Historical Archaeology of Baja Sur

Karina Busto-Ibarra

Abstract field research in previously inaccessible parts of Baja Bernard Fontana, Homer Aschmann, and W. Michael Mathes were California. Unfortunately, at the same time large-scale staunch advocates of interdisciplinary research. All recognized developments, road-building, hotel construction, and the importance of historic sites archaeology for the study of Baja marina expansion posed significant threats to cultural California’s recent past. Throughout their careers they encouraged colleagues to combine the fields of cultural geography, archival and natural resources. The earliest archaeological sal- history, and archaeology for greater clarity and insight into the study vage projects were reactions to coastal developments of artifacts, sites, and cultures, and this is now standard practice and their threat to prehistoric settlements, and the Insti- in Sur. Most research, however, has been involved with prehistory, and historical archaeology has lagged behind. This tuto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH) led paper describes historical site types and documentary evidence attempts to ameliorate destruction of the state’s diverse still awaiting intensive study. Historical archaeologists in Baja archaeological sites. In the 1970s and 1980s relatively California Sur must now race to study our irreplaceable sites before they are lost to accelerating development and the inexorable forces few trained archaeologists were available to meet this of nature. challenge, and there was neither time nor resources to conduct very many long-term, research-oriented inves- Introduction tigation programs. As blossomed into an international destination for tourists, a handful Over the past six decades scholarly research in Baja of professionals could do little more than salvage California Sur has dramatically increased. This is a artifacts from archaeological sites while witnessing the result of many things, including the construction of wholesale destruction of natural and cultural resources. roads, communication systems, and new settlements. More recently, the online accessibility of books, Many archaeological rescate (rescue) projects along maps, manuscripts, reports, and correspondences has the , from Santa Rosalía south to brought much information out of regional obscurity , have been completed in the past and fostered a growing sense among scholars that few decades. The Pacific coast of Baja California Sur, Baja California Sur holds great potential for cultural particularly in the strip between Todos Santos and historical research. The completion of the Carret- Cabo San Lucas, has hosted fewer developments and, era Transpeninsular Benito Juárez in 1973, running consequently, salvage efforts. Some of the best known 1,711 km (1,063 mi) from to Cabo San Lucas, rescate projects were conducted in La Paz, Ensenada opened the region to flocks of tourists. North Amer- de los Muertos, Cabo Pulmo, and the of ican researchers, particularly Alta Californians, now Los Cabos. Most investigations were of prehistoric found it easy to acquaint or reacquaint themselves with sites, yet still incorporating comparative ethnohistoric their oldest neighbor. More anthropologists, archaeol- information (Meigs 1935; Aschmann 1959; Massey ogists, and geographers than ever before came to do 1966; Ritter 1979; Reygadas Dahl and Velázquez

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1983, 1985; Laylander 1987; Rosales-López and Fujita however, their research must also include analysis of 2000). Because most such research has been reactive, documentary evidence, such as diaries, letters, maps, focused principally on prehistory, the region’s histori- etc. Comparative documentary evidence facilitates cal archaeology landscape remains largely unstudied. interpretation of historical era settlement patterns, domestic life, economic relationships, social structure, Recognition of the historical archaeological potential and even worldview; it can also broaden knowledge of of Baja California Sur is not new. For almost a half socioeconomic systems such as colonialism, capital- century Homer Aschmann, Bernard Fontana, and W. ism, or slavery (Little 2007). Michael Mathes all insisted that historical accounts be used in interpreting archaeological evidence of our Archaeological evidence consists of artifacts, ecofacts, peninsula’s extinct cultures. This notwithstanding, features, and sites. Historical artifacts include ceram- the vast number and diverse kinds of historical sites ics, toys, machinery, and toothbrushes. Ecofacts, the to be found within the region are just beginning to be biological remains at sites, include pollen, phytoliths, appreciated. Similarly, the published and unpublished seeds, and animal bones. Features include foundations, documents that can complement archaeological inqui- privies, wells, trash scatters, glory holes, mine tailings, ry remain unfamiliar to many. hearths, etc., while archaeological sites are simply plac- es where artifacts and features can be discovered (Little Below, this paper divides into three sections that pre- 2007). Historical records are either primary or second- cede a short conclusion. The first of the three offers a ary. Primary sources include eyewitness accounts (by definition of historical archaeology, notes its interdis- explorers, missionaries, and travelers), letters, official ciplinary nature, and how this field of study is applied government documents, maps, journals, ship logs, in the , South America, and . The diaries, newspaper articles, postcards, and photographs. second section evaluates and modifies the historical Such material is accessed mostly in archives, libraries, site classification system proposed by Fontana (1965), and government repositories. Secondary sources are specific to Baja California Sur. The third and final those books, articles, and reports written about past section reviews important documentary sources for events, but because most are interpretive, they can be Baja California Sur history. I hope to show that the less reliable than primary documents. cultural historical resources of Baja California Sur are rich, varied, and worthy of study and preservation for Despite their different methods, archaeology, em- future generations. phasizing scientific excavation, and history, focusing upon archival research, are compatible and have been Historical Archaeology: Definition, Characteriza- applied in combination with great success worldwide. tion, and Practice As required by law, historical sites in the United States are evaluated prior to development projects. This legal New World historical archaeology studies sites, fea- requirement has greatly contributed to the preservation tures, and artifacts from initial European contact with of the nation’s historical past (Pykles 2008). Historical Native American peoples in the late fifteenth century archaeology in South America has instead focused on until the mid-nineteenth century. The discipline com- broad theoretical issues, such as ethnic identity, social bines the analysis of material remains (e.g., artifacts, conflict, the use of space, culture change, power and features, and ecofacts) with historical documents. marginalization, and economic institutions (Funari and Historical archaeologists typically employ the same Zarankin 2004; Funari and Brittez 2006). Thus, many field techniques as those of prehistoric archaeologists; South American historical archaeologists are less

