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Theatroeideis poleis. Cities and urbanization in Eastern Greece

L.M. Caliò

Despite the urban experiences of the 5th century BC, the definition of the Greek city, intended as an architectural and monumental structure, occurs in the 4th century BC. In this regard, the Karian experience, which thanks to Maussollos implements a very strong urbanization process, represents a particularly meaningful episode for the definition of urban centers in the Greek world. Some of the cities established by Maussollos are called theatroeides, an adjective that could be translated as “worthy of being seen”. A particular feature of this new type of city is the presence of large public spaces and of monumental architectures that manage them. The theatroeideis cities are the first step towards the definition of the Hellenistic city in the Mediterranean world, and seem to represent the beginning of a process that was brought to completion in the western Mediterranean world, most notably in Sicily at the time of Hieron.

A new image of the city emerged during the 4th century of , but it was not a necessary prerequisite to the BC. These were monumental and architectural cities that organization of a new model for building cities. Opinions substantially changed the culture of the Classical city. A on this new urbanization concept greatly diverged during new urban model was born that the ancient sources called the 5th century BC. Before the affirmation of a Platonic theatroeides.1 tsI i significant that all the cities called theat- political viewpoint, the urbanized city was considered roeideis were located between the Dodekanese and Karia and an insane place in which to live an eleuthera life. The dated to the Hekatomnid period. The purpose of this paper Asian cities were considered counterparts to the Greek is to analyse the role of Karia in the process of defining a way of life as early as the 6th-century poet Phokylides, new Greek urban model. who called the Assyrian city aphrosune (senseless) and A discussion about Karian cities during the Hekatomnid the 5th-century historian Herodotos, who described the period should be carried out in the light of the general con- eastern towns. Babylon (Fig. 1.1), Nineveh (Fig. 1.2), and cept of urbanization in ancient Greece. In the context of the Ecbatana were colossal urban and monumental structures, eastern Mediterranean, Karia cannot be regarded as a Greek but were described as inadequate for the human life. In region, since the Hekatomnid kingdom was a satrapy of fact, the inhabitants were slaves and unable to live a proper the Persian state. Greek ancient sources were aware of the political life.5 diversity of the Karian kingdom, and especially of the rise According to Aristotle, the Greek philosopher Hippodamos of a new form of city in the central region of Asia Minor.2 first linked the social form of the city to the asty, i.e. to the For the first time, Karia established a new image of the city urban form of the polis in the early 5th century BC.6 In fact, as a walled, monumental entity, through which a new visual Aristotle used the word diaresis (division), writing about the concept of the city itself was codified.3 partition of the polis’ population inside the civic body, and In fact, before the end of the Peloponnesian War, ancient in the same passage he wrote about the urban conception theoretical reflection on the city focused mostly on the of the city, the diaresis of Piraeus.7 In no case was there a political sphere, investigating the issue of the coexistence mention of a monumental city, only of an urban complex of different social classes.4 The need for the diversifica- born from a social body. A different view of Piraeus comes tion of work as the first step of an urbanized city was from Thukydides, who described the walls of the Athenian contemplated in the philosophical thought of Hippodamos harbour as so large that two chariots could pass by on their

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Fig. 1.1: Axonometry of Babylon (according to R. Koldewey, from Matthiae 1996).

summit,8 a description that clearly recalls that of Herodotus about the walls of Babylon.9 Periklean Athens represented the prototype of a new city concept. Perikles compared the city to an island; in Periklean discourse, the idea of the urban form – a city protected by walls and without a relationship to the chora, similar to an island surrounded by the sea – takes shape from a new economic idea: the city as the centre of a Mediterranean network. Social and political transformations were not explained in his speech, but in this brief passage Perikles offered a new image of the city. The logical consequence was the creation of a monumental and architectural city as representative of a renewed eco- nomic plan. Plutarch’s list of the monuments built and the description of workers involved is an important testimony of the degree of conurbation in the city in the second half Fig. 1.2: Relief of the city of Nineveh(?). Quyunjiq (Nineveh), of the 5th century BC: Northern Palace, 7th century BC (from Matthiae 1996).

