The Asia Cooperation Dialogue (ACD): Formation and Development
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The Future of US Relations with the Gulf States
The Approaching Turning Point: The Future of U.S. Relations with the Gulf States By F. Gregory Gause, III Brookings Project on U.S. Policy Towards the Islamic World Analysis Paper Number Two, May 2003 1 Executive Summary United States policy toward the Gulf Cooperation Council states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman) is in the midst of an important change. Saudi Arabia has served as the linchpin of American military and political influence in the Gulf since Desert Storm. It can no longer play that role. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, an American military presence in the kingdom is no longer sustainable in the political system of either the United States or Saudi Arabia. Washington therefore has to rely on the smaller Gulf monarchies to provide the infrastructure for its military presence in the region. The build-up toward war with Iraq has accelerated that change, with the Saudis unwilling to cooperate openly with Washington on this issue. No matter the outcome of war with Iraq, the political and strategic logic of basing American military power in these smaller Gulf states is compelling. In turn, Saudi-American relations need to be reconstituted on a basis that serves the shared interests of both states, and can be sustained in both countries’ political systems. That requires an end to the basing of American forces in the kingdom. The fall of Saddam Hussein will facilitate this goal, allowing the removal of the American air wing in Saudi Arabia that patrols southern Iraq. The public opinion benefits for the Saudis of the departure of the American forces will permit a return to a more normal, if somewhat more distant, cooperative relationship with the United States. -
Assessing Investment Policies of Member Countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council
ASSESSING INVESTMENT POLICIES OF MEMBER COUNTRIES OF THE GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL Stocktaking analysis prepared by the MENA-OECD Investment Programme and presented at the Conference entitled: “Assessing Investment Policies of GCC Countries: Translating economic diversification strategies into sound international investment policies” On 5 April 2011 in Abu Dhabi Organised in co-operation of and hosted by the Ministry of Economy of the United Arab Emirates 1 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD .................................................................................................................................... 4 I. INTRODUCTION: ECONOMIC AND FDI OVERVIEW AND DIVERSIFICATION POLICIES ................. 7 1. After an eventful decade, the GCC economies are at a crossroads ....................................... 7 2. Diversification remains a key challenge in the GCC ............................................................... 9 3. The GCC needs to address human capital issues ................................................................. 17 II. PRESENTATION OF THE ASSESSMENT METHODOLOGY .......................................................... 21 1. The BCDS methodology ........................................................................................................ 21 2. The BCDS investment policy dimension and the stocktaking study .................................... 22 III. ASSESSMENT OF INVESTMENT POLICIES – FDI LAW AND POLICY OF GCC COUNTRIES ........ 24 1. Restrictions to National Treatment ..................................................................................... -
China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States
Order Code RL32688 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Updated April 4, 2006 Bruce Vaughn (Coordinator) Analyst in Southeast and South Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Wayne M. Morrison Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Summary Southeast Asia has been considered by some to be a region of relatively low priority in U.S. foreign and security policy. The war against terror has changed that and brought renewed U.S. attention to Southeast Asia, especially to countries afflicted by Islamic radicalism. To some, this renewed focus, driven by the war against terror, has come at the expense of attention to other key regional issues such as China’s rapidly expanding engagement with the region. Some fear that rising Chinese influence in Southeast Asia has come at the expense of U.S. ties with the region, while others view Beijing’s increasing regional influence as largely a natural consequence of China’s economic dynamism. China’s developing relationship with Southeast Asia is undergoing a significant shift. This will likely have implications for United States’ interests in the region. While the United States has been focused on Iraq and Afghanistan, China has been evolving its external engagement with its neighbors, particularly in Southeast Asia. In the 1990s, China was perceived as a threat to its Southeast Asian neighbors in part due to its conflicting territorial claims over the South China Sea and past support of communist insurgency. -
