THE MODIRNISATrON OF A PRINCELY STATE COOCH BEHAR UNDER MAH/yRAJA NRtPENDRA NARAYAN (1863-1911 )

THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN ARTS (HISTORY) OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH BENGAL 1989

By KAMALESH CHANDRA DAS Lucturer, Department of History COOCH BEHAR COLLEGE COOCH BEHAR WEST BENGAL ST-VERF

4 S^^^ m

19 DEC mn (jJCMi&HTS

-Page i»6s, Preface i- V Abbreviations vi Introduction I- 10 « Chapter - I s Advent of the British Chapter - II t The iira of confrontation 11- 32 (1301-1339) Chapter - IXI :,Subjugation : Age of 33- 62 ', transition (1839-1363) 63- 84 Chapter - IV : Making of a modern ruler : Nripendra Narayan 35-105 •Chapter - V : Age of Catalysm : The role of the Bx^ahmo Sam a J 105-119 Chapter -VI :yAge of modernity 120-241 Section - I : Society 121-139 Section - II : iiconomy 140-159 Section - III : Land ilevenue 159-175 Section - IV : Administra- 175-191 ,tion Section - V : Education 191-22t-~ epilogue 242-253 Glossary 259-261 Appendices 262-268 Bibliography 269-287

Kcip PRSFACS

Cooch Behar - a tiny Princely State in-,the North Hastorn region witnassed a tremendous process of chatnge during the rule of Maharaja i-^ripendra Narayan (1363-1911), who was con­ sidered as one of the modernized rulers among the Princely States of India. This maiden study on the significant period intends to examine the nature and extent of modernisation under his regime.

>^ile Professor Barun De em^phasizes the need for the study of the Princely 3£ate, so far a very few attem>pt has been made in India by the scholars of the profession. The works to be mentioned for exarriple, v'.K.Sawa : ?-Iyderabad i_n_ Trans_i_t_i_qn under i'"ik'?:£ £;iIlS. i' 1B53-1333 : An Indian State unde_r Britis^h I}uS.)i}^i^J]J^ (1957); 2^2.da3_ P41.1.a^i, S. : Ra|ahs_ and Proj_as_ : an^ r.;-, Baran, "Bharatiya Itihaser ?arjayakrama-0-Astadash Satabdir Tatparjya" in Goutam Ghattopadhyaya i^idited Itiha_s^ Anus^dndhan-3,/ i'v * bagchi, Calcutta, 1983, p.21), . ' ii

Lnflk^Jl Princeljv State, - Then, and i^^ (1975); Saklani Atul : ^i.?.t.:2£v ot a Hirnaj^axan Prln,ce_lx State of, ^ehr^i Va_r;iwai_ (19 37), All these studies concentrated mainly^ in the l^orth, >*est ind Soixth^" of In'ata.-- But as regards the history of the ^-iorth Eastern Princely Statfe - Cooch Behar, no work has hitherto b'-3-en •na-.r? by any Scholar. Hence this study is a humblo. attempt to vn:^v t.]^ Irrportant pei-iod. of the history of Cooch 3ehar under Mahara-ja Nripendra Nirayan (1863-1911) and it is expected to fill in a lonc-ctanding research-gap 'in this direction.

The bo ok-3, meirioirs, monographs etc. available or: Co'och • •Behar are mostly written by the personalities supported by the then Cooch Behar State. ^"^atviraliy thay are partial in charac­ ter and conN/entJ. onai in rjature. To illustrate; Joynath Munshi; Aa'prakh'/an (Year not ^e^'it i Dnadj , translated by . rtobinson (13 74); Lewin; Aii hrz:^^iSi^ 9JL a^, x'a2x]l Sehar it_ats_ (1375); 3hagabati Cnaran Bandopadhyciya. : Cooch Beharer Itiha_s_ 1.13S2); Harendra .Caravan Choudhury : Cooch t£aj;^r and. Its_ ^ana Hevenue^ •:>c'-tle^.enx. (19C3)? •i^T:an.atul la ^^hri^ad : Cooch 3_ehare_r It ihas_ (19'^'5)> rranslaaed o^;- -J ..3-...:ho3al 11942); etc. maybe .taken into account.

