CHAPTER 6 Legislatures and Executives
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Parliamentary, Presidential and Semi-Presidential Democracies Democracies Are Often Classified According to the Form of Government That They Have
Parliamentary, Presidential and Semi-Presidential Democracies Democracies are often classified according to the form of government that they have: • Parliamentary • Presidential • Semi-Presidential Legislative responsibility refers to a situation in which a legislative majority has the constitutional power to remove a government from office without cause. A vote of confidence is initiated by the government { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A vote of no confidence is initiated by the legislature { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A constructive vote of no confidence must indicate who will replace the government if the incumbent loses a vote of no confidence. A vote of no confidence is initiated by the legislature { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A constructive vote of no confidence must indicate who will replace the government if the incumbent loses a vote of no confidence. A vote of confidence is initiated by the government { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. The defining feature of presidential democracies is that they do not have legislative responsibility. • US Government Shutdown, click here In contrast, parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies both have legislative responsibility. • PM Question Time (UK), click here In addition to legislative responsibility, semi-presidential democracies also have a head of state who is popularly elected for a fixed term. A head of state is popularly elected if she is elected through a process where voters either (i) cast a ballot directly for a candidate or (ii) they cast ballots to elect an electoral college, whose sole purpose is to elect the head of state. -
Macro Report Version 2002-10-23
Prepared by: Institute of Social and Political Opinion Research (ISPO), KULeuven, Belgium Date: 15/01/2005 Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report Version 2002-10-23 Country (Date of Election): Belgium 13 June 2003 NOTE TO THE COLLABORATORS: The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project- your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (i.e. electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and will be made available with this report to the CSES community on the CSES web page. Part I: Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, prior to the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all".) Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 4 SP.a 3 Agalev 2 PS 3 MR 3 Ecolo 2 1a. What was the size of the cabinet before the election?………17…………………………… 2. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, after the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all"). Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 5 SP.a 5 Spirit 1 PS 5 MR 4 FDF 1 2a. What was the size of the cabinet after the election? ……20……………………………… 2Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report 3. Political Parties (most active during the election in which the module was administered and receiving at least 3% of the vote): Party Name/Label Year Party Ideological European Parliament International Party Founded Family Political Group Organizational Memberships (where applicable) A. -
Robert Asaadi, Department of Political Science, Portland State
“Institutional Power Sharing in the Islamic Republic of Iran” Robert Asaadi, Department of Political Science, Portland State University 2021 Western Political Science Association Panel: Governance, Identities, Religion and Politics *Please do not cite or circulate without the permission of the author Keywords: Iran; Middle East; Comparative Politics; Political Institutions 1 The Constitution of the Islamic Republic establishes a semipresidential system, where executive power is divided between the supreme leader and the president. Prior to the 1989 constitutional amendments, the system also included a third executive—a prime minister; however, this position was abolished by the amendments, and the office of the presidency was strengthened in its wake. According to the language of the Constitution, the supreme leader’s position (referred to in the text of the Constitution as the “Leader”) is considered separate from the executive, legislative, and judicial branches (which the Constitution refers to as the “three Powers”). Although the supreme leader takes on a number of functions that are commonly associated with these branches of government elsewhere in the world, the position of the “Leader or Council of Leadership” is conceptually distinct from the “three Powers,” and, in fact, is tasked with resolving disputes and coordinating relations between the three branches.i Along with this dispute resolution power, article 110 outlines the ten additional express powers of the Leader: determining the general policies of the political system -
Before the Federal Election Commission in Re