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concerned with issues of site preservation than their Historical Site Types of Baja California Sur North American counterparts (Funari 2007). Introduction Mexican historical archaeology has been primarily devoted to the maintenance and restoration of colonial Bernard Fontana (1965:61–63) proposed a histor- structures such as haciendas, missions and convents ical site classification system of five divisions: (1) and of material culture such as paintings and furniture. Protohistoric sites prior to 1492; (2) Contact sites, or A federal law regarding archaeological, artistic, and Native settlements visited by non-Indians; (3) Post- historical zones and monuments was adopted in 1972 contact sites, or Native places settled after the arrival (Bendímez 1979). In the 1980s INAH mandated the of non-Indians; (4) Frontier sites, or non-Native Coordinación Nacional de Monumentos Históricos, locations established and administered by non-Indi- at first specifically to restore and maintain historical an peoples (military posts, missions, trading posts, buildings within and later in Baja Califor- colonial settlements, etc.); (5) Nonaboriginal sites, nia (See Mathes, this Quarterly double-issue). More which involved Indians peripherally or not at all, recently, historical archaeology has expanded to include with artifact assemblages wholly or almost wholly underwater discoveries (Hernández 1998:6). Historical non-Indian (ranches, mining towns, villages, cities, archaeology in Mexico is more similar to that of the manufacturing centers, and permanent military fa- United States than to that of South America. Mexican cilities). My classification of historical sites modi- scholars have rigorously employed their nation’s expan- fies Fontana’s, excluding his Protohistoric category sive corpus of archival data to complement archaeolog- while adding two slightly modified nonaboriginal ical investigations (Peralta Flores 1998:79). Despite its site types. rich potential (Figure 1), historical archaeology in Baja California Sur lags behind other states in Mexico, in- Contact Sites cluding neighboring and Baja California where Elisa Villalpando (2001) and Julia Bendímez Patterson Early settlements (2006) have made significant contributions. While his- torical sites in Baja California Sur are abundant, much The settlement and colonization of Baja California historical archaeology still remains to be done. was a long and arduous process owing to the remote- ness of the region, rugged terrain, and the limited Almost 50 years ago Homer Aschmann (1968:49) availability of potable water. Initial European contact demonstrated how history and archaeology in com- on the peninsula dates to May 3, 1535, when Hernán bination could enhance our understanding of Baja Cortés sailed into the bay of La Paz, made landfall, California Sur’s vanished peoples. He was interested and established a small colony named Santa Cruz in the clay pipes collected by William C. Massey. At (Figure 2). Sebastián Vizcaíno visited the same region the time, archaeologists were unaware of their func- in 1596 and discovered artifacts discarded by the tions for indigenous peoples, but Aschmann’s archival Cortesian expedition: research revealed that such artifacts were regularly re- ported by missionaries as components of shaman’s kits I was in this place for two days, during used in curing ceremonies. This blending of archaeol- which, while looking for a place to fortify ogy and history is now standard practice throughout and explore all of the cove which goes over Baja California Sur. eight leagues inland, I found on the shore

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Figure 1. Historical sites mentioned in the text. Map by James Ketchum and Karina Busto-Ibarra.

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Figure 2. Detail from a 1542 world map by Alonso de Santa Cruz. California (left of centerline), discovered by Hernán Cortés, is shown as an island west of the Mexican coast. From León-Portilla (1989a:lámina 10).

of the sea a high area which appeared to be lost when he came on this voyage … [Vizcaí- made by hand of some one hundred paces no 1992:138]. and very flat, and around it a pit like a well. Therein we set up tents and set stakes, and This account of September 12, 1596, may represent we found some horseshoes, cables, arrow the first example of historical archaeology in Mexico, points, keys, and other iron things that were if not the entire New World. Vizcaíno’s descriptions of so old and consumed from the weather that discarded artifacts, their states of preservation, and the we took them to be an indication that this was approximate geographical locations provide clues to the place where the Marqués del Valle was the whereabouts of vanished Santa Cruz.

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Frontier Sites early 1970s, Eric Ritter inventoried a collection of surface ceramics at Misión Santa Rosalía de Mulegé Missions (Ritter, personal communication 2009). Modern travel accounts and photographic essays of Baja missions The colonization of peninsular California was linked are staples of popular literature (Arraj 2002; Vernon to the establishment of 30 Jesuit, Franciscan, and 2002). Minor archaeological work was undertaken Dominican missions between 1697 and 1834. These at Mission San Bruno near Loreto on the Gulf of religious outposts stretched from San José del Cabo to California. Otherwise, most if not all Baja California Guadalupe and eventually reached into Alta Cali- Sur’s missions, including Misión de Nuestra Señora fornia, enabling clerics and non-Native settlers to de Loreto Conchó (Loreto), Misión de Nuestra Señora colonize isolated and distant territories. Many studies del Pilar de La Paz Airapí (La Paz), Misión Estero of these missions have been undertaken, focusing on de las Palmas de San José del Cabo Añuití (San José demography and culture change, especially the effects del Cabo), Misión Santa Rosa de las Palmas Todos of European settlement on Native societies (Mathes Santos (Todos Santos), Misión Santa Rosalía de 1977, 1982, 2001; del Río 1984, 2003; Avilés and Mulegé (Mulegé), Misión San Ignacio Kadakaamán Hoover; Molto et al. 2012). Detailed studies of mis- (San Ignacio), Misión San José de Comondú (north of sion architecture and church artifacts have also been Loreto), and Misión Santiago de Los Coras (Santiago) published by Hinojosa Oliva (1985), Díaz (1986), were not surveyed, mapped, or test excavated before Meyer de Stinglhamber (2001), and Vernon (2002). being reconstructed or restored. Relatively few pris- tine mission sites remain. W. Michael Mathes (per- On October 5, 1683, a mission site was selected at Ar- sonal communication 2005) suggested that Misión royo San Bruno during the Isidro de Atondo y Antillón San Luis Gonzaga Chiriyaquí, northwest of La Paz, campaign. Intense heat and lack of food and potable and Misión Nuestra Señora de los Dolores del Sur water forced Eusebio Francisco Kino and others to Chillá, located between Loreto and La Paz, represent abandon the site in May 1685 (Mathes 1982). Over prime locations for systematic archaeological inquiry a decade later, José María Salvatierra, credited with (Figure 3). Minor testing could include ecofactual establishing the first Jesuit mission on the peninsula, analysis, providing data about changes in Native diet came to San Bruno in October 1697. From there, Sal- over time, as well as information about introduced vatierra went to Loreto where the permanent mission plants and animals (Fermín Reygadas, personal com- was established (Mathes 1982; del Río 1997). Early munication 2007). mission sites and European explorer camps along the coast are among the most significant potential survey Archaeological work at surviving missions in Baja and excavation sites for historical archaeologists. Any California has been productive. Peverill Meigs (1935) attempt to locate them must, of course, employ pri- was among the first scholars to survey the Mission mary historical documents (Mathes 1968, 1979, 1982; San Vicente Ferrer in the late 1920s. Roughly 50 León-Portilla 1989b, 1995). years later, Ronald May (1973) analyzed the ceramics from Mission Santo Tomás de Aquino near Ensenada Despite being the first religious outposts that were using documentary sources. Recently, César González built in the , mission sites in Baja Cali- (2001) provided a useful overview of archaeologi- fornia Sur have never been systematically surveyed, cal work at the Mission San Vicente Ferrer. In Alta mapped, formally recorded, or test excavated, California, historical archaeology inquiry has been un- although some research has been undertaken. In the dertaken at Mission Santa Clara de Assís (Skowronek