OI '•^ -:> >^ . i u J- ^ ^'. .1 I- . 1- o w u.y L-j,. the researcher mainly sought :puxuo, leaflets, official notes ana clrcalars, let cars, ga';;3ttaars, articles, news papers .ana ov-bllched books, I:'n'^ prim.ary source materials have 'oeen collected mainly from the National Archives, ^'ew ^^Ihi; Tr.<- West Bengal State Archives, Calcutta; .^'ational Library, Cal­ cutta, Asiatic Society, Calcutta; Cooch 3ehar CoHectorate Record Room? North Bengal State Library (Cooch Behar); Cooc- Behar Sahitya Sabha, and Sadharan Brahmo Samaj Library, Calcutta, Benares Hindu iJnivei.sity Library and ^^'orcr. -e;; .,, University Library. , •

In order to complete the study the researcher had -o under-go strenuous process of collecting infonrnation: .-^ to work hard for soliciting personal observations,

This study had been divided into seveh chapte-• Epilogue, Introduction of the study serves as z'c:.^ c..,,.. ,^ ...-,...•. ,„ on which the study has been _developed. The cDU^c:. -\.^-. , hypotheses and research questions of the study hav--' oion analysed in the Introduction.

Chapter I depicts the historical process of the advent of the East India Company to the Cooch Behar State. It deals ;>^ith the nature and objectives of the Company's intervention in the affairs of the Cooch Sehar State.

Chapter II delineates the ancestral reign of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan- It gives special emphasis on the period of Karendra Narayan keeping in perspective the persistence, of age old rigid traditional values and the dichotomy between the Company and the «aja Harendra Narayan. In short, this chapter is a conflict analysis-of t»,radition and modernity.

Chapter III elaborates the history of subjugation of the rulers of Gooch Behar to the British administration. It Sp^cifioally,Attentions the coarse of events took place in the. said period,

Chapter IV deals with the question of ma^^king of a modei-n ruler under the influence of the dominant institutions and personalities of the conte porary history .of Cooch Behar.

In Chapter V, the role of the Brahmo Samaj, in bringing about the socio-cultural development has been examined in depth.

In Chapter VI, the vehicles of modernization have been studied and examined in vari'ous sections. -

The epilogue of the study has been an attempt to make an appraisal of the reign of Maharaja iSIripendra Narayan. It is an attempt in quest of the fundamental issue : how much modem the educated ilaja was ? . •

The researcher is highly grateful to his supervisor Dr. Ananda Gopal Ghosh, leader. Department of History, t-Jorth Bengal University, for his active guidance and innumerable help in completing the study. In putting the study in the form of a thesis the researcher is grateful to many persons of which mention m.ust be made, Sekhar Sircer (Principal, Cooch Behar College), Sri Bishwanath Das, Pr. Nripendra Hath Paul, Dr. Diiip Sarkar and Smt. Ratna P.ayl

In conceptualizing,, planning and programming the study the researcher is grateful and acknowledges his debt to Prof. 3c\bhya Sachi Bhattacharya (Jawaharlal'i^ehru University), Profes^'or AmaLendu De (Jadavpur University), Professor Tapas x^oyChoudhury, Prof. Pranab Kr. Bhattacharya, Dr. Joso Banta'Kar, Dr. Kihir M-akherjee, of the Department of History, North Bengal University, Dr. riablndra x^ath Bhattach-arya (Department -of Sconomics) and Dr. Pradip Sengupta (Department of Political Science), North Bengal University. •

In addition, the researcher is thankful to Chanchal Pal for typing the v;hole rrienuscr.ipt. The University Grants Commi­ ssion deser\^es gratitude for sanctioning the researcher one year Teacher Fellov/ship under the Faculty Improvement Programme.