BEFORE THE FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION IN RE: CHRISTOPHER VAN HOLLEN, JR., DEMOCRACY 21, THE CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER, MUR 7024 I Respondents. RESPONSE OF RESPONDENTS DEMOCRACY 21 AND THE CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER Christopher E. Babbitt Adam Raviv Kurt G. Kastorf Arpit K. Garg* Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP 1875 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20006 Tel: (202) 663-6000 Fax: (202) 663-6363 Attorneys for Democracy 21 and The Campaign Legal Center * Admitted to practice only in New York. Supervised by members of the firm who are members of the District of Columbia bar. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION 1 SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT 3 ARGUMENT , 5 I. DEMOCRACY 21 AND CLC'S PRO BONO LEGAL SERVICES WERE NOT A "CONTRIBUTION" AS DEFINED UNDER § 8(A)(I) OF FECA 5 A. Structural Challenges To Generally Applicable Campaign Finance Laws And FEC Regulations Are Not "For the Purpose Of Influencing" Federal Elections 5 B. Neither Democracy 21 Nor CLC Provided Legal Services For The Purpose Of ®4 Influencing Van Hollen's Election 8 4 1. Neither Democracy 21 nor CLC undertook activities involving express § advocacy or solicitation intended to influence Van Hollen's election 9 2. The "totality of the circumstances" does not compel a different result 9 3. The litigation and rulemaking have a "significant non-election related" aspect 13 C. Cause of Action's Theory of Indirect Benefit is Both Incorrect And Disruptive.. 14 1. • The FEC has already rejected Cause of Action's indirect, reputation-based argument 14 2. Van Hollen's standing allegations do not change this analysis 16 3. -
Mussolini and the Rise of Fascism
CONSTITUTIONALRIGHTSFOUNDATION SUMMER 2010BILLOFRIGHTSINACTIONVOLUME 25 NUMBER 4 The Watergate Scandal On November 7, 1972, President Richard Nixon, a Republican, won a landside re-election to a second term. Two years later, he resigned—the first president in history to do so. Nixon resigned because of “Watergate”—a scandal that began with a bungled bur- glary and ended with criminal charges against his closest aides and demands for his impeachment. arly in 1972, Nixon’s aides were work- ing hard to make sure he won the elec- tionE in November. The Committee to During the Watergate scandal, President Richard Nixon resisted releasing tapes of his Reelect the President (CRP)—headed by recorded conversations to the special prosecutor. (Nixon White House Photographic Office) John Mitchell, who had just resigned from his post as attorney general—was raising huge amounts of where the burglars had stayed, they found $2,300 in cash, money and working on plans to undermine the Democratic which was eventually linked to CRP. Three months later, on candidate. One of those plans, proposed by CRP’s special September 15, a federal grand jury indicted the five burglars, counsel, Gordon Liddy, was to break into the Democratic along with Liddy and Hunt, and charged them with conspira- Party headquarters. John Mitchell agreed to give Liddy cy, burglary, and violation of federal wiretapping laws. All of $250,000 from CRP’s money, and Liddy, with his the men, except for Liddy and McCord, pleaded guilty. partner Howard Hunt, began planning the burglary. (Continued on next page) U Late at night on Friday, June 16, 1972, a group of five men hired by Hunt and Liddy broke into Reaction and Reform the headquarters of the Democratic National S Committee (DNC). -
Sorcerer's Apprentices
Faculty & Research The Spirit of Despotism: Understanding the Tyrant Within by M. Kets de Vries 2004/17/ENT Working Paper Series The Spirit of Despotism: Understanding the Tyrant Within Manfred F. R. Kets de Vries* * Raoul de Vitry d’Avaucourt Clinical Professor of Leadership Development, INSEAD, France & Singapore. Director, INSEAD’s Global Leadership Centre. 1 Abstract The objective of this article is to better understand the developmental history of despotic regimes and the existence of leadership by terror. To gain greater insight into this phenomenon, the unusual relationship between leaders and followers in despotic regimes is explored, and the self-destructive cycle that characterizes such regimes is examined. The price paid in the form of human suffering and the breakdown of the moral fabric of a society is highlighted. In this article, particular attention is paid to highly intrusive totalitarian regimes. The levers used by such regimes to consolidate their power base are discussed in detail. The role of ideology, the enforcement of mind-control, the impact of the media, the inception of the illusion of solidarity, and the search for scapegoats are part of the review. Finally, suggestions are made on how to prevent despotic leaders from gaining a hold on power. Observations are made about the newly founded International Criminal Court, a permanent international judicial body that has been specially set up to try despotic rulers for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. KEY WORDS: Despotism; tyrant; leadership; totalitarianism; autocracy; tyranny; dictatorship; societal regression; democracy; paranoia; narcissism; scapegoat; ideology; mind-control; aggression; violence; sadism; terror; genocide; war; crimes against humanity; war criminal; International Criminal Court. -