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Figure 3. Ruins of Mission Los Dolores. Photograph by Karina Busto-Ibarra, 2000.

and Wizorek 1997) and Mission Santa Inés (Hoover Texas, especially those portions impacted by farming 1992). Similar research projects could be developed and urban development. He concluded that original for mission sites in Baja California Sur. remnants still exist. In Baja California the Camino Real could be similarly studied. El Camino Real Nonaboriginal Sites The road system of Baja California, often referred to as El Camino Real, comprised cleared trails con- Farms and Ranches necting a newly chosen mission site with the nearest older establishment. According to Crosby (1994:196), Baja California ranches began during the Mission “Missions were located at water sources so Indian period. Clerics used the best available land to plant footpaths usually indicated the best routes between crops and to raise cattle, pigs, sheep, and goats. In rare them. Often the Camino Real was created simply by instances, privately owned cattle ranches or agricul- widening and smoothing an old [Indian foot] trail.” tural farms were established between 1697 and 1768 Portions of the Camino Real and lesser paths built under Jesuit authority. After the 1768 Jesuit expulsion, to outlying pueblos and visitas (outposts) near each many new ranches were established, particularly close mission have endured for centuries. Written records to the mission complexes at Todos Santos, San José sometimes make it possible to determine their orig- del Cabo, and San Antonio, marking the beginning of inal locations (Crosby 1974, 1977). Nineteenth and secular colonization in Baja California. One hundred twentieth century accounts offer precise data about thirty-three cattle ranches were founded between travel itineraries and towns along Baja California 1769 and 1821, when the region experienced a steady Sur’s road network (North 1910; Jordán 1951, 1995; growth in population (Trejo 1999). Gerhard and Gulick 1956; Castillo Negrete 2002). In the United States, Edward Staski (2004) applied Early nineteenth century ranches can be inventoried historical archaeological methods while surveying the through reliable archival sources (Lassépas 1995; Tre- old road from Las Cruces, New Mexico, to El Paso, jo 1999; Castillo Negrete 2002). Gerhard and Gulick

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(1956) and Jordán (1951, 1995) list those ranches Pearling was prohibited until 1742 when Manuel still extant in the 1950s. Harry Crosby (1981) and de Ocio, a former soldier of the Loreto Presidio, Reygadas Dahl and Lando-Romo (2013) have studied attempted its revival. During the 1820s and 1830s, modern ranches in the peninsula. Historical documen- pearling was expanded as mother-of-pearl shell also tation should therefore be a part of any archaeological became marketable (Mosk 1941:463–464). An 1838 study of Baja California Sur’s ranching tradition (see regulation required all free divers to work from Reygadas Dahl and Rabanal-Mora 2013). armadas de buceo (Figure 4). Each such “fleet” incorporated a mother ship, often a brig, serving the Pearl Fishing Sites smaller boats or canoes of the individual divers. The “admiral” of each fleet controlled the daily harvest The fabled wealth of pearls inspired the earliest voyag- for the owners, usually La Paz merchants, who in es to California, including the 1535 expedition led by turn exported their pearls and mother-of-pearl to Hernán Cortés (Gerhard 1956; Mathes 1966:10, 1968; mainland Mexico and beyond (Esteva 1863; Cariño del Río 1990). Prior to the Pax Jesuítica, the Spanish 1996:115). In 1857 José María Esteva (1863) again Crown granted few licenses to individuals, giving re- regulated pearling, slowing depletion of this valuable cipients rights to fish for pearls in the Gulf of California resource. Esteva limited pearling times and locations and to market pearls (Mathes 1966:11). Mosk wrote: and prohibited taking juvenile oysters (Mosk 1941). The pearling season now ran from July to September, A new colonization policy for Lower Cali- greatly diminishing the quantity collected. How- fornia adopted at the end of the seventeenth ever, an 1870s technological advance reversed this century further restricted pearl fishing. In conservation trend. The new “hard-hat diving suit” 1697 control of the province was awarded to encouraged yearlong harvesting and, together with the Jesuits, who retained it until the expulsion Mexican government pearling concessions to private order of 1767. Pearl fishinginterfered with individuals, diminished the quantity and quality of their missionary efforts, and they took pains the resource. After decades of intensive exploita- to discourage it. Only small-scale operations, tion, pearl oysters became scarce, and their natural usually clandestine, were carried on during regeneration could not keep pace with increasing the Jesuit period [Mosk 1941:461]. demand. At the turn of the twentieth century, Gastón

Figure 4. Early twentieth century pearl diving fleet in Baja California waters. Mother ship at right, smaller service boats sailing off to left. From Cariño (1998:107).

