Self‐Reported Fear and Disgust of Common Phobic Animals
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Applying a Discrete Emotion Perspective
AROUSAL OR RELEVANCE? APPLYING A DISCRETE EMOTION PERSPECTIVE TO AGING AND AFFECT REGULATION SARA E. LAUTZENHISER Bachelor of Science in Psychology Ashland University May 2015 Submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARTS IN PSYCHOLOGY At the CLEVELAND STATE UNIVERSITY May 2019 We hereby approve this thesis For SARA E. LAUTZENHISER Candidate for the Master of Arts in Experimental Research Psychology For the Department of Psychology And CLEVELAND STATE UNIVERSITY’S College of Graduate Studies by __________________________ Eric Allard, Ph.D. __________________________ Department & Date __________________________ Andrew Slifkin, Ph. D. (Methodologist) __________________________ Department & Date __________________________ Conor McLennan, Ph.D. __________________________ Department & Date __________________________ Robert Hurley, Ph. D. __________________________ Department & Date Student’s Date of Defense May 10, 2019 AROUSAL OR RELEVANCE? APPLYING A DISCRETE EMOTION PERSPECTIE TO AGING AND AFFECT REGULATION SARA E. LAUTZENHISER ABSTRACT While research in the psychology of human aging suggests that older adults are quite adept at managing negative affect, emotion regulation efficacy may depend on the discrete emotion elicited. For instance, prior research suggests older adults are more effective at dealing with emotional states that are more age-relevant/useful and lower in intensity (i.e., sadness) relative to less relevant/useful or more intense (i.e., anger). The goal of the present study was to probe this discrete emotions perspective further by addressing the relevance/intensity distinction within a broader set of negative affective states (i.e., fear and disgust, along with anger and sadness). Results revealed that participants reported relatively high levels of the intended emotion for each video, while also demonstrating significant affective recovery after the attentional refocusing task. -
DISGUST: Features and SAWCHUK and Clinical Implications
Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, Vol. 24, No. 7, 2005, pp. 932-962 OLATUNJIDISGUST: Features AND SAWCHUK and Clinical Implications DISGUST: CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES, SOCIAL MANIFESTATIONS, AND CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS BUNMI O. OLATUNJI University of Massachusetts CRAIG N. SAWCHUK University of Washington School of Medicine Emotions have been a long–standing cornerstone of research in social and clinical psychology. Although the systematic examination of emotional processes has yielded a rather comprehensive theoretical and scientific literature, dramatically less empirical attention has been devoted to disgust. In the present article, the na- ture, experience, and other associated features of disgust are outlined. We also re- view the domains of disgust and highlight how these domains have expanded over time. The function of disgust in various social constructions, such as cigarette smoking, vegetarianism, and homophobia, is highlighted. Disgust is also becoming increasingly recognized as an influential emotion in the onset, maintenance, and treatment of various phobic states, Obsessive–Compulsive Disorder, and eating disorders. In comparison to the other emotions, disgust offers great promise for fu- ture social and clinical research efforts, and prospective studies designed to improve our understanding of disgust are outlined. The nature, structure, and function of emotions have a rich tradition in the social and clinical psychology literature (Cacioppo & Gardner, 1999). Although emotion theorists have contested over the number of discrete emotional states and their operational definitions (Plutchik, 2001), most agree that emotions are highly influential in organizing thought processes and behavioral tendencies (Izard, 1993; John- Preparation of this manuscript was supported in part by NIMH NRSA grant 1F31MH067519–1A1 awarded to Bunmi O. -
About Emotions There Are 8 Primary Emotions. You Are Born with These
About Emotions There are 8 primary emotions. You are born with these emotions wired into your brain. That wiring causes your body to react in certain ways and for you to have certain urges when the emotion arises. Here is a list of primary emotions: Eight Primary Emotions Anger: fury, outrage, wrath, irritability, hostility, resentment and violence. Sadness: grief, sorrow, gloom, melancholy, despair, loneliness, and depression. Fear: anxiety, apprehension, nervousness, dread, fright, and panic. Joy: enjoyment, happiness, relief, bliss, delight, pride, thrill, and ecstasy. Interest: acceptance, friendliness, trust, kindness, affection, love, and devotion. Surprise: shock, astonishment, amazement, astound, and wonder. Disgust: contempt, disdain, scorn, aversion, distaste, and revulsion. Shame: guilt, embarrassment, chagrin, remorse, regret, and contrition. All other emotions are made up by combining these basic 8 emotions. Sometimes we have secondary emotions, an emotional reaction to an emotion. We learn these. Some examples of these are: o Feeling shame when you get angry. o Feeling angry when you have a shame response (e.g., hurt feelings). o Feeling fear when you get angry (maybe you’ve been punished for anger). There are many more. These are NOT wired into our bodies and brains, but are learned from our families, our culture, and others. When you have a secondary emotion, the key is to figure out what the primary emotion, the feeling at the root of your reaction is, so that you can take an action that is most helpful. . -