North Korea's Economic Strategy, 2018
North Korea’s Economic Strategy, 2018 William B. Brown 326 | Joint U.S.-Korea Academic Studies This chapter takes the perspective of North Korea’s leadership as it confronts difficult economic problems in the remaining months of 2018. The major current and potential issues are listed and prioritized. Short and longer-term remedies are presented, each with trade-offs that affect other economic and policy issues. Given the absence of direct reporting from North Korea, the issues and debates presented are speculative, designed to give the reader a more comprehensive understanding of North Korea’s current problems than is ordinarily presented in western media. Kim Jong-un’s recent diplomatic offensive, reaching out to South Korea, China, and the United States is, in this view, suggestive of these internal economic troubles in addition to the nuclear security issues. The troubles are both short-term—the collapse in trade with China in just the past few months—and long-term, the slow-motion collapse of the communist country’s “command” economy. And much more than in the past, the problems relate to the regime’s unusual and dangerous monetary system, money being a normal issue for most governments but a relatively new one for this still partially rationed, or planned, oriented system. The leadership may have little choice but to let the domestic economy move further from the plan—allowing decentralized market and private activities more sway—than ever before. This would help cushion the central government from losses due to the sanctions and open the door to a much more prosperous future. -
National Security in Divided Government Executive Summary • Divided Government Is the Norm in Recent History, Not the Exception
Maj. Gen. Arnold L. Punaro, USMC (Ret.) Former Staff Director, Senate Armed Services Committee National Security in Divided Government Executive Summary • Divided government is the norm in recent history, not the exception. In the last 54 years, 34 years had at least one of the three bodies (president, House, Senate) led by the opposite party. • Regardless of unified or divided government, the president still signed both a defense authorization bill and an appropriations bill that funded defense and intelligence activities into law each year. In all years, the defense committees operated in the main in their traditional bipartisan fashion. It should be recognized that a president can veto something out of a bill but hardly ever can veto something into a bill. • The automatic sequester cuts are still in effect for FY20 and FY21 on defense and domestic discretionary spending. This unfortunately provides a strong default position for those who do not want to reach another bipartisan spending compromise. • The deficits, interest on the debt, the apparent failure to spend domestic discretionary appropriated at the agreed levels, and the Freedom Caucus’s cure of their deficit spending amnesia will add to the degree of difficulty in reaching a bipartisan budget compromise. • With history as a guide, the Democratic majority in the House will likely set a lower defense topline than requested; curtail nuclear weapons programs; push social and environmental issues; fence troubled programs; provide generous pay, benefits, and pro-family programs; challenge any major organizational proposals; constrain ongoing operations while requiring real-time operational updates; and pursue arms control restrictions. -
The Governor Genera. and the Head of State Functions
The Governor Genera. and the Head of State Functions THOMAS FRANCK* Lincoln, Nebraska In most, though by no means all democratic states,' the "Head o£ State" is a convenient legal and political fiction the purpose of which is to personify the complex political functions of govern- ment. What distinguishes the operations of this fiction in Canada is the fact that the functions of head of state are not discharged by any one person. Some, by legislative enactment, are vested in the Governor General. Others are delegated to the Governor General by the Crown. Still others are exercised by the Queen in person. A survey of these functions will reveal, however, that many more of the duties of the Canadian head of state are to-day dis- charged by the Governor General than are performed by the Queen. Indeed, it will reveal that some of the functions cannot be dis- charged by anyone else. It is essential that we become aware of this development in Canadian constitutional practice and take legal cognizance of the consequently increasing stature and importance of the Queen's representative in Canada. Formal Vesting of Head of State Functions in Constitutional Governments ofthe Commonnealth Reahns In most of the realms of the Commonwealth, the basic constitut- ional documents formally vest executive power in the Queen. Section 9 of the British North America Act, 1867,2 states: "The Executive Government and authority of and over Canada is hereby declared to continue and be vested in the Queen", while section 17 establishes that "There shall be one Parliament for Canada, consist- ing of the Queen, an Upper House, styled the Senate, and the *Thomas Franck, B.A., LL.B. -
Head of State Selection Process: Graphic Illustration