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J. Vives, a Frenchman residing in La Paz, responded at on the Pacific coast (Esteva 1863; to this scarcity by creating the first artificial oyster Diguet 1912). Extant artifacts and features from these pearl farm producing good quality pearls (Cariño sites could be studied in company with documentary 1998). The new pearling station was established sources, for an exciting kind of historical archaeology at San Gabriel, a cove on the southwest margin of (Jordán 1951, 1995). Espíritu Santo Island (Cariño 2003). It was visited by zoologist Charles Haskins Townsend: Mines

… during the years 1910 and 1911 the total In 1748 Manuel de Ocio began the region’s first mine amount of shell exported from La Paz and at Santa Ana. Soon thereafter, the El Triunfo (1751) derived from the waters adjacent to the Pen- and San Antonio mines (1756) were established. insula of Lower California was 331 tons… Owing to the success of their mines, Santa Ana and San Gabriel Cove, Espiritu Santo Island, in San Antonio attracted settlers, becoming peninsular the Gulf of California, fifteen miles from California’s first secular communities (Diguet 1912; La Paz is the only establishment of the kind Amao 1982, 1997; Southworth 1989). Mining dom- in the world [Charles Haskins Townsend inated the regional economy during the eighteenth 1916:434]. and nineteenth centuries. In 1862 Triunfo Mining and Commercial Company changed its name to the Remnants of Vives’ successful offshore venture sur- Hormiguera Mining Company and then, in 1878, to vive today, including pearl nurseries and an artificial the Progreso Mining Company (Diguet 1912; Rivas dike one-third of a mile long which transformed San Hernández 2000). The mining industry kept pace with Gabriel Cove into a (Cariño 2003). Pearl fish- modern machinery and improved extraction methods, eries were found on Carmen, San José, and Cerralvo and the output of copper, silver, and gold increased Islands, south of La Paz at and Cabo Pul- (Southworth 1989). Vestiges of the original Santa mo, on the interior coast near Loreto and Mulegé, and Ana and San Antonio mining towns are visible today,

Figure 5. The Compagnie du Boleo “Company Town” at Santa Rosalía, Baja California, in 1900. Note the intermingling of mining and processing facilities with residential ones. Church is at center, dormito- ry structures with laundry hanging out to dry at right, long gravity rail car ramp runs right to left, and smokestack indicates workings atop the mesa behind. San Francisco Maritime National Historical Park, Harold D. Huycke Photographic Collection.

PCAS Quarterly 51(3&4) 100 Busto-Ibarra including aqueducts and slag heaps. These archaeo- … if a great fleet of … ships … arrived there, logical features present a superb research opportunity they could be promptly loaded up with noth- for historical archaeologists concerned with this ing but salt. And, if after eight or ten days important period of Baja California Sur history. another similar fleet came … [it] would find the salt pan as full and whole as the first one The Santa Rosalía port city was founded in 1885 with had found it … this salt pan … is one of the no colonial roots. In 1885 the French Compagnie du best on earth [Barco 1980:285–286]. Boleo received a generous concession from Porfirio Díaz’ government to exploit the rich local copper In 1717 Padre Juan María Salvatierra petitioned the deposits (Romero Gil 1991; González Cruz 2000). King of Spain for permission to work the salt depos- The company installed modern processing equipment, it, stating, “There is enough salt to supply the whole a 33 km railroad linking the mine with the port, and world” (Kirkland et al. 1966:937). an electrical plant and telephone service (Gonzales 1994:655). This company exported copper to Edward H. Cook (1908:546), a consulting mining and in exchange imported exotic commodities and engineer from Tucson, , visited the deposits new technology to the mine and to the port. A vibrant at Salinas Bay, Isla Carmen, reporting, “For years the maritime trade network now linked Baja California Mexican Government maintained a penal colony on and Mexico directly to international markets (Busto the island and operated the deposits with convict labor, 1999a). By 1910 the copper mining town of Santa but during the French intervention the island was sold Rosalía was the largest urban center on the peninsula to private persons.” To my knowledge, this is the only (Deasy and Gerhard 1944:584). Curiously, the indus- mention of a penal colony on Isla Carmen. Confirma- trial facilities, located in the heart of Santa Rosalía, tion could come through field archaeology coupled with were never dismantled. The entire town of Santa archival search of newspapers and government docu- Rosalía is historically significant, and many of its ments and oral history interviews of Loreto informants. late nineteenth and early twentieth century buildings remain intact. Private homes, retail stores, schools, Salt was exported during most of the nineteenth cen- locomotives, hotels, machinery, streets, a cemetery, tury (Lassépas 1995; Trejo 1999), yet it was not until church, hospital, wharf, and the foundry buildings the 1870s that it was industrially exploited. Santiago all stand sentinel over the old mining town. Santa Viosca, the United States consul stationed at La Paz, Rosalía (Figure 5) retains its Gustav Eiffel designed established saltworks on the southeast side of Car- metal church, its 35 m smokestack, and sundry other men Island, employing 140 persons year-round. The structures. Santa Rosalía holds great promise for salt mine incorporated a small railroad and two stone industrial history and archaeology. buildings; one served as the office, the other for ma- chinery storage (Southworth 1989). Salt had industrial Saltworks applications in silver mining (Diguet 1912:36) and served as ballast for sailing vessels (Busto 1999a). On Salt extraction was crucial to the economic growth April 2, 1911, Charles H. Townsend voyaged to Isla of Baja California Sur. The abundance and superior Carmen and reported: quality of Isla del Carmen salt was recognized by seventeenth century clerics. Miguel del Barco called The salt deposit of Carmen Island is a … lake the salinas of Isla Carmen “inexhaustible”: of snow-white salt nearly two miles long and

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a mile wide. The surface salt is dissolved Salt was also extracted on the Baja California Sur during the annual rainy season and after Pacific coast. As whaling declined at Ojo de Liebre re-crystallizing forms new supplies … [it] (“’s Eye,” on Scammon’s Lagoon), the salt appears to be inexhaustible and only about industry correspondingly grew (Figure 6). Schooners one-tenth of the lake surface has ever been and other sailing vessels hauled increasingly larg- worked … about sixty tons of salt [is] piled er quantities of salt to San Francisco between 1869 up … [and] As much as 35,000 tons have and 1873, and small-scale salt extraction enterprises been shipped in one year, but much more continued throughout the late nineteenth and early could be supplied if demanded. Its purity twentieth centuries (Henderson 1972:240). By 1870 is such that it requires no refinement. This the industry was supported by a small colony of salt deposit has been worked commercially American and Chinese salt workers. Remnants of this for about fifty years … The salt lake has community still exist—hand trucks, wagons, a pier, no connection with the sea. The deposit of and the windmill whose enclosed base served as a salt is known to be at least 15 feet in depth barracks for the workers—more grist for the historical [Townsend 1916:424–425]. archaeology mill.