In fine, the researcher heartilly thanks his wife,'Sampa, for helping in various capacities. .

Date : 2.2.1939 •• ^ Kamalesh Chandra Das') _ Cooc '^ .i, -•-'—*— •w' ^

G.G .1 _ Gov-''

..ac-.ia

V >' V INTRODUCTION

Cooch Behar as a princely state had undergone treinendous changes in different fields of life to grapple with the rapid changes which affected the Cooch Behar State system both from within and without. As a matter of fact, the rigid and closed characteristics of a traditional society had to undergo changes because of innovative ideas in respect of-political and economic milieu.

Evidently, the study confines itself to the reign of

Maharaja Nripendra Narayan (1863-1911) which witnessed the most significant changes that ushered in modernity in the

State. Now the basic questions are : (1) what was the nature of the whole society as well as the nature of administration under the rule of his great grand father. Raja Harendra

Narayan ? (II) What were the factors and forces responsible to bring about change in the society, its economy and administration ? (Ill) What were the factors and forces contributed to the making of a modern ruler ? (IV) What elements of modernity influenced the socio-econoroic milieu and administrative system under the reign of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan ? (V) How much modern was the modern King ?

Theoretically, an attempt may be made to understand 'tradition' and the process of 'Modernization'. The celebra­ ted writers of the sub-ccmtinent as well as European scholars, in their attempts in exploring the factors and forces influencing the society, have tried to analyse the process of historical development. For example, David E.Apter in his work The Politics of Modernization (1965); S .N .fiisenstadt in his treatises Modernization-Protest and Change (1967) and Tradition, Change and Modernity (1973); N.J.Smelser in his book Sociology - Aa Introduction (1973); M.B.Jansen in his edited work Qtanqinq Japanese Attitudes Towards Modernization (1965); Singer Milton in his work Social Qianqes in. Modern India (1972); Bipan Chandra, in his article on the theme of "Colonialism and Modernization" (1970); Amales Tripathy in his note Vidya Saqar - The Traditional Modernizer (1974); Yogendra Singh in his volumes Modernization of Indian Tradi­ tion (1973) and assays on Modernization in India (1978), have attempted to investigate the factors and forces in the process of societal development.

All these scholars while defining modernization pointed out some basic ideas. As for modernization, M.N.Sriniwas stresses on rationalisation ; Smelser implies institutional 2 change ; Eisenstadt refers to the process of change in socio -economic and political systems ; Yogendra Singh favours it 4 as pan-humanistic, trans-ethnic and trans-ideological ,

Thus, the semantics of modernization bear on ideas of change, rationality and institutional development. But in the historical process it is a relative phenomenon and an open -ended process. The present import of modernization empha­ sises the transformation of society through the development of modern industry and technology, accompanied by far reaching political and social changes. But in the nineteenth century, colonial India, industrial and technological development was not real. Hence it was political and social developments which mostly contributed to the process of modernization in a colonial state.

Modernization involves some basic characteristics. They are urbanization; secularization; social mc*)ilization; a system of bureaucratic administration which is participatory in nature; and development of communication and media exposure ,j The characteristics are important as they bear on the process of transition from the traditional to modern sectors, fiisenstadt mentions "without some minimum degree of social mobilization and structural differentiation no modern- ization is possible" . In the present trend of studies there are two distinct approaches to the question of structural modernization capita- 7 listic and socialistic . In the post 1917, these approaches have involved a choice between capitalistic and socialistic g paths of developments .