Disgust: Evolved Function and Structure
Psychological Review © 2012 American Psychological Association 2013, Vol. 120, No. 1, 65–84 0033-295X/13/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0030778 Disgust: Evolved Function and Structure Joshua M. Tybur Debra Lieberman VU University Amsterdam University of Miami Robert Kurzban Peter DeScioli University of Pennsylvania Brandeis University Interest in and research on disgust has surged over the past few decades. The field, however, still lacks a coherent theoretical framework for understanding the evolved function or functions of disgust. Here we present such a framework, emphasizing 2 levels of analysis: that of evolved function and that of information processing. Although there is widespread agreement that disgust evolved to motivate the avoidance of contact with disease-causing organisms, there is no consensus about the functions disgust serves when evoked by acts unrelated to pathogen avoidance. Here we suggest that in addition to motivating pathogen avoidance, disgust evolved to regulate decisions in the domains of mate choice and morality. For each proposed evolved function, we posit distinct information processing systems that integrate function-relevant information and account for the trade-offs required of each disgust system. By refocusing the discussion of disgust on computational mechanisms, we recast prior theorizing on disgust into a framework that can generate new lines of empirical and theoretical inquiry. Keywords: disgust, adaptation, evolutionary psychology, emotion, cognition Research concerning disgust has expanded in recent years (Ola- selection pressure driving the evolution of the disgust system, but tunji & Sawchuk, 2005; Rozin, Haidt, & McCauley, 2009), and there has been less precision in identifying the selection pressures contemporary disgust researchers generally agree that an evolu- driving the evolution of disgust systems unrelated to pathogen tionary perspective is necessary for a comprehensive understand- avoidance (e.g., behavior in the sexual and moral domains). -
Bodily Maps of Emotions
Bodily maps of emotions Lauri Nummenmaaa,b,c,1, Enrico Glereana, Riitta Harib,1, and Jari K. Hietanend aDepartment of Biomedical Engineering and Computational Science and bBrain Research Unit, O. V. Lounasmaa Laboratory, School of Science, Aalto University, FI-00076, Espoo, Finland; cTurku PET Centre, University of Turku, FI-20521, Turku, Finland; and dHuman Information Processing Laboratory, School of Social Sciences and Humanities, University of Tampere, FI-33014, Tampere, Finland Contributed by Riitta Hari, November 27, 2013 (sent for review June 11, 2013) Emotions are often felt in the body, and somatosensory feedback independence of bodily topographies across emotions. We pro- has been proposed to trigger conscious emotional experiences. pose that consciously felt emotions are associated with culturally Here we reveal maps of bodily sensations associated with different universal, topographically distinct bodily sensations that may emotions using a unique topographical self-report method. In five support the categorical experience of different emotions. n = experiments, participants ( 701) were shown two silhouettes of Results bodies alongside emotional words, stories, movies, or facial expres- sions. They were asked to color the bodily regions whose activity We ran five experiments, with 36–302 participants in each. In they felt increasing or decreasing while viewing each stimulus. experiment 1, participants reported bodily sensations associated “ ” “ ” Different emotions were consistently associated with statistically with six basic and seven nonbasic ( complex ) emotions, as separable bodily sensation maps across experiments. These maps well as a neutral state, all described by the corresponding emo- were concordant across West European and East Asian samples. tion words. Fig. 2 shows the bodily sensation maps associated Statistical classifiers distinguished emotion-specific activation maps with each emotion. -
Fear, Anger, and Risk
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Copyright 2001 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 2001. Vol. 81. No. 1, 146-159 O022-3514/01/$5.O0 DOI. 10.1037//O022-3514.81.1.146 Fear, Anger, and Risk Jennifer S. Lemer Dacher Keltner Carnegie Mellon University University of California, Berkeley Drawing on an appraisal-tendency framework (J. S. Lerner & D. Keltner, 2000), the authors predicted and found that fear and anger have opposite effects on risk perception. Whereas fearful people expressed pessimistic risk estimates and risk-averse choices, angry people expressed optimistic risk estimates and risk-seeking choices. These opposing patterns emerged for naturally occurring and experimentally induced fear and anger. Moreover, estimates of angry people more closely resembled those of happy people than those of fearful people. Consistent with predictions, appraisal tendencies accounted for these effects: Appraisals of certainty and control moderated and (in the case of control) mediated the emotion effects. As a complement to studies that link affective valence to judgment outcomes, the present studies highlight multiple benefits of studying specific emotions. Judgment and decision research has begun to incorporate affect In the present studies we follow the valence tradition by exam- into what was once an almost exclusively cognitive field (for ining the striking influence that feelings can have on normatively discussion, see Lerner & Keltner, 2000; Loewenstein & Lerner, in unrelated judgments and choices. We diverge in an important way, press; Loewenstein, Weber, Hsee, & Welch, 2001; Lopes, 1987; however, by focusing on the influences of specific emotions rather Mellers, Schwartz, Ho, & Ritov, 1997). To date, most judgment than on global negative and positive affect (see also Bodenhausen, and decision researchers have taken a valence-based approach to Sheppard, & Kramer, 1994; DeSteno et al, 2000; Keltner, Ells- affect, contrasting the influences of positive-affect traits and states worth, & Edwards, 1993; Lerner & Keltner, 2000). -