Figure 6. Map of early salt works on the southeastern inner reaches of Scammon’s Lagoon. The map of the Salinas de Ojo de Liebre was drawn in 1884, but the American operators had abandoned their enterprise in 1873. The map and drawings show an orchilla stand in lower left; pier and dock; windmill (molino) for pumping water into evaporation pans (pilas); rail lines over the salt flats; barracks for Chinese workers (barraca China); hand truck operated on the rails over the salt flats; and an aban- doned, beached salt lighter with a bird’s nest (nido) on one mast. From Joaquín M. Ramos (1866) and reproduced in Henderson (1972:240).

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Tanneries California as well as to mainland Mexico. In 1893 there were 11 sugar factories in Todos Santos (Figure Tanning was a key industry during the second half of 8), 16 in Santiago, and 18 in San José del Cabo, all the nineteenth century, and the manufacturing and ex- operated by different owners (Busto 1999a: 48). porting of leather hides was economically important to most towns along Mexico’s Pacific coast. Oxen, deer, Fishing, Whaling, and Turtling Camps and cattle hides were shipped to the United States and beyond. In La Paz, Baja California Sur, U.S. Consul Fishing is an old tradition along the coast of peninsu- Santiago Viosca owned and operated a thriving tan- lar California. Many marine resources were harvested nery in the early twentieth century (Busto 1999a) (Fig- over the past five centuries, including shark, tuna, and ure 7). Viosca’s leather products served the needs of edible oyster. was heavily hunted during local merchants, such as Chinese immigrant Quon Ley the nineteenth century at Magdalena Bay, San Ignacio, Yuen, who owned a shoe factory (Preciado 2005:311). and Scammon’s Lagoon (Henderson 1972). Whalers Viosca’s tannery and leather company remained active had direct contact with local businesses and individu- until 1947; its remnants still exist on a vacant lot in La als at coastal towns. Systematic field surveys around Paz, awaiting archaeological survey and excavation. Magdalena Bay, , and would undoubtedly produce evidence Sugar Mills of long-vanished whaling activity. In the 1930s a tuna fishing and packing company (Compañía de Productos A sugar industry developed in the Cape Region of Baja Marinos de Cabo San Lucas) was established at Cabo California Sur, particularly south of La Paz; there, a San Lucas and continued operating into the 1970s combination of fertile lands and ample water resulted (Green Olachea 1993; Cariño 1996). One company in the cultivation of sugar cane and the production of structure still exists. There is abundant documentation panocha (brown sugar) using the trapiche process, of shark fishing camps at Puerto Escondido, shark and which involves pressing trunks through a machine to turtle camps at El Pardito Island, and turtle camps at extract the juices of the plant. This later gave way to Ojo de Liebre and San Ignacio . Information steam power extraction. Sugar was provided to Baja about these potential archaeological sites exists in

Figure 7. Tannery Viosca de la Paz, B.C., ca. 1935. Foto- teca INAH, México, D.F.

PCAS Quarterly 51(3&4) Historical Archaeology of Baja California Sur 103 diaries, ship logs, scientific expedition journals, and took control of Santa Rosalía’s open-pit copper mine accounts of travel voyages to the region (Bancroft and system of underground tunnels (Southworth 1989; 1932; Steinbeck 1951). Romero Gil 1991:63) and built a railroad connecting the smelter and port in Santa Rosalía with numerous Nonaboriginal Communications and Service Sites mines to the west and southwest (Figure 9), princi- pally the Providencia, Purgatorio, Soledad, and Boleo Railroads (Kirchner 1988:189). By the late 1890s the Progreso Mining Company laid down rails that could support Extensive rail networks were never built in Baja Cali- heavy steam locomotives. According to Kirchner, this fornia Sur. Nonetheless, small industrial railways were line extended: operated by various concerns, including mines and saltworks, at the end of the nineteenth century (Kirch- … from the smelter site in El Triunfo, ner 1988). In 1885 the French Compagnie du Boleo passing upgrade to the northeast by way of

Figure 8. Trapiche Todos Santos in 1957. Note the old iron boiler to the left of the brick structure at center. Universi- ty of California, , Mandeville Special Collections, Howard Gulick Photograph Collection.

Figure 9. The Santa Rosalía waterfront in 1900. Railroad lines and shunt en- gines in foreground, square-rigged car- go ships in background. Note steam tug, dredge, and work boats. San Francisco Maritime National Historical Park, Harold D. Huycke Photographic Collection.

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the Soledad, Codicia, and Tiro 96 mines, with Wharves a terminal at the Mina Humboldt, just north of the summit on the modern road between Specific wharves merit immediate attention from his- El Triunfo and San Antonio … At its peak, torical archaeologists, especially those built, such as the line may have comprised 15 k of track the one at Santa Rosalía, where no natural bay existed … A walk along the still visible railroad prior to the arrival of the Compagnie du Boleo. Santa route turns up an occasional rusty spike, and Rosalía’s man-made harbor represented a herculean from time to time, a piece of rail [Kirchner building effort, equal measures of engineering savvy 1988:210–212]. and mechanical innovation. The Santa Rosalía wharf and its associated 327 m dike were built between 1897 Other industries, such as the saltworks at Isla del and 1910 (Romero Gil 1991:61). Wharves at other Carmen, Ojo de Liebre Lagoon, and Pichilingue, ports, like La Paz, have been remodeled in recent employed light, narrow-gauge railways to service their years, yet they still represent important historical evaporation ponds (Kirchner 1988:223). A 3 ft gauge features that should be studied. railway with 9 km of track serviced the gypsum mine on San Marcos Island and was active until the 1920s Shipwrecks (Kirchner 1988:244–245). Finally, the port at La Paz used a short rail line to transfer merchandise from Underwater archaeology in Mexico has been focused vessels at its dock to the customs house nearby. His- mostly on seventeenth century shipwrecks along torical photographs show the location of this vanished the Caribbean coast (Luna Erreguerena 1998; Trejo structure. Rivera 2003). This notwithstanding, the maritime cultural heritage of Baja California holds great prom- Lighthouses ise. INAH’s Subdirección de Arqueología Subacuáti- ca now mandates the investigation of shipwreck Maritime navigation in the Gulf of California has sites off coastal Baja California.1 The Proyecto been active since colonial times. Coastal towns and Arqueológico Galeón de Manila, within the munic- port cities were sources of food, water, and other ipality of Ensenada, has recovered a wide range of necessities for sailors. For centuries mariners used artifacts from the vessel San Felipe, including lead recognizable landforms as aids to navigation. The hull sheathing, iron nails and bolts, bronze figurines, chalky cliffs of Cabo Falso, visible from great dis- Spanish coins, and Chinese porcelain fragments. A tances, were one such landmark (Imray 1868:117). second underwater project at Bahía Tortugas, north The earliest lighthouse construction dates to the of San José, recovered ordnance and fragments of Porfiriato (1876–1911), when many improvements coal. Such artifacts are derived from the Imperial were made to Mexico’s ports; all were part of Porfirio Japanese Navy cruiser Asama that ran aground off Diaz’s objective of increasing international maritime the coast of Baja California on February 6, 1915. trade (Busto 1999b). Modern lighthouses at the ports Other shipwrecks off the coast of Baja California of La Paz, Cabo San Lucas (Cabo Falso), San José Sur are known or suspected (Gerhard 1956; Mathes del Cabo, and Magdalena Bay in the southern portion 1968, 1981). I have noted that several vessels sank of the peninsula were in operation by 1907. Remnants in Magdalena Bay and in the Bay of La Paz during of these lighthouses are visible today (Figure 10) and the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, making should be stabilized before they are obliterated by these areas prime locations for underwater archaeo- wave action. logical research (Busto 1999a).