One of the important factors of modernization is the nature of impetus which gives the initial push to modernization, Now the question is whether it generated through the internal activities of various groups and elites or through the impact of external forces such as colonial influence. Generally the changes in the colonial social structure are the conglomera­ tion of both internal and external forces.

s/ In the colonial states changes introduced have been focused on the central institutions of the society 9 . The colonizers wanted to introduce some basic changes in the political system of the state. They are : (i) a unitary system of a state; (ii) a regulated system of taxation; (iii) the establishment of modern court procedures; (iv) limited types of representation in the administration along, interalia, the system of education and economy , The changes thus effected can be called colonial modernization which involves not only the economy but also the social, political, administrative and cultural life ^-^(^The historians and sociologists also differ among them­ selves about the process of modernization in the Asian Sub -continent. Prof. Salah-ud-din Ahmed while citing Rammohun mentions "the greater the intercourse with European gentlemen the greater will be our improvement in literary, social and political affairs 12 ".^^M.N.Sriniwas stresses upon the need that modernization can be achieved by establishing contact, direct or indirect, with the West 13 .v^Amales Tripathy mentions that social changes arise not merely from the impact of the external forces but it can emerge out of the inherent tradi­ tional system . G.R.Prasad Rao points out "... it is not emulation but rather a process of inner growth, which can be attained not by mere imitation but by creation, not by adop­ tion but by creative adaptation, not by outright rejection of tradition but by gradual process of synthesis ".

Thus, although thejre are divergent views among the historians and social scientists about the process of moderni­ zation, it can be maintained that modernization forms a dialectic of both external and internal, traditional and modern forces of change.

Tradition, therefore, can not be taken simply as the opposite of modernity. It is desired not to be tradition ridden but tradition ought to have been taken into considera­ tion in the process of modernization. The continuity of every society depends, whether modern or non-modern, on the persistence and development of certain traditions. Jansen points out "tradition like the use of logical reasoning, may be conducive to modernization while other may not be, and even the use of reason may inhibit change if it is employed only to defend and justify the statusquo ". Thus, the valid opposite of modernity, is not tradition as such, but 'traditionalism' or the rigid adherence to particular set of existing traditions in a manner which prevent or inhibit changes 17

If we look into the process of historical development in the princely states of India, especially the State of Gooch Behar it would be evident that after the consolidation of the Paramount Power, the British rule produced dbvious and lasting changes in the society and culture. The British brought in their trail, their own technology, institution, knowledge, beliefs and values. During the nineteenth century the British statted gradually to induce the modern values in the princely states and laid the foundation of the process of raodernizatican by surveying lands, settling revenues, instituting law couxrts, codifying the laws, developing conumunications and introducing modern system of education. The case of Cooch Behar may be treated along, interalia, with the other princely states as a case of colonial modernization.

In so far as modamizatioa of Cooch Behar is concerned, social structure and tradition remained impervious to major elements of modernity until the contact of the State with the British. But the process of modernization made greater headway mainly owing to the power, prestige and initiative of the enlightened ruler,

The modernization of Cooch Behar started mainly with the 18 contact of the State with the East India Company in 1772 The contact had a special historicity which brought about far reaching changes in culture and structure of the society in the second half of the nineteenth century.

The period of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan (1863-1911) experienced tremendous changes, both qualitative and quantita­ tive, in the society, economy, land revenue, administration and education. His interaction with the British resulted in achieving the modernity while the extra societal environment like the Brahmo Samaj, and the influence of the Bengali intellectuals contributed a lot in building modernity. It can be mentioned that Maharaja Nripendra Narayan was luatrimonially connected with Babu Keshab Chandra Sen - the leading exponent of Brahmo movement in India, In addition, the enlightened attitude of the Maharaja had added extra stimuli to this effect.

Thus, while the personal rule of Maharaja Harendra Narayan. (1801-1839) has been marked as response between old ideas and innovations as well as political hegemony and subjugation, the period of 1839 to 1863 the period of Raja Shibendra Narayan and Raja Narendra Narayan may be viewed as period of gradual accommodation and compromise with a sxibjugated attitude in relation to British colonialism. On this socio-political edifice Maharaja Mripendra i'iarayan steered his kingdom towards a desirable goal - a change towards a positive directicxi - towards a modern Cooch Behar which had been the ideal or model kingdom among the contemporary princely states of India.