He boldly suggested to the people projects for great con- structions, and designs for works which would call many The image of Athens left by Plutarch in the Life of Pericles, arts into play and involve long periods of time, in order that in fact, is that of a city rich in resources and raw materials, the stay-at-homes, no whit less than the sailors and sentinels and soldiers, might have a pretext for getting a beneficial but also of skilled craftsmen who take part in the “great share of the public wealth. The materials to be used were construction projects and drawings of works” promoted by 11 stone, bronze, ivory, gold, ebony, and cypress-wood; the arts Perikles himself and controlled by Phidias. which should elaborate and work up these materials were The most famous foundations of the 5th century BC those of carpenter, moulder, bronze-smith, stonecutter, dyer, are linked to the activity of Athens: Piraeus (Fig. 1.3) and worker in gold and ivory, painter, embroiderer, embosser, to Thurioi (Fig. 1.4). The spatial extension of both cities was say nothing of the forwarders and furnishers of the mate- an important novelty in the urban history of the Greek world. rial, such as factors, sailors and pilots by sea, and, by land, The urban grid of Piraeus was crossed by a north–south wagon-makers, trainers of yoked beasts, and drivers. There plateia 17 m wide and an east–west plateia 25 m wide. In were also rope-makers, weavers, leather-workers, road- Piraeus, the roads not only connected the harbours to the builders, and miners. And since each particular art, like a public spaces, but also were impressive routes used during general with the army under his separate command, kept its own throng of unskilled and untrained labourers in compact major community events, such as the procession of the array, to be as instrument unto player and as body unto soul goddess Bendis observed by Sokrates at the end of the 5th 12 in subordinate service, it came to pass that for every age, century BC. almost, and every capacity the city’s great abundance was Thurioi’s city plan was characterized by orthogonal roads distributed and scattered abroad by such demands.10 of 100–120 ft (30–36.5 m), and insulae of 1000–1300 ft

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Fig. 1.3: Piraeus (from Caliò 2012a).

propagandistic function. The description of the city is lim- ited to the plan and probably recalled the planned project of the urban grid; nevertheless, we can imagine the mag- nificence of the city even if we do not have an image of the architectural buildings. We are not able to propose a reconstruction of monu- mental architecture in Piraeus and Thurioi, but the width of the routes reveals a new conception of the city. In fact, both cities are early examples of ceremonial cities, where spaces were conceptualized and planned to define the polis.14 The new spatiality of Athenian cities during the 5th century BC clearly recalled Perikles’ words. The necessity of a new urban character and the attempt to create a new identity were carried out through the possibility of public and civil performances. Piraeus was the stage of one the Fig. 1.4: Thurioi (from Caliò 2012a). most important ceremonies, as reported by ancient sources during the 5th century BC: the departure of the Athenian fleet for Sicily took place from there.15 The population – (304–396 m), as reported in Diodorus’ description, and citizens and foreigners – witnessed a spectacular sight of partially confirmed by the archaeological excavations.13 power (paraoùse ròme). At the end of the loading opera- The monumentality of the city, with streets 1500 m long tions, a trumpet ordered silence and libations were offered and 30 m wide, rivals the later Hellenistic capital cities, simultaneously by all the ships’ crews and the crowd at and its foundations assumed an important political and Piraeus.

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Fig. 1.5: The Athenian from the northwest, middle of the 4th century BC (J. Travlos, from Thompson & Wycherley 1972).