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Figure 10. Cabo Falso lighthouse in 2009 from ultralight aircraft. Photo courtesy of Ernesto Magaña.

Military Posts, Garrisons, and Battlefields Ives of the United States Topographical En- gineers had explored the Colorado up-ward Military posts were established in Baja California Sur from its mouth. Now, therefore, mapmakers as early as the sixteenth century. The first presidio was could over-look the charts made by Padre associated with Misión de Nuestra Señora de Loreto Consag one hundred and thirty years earlier Conchó, or Mission Loreto, founded by the Society of and turn to newer and more accurate ones … Jesus in 1697. Colonial documents provide addition- al information about the functions and artifact types It is reasonable to suppose that Mexico associated with the presidio at Loreto. Two centu- watched with somewhat dubious eyes the ries later hostilities between Mexico and the United American nation calmly acquiring a coal- States climaxed with American forces invading Baja ing station at Pichilingue, American vessels California Sur, engaging Mexican forces in combat. surveying the peninsular coast and American Documents on the Mexican-American War in Baja papers prophesying the early acquisition of California (1846–1848) report skirmish sites, military Lower California [North 1908:83, 86]. garrisons, and cuarteles (military barracks) in Mulegé, La Paz, Loreto, and San José del Cabo (Halleck 1977; A U.S. government document (United States Hy- Nunis 1977:31, 35, 38, 45; Amero 1984). drographic Office 1887:24) indicates that in 1886 a warehouse and guardhouse were situated near a coal A few years later, in 1870: shed, somewhat grandiose terms for what in reality were in some cases simply thatch-roofed, open-air ra- … the United States Government acquired a madas (Figure 11). The U.S. naval base at Pichilingue coaling station at the fine old pirate cove of remained in operation until the end of World War I, Pichilingue Bay near La Paz, and in the years when it was turned over to the Mexican government. 1873 and 1875 her ships, the Hassler and the In 1951 remnants of the coal storage buildings were Narragansett, made a complete survey of the still visible (Jordan 1995). Today, the port of Pich- peninsular coast. In 1858 Lieutenant J. C. ilingue serves La Paz and its surrounding region.

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Figure 11. U.S. Navy coaling station at Pichilingue Bay, La Paz, Lower California in 1888–1889. The coal was simply piled on the beach above the high tide line, protected only by a ramada with thatched roof. National Archives, RG 22-FF. “Cruises of the Albatross, Fish hatcheries, and Marine Specimens, 1879–1922.”

The other strategic military post in Baja California cemeteries are invariably associated with missions Sur was Magdalena Bay, where the U.S. Navy had and mining districts. Cemeteries are located at the maintained a coaling station since 1883. By the turn Misión San Francisco Javier de Viggé-Biaundó (San of the nineteenth century, it incorporated both a naval Javier), the Misión Santa Rosalía de Mulegé (Mulegé), gunnery range and U.S. Marine Corps small arms and at the Misión San Luis Gonzaga Chiriyaquí (San range. Just prior to World War I, Magdalena Bay came Luis Gonzaga), and an abandoned nineteenth century under intense international scrutiny. The Mexican gov- cemetery exists at El Triunfo; all hold great research ernment was considering granting permission to the potential. Imperial Japanese Navy to establish its own coaling station there, a potential threat to U.S. Pacific security Review of Historical Sources and Archives (Chamberlin 1955). By the 1920s the population of Magdalena Bay was minimal, comprising government A broad range of primary and secondary documents officials, such as the lighthouse keeper, the customs are readily accessible in Spain, Mexico, and the United house collector, and other administrators. The site States. The most relevant collections include the Archi- holds great potential for students of U.S. and interna- vo General de Indias (AGI), in Seville, Spain, and the tional military history. Archivo General de la Nación (AGN) in Mexico City. Both contain Colonial period material. The AGN holds Miscellaneous Historical Sites three unique collections: Californias, Fondo Piadoso de las Californias, and Provincias Internas. Documents Sites that fit no established category can also be stud- from the AGN include eyewitness accounts by explor- ied from a historical archaeology perspective. These ers and missionaries, many of which are transcribed, include city buildings, public offices, plazas, hotels, translated into many languages, and published (e.g., commercial house structures, theaters, streets, hospi- Tamaral 1946; Baegert 1952; Piccolo 1962; Mathes tals, schools, and cemeteries. In Baja California Sur, 1965, 1979; Venegas 1966; Barco 1973; Clavijero