Professor Dr. Surakiart Sathirathai
1 Check against delivery Keynote Address By Professor Dr. Surakiart Sathirathai Former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Thailand, Chairman of Asian Peace and Reconciliation Council (APRC) At ASEAN-China-UNDP Symposium on Financing the Implementation of the SDGs in ASEAN 21-22 August 2017, Chiang Rai, Thailand 2 Your Excellency Vongthep Arthakaivalvatee, Deputy Secretary- General of ASEAN for ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community Your Excelency, Mr. Haoliang Xu, United Nations Assistant Secretary-General and UNDP Regional Director for Asia and the Pacific Counsellor Ke Yousheng, representing H.E. Xu Bu, Ambassador of the People's Republic of China to ASEAN M.R. Disnadda Diskul, Chairman of the Board of the Mae Fah Luang Foundation under the Royal Patronage Distinguished Participants, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is a distinct honour and pleasure for me to be with all of you in the majestic and charming province of Chiang Rai. Known for its strategic location where the borders of Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Southern China connect,Chiang Rai not only provides a perfect backdrop to our meeting here today, but also symbolizes a common bond between ASEAN and China as seen through their long standing dialogue 3 partnership, cooperation and exchange. At the outset, I would like to thank the ASEAN Secretariat, the Mission of the People’s Republic of China to ASEAN and the UNDP for inviting me to be the keynote speaker at this very timely symposium on financing for the implementation of the SDGs in ASEAN. Timely because as we celebrate the 50th anniversary of ASEAN this year, we need to reflect on how far we have come in our integration journey, while at the same time, renew our commitment toward building a truly people- oriented, people-centred ASEAN Community. -
Asean Charter
THE ASEAN CHARTER THE ASEAN CHARTER Association of Southeast Asian Nations The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established on 8 August 1967. The Member States of the Association are Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Viet Nam. The ASEAN Secretariat is based in Jakarta, Indonesia. =or inquiries, contact: Public Affairs Office The ASEAN Secretariat 70A Jalan Sisingamangaraja Jakarta 12110 Indonesia Phone : (62 21) 724-3372, 726-2991 =ax : (62 21) 739-8234, 724-3504 E-mail: [email protected] General information on ASEAN appears on-line at the ASEAN Website: www.asean.org Catalogue-in-Publication Data The ASEAN Charter Jakarta: ASEAN Secretariat, January 2008 ii, 54p, 10.5 x 15 cm. 341.3759 1. ASEAN - Organisation 2. ASEAN - Treaties - Charter ISBN 978-979-3496-62-7 =irst published: December 2007 1st Reprint: January 2008 Printed in Indonesia The text of this publication may be freely quoted or reprinted with proper acknowledgment. Copyright ASEAN Secretariat 2008 All rights reserved CHARTER O THE ASSOCIATION O SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS PREAMBLE WE, THE PEOPLES of the Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), as represented by the Heads of State or Government of Brunei Darussalam, the Kingdom of Cambodia, the Republic of Indonesia, the Lao Peoples Democratic Republic, Malaysia, the Union of Myanmar, the Republic of the Philippines, the Republic of Singapore, the Kingdom of Thailand and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam: NOTING -
Security Council Distr.: General 7 July 2006
United Nations S/2' 006/492 Security Council Distr.: General 7 July 2006. Original: English Letter dated 5 July 2006 from the Permanent Representative of Malaysia to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council In my capacity as Chairman of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) New York Committee, I have the honour to refer to the letter dated 12 October 2004 that Alounkeo Kittikhoun, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of the Lao People's Democratic Republic as Chairman of the ASEAN New York Committee in 2004 wrote to Emyr Jones Parry, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland as President of the Security Council for the month of October 2004, regarding the endorsement by ASEAN Foreign Ministers during the informal meeting in New York on 28 September 2004 of the__£ajidjdajture of Surakiart Sathirathai, then-Foreign Minister of Thailand, for the post of " Secretary-General for the term of 2007-2011. At the tenth ASEAN summit held in Vientiane in December 2004, the leaders of the 10 member countries of ASEAN (Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Viet Nam) reaffirmed the candidature of Mr. Sathirathai, Deputy Prime Minister of Thailand for the post of Secretary-General. More recently, in April 2006, during the ASEAN Foreign Ministers' retreat in Ubud, Indonesia, the ASEAN Foreign Ministers reiterated their support for and endorsement of the ASEAN candidate for the aforesaid post. In my capacity as Chairman of the ASEAN New York Committee, I therefore have the honour to nominate officially once again Mr. -