In the present work, the factors, forces, ideas, insti­ tutions and the internal and intra-societal as well as external milieu which have had their influence in making a modern ruler and a modernized administrative system are studied in the light of historical trends and events of the last half of the nine­ teenth and the first quarter of the twentieth century. NQT£S AND RSFBRENCES

1, Sriniwas, M.N., Social Changes in Modern India, Orient Ijongmans, Reprint, 1984, p. 52,

2, Smelser, N.J., Sociology - An Introduction, Second Edition, John Winey & Sons, New York, 1973, p.748.

3. Eisenstadt, S.H,, Modernization - Protest and Change, Hebrew University, Pirentice Hall of India, imprint, New Delhi, 1969, p.l,

4, Singh, Yo^ndra, "Modernization of Jjidian Tradition, Thowpson Press (India) E»td., Faridabad, 1973, p.61.

5. Jansen, Marius B,, C^d.) The Changinq Japaaese Attitudes Towards Modernization, Princeton University Press, New Jercy, 1965, p.18.

6, tiisenstadt, S.N., op.cit., p.2.

7. Singh, Yogendra, op.cit., pp.16-20.

8. Sarkar, Sumit, A Gritigue of Colonial India, Papyrus, Calcutta, 1985, p.16. 10

9. Apter, David i^.. The Politics of Modernization, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1965, pp.50-56.

10. Eisenstadt, S.N., op.cit., p.llO.

11. Chandra Bipan, Presidential address, (Modern Session), in Indian History Congress Proceedings, Jabbalpur, 1970, pp.5-5.

12. Bena^Li. ^§.^^?1^' nth December, 1329, cited in Ah^ed, Salah-un-din, Social Ideas and Social Qianqe in. Bengal - 1313-1335, Second fiditicMi, RDEHI, Calcutta, 1976, p. 10.

13. Srini'vas, M.t^-, gp.cit., p. 50.

14. Tripathy, Amalas, Vidyasagar - The Traditional Mode^rnize_r, Orient Liongmans, Calcutta, 1974, p.l.

15. Cited in Rao, C-R.Prasad, in Article "Elite and Moderni­ zation", Modern Re^Tiew, Vol.L.XX_rX, DJo.5, December, 1971, p.416.

16. Hay, Stephen N., "Western and Indigenous Elements in Modern Indian Thought i The Case of Rammohun", in Jansen, M.B., op.cit. , p.324.

17« J^i4«' p.324; Apter, D.S., op.cit., pp.33-94.

19. Proceedings of the Revenue Depaxrtment, Vol.1, 13th Octc±)er to 30th December 1772, No.131, p.369. QHAFTER,I ^^^4"^ JK ,THi^,BRITISH

The link between the kingdom of Cooch 3ahar and the Sast India Company started with the "Tireaty" which was concluded in the year 1773^. Prior to the advent of the British, Cooch Behar State had experienced independence since time immemorial. An analysis of the then existing political milieu which helped the British to institute their own hegemony over the kingdom of Cooch Behar would not be out of place here.

The origin of the Kqch dynasty can be traced back to the sixteenth century A.D. when Blshwa Singha, the son of a tribal 2 chief, was sworn into the throne of Cooch Behar kingdom . During the reign of Maharaja Naranarayan, son of Bishwa Singha, the geo-political boundary of Cooch Behar had been profoundly extended covering the whole North fiastem India"^. To Gorrc*>orate Hodgson mentions "the boundary of Cooch Behar Included the western half of Assam on the one side and eastern 12

half of Morung on the other, with all the intervening country, reaching East and West from Dhansri river to the Konki, whilst North and South is stretched from Dalimkot to Ghoraghat. In other words the Kgch Raj_ extended from 88 to 93*5 east longitude and 2 5 to 2 7 North latitude" .

An interesting feature of the Kingdom of Cooch Behar is that at her very embryonic stage, the rulers sought to estab­ lish a social connection through marital linkages with the various Indian kings along with the great Mughals 5 . This corrc*5orates the fact that the element of heterogeneity has been an in-built feature of the Kocri^ dynasty which infact, along intsr-alla, had led to the process of modernization in following years.