Athens was the city where this monumental process was most emphasized, especially in relation to its urban routes. The great Panathenaic Way was bordered by stoai before entering the Agora and perhaps organized the monumental passage of the procession on the way to the goddess (Fig. 1.5).16 Therefore, the urban form clearly underlined the magnificence which the civic body wished to show off. The procession carved in the Parthenon frieze found its natural theatrical wings in the urban architecture of Athens’ monumental centre. From a social perspective, the 5th century BC repre- sents the visual emergence of the Athenian population, which exhibited itself within the urban structures.17 Ritual performances pervaded and shaped the city, and the city’s life in turn was permeated by cultic activities, processions, and public and religious events which involved the entire Fig. 1.6: Messene (from Hoepfner 2005). citizenship and the civic body. Therefore, in the context of reflecting on the image of the city, community festivals within the urban landscape may have been primarily con- the cities.19 nI the first half of the 4th century BC, the Theban ceived in order to communicate and showcase the political state started a program of urbanization in the Peloponnesos identity of the community through ritual complexes in public with the foundations of Messene (Fig. 1.6), Megalopolis, and spaces, and through the creation of distinctive buildings Mantinea (Fig. 1.7).20 In both cases the urban structures were which in turn influenced the urban form. The development focused on architectural monumentality and an impressive of community events in Athens, as in other numerous Greek spatiality: the palaces, theatres and public spaces in Vergina, cities, was underlined by Perikles himself as a fundamental Pella, Dion, and the large civic areas in Theban cities. tool of democracy in creating a relaxed lifestyle in which However, ancient sources represent the cases of Karia and fun was an integral part of ritual sacrifice and celebration.18 the Dodekanese as an unicum in the history of their urban- During the 4th century BC, the urbanization phenomenon ization. The satrapies of Hekatomnos and Maussollos trans- spread throughout the Greek Mediterranean. At the end of formed a low-urbanized region into a complex city network. Arrian’s Anabasis, Alexander underlined the ability of Philip The coastal cities monopolized the sea route from northern II to organize the new state around the cities and to transform Africa to the northern Aegean; poleis such as were the rural population of the northern regions into inhabitants of relocated to the coast,21 and large harbours were established

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Unfortunately, it is not completely possible to link the for- tification arrangements to the road system that led from the coast to the inner region, but we can assume that the cities were the most conspicuous elements of this new pattern. Ancient sources refer to theatroeides cities.29 Between the Late Classical and the Hellenistic periods, the epiphaneia of the polis was realized,30 which in the previous period was not only unknown but openly rejected. The management of large regional states in which the poleis tend to vanish decisively changed the urban system. In Hekatomnid Karia, cities organized themselves according to a complex network, according to which they were specialized by their function. We can therefore observe a change in the idea of the city during the 4th century BC. Diodorus Siculus used the adjective theatroeideis twice to describe Rhodos, and Strabo used it once about Knidos. Vitruvius described Halikarnassos using the Latin form theatri curvaturae similis (Fig. 1.12),31 a linguistic expression that loses its connection with the real meaning of the Greek word, derived from the verb theaomai with the suffix -ides, -eides, adding a functional value,32 so that the original meaning of the term could “be worthy of being seen”. It is noteworthy that the suffix is linked to the sense of the sight as early as Homer. The Latin form is a symptom of an ancient tradition in the Fig. 1.7: Mantinea (from Tsiolis 2002). use of theatroeides as probably a technical term in order to identify a particular urban system, just as the city of Kos was described by Diodorus as axiologhe: the historian emphasized on the islands of Kos (Fig. 1.8)22 and Rhodos (Fig. 1.9).23 that the city was considered one of the most excellent.33 The latter underwent extensive urban development starting These four cities differ in their urban plans, but present from the first half of the 4th century BC due to the strong a similar monumental appearance. They were built between presence of the Karian dynasty in the area. 370 and 350 as part of the policies of Maussollos: their Therefore the cities of Maussollos played a crucial role foundation should be contextualized within an important eco- in establishing a new model for urban centres; they were not nomic project that led Karia, a region with a primarily pastoral Greek cities, but extensively used Greek architecture and economy,34 to build a complex urban system, including port sculpture. The presence of royal tombs inside the urban grid cities and cities situated along main communication routes. and the constant presence of palaces in the major cities recalled These cities, as well as those not mentioned by the sources the eastern urban experience: the architectural form of the but which we can consider theatroideis, represented a revolu- Maussolleion of Halikarnassos (Fig. 1.10) is comparable to the tion in the image of the city. Within a regular urban grid, the rock tombs of Naqsh-e Rostam (Fig. 1.11),24 and the Palace of terraced system and the monumental architecture distributed Maussollos was covered by glazed bricks.25 Ancient authors, between the terraces created a unique urban landscape where especially Vitruvius and Pliny, looked at Halikarnassos as a the presence of the basileia was immediately evident.35 The not-completely-Greek city. The savage behaviour of Queen city of Maussollos – the palace, the monumental tomb, the Artemisia, from the siege of Rhodos to the cannibalism act paradeisos around it, the statue of Maussollos seated in the at her husband’s funeral (described by Aulus Gellius),26 situ- lower part of the tomb, and the eastern-shaped chariot on top ates the Hekatomnid dynasty as the “other” in the eyes of the of the roof that recalled the Assyrian and Achaemenid battle Greeks, and only the adoption of Alexander by the Karian wagons36 – was an expression of a new language, ambiguous princess Ada reconciled the two opposite sides of the Aegean. and syncretic, between the East and West, which formed the During the central years of the 4th century BC, a “cap- basis of a new type of Mediterranean city: the royal city. illary” transformation process took place in Karia.27 The Likewise, the city of Kos was described by Diodorus as analysis of Pimouguet-Pédarros on the fortification of the axiologhe and numbered among the most excellent cities; for region shows that a very thick pattern of fortified structures Strabo, Kos was very beautiful and very sweet for the sailors.37 was planned:28 phrouria, fortified villages, towers, and The ancient descriptions of these cities in Diodorus walled cities were used to organize a very extensive con- Siculus, Strabo, Vitruvius, Pliny, and Aelius Aristides are very trol of the territory against external and internal enemies. interesting for understanding the new phenomenon of the