Dancing with China: (In a Psyche of Adaptability, Adjustment, and Cooperation)
Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Southeast Asia Relations: Dancing with China: (In a Psyche of Adaptability, Adjustment, And Cooperation) Ronald N. Montaperto East Carolina University Syntax and usage aside, the language of the subtitle of this analysis (paraphrased from an article in People’s Daily) captures fully the thrust and character of Beijing’s relations with Southeast Asia during the second quarter of 2005. Buoyed by a swift international response, a high level of assistance, and the success of their own hard work, the nations of Southeast Asia threw off the torpor induced by the tsunami of December 2004 and returned to business as usual. Beijing seized the opportunity and immediately reenergized plans placed in temporary, forced abeyance in the wake of the disaster. The result was yet another series of apparent Chinese successes in Beijing’s continuing drive to gain acceptance as a good neighbor and further enhance its regional status. The good neighbor I: the travels of Hu Jintao During the quarter, China’s highest leadership made its presence felt in five of the six longest-standing members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Australia and New Zealand, both of which seek a larger measure of economic interaction with Southeast Asia, also received attention. On April 20, President Hu Jintao began an eight-day journey that took him to Indonesia, Brunei, and the Philippines. Later, on May 19 National Peoples’ Congress (NPC) Chair Wu Bangguo began a four-nation tour that included Singapore, Australia, New Zealand, and Malaysia. Regional media outlets gave both missions high marks. -
Non-Indigenous Citizens and “Stateless” Residents in the Gulf
Andrzej Kapiszewski NON-INDIGENOUS CITIZENS AND "STATELESS" RESIDENTS IN THE GULF MONARCHIES. THE KUWAITI BIDUN Since the discovery of oil, the political entities of the Persian Gulf have transformed themselves from desert sheikhdoms into modern states. The process was accompanied by rapid population growth. During the last 50 years, the population of the current Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman1, grew from 4 million in 1950 to 33.4 million in 2004, thus recording one of the highest rates of population growth in the world2. The primary cause of this increase has not been the growth of the indigenous population, large in itself, but the influx of foreign workers. The employment of large numbers of foreigners was a structural imperative for growth in the GCC countries, as oil-related development depended upon the importation of foreign technologies, and reąuired knowledge and skills unfamiliar to the local Arab population. Towards the end of 2004, there were 12.5 million foreigners, 37 percent of the total population, in the GCC states. In Qatar, the UAE, and Kuwait, foreigners constituted a majority. In the United Arab Emirates foreigners accounted for over 80 percent of population. Only Oman and Saudi Arabia managed to maintain a relatively Iow proportion of foreign population: about 20 and 27 percent, respectively. This development has created security, economic, social and cultural threats to the local population. Therefore, to maintain the highly privileged position of the indigenous population and make integration of foreigners with local communities difficult, numerous restrictions were imposed: the sponsorship system, limits on the duration of every foreigner’s stay, curbs on naturalization and on the citizenship rights of those who are naturalized, etc. -
Pan-Asianism As an Ideal of Asian Identity and Solidarity, 1850–Present アジアの主体性・団結の理想としての汎アジア主 義−−1850年から今日まで
Volume 9 | Issue 17 | Number 1 | Article ID 3519 | Apr 25, 2011 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Pan-Asianism as an Ideal of Asian Identity and Solidarity, 1850–Present アジアの主体性・団結の理想としての汎アジア主 義−−1850年から今日まで Christopher W. A. Szpilman, Sven Saaler Pan-Asianism as an Ideal of Asian Attempts to define Asia are almost as old as the Identity and Solidarity,term itself. The word “Asia” originated in ancient Greece in the fifth century BC. It 1850–Present originally denoted the lands of the Persian Empire extending east of the Bosphorus Straits Sven Saaler and Christopher W. A. but subsequently developed into a general term Szpilman used by Europeans to describe all the lands lying to the east of Europe. (The point where This is a revised, updated and abbreviated Europe ended and Asia began was, however, version of the introduction to the two volume never clearly defined.) Often, this usage collection by the authors ofPan-Asianism. A connoted a threat, real or perceived, by Asia to Documentary History Vol. 1 covers the years Europe—a region smaller in area, much less 1850-1920; Vol. 2 covers the years 1850- populous, poorer, and far less significant than present, link. Asia in terms of global history. The economic and political power of Asia, the The term “Asia” arrived in East Asia relatively world’s largest continent, is increasing rapidly. late, being introduced by Jesuit missionaries in According to the latest projections, the gross the sixteenth century. The term is found, domestic products of China and India, the written in Chinese characters 亜細亜( ), on world’s most populous nations, will each Chinese maps of the world made around 1600 surpass that of the United States in the not-too- under the supervision of Matteo Ricci distant future. -