What Disgust Does and Does Not Do for Moral Cognition Jared Piazzaa
What Disgust Does and Does Not Do for Moral Cognition Jared Piazzaa, Justin F. Landyb, Alek Chakroffc Liane Youngd, Emily Wassermand a Lancaster University, Department of Psychology b University of Chicago Booth School of Business cCharlie Finance Co., San Francisco, CA dBoston College, Psychology Department 2 1. Introduction Disgust is typically characterized as a negative emotion associated with the rejection of distasteful or contaminating objects (Rozin and Fallon 1987). The physiological aspects of disgust involve nausea and loss of appetite, and the bodily expression of disgust includes behaviors (e.g., gagging, vomiting) designed to orally block or expel noxious substances (Ekman and Friesen 1971; Royzman, Leeman and Sabini 2008; Rozin, Haidt and McCauley 2008; Yoder, Widen and Russell 2016). The canonical elicitors of disgust are well documented: many people report feeling nauseous or sick at the sight or smell of oral contaminants (e.g., rotten food, bodily waste) and/or disease vectors (e.g., blood, skin maladies, sexual fluids, certain animals; Curtis, Aunger and Rabie, 2004; Haidt, McCauley and Rozin, 1994; Olatunji et al. 2007). It is uncontroversial that disgust can also be evoked in the context of a moral offense. What remains controversial is disgust’s role or relevance within a moral context. When Armin Meiwes, the Rotenburg Cannibal, was discovered to have eaten the severed penis of his voluntary victim, before killing him and consuming his flesh over the next ten months, the story of this crime undoubtedly aroused disgust (and horror) in many of us. The relevant question is not whether we felt disgust about this crime—for most of us, human penis is not on the menu, and the thought of Meiwes’ preferred cuisine is deeply distasteful. -
Neuroticism and Fear of COVID-19. the Interplay Between Boredom
ORIGINAL RESEARCH published: 13 October 2020 doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2020.574393 Neuroticism and Fear of COVID-19. The Interplay Between Boredom, Fantasy Engagement, and Perceived Control Over Time Barbara Caci1*, Silvana Miceli1, Fabrizio Scrima2 and Maurizio Cardaci1 1Department of Psychology, Educational Science and Human Movement, University of Palermo, Palermo, Italy, 2Département de Psychologie, Université de Rouen, Moint Saint-Aignan, France The Italian government adopted measures to prevent the spread of coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) infection from March 9, 2020, to May 4, 2020 and imposed a phase of social Edited by: distancing and self-isolation to all adult citizens. Although justified and necessary, Joanna Sokolowska, University of Social Sciences and psychologists question the impact of this process of COVID-19 isolation on the mental Humanities, Poland health of the population. Hence, this paper investigated the relationship between Reviewed by: neuroticism, boredom, fantasy engagement, perceived control over time, and the fear of Cinzia Guarnaccia, University of Rennes 2 – Upper COVID-19. Specifically, we performed a cross-sectional study aimed at testing an Brittany, France integrative moderated mediation model. Our model assigned the boredom to the mediation Martin Reuter, role and both the fantasy engagement and perceived control of time to the role of University of Bonn, Germany moderators in the relationship between neuroticism and the fear of COVID-19. A sample *Correspondence: Barbara Caci of 301 subjects, mainly women (68.8%), aged between 18 and 57 years (Mage = 22.12 years; [email protected] SD = 6.29), participated in a survey conducted in the 1st-week lockdown phase 2 in Italy from May 7 to 18, 2020. -
June 1, 2020 Dear Massart Community, Pain. Grief. Anxiety. Disgust. Anger. Rage. All Fitting Emotions in Response to the Killing
June 1, 2020 Dear MassArt Community, Pain. Grief. Anxiety. Disgust. Anger. Rage. All fitting emotions in response to the killing of George Floyd. Just two weeks ago, we noted to our campus community acts of racism in our nation, including the murder of Ahmaud Arbery in Georgia. Last week we learned of the racist incident involving Christian Cooper in New York City. And now this. Protests are occurring in our city and around the nation, with riots in many places. We grieve that people of color, in this case, the black community, once again bear the burden of our nation’s continued failure to create a more just and equitable society. If you find yourself wearied and burdened, so do I. But I, a white man of privilege, along with all my white colleagues and friends, don’t experience weariness and burden in any way like those who are the targets of racism. We need to carry this burden more than we ever have. I have said on more than one occasion that we have for too long burdened people of color not only with systemic racism and discrimination, but we also inordinately burden people of color with the burden of solving these problems on their own. The stark truth is that we white people created the problem and it is on us to remedy it. We know that where there is injustice there is no peace. We hope for justice to be done on behalf of George Floyd and his family, and we hope for peace to come to Minneapolis and our nation. -