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Fig. 1.8: Kos (M. Livadiotti & G. Rocco).

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Fig. 1.9: Rhodos, the classical town (from Lippolis & Rocco 2011).

Karian urbanization.38 In fact, the cities were depicted through their most important monuments through a narration of mira- bilia, and always from the point of view of the sailor who enters the harbour from the sea. The prototype of this new urban image is Halikarnassos. Here the large plateia linking the two main gates crossed the public places of the city and divided the agora from the terrace of the Maussolleion; it was clearly involved in ceremonies honouring the king. We are informed about the sumptuous funeral of Maussollos, when Artemisia solemnized the death of the king with a complex ritual in order to divinize her husband. This process started when Maussollos was still alive; in fact, the king resided in the palace near the secret harbour, and the royal residence Fig. 1.10: Halikarnassos, the Maussolleion (from Adler 1900). was connected with the Temple of Apollo, a deity particularly

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Fig. 1.12: Halikarnassos (from Pedersen 2019).

the divinized king are attested in Rhodos by an epigraphic text; and inscriptions testify to the presence of a Maussolleion at ,43 perhaps a place for the royal cult. The tragic perfor- mance and the funerary speech of Theopompos Naukrates and Fig. 1.11: Persepolis. Tomb of Artaxerxes II (from Perrot & Chipiez probably Theodektes himself should have been represented 1890). in the theatre,44 another place of the image of the kingship. Therefore Halikarnassos was a ceremonial city.45 It was planned for and devoted to the celebration of the king, like at dear to Maussollos. The topography of the palace quarter is Pasargadae and other royal cities in Asia. Its visibility follows evocative of the kingship system that came to the House of two paths: the realization of monumental architecture and the Augustus on the Palatine from the eastern world and was then organization of a spatial architecture that would later become a similarly linked to the Apollo temple. The secret passage to major feature of Hellenistic building programmes. This model the harbour characterized another famous palace in Antiquity, was often replicated during the reign of the Hekatomnids, that of the tyrant Polykrates of Samos,39 whose power was including outside Karia. We have some problems in quantify- inspired by eastern kingship, and probably also characterized ing the Hekatomnid contribution to the urbanization in Karia, the palace of Hippias at Mounichia in Piraeus.40 but we can see a new monumentalization of several 4th- The construction of the tomb was an upgrade to the century BC cities, not only in the newly founded urban centres. ideology of the kingdom. During the urban ceremonies, the In Iasos, a major increase in urbanization occurred main foci of the ritual performances were the monumental between the beginning of the 4th century BC, when the city route and the terrace of the Maussolleion. The existence of walls were realized, and the second half of the century, when pavement slabs only around the tomb and the presence of the theatre, the agora, and the Maussolleion were built.46 water installations could indicate that part of the terrace was The example of Iasos shows an adjustment to the main a garden, a paradeisos, that surrounded the building, like at features of the capital city, i.e. the urban monumentality the tomb of Cyrus at Pasargadae.41 and the presence of a royal cult. The epigraphic mention The tomb was the place where the king was divin- of the Maussolleion in Iasos indicates the diffusion of royal ized. Several clues suggest a post-mortem identification of presence in the region. Similarly in , the discovery of Maussollos with Helios.42 Probably the tragedy composed by two statue bases dedicated to Hekatomnos and Maussollos Theodektes on the occasion of Maussollos’ death had as its could be interpreted in the same way.47 From Mylasa, where subject the feats of the mythical ancestor son of Helios; the the new monumental mausoleum was recently found,48 two assimilation between Helios and the king could be represented inscriptions stress the sacredness of the royal image: the sons by the chariot at the top of the Maussolleion; celebrations of of Peldemos had disrespected the statue of Hekatomnos and