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1975; León-Portilla 1989a; Hager and Hager 1991; The very useful Online Archive of California (OAC) Coronado 1996; del Río 1997; Palóu 1998). provides access to primary collections maintained by more than 200 institutions including libraries, special The State Archive of Baja California Sur Archivo collections, archives, historical societies, and muse- Histórico Pablo L. Martínez [AHPLM] incorporates a ums throughout California. These include collections world-class collection of rare books, manuscripts, pho- maintained by all 10 University of California campus- tographs, maps, and ephemera on the history of Baja es.3 One of its most beneficial holdings are complete California Sur. The AHPLM holds many nineteenth runs of historic newspapers, in some cases dating back and twentieth century documents, fewer Colonial pe- to the 1840s. In this age of digital research, it should riod materials. Other documents on the history of Baja also be noted that certain kinds of historical sources, California Sur are stored in two additional regional including manuscripts, traveler’s accounts, navigation facilities, the Archivo General del Estado de Sonora logs, maps, pamphlets, brochures, postcards (Figures in , and the Instituto de Investigaciones 12 and 13), newspapers and diaries, primary and sec- Históricas-Universidad Autónoma de Baja California ondary sources alike, are not only available online at in Tijuana (IIH, UABC, Tijuana). This latter facility specific websites, but some materials can be purchased has acquired materials from the AGN, the AHPLM, through electronic trading forums like eBay (DeLyser and the Bancroft Library at the University of Califor- 2004). Lastly, regional museums in Baja California nia, Berkeley. In 1995 W. Michael Mathes donated his Sur, including Loreto, Todos Santos, La Paz, and San- extensive personal library to the Colegio de . ta Rosalía, exhibit a broad spectrum of tools, mining Since then, the Biblioteca Dr. W. Miguel Mathes at equipment, and sundry artifacts associated with many El Colegio de Jalisco, A.C., has been dedicated to the of the abovementioned archaeological sites. preservation of thousands of highly specialized books, journals, 35 mm slides, and mission and colonial Conclusion documents on microfilm, all reflecting Dr. Mathes’ eclectic interests in Mexican history. For the past century Mexican archaeology has been recognized as a powerful tool serving the needs of Several private and public libraries in California con- researchers, educators, and local community members. tain holdings relevant to Baja California Sur. The Ban- It is a focus of national pride. While Baja California croft Library and the Mandeville Special Collections Sur has hosted many survey and salvage projects over Library, University of California, San Diego, maintain the past 40 years, archaeologists have only recently a wide range of such rare books, manuscripts, peri- considered historical sites worthy of attention, and odicals, maps, and photographs. Researchers can also even though scholars have employed eighteenth centu- benefit from consulting collections at other academic ry Jesuit writings to illuminate prehistory (cf. Mathes research libraries, including the University of Cali- 1981:44), more recent documents continue to be fornia, Riverside, the University of California, Los ignored. My hope is that the present paper motivates Angeles, and the Seaver Center for Western History archaeologists and historians to begin research and at the University of . Additional- preservation projects in Baja California Sur. Histor- ly, books and manuscripts at the Los Angeles Public ical archaeology is on the rise throughout Mexico, Library; the Sutro Library, San Francisco; the Henry and this trend must inevitably reach across the Sea of E. Huntington Library, San Marino; and the Sherman Cortés. With eighteenth, nineteenth, and early twenti- Foundation Library, Corona del Mar are relevant to eth century documents and hundreds of very diverse Baja California Sur.2 and not yet studied historical sites, Baja California Sur

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Figure 12. This postcard depicts salt refining activities near the mouth of the Mulegé River (March 12, 1908). Commercial postcard, Matthew A. Boxt collection.

Figure 13. In 1868 Mexico granted a temporary lease of land on the mainland side of Madgalena Bay to the U.S. The lease terminated in 1907. Structures seen in this postcard represent an abandoned U.S. Naval base and coaling station. From 1904 to 1910, the U.S. Navy used Magdalena Bay as a practice gunnery and bombing range. Magdalena Bay was on the general itinerary of the U.S. Navy’s “Great White Fleet” World Cruise, December 1907 to February 1909. Commercial postcard, Matthew A. Boxt collection.

remains Mexico’s last, and best, frontier for historical Eric W. Ritter for generously sharing their vast knowl- archaeology research. edge about Baja California. Special thanks to Miguel Mathes, Thomas Bowen, and James Ketchum for their Acknowledgments careful reading of earlier generations of the manuscript. Thanks again to Ketchum for his help with Figure 1. Thanks to Dr. Matthew A. Boxt and Dr. Brian D. Dillon for inviting my participation in this Quarterly dou- Endnotes ble-issue and for their encouragement throughout the writing and editing processes. I am grateful to the late 1. The INAH underwater archaeology web page can be Dr. W. Michael Mathes, Fermín Reygadas Dahl, and Dr. accessed at www.subacuatica.inah.gob.mx/index.php.

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2. Mathes (1981, 1991) and León-Portilla (1972) 1997 Mineros, misioneros y rancheros de la anti- reviewed historical sources available for Baja Cali- gua California. Instituto Nacional de Antro- fornia. León-Portilla (1972:8) stated, “Documentary pología e Historia, Plaza y Valdés, México. sources for the history of Baja California are abun- dant beyond expectation, and historians who have Amero, Richard W. been concerned with them will readily agree with this 1984 The Mexican-American War in Baja Califor- statement,” to which Mathes, quoting León-Portilla, nia. Journal of San Diego History 30(1):49–64. quipped, “Probably there are more historical docu- ments relating to Baja California than there are Baja Arraj, James Californians” (Mathes 1981:44). For brevity’s sake, 2002 An Expedition to the Guaycura Nation in the I will note just a few resources, including Barrett’s Californias. Inner Growth Books, Chiloquin, (1957) comprehensive bibliography of Baja Californi- Oregon. ana II 1535–1964; the Baja California Travels Series published by Dawson’s Book Shop, Los Angeles, Aschmann, Homer which consists of 49 volumes that cover a broad range 1959 The Central of Baja California: De- of topics. Volume 50 of the Baja California Travels mography and Ecology. Manessier Publish- Series (Hager and Hager 1991) is the superior general ing Company, Riverside, California. index of the series. The Pacific Coast Archaeological 1968 Historical Accounts and Archaeological Dis- Society has demonstrated a keen interest in Baja Cal- coveries Working Together; Two Scholarly ifornia since 1965 (see PCAS Quarterly Committee Disciplines Enlarge our Understanding of the 2007:103–111). Lastly, Bajacalifology, the website of Extinct Indians of Baja California. Pacific the San Diego Archaeological Center, offers a com- Coast Archaeological Society Quarterly prehensive bibliography of references relating to the 4(1):45–51. prehistory, early history (to 1821), and ethnography of Baja California; this online reference tool includes Aviles, Brian A., and Robert L. Hoover published books and articles, theses and dissertations, 1997 Two Californias, Three Religious Orders and oral conference papers, and unpublished archaeologi- Fifty Missions: A Comparison of the Mis- cal reports (http://www.sandiegoarchaeology.org/Lay- sionary Systems of Baja and . lander/Baja/index1.htm). The Bajacalifology website Pacific Coast Archaeological Society Quar- also provides links to libraries, governmental agen- terly 33(3): 1–28. cies, university programs, museums, organizations, and meetings. Baegert, Johann Jakob, S.J. 1952 Observations in Lower California. University 3: The Online Archive of California web page can be of California Press, Berkeley. accessed at www.oac.cdlib.org. Bancroft, Griffing References Cited 1932 Lower California: A Cruise. The Flight of the Least Petrel. G.P. Putnam’s Sons, New York. Amao Manríquez, Jorge 1982 El establecimiento de la comunidad minera Barco, Miguel del en la California jesuítica. H. Ayuntamiento 1973 Historia natural y crónica de la antigua Cali- de La Paz, Baja California Sur, México. fornia. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de