The Influence of Fear on Emotional Brand Attachment
Journal of Consumer Research, Inc. The Impact of Fear on Emotional Brand Attachment Author(s): Lea Dunn and JoAndrea Hoegg Source: Journal of Consumer Research, Vol. 41, No. 1 (June 2014), pp. 152-168 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/675377 . Accessed: 07/07/2014 15:03 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press and Journal of Consumer Research, Inc. are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Consumer Research. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.189.82.95 on Mon, 7 Jul 2014 15:03:06 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Impact of Fear on Emotional Brand Attachment LEA DUNN JOANDREA HOEGG The current research investigates the role of fear in the creation of emotional attachment to a brand. Previous research examining the influence of incidental negative emotions on brand evaluations has generally found that negative emotions lead to negative evaluations. The current research suggests that for fear, the relationship may be more positive. Since people cope with fear through affiliation with others, in the absence of other individuals, consumers may seek affiliation with an available brand. -
A Review Essay of Christine Tappolet's Emotions, Values, and Agency
Philosophical Psychology ISSN: 0951-5089 (Print) 1465-394X (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cphp20 Are emotions perceptions of value (and why this matters)? A review essay of Christine Tappolet’s Emotions, Values, and Agency Charlie Kurth, Haley Crosby & Jack Basse To cite this article: Charlie Kurth, Haley Crosby & Jack Basse (2018): Are emotions perceptions of value (and why this matters)? A review essay of Christine Tappolet’s Emotions, Values, and Agency, Philosophical Psychology, DOI: 10.1080/09515089.2018.1435861 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09515089.2018.1435861 Published online: 22 Feb 2018. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cphp20 PHILOSOPHICAL PSYCHOLOGY, 2018 https://doi.org/10.1080/09515089.2018.1435861 Are emotions perceptions of value (and why this matters)? A review essay of Christine Tappolet’s Emotions, Values, and Agency Charlie Kurth, Haley Crosby and Jack Basse Department of Philosophy, Washington University in St. Louis, St. Louis, USA ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY In Emotions, Values, and Agency, Christine Tappolet develops a Received 14 August 2017 sophisticated, perceptual theory of emotions and their role in Accepted 23 August 2017 wide range of issues in value theory and epistemology. In this KEYWORDS paper, we raise three worries about Tappolet’s proposal. Emotion; perceptual analogy; motivation; sentimentalism Introduction Christine Tappolet’s Emotions, Values, and Agency (Tappolet, 2017) provides a rich, provocative, and highly accessible defense of a perceptual theory of emotion. On her account, emotions are perceptual experiences of evaluative properties: to be disgusted by the maggot infested meat is, quite literally, to perceive the meat as disgusting—to see it as something to be rejected or avoided. -
Fear Selectively Modulates Visual Mental Imagery and Visual Perception
Fear Selectively Modulates Visual Mental Imagery and Visual Perception The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Borst, Grégoire and Stephen M. Kosslyn. 2010. Fear selectively modulates visual mental imagery and visual perception. Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology 63(5): 833-839. Published Version doi:10.1080/17470211003602420 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:5139180 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Open Access Policy Articles, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#OAP Fear, Mental Imagery, and Perception p.1 Fear Selectively Modulates Visual Mental Imagery and Visual Perception Grégoire Borst* and Stephen M. Kosslyn* *Department of Psychology, Harvard University, 33 Kirkland street, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA Running Head: Fear, Mental Imagery, and Perception Word count: 2725 words (excluding references) Corresponding author: Grégoire Borst Harvard University Department of Psychology William James Hall 836 33 Kirkland street Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 USA Phone: 1-617-495-3773 Fax: 1-617-496-3122 Email: [email protected] Fear, Mental Imagery, and Perception p.2 Abstract Emotions have been shown to modulate low-level visual processing of simple stimuli. In this study, we investigate whether emotions only modulate processing of visual representations created from direct visual inputs or whether they also modulate representations that underlie visual mental images. Our results demonstrate that when participants visualize or look at the global shape of written words (low spatial frequency visual information), the prior brief presentation of fearful faces enhances processing whereas when participants visualize or look at details of written words (high spatial frequency visual information), the prior brief presentation of fearful faces impairs processing.