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also the hiera anathemata, the polis itself, and the evergetes, you are going to build will be celebrated among all men. evidently Hekatomnos and Maussollos.49 Therefore, accord- Many kings will come to your monument to honour you as ing to the ekklesia, the city confiscated their property and a god. You will live there, dead and not dead: your grave took away their citizenship. The royal character of the city will be the city built by you”.51 was clearly testified by the constant presence of the royal Halikarnassos and the Karian cities were the prototypes images connected with architecture and space. for the Hellenistic urban sites and Alexandria definitely It is not possible to analyse the urban history in Karia imported that model. The city is now an instrument of royal here, but we should recall a series of recurring features in propaganda, but also of territorial control. The inner cities of the Karian cities’ overall organization. The new cities are Karia, the most well-known of which are (Fig. 1.13) walled, monumental, and their palaces are connected to royal and , followed the main model and also constituted tombs, cenotaphs, or sanctuaries related to the royal cult. This important nodes of a complex network. new model of city was the prototype of the Greek royal city. Under the Hekatomnids, the Karian organization consti- Alexandria clearly revived motifs of the Karian capital tuted an important experiment not limited to the main cen- city. The separation of the royal quarter from the city and tres, but organized by a hierarchical system of settlements. its connection with the harbour and royal sanctuaries, the A first analysis was carried by Pimouguet-Pédarros on the organization of large roads that cross the urban centre con- fortifications, but in order to analyse the royal landscape of necting the main gates, the sequences of public and sacred the Karian state it is now necessary to extend this analysis to spaces along the main plateia, along with the foundation of other typologies of sites and to understand the relationship gymnasia, likely are related to the presence of the Tomb of between landscape, viability and fortifications. Alexander, features borrowed from the model of Maussollos’ The organization of the Hellenistic kingdoms in the Halikarnassos.50 The opening words of the Medieval Mediterranean area was indebted to their Karian heritage. Alexander Romance could evoke the sense of those cities, Between the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, a similar pattern when Pharaoh Sesonchosis gives the Macedonian king a was also established in the western part of the Greek world, prophecy about the foundation of Alexandria: “The city that at Sicily and Epiros.52 In these regions, the increase of

Fig. 1.13: Alinda (from Öhlinger & Ruggendorfer 2010).

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Fig. 1.14: Byllis (from Falco 2018; aerophotogrammetry of A. Jaia).

urban centres and minor settlements occurred during the 3rd century BC. Indeed, new research carried out at Epiros and in southern Illyria show the rise of a new network of military and civic settlements planned in order to adminis- trate communication routes to the inner regions of Greece and Macedonia. The case of Epiros constitutes a very important parallel because the region is marked by similar features: it is a mountainous area, with several harbours along the coastline realized by the Molossian dynasty. The roads ran through the valleys and through Macedonia and Thessaly, providing an alternative to the periplous of Greece. The fortification system protected the roads and shores and controlled the territory at the time when the Molossian fleet controlled the southern Adriatic Sea and the Korinthian Gulf. The cities were highly monumental, and the ratio of public space to private quarters was very high. Fig. 1.15: Agrigento (E. Brienza). Generally, a large part of the space inside the walls was empty, such as in Byllis (Fig. 1.14), in Amantia, and also in some Sicilian cities as Agrigento (Fig. 1.15) or Syracuse, the open spaces probably were used to house the troops.53 where the fortification of the epipole (Fig. 1.16), separated The building process of numerous theatres during the 3rd by the urban centre, may be read in the same way. During century BC in Sicily (18 examples, Fig. 1.17)54 and Epiros the 3rd century BC, several inscriptions spoke about the (25 examples) clearly testify to the ceremonial rank of duty of the poleis to accommodate the royal armies and these cities, comparable to the theatroides cities of Karia.