In the first half of the seventeenth century the expan­ sion of geo-political boundary of Cooch Behar kingdom came to a halt with the hegemonistic attitude of the Mughals . The constant encroachment over the boundary of Cooch Behar and the aggression of the Mughals, especially by Meerjumla during the time of Aurangazeb in the eighteenth century, turned Cooch Behar into a petty small state^.

Despite being a small state Cooch Behar had been able to . maintain her independence even after the inception of ^i^ast « India Company's administration in Bengal, The reason is obvious. The strategic location of Cooch Behar at the North

I* 13

Eastern part of Bengal served to perform the role of a buffer^ 8 f ^ State between Bhutan and the Company-administered Bengal . '

The Cooch Behar State lay between 25*^57'40" and 2S^32'3 0" ^fiast North latitude and between 38 47*40" and 39 54'35"^longitude . The State has a total area of 1,332.5 square miles according to the Director of Land Hecords and Surveys, West Bengal , The country was surrounded by Bhutan in the North, Assam and the river Brahmaputra in the Bast, the river Teesta in the Wast and Rangpur District in the South . Throughout the years both these rivers (Teesta and Brahmaputra) used to be navigated. In fact water ways had been the main source of communication and linkages to the Sub-Himalayan regions. The importance of Cooch Behar had been ensured by her strategic position.

With the passage of time and specially in the third quarter of the eighteenth century, Cooch Behar dynasty had to face serious internecine struggle arising out of the gap created soon after the death of king Upendra Marayan. The nobles and the influential persons of the palace weire involved in the dispute regarding the actual inheritor to the "Throne". At last the minor son of king Upendra Narayan, Debendra Narayan by name, ascended the throne. The administration was carried out by a council of ministers on behalf of the minor Haja Debendra Narayan , 14

Taking the opportunity of the internal conflicts, the neighbouring state, Bhutan, extended her powerful hands to exert influence over the Cooch Behar administration 1.3 The influence was so great that a permanent Bhutani representative with a band of Bhutani soldiers started residing continuously at the capital of Cooch Behar. The Bhutani representative had been so powerful that no policy decisicwi could be undertaken by the Cooch Behar administration without his affirmation 14

The Bhutani representative during this time was Pensutoma who was in close touch with the Dewan Oeo. ^^ Narayan. The officers of the Court along with the king hatched a plot 15 against the 5?.^^?1 ??.2» ^^° became very powerful with the assistance of the Bhutanese. The Dewan Deo was murdered treacherously at the instance of the Raja, This murder enraged the Debraja of Bhutan. To avenge the murder, the Debraja of Bhutan organised a plot against Dhairjendra Narayan, the then Raja and Nazir Deo who were mainly responsible for the murder. They were invited at a feast, the motive behind this arrangement was to seize both of them 17 . The Maharaja was carried off, from the feast at Chechakhata as a prisoner in 1770 by the Bhutanese 13 , They raised the captive king's brother Rajendra Narayan to the throne but actually they became the real authority of the State, But within a shoxrt period of 19 two years the Raja died , At this juncture, on hearing the news of the death of Raja Rajendra Narayan, the Nazj^r Deo 15

Khogendra Harayan, who managed to escape from the captivity of Bhutan, installed I4iarendra iMarayan, the son of the imprisoned king Dhalrjendra ^^arayan, over the thrcxie of Cooch iiehar 20 . In fact the Debraja of Bhutan considered it an open violation of his authority and did not like that the captive's son should be on the thrc«e of the State and remonstrated the Nazlr-Qeo Khogendra Narayan against the selection of the Haja, In order to take reprisal, the Bhutanese came down from the hills under the conffnand of Jlmpe (a Bhutanl General) and forced upon the capital in 1772, meeting with little resistance from the natives They gained possession of the territory and Nazlr Deo and ftaja ^arendra Narayan fled from the country and sought the help of the iiast India Company's Collector of xiangpur 21

Thus the opportunity of penetration into the affairs of Cooch Behar otate came to the i^aat India Company as an invita­ tion, The Importance of Cooch Behar was acknowledged by the iiast India Company. The control over the admlnlstraticai and < the exertions of Influence over the tiny c»tate had also become j one of the most Important alms of the British Imperialism. The, long cherished Interventionist motive of the Company had been f satisfied by the open Invitation as stated above.

