozivajući senarasprave prijePrvog svjetskoga ratai opan-europeizmu SAŽETAK jedneod Autor Résistance kao analizira važnostpokreta ‘skrivenih tradicija’ eu- Macdonald, (1944)“Dual Dwight Osterroth, Franz /Dieter Schuster Meneghello, Luigi (1990) Marái, Sándor (2010) Zeitgeschichte gungen 1940–1945 derationspläne derWiderstandsbewe- bewegung, in: stance undeuropäische Einigungs- Power” inFrance, in: Library, 2001). Weltkrieges rer Republik bis zum Ende des Zweiten demokratie. Vom Beginn derWeima- (1980) Meister chen –Zürich. vember. , Berlin. Chronik derdeutschen Sozial- (electronic FES ed.: Bonn, , Vol. 16,no. 2. Vierteljahresheft Neimenovano nasljeđeRésistance , München. Befreiung Politics Die kleinen Europa-Fö- , 1,No- , Mün- e für e Zentralkomitee derKommunistischen Sumner, Gregor D. (1996) Wilkinson, James D. (1981) Tocqueville, Alexisde(1955) Spinelli, Barbara (2002) Parain, Brice (1969) gen 1940–1945 tionspläne derWiderstandsbewegun- Walter Lipgens (ed.), Partei: Bemerkungen 1944(1968),in: tual Resistance in Europe in Resistance tual den City N.Y. gime and the French Revolution donald and the Totalitarismusdes der Erinnerung: Europa und dasErbe Stuttgart. über Funktion und Natur derSprache politics , München. , München. Untersuchungen Europa-Födera- Circle Der GebrauchDer , Cambridge. Dwight Mac- Th Th e Intellec- eold Ré- , Ithaca. , Gar- ,