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Fig. 1.16: Syracuse. Castello Eurialo and the Epipole (from Beste & Mertens 2015).

The western experience is the application of a model and Similarly, the theatroides city was a form of theatro- could help us understand the phenomenon of urbanization cracy because through its architectural forms it managed in Karia. popular consensus on political power. In other words, the A new idea of the state emerged, the roots of which problem is related to the popular consensus seen by Plato can be traced back to Asia Minor and the results of which as a prologue to the excesses of democracy. In fact, during strongly influenced the Hellenistic and Roman urban sys- the 5th century BC, the democratic government in Athens tems. Karia represents the hinge connecting two worlds. was committed to the creation of an economic and urban In the later period, the word theatroides is used for other system, realizing a series of attraction strategies to benefit cities: for Massalia, Delphi, and Jericho by Strabo, and for the polis.57 Architecture is a sign of this attractiveness. Jerusalem (Fig. 1.18) by Josephus. In each case the terrace The Attic city type represents the first step towards the system and the monumentality of the city are evident, a sign spectacularization of the social forms of common life, of the continuity of the idealtypus.55 from collective manifestations to the architectural frames A f sort o “theatrocracy” is thus definitively established, in which they were celebrated. In this journey towards the although deprecated by Plato: according to the philosopher, creation of a new image of the architectural city, Athens it marks the predominance of image and opinion on the appeared to be the most oriental of the Greek cities: in fact, truth of good politics and introduces the predominance of the construction of the Odeon of Perikles was considered a visual perception on the basis of Hellenistic urbanization.56 sort of monument to Medism, as was already defined in the Although in his Laws the Athenian Plato was discussing the ancient sources. The creation of an urban model in Karia problem of judgment about music, in his speech the social in the following century represented a sort of archetypal difficulty that viewers can judge rather than learn from the creation of the Hellenistic city. musical show may be extended to the whole community The urban plan of Alexandria owes much to the capital structure and to other forms of knowledge. of Maussollos: the great plateia running parallel to the sea,

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Fig. 1.17: Sicilian Theatres (from Camera 2017). 1. Syracuse; 2. Eloro; 3. Acre; 4. Taormina; 5. Catania; 6. Tindari; 7. Morgantina; 8. Montagna di Marzo; 9. Eraclea Minoa; 10. Montagna dei Cavalli; 11. Monte Iato; 12. Segesta; 13. Solunto.

the area of royal buildings along the coast and separated construction of the great Hellenistic ceremonial cities, in from the city, the public areas in relation to the plateia which spaces were hierarchically placed along a principal itself, and Alexander’s soma connected to the gymnasia in axis. This is clearly represented by the Seleukid city founda- the city centre and to the major routes. These elements – tions like Laodikea, , Antiochia, and . This already experimented with by Maussollos and applied to phenomenon also occurred in numerous foundations across his capital – may be considered important features in the the central Mediterranean between Epiros and Sicily; during

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the 3rd century BC an extraordinary magnificence featuring impressive achievements emerged within the urban areas. The result is the idea of the walled, monumental city as an urban space that definitively contributed to the urban imag- ery of the medieval and modern western world (Fig. 1.19).58