^® '^azlr Deo iOiogendra t^arayan sought the help of the Company in order to get rid of the Bhutanese and to restore the State to the king of Cooch Behar. The iiaat India Company so i long was watching with concern the growing power of the I 16

Bhutanese, very close to their boundary. Naturally the appeal/ for assistance of the Nazir i>eq was cordially accepted with / some conditions , Accordingly a treaty was arranged upon between the iiast India Company and the i^ja of Cooch Behar Dharendra Narayan. /It is interesting to note that when the negotiation^ for the treaty was in progress, the Collector of ^ngpur, Mr. Purling, despatched a Company of soldier to combat the advancing Bhutanese, The proposal of a treaty was ( sent to the President and His Council by Mr. Purling and \ finally it was approved by the i^overnor General and his Coun- / cil".

The Company's troops expelled the Bhutanese from Cooch Behar and recaptured the capital from their hands. The king \ and the Nazir Deo acquired their lost territory but it was at the cost of the sovereign right of the Maharaja of Cooch Behar. f By the terms of the treaty, Haja i^harendra »>larayan who signed I on behalf of Cooch Behar agreed to acknowledge the suzerainty

- • / of the tinglish ^iast India Company and to pay one half of the ; annual state revenue 24 . The tireaty was finally signed by the / Honourable President and Council at Fort William on 5th April,( 1773. The substance of the concluding treaty was that the ^ Company should expel the ^ja's enemies out of his territory and protect it from any inroads from outsiders in future; the Raja would bear the expenses of the British army and agree to the Subjection of the Company and would pay half of the reve- 25 nues of the State • 17

The Company's army under Captain Jones pushed the Bhutanase upto the hills and at this moment the Debraja of Bhutan sought the good office of Teshoo Laraa of Tibet and through his media­ tion the war with Bhutan finally came to an end on the 25th April 1774^ and as a part of the condition of the said tjreaty 27 Maharaja Dhairjendra Narayan and his 2§.Vi^'i were released The Maharaja being released from his captivity refused to ascend the throne and allowed his son Wiarendra Narayan to continue as king of Cooch Behar. This was because of the fact that the captive king had been disgusted aObout the terms of the treaty of 1773 concluded by his son and Nazir Peg with the English £ast India Company. This tzreaty of 1773 had shattered the sovereign right of the king of Cooch Behar and ultimately 23 it became a tributary State of the iiast India Company .

The question as to why the East India Company interfered into the affairs of Cooch Behar is not difficult to answer. f The motive of the Company can be traced from different angles, It was, in the first instance, guided by the political interest of the British. It is evident from the subsequent report of Walter Hamilton (1820) that "the peace and security of the '^ adjacent British territories were more to be considered than any pecuniary advantage to be derived from the new acquisition, as prior to this period the ftungpur District had been much exposed to incursions from Boot an" (sic). Thus the mainte­ nance of peace and security became a matter of direct Interest 13

and naturally the offer of the treaty proposal of 1772 was forthwith accepted by the Company. The political interest i.e. the protection of the northern flank of the company's ^ "30 expanding empire in Bengal was their main concern , The political motive of Warren Hastings, the then Governor General of Bengal is also to be mentioned, •*He was glad at the opportunity to annex the territory though he firmly disclaimed 'remote projects of conquest and stressed that his only aim was to complete the outline of the Company's dominions" 31