Interpreting Sanctions in Africa and Southeast Asia
IRE0010.1177/0047117815600934Hellquist<italic>International Relations</italic>International Relations 600934research-article2015 CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Institutional Repository of the Freie Universität Berlin Article International Relations 2015, Vol. 29(3) 319 –333 Interpreting sanctions in © The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permissions: Africa and Southeast Asia sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0047117815600934 ire.sagepub.com Elin Hellquist Free University of Berlin and Stockholm University Abstract The Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) were both born to stabilise vulnerable state borders by practising non-interference in domestic affairs. Today, the OAU’s successor, the African Union (AU), uses sanctions against unconstitutional changes of government, while ASEAN continues to rule out any collective punitive action against members. To explain these divergent trajectories, this article first shows how different traditions produced different ways of engaging with sanctions in the early formative cases of South Africa and Vietnam. Thereafter, it examines how these traditions were selectively re-thought when confronted with the dilemmas of international sanctions against Libya and Myanmar. The interpretive approach enables a nuanced account of continuity and change in beliefs about sanctions. The AU’s sanctions doctrine has updated rather than broken with a traditional interpretation of non-interference. For ASEAN, the longstanding tradition of informality – and not strict adherence to non-interference – has continued to rule out regional sanctions. Keywords African Union, ASEAN, comparative regionalism, non-interference, Organization of African Unity, sanctions Regional cooperation in Africa and Southeast Asia began with a similar aim: to protect the sovereignty of vulnerable postcolonial states. -
The Outlook for Arab Gulf Cooperation
The Outlook for Arab Gulf Cooperation Jeffrey Martini, Becca Wasser, Dalia Dassa Kaye, Daniel Egel, Cordaye Ogletree C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1429 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9307-3 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2016 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover image: Mideast Saudi Arabia GCC summit, 2015 (photo by Saudi Arabian Press Agency via AP). Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions.html. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report explores the factors that bind and divide the six Gulf Coop- eration Council (GCC) states and considers the implications of GCC cohesion for the region over the next ten years. -
Summer Law Study Abroad 1996 Marketing Golden Gate University School of Law
Golden Gate University School of Law GGU Law Digital Commons Law School Bulletins & Prospectus About GGU School of Law 1996 Summer Law Study Abroad 1996 Marketing Golden Gate University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/bulletins Part of the Legal Education Commons Recommended Citation Marketing, "Summer Law Study Abroad 1996" (1996). Law School Bulletins & Prospectus. Paper 113. http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/bulletins/113 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the About GGU School of Law at GGU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Law School Bulletins & Prospectus by an authorized administrator of GGU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. I Broaden Your Horizons SUMMER LAW STUDY ABROAD Thailand BANGKOK May 27- July 10, 1996 Malta VALLETTAIMSIDA May 27- June 21, 1996 n addition to our summer program in Bangkok, Thailand, now in its fifth year, Golden Gate University is offering a new program in the Maltese Islands. Partici I pants in our six-week summer program at Chulalongkom University in Bangkok will join students from Indonesia, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand and Vietnam, as well as from law schools across the United States. Our four-week Malta program offers an op portunity to study international and comparative law at a 400 year-old university on a beautiful Mediterranean island located between Italy and Tunisia. The Malta program is co-sponsored by South Texas College of Law and offered in partnership with the Univer sity of Malta Law School and the Mediterranean Academy of Diplomatic Studies.