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México, Instituto de Investigaciones Históri- Universidad Autónoma de Baja California cas, México, D.F. Sur, Secretaría de Educación Pública, La Paz, 1980 The Natural History of Baja California. Baja California Sur, México. Translated by Froylán Tiscareño. Baja Cali- 1998 El porvenir de la Baja California está en sus fornia Travels Series No. 43. Dawson’s Book mares. Vida y legado de don Gastón J. Vives, el Shop, Los Angeles. primer maricultor de América. H. Congreso del Estado de Baja California Sur, La Paz, México. Barrett, Ellen C. 2003 Antecedentes históricos y socioeconómi- 1957 Baja California 1535–1956: a Bibiliography cos del aprovechamiento de la Isla Espíritu of Historical, Geographical, and Scientific Santo, Golfo de California. Gaceta Ecológica Literature Relating to the Peninsula of Baja 67(abril–junio):27–32. California and to the Adjacent Islands in the Gulf of California and the Pacific Ocean. Castillo Negrete, Luis del Bennett & Marshall, Los Angeles. 2002 Geografía y estadística de la Baja California, 1853. In Informes económicos y sociales Bendímez, Julia (translator) sobre Baja California, 1824–1857, edited 1979 Federal Law on Archaeological, Artistic and by Dení Trejo, pp. 139–178. Universidad Historical Zones and Monuments. Pacific Autónoma de Baja California Sur, Universi- Coast Archaeological Society Quarterly dad Autónoma de Baja California, Secretaría 15(1):45–63. de Educación Pública, La Paz, Baja Califor- nia Sur, México. Bendímez Patterson, Julia 2006 Managing Prehistoric Archaeology. In The Chamberlin, Eugene Keith Prehistory of Baja California: Advances in 1955 The Japanese Scare at Magdalena Bay. Pacif- the Archaeology of the Forgotten Peninsula, ic Historical Review 24(4):345–358. edited by Don Laylander and Jerry D. Moore, pp. 196–201. University Press of Florida, Clavijero, Francisco Javier Gainesville. 1975 Historia de la antigua o baja California. Porrúa, México, D.F. Busto, Karina 1999a Comercio marítimo en La Paz y Santa Rosalía, Cook, Edward H. Distrito Sur de la Baja California, durante 1908 The Saline Deposits of Carmen Islands. The el régimen porfirista. Undergraduate thesis, Engineering and Mining Journal 85(11):545– Department of History, Universidad Autónoma 546. de Baja California Sur, La Paz. 1999b Maritime Trade Between in Coronado, Eligio Moisés, editor the Late Nineteenth Century. Mains’l Haul 1996 La rebelión de los californios: Sigismundo 36(4):36–49. Taraval. Doce Calles, Aranjuez, España.

Cariño Olvera, Micheline Crosby, Harry W. 1996 Historia de las relaciones hombre natu- 1974 The King’s Highway in Baja California: an raleza en Baja California Sur, 1500–1940. Adventure into the History and Lore of a

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Meyer de Stinglhamber, Bárbara Palóu, Francisco 2001 Arte sacro en Baja California Sur, siglos 1998 Recopilación de noticias de la antigua y nue- XVII–XIX: objetos de culto y documentos. va California. 2 vols. Porrúa, México, D.F. Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia. México, D.F. PCAS Quarterly Committee 2007 Previous Articles about Baja California Molto, Joseph Eldon, Eric W. Ritter, and Christina Archaeology. Pacific Coast Archaeological Taggart Society Quarterly 39(2&3):103–111. 2012 A Probable Case of Treponematosis Associat- ed with the San Fernando Rey de España de Peralta Flores, Araceli Velicatá Mission, Baja California, Mexico. 1998 La arqueología y los acervos: algunos Pacific Coast Archaeological Society Quar- ejemplos en la cuenca de México. In Primer terly 46(4):1–17. Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Histórica. Memoria: Oaxaca, 1996, pp. 73–79. Consejo Mosk, Sanford A. Nacional Para la Cultura y las Artes, Instituto 1941 Capitalistic Development in the Lower Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México, California Pearl Fisheries. Pacific Historical D.F. Review 10(4):461–468. Piccolo, Francisco María North, Arthur Walbridge 1962 Informe del estado de la nueva cristiandad 1908 The Mother of California Being an Historical de California, 1702 y otros documentos. Sketch of the Little Known Land of Baja Cal- Ediciones José Porrúa Turanzas, Madrid. ifornia, from the days of Cortez to the Present Time, Depicting the Ancient Missions Therein Preciado Llamas, Juan Established, the Mines there Found, and the 2005 En la periferia del régimen: Baja California Physical, Social and Political Aspects of the Sur durante la administración porfiriana. Country; Together with an Extensive Bibli- Universidad Autónoma de Baja California ography Relative to the Same. P. Elder, San Sur, Gobierno del Estado de Baja California Francisco. Sur, Instituto Sudcaliforniano de Cultura, 1910 Camp and Camino in Lower California. Secretaría de Educación Pública, La Paz, Baker & Taylor, New York. Baja California Sur, México.

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