Secondly, the political motive was further strengthened f with the commercial interest of the East India Company, The ( Company's commerce in the Himalayan region was so long carried on through Nepal, but during this time the political commo- ^ tions of Nepal badly hampered the commercial interests of the 32 English East India Company . The Company, as a result, was eager to open trade route to Tibet through Bhutan, Assam and Cooch Behar and Warren Hasting's policy in this regard was to by-pass the Gurkhas .y-But the relation between the East India Company and/Bhutan was not even firmly established and cordial. Naturally the annexation of Cooch Behar by Bhutan would prevent their commercial interest in this region. , To obtain free access for trad© routes it was essentially \^ important on the part of the East India Company to clear the trade routes and obviously the war with Bhutan was necessary . 19

Thirdly, the motives of the £ast India Company are explained by Gayatri Devi, the princess of Cooch Behar and the Maharanee of Jaipur. She is of the opinion that "the links ^ between Cooch Behar and the British grew stronger and more diverse. Placed as it was geographically, Cooch Behar was constantly involved in the expansionist schemes and political intrigues of Bhutan, Sikkim and Assam, which in their turn were involved with i>Jepal and Tibet. It was important for the British to have a foot hold in this troubled and strategically important area and when life in the State was further compli­ cated by constant domestic dissensions, eventually in 1783, a British Resident was appointed to keep order" , (sic)

Fourthly, the East India Company was perturbed by the activities of the 'Sannyasis ' (Mendicants) who were posing as I a threat to the peace and security in the neighbouring areas of Cooch Behar. The prctolero to tackle the 'Sannyasis' became , a concern of the British. So when, the treaty with Bhutan was concluded in 1774, a condition regarding the 'Sannyasis' was included in the treaty .

Thus, from the above discussion it Is evident that upto the first half of the nineteenth century the East India Company did not develop any definite policy towards the State although there was a growing trend towards the liquidation of the native states. 20

Thus, when the request for assistance was offered by the Nazir Qeo of Cooch Behar to the Collector of «angpur, it was accepted without any delay and without having any prior assent from the East India Company's Authority of Calcutta, a contin- 37 gent was sent to combat the approaching Bhutias

The advent of the British in Cooch Behar was pirecipitated by the internal dissensions, foreign incursions and internal squabbles'. For all these reasons, the period on the eve of the advent of the Company can be called the period of confusion 3 8 and dark age in the history of Cooch Behar . Though the third ^, article of the treaty of 1773 envisaged the complete subjection of Cooch Behar territory with the Company's dominion in India, ^ it was not properly implemented at the beginning of the Company's intercourse with Cooch Behar for two reasons. Firstly, the £ast India Company had engaged their entire attention in extending their sphere of influence in Central and Western India; and secondly, the over, simplification of the fact that to the Company the loyalty of this tiny State, ^ Cooch Behar, had been above question particularly after the reinstallation of Raja Ifearendra Narayan.

The Company was mainly concerned with the revenue and remained satisfied with the "Tribute" which was agreed upon by the said "Treaty". It was arranged that the tribute was to be collected by the Collector of Rangpur"^^, Upto 1780 the 21

"Tribute" was realised by coiranitting the total collections of the State by the persons nominated by the Company called Sezwals or Teshildars. Out of the total collections the Sezwals deducted the half share of Government according to the provisions of the "Treaty" and paid over the other half to the State./ The amount of "Tribute" was not fixed untill 1780 . /

Finally the amount was fixed for perpetual at Rs. 67,700 per ; annum in the same year on the strength of the Hastctound of the revenue of the Raja, prepared by Mr. Purling, the Collector of Rangpur.

It is to be mentioned here that the half of revenue was to be paid as a "tribute" and not as a tax. A date which is twenty years prior to the permanent settlement of Cornwall is 42 was also agreed upon. Thus, it was not a zamindary as mentioned by Aitchison 43 . As regards the terms of the treaty it may be mentioned that the option and ratification implied in the clause 9 (See Appendix A) does not appear to have been carried into effect. In the meanwhile Dharendra Narayan died and his father Dhairjendra Narayan became the Raja of Cooch Behar, He was disgusted with the loss of sovereign rights 