Notes 1 On the meaning of the word, Caliò 2012a, 374–378. 2 Caliò & Interdonato 2005; Caliò 2012a, 309–378. 3 Caliò 2012a; 2013. 4 In Aristotle’s account, the thought of Hippodamos of Miletos is centred above all on the social aspect of the city; from a careful analysis of ancient sources, his participation in urban planning does not seem to be so secure, Caliò 2012b, 105–126. 5 On Herodotos and the eastern cities, Caliò 2008; 2012a, 75–194. 6 On Hippodamos, Caliò 2012a, 105–126, with bibliography; Barbera 2017. 7 Arist. Politics, 2.1267b–1269a. 8 Thuc. 1.93.3–7. 9 Hdt. 1.179.3. For the walls of Necucubilia in Ar. Birds, 1122–1167. 10 Plut. Vit. Per. 12.5–6. Trans. B. Perrin. 11 Plut. Vit. Per. 13.6. 12 Pl. Resp. 372a–328b; cf. Montepaone 1992; 1999. For a general discussion on urbanism in Piraeus, cf. Caliò 2012a, 231–253; Longo 2014; Consolo 2015. 13 Caliò 2012a, 253–258; Delia & Masneri 2013. 14 Cavalier & des Courtils 2008; Stavrianopoulou 2013; Caliò 2017. On ritual dynamics, Michaels 2010; Chaniotis 2011. 15 Thuc. 6.32; Diod. Sic. 13.3.1–2. 16 The first stoai were probably built on the Panathenaic Way in the 5th century. Aristophanes mentions the Alphitopolis stoa Fig. 1.18: Jerusalem (from Hubbard 1966). in relation to the Agora, where the grain market was located, Wycherley 1937; Caliò 2012a, 247. 17 On the visibility of the citizenship and the polis of Athens, Ober 2008; Caliò 2014. 18 Thuc. 2.38.1; cf. Mosconi 2001, 217–218. 19 Arr. Anab. 7.9.2–5; Nagle 1996. 20 Cooper 2000. 21 Demand 1986; 1989; 1990. 22 Caliò 2012a, 352–359. 23 Caliò 2012a, 359–367. On landscape architecture in Rhodos, Patsiada 2013. 24 Caliò 2009. 25 Vitr. 2.8.10–11. 26 Gell. 10.18. 27 Caliò 2005; 2012a, 315–378. 28 Pimouguet-Pédarros 2000. 29 Caliò 2012a, 374–378. 30 Zimmermann 2009, 36–37. 31 Vitr. 2.8.11; cf. Ginouvès 1988, 130, nn. 17–18; Bommelaer 1989. On Vitruvius and Halikarnassos, Pedersen 2018. On the use of theatron in Vitruvius, Gros 1994. 32 Boehm 2009. 33 Rocco 2011. Fig. 1.19: Jerusalem (from M. Wolgemut, Nuremberg Chronicle, 34 Hornblower 1982, 26–27; Miller 2011. 1493). 35 Pedersen 1991, 94–95 and 97–105; 1994, 25–26; 2015.

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36 Caliò 2009. De architectura and the Hellenistic and Republican Architecture, 37 Strabo 14.657. Leiden, 22–26. 38 Diod. Sic. 19.45.3; 20.83.2; Strabo 14.2.15; Vitr. 2.8.11; Plin. Briant P., 1999, Alexandre et l’héritage achéménide. Quelques NH 5.107; Ael. Ar. 225.6–8. réflexions et perspectives, in Alexander the Great. From 39 Müller 1987, 1013–1017. Macedonia to the Oikoumene, Veria, 209–217. 40 Arist. [Ath. Pol.] 19.2. Cf. Garland 2001, 14; Lovén Brun, P. et al. 2013: EUPLOIA. La Lycie et la Carie Antiques. 2011, 10. Dynamiques des territoires, échanges et identités, Bordeaux. 41 Pedersen 1991, 80–81. Caliò, L.M. 2008: La città insensata. Erodoto e la rappresentazione 42 Hornblower 1982, 336; Zervoudaki 1983; Séve 1992; delle città orientali, AANL-R ser. 9, 29, fasc. 2, 335–381. SEG 40, 1990 (1993), 669. Caliò, L.M 2009: Tombe e culto dinastico in , in G. Bartoloni 43 Blümel 1985, n. 1, 7–12; Caliò 2012a, 332–333; SEG 2001, & M.G. Benedettini (eds), Sepolti tra i vivi. 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