Head of State selection process: Graphic Illustration Explanation • Indirect election (assembly): The head of state is elected by members of the assembly. In some cases, a supermajority is absolutely required (e.g. Ethiopia); in all other cases a majority is sufficient in the final round. In Lebanon, a supermajority minimum turnout is required, which means the minority can veto by staying away from the vote. • Indirect election (assembly + regional/local representatives): The head of state is elected by the combination of assembly members and local and/or federal unit assemblies or their delegates. • Direct election (alternative vote): Voters have ranked ballot. If no candidate has more than half of first-preference votes, the lowest-voted candidate is eliminated and has votes redistributed according to preferences expressed on ballots. This is repeated until some candidate has a majority (50%+1) of the votes, and that candidate is elected. • Direct election (majority runoff): The head of state is directly elected. A candidate with a majority (50%+1) in the first round is elected; if no candidate receives a majority of votes in the first round, a decisive second round is held between first- and second-placed candidates. • Direct election (plurality): The head of state is directly elected; the candidate with most votes is elected. This includes countries with ‘fused’ legislative-executive elections where the leader of the party with the most votes, sometimes subject to two rounds, becomes president (e.g. Angola). • Direct election (modified two-round): The head of state is directly elected. A candidate with a predefined proportion of the vote (e.g. -
Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-Study*
brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-study* Marta Arretche University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil The article distinguishes federal states from bicameralism and mechanisms of territorial representation in order to examine the association of each with institutional change in 32 countries by using constitutional amendments as a proxy. It reveals that bicameralism tends to be a better predictor of constitutional stability than federalism. All of the bicameral cases that are associated with high rates of constitutional amendment are also federal states, including Brazil, India, Austria, and Malaysia. In order to explore the mechanisms explaining this unexpected outcome, the article also examines the voting behavior of Brazilian senators constitutional amendments proposals (CAPs). It shows that the Brazilian Senate is a partisan Chamber. The article concludes that regional influence over institutional change can be substantially reduced, even under symmetrical bicameralism in which the Senate acts as a second veto arena, when party discipline prevails over the cohesion of regional representation. Keywords: Federalism; Bicameralism; Senate; Institutional change; Brazil. well-established proposition in the institutional literature argues that federal Astates tend to take a slow reform path. Among other typical federal institutions, the second legislative body (the Senate) common to federal systems (Lijphart 1999; Stepan * The Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa no Estado -
Emerging Legislature Or Rubber Stamp? the South African National Assembly After Ten Years of Democracy
CENTRE FOR SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH EMERGING LEGISLATURE OR RUBBER STAMP? THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AFTER TEN YEARS OF DEMOCRACY Joel Barkan CSSR Working Paper No. 134 Published by the Centre for Social Science Research University of Cape Town 2005 Copies of this publication may be obtained from: The Administrative Officer Centre for Social Science Research University of Cape Town Private Bag Rondebosch, 7701 Tel: (021) 650 4656 Fax: (021) 650 4657 Email: [email protected] Price in Southern Africa (incl. VAT and postage): R 5.00 or it can be downloaded from our website http://www.cssr.uct.ac.za/index.html ISBN 1-77011-068-2 © Centre for Social Science Research, UCT, 2005 CENTRE FOR SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH Democracy in Africa Research Unit EMERGING LEGISLATURE OR RUBBER STAMP? THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AFTER TEN YEARS OF DEMOCRACY Joel Barkan CSSR Working Paper No. 134 November 2005 Joel D. Barkan is Professor Emeritus of Political Science at the University of Iowa in Iowa City, and a Reagan-Fascell Fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy in Washington. He was a Research Fellow at the Democracy in Africa Research Unit within the CSSR at the University of Cape Town in 2004. Emerging Legislature or Rubber Stamp? The South African National Assembly After Ten Years of 1 Democracy Abstract This paper examines the role of the South African National Assembly in comparative perspective by discussing the experience of the Assembly since 1994 in comparison to the development of legislative institutions elsewhere in Africa. The paper thus begins with an overview of seven sets of variables that seem to drive the process of legislative development across the continent, and then turns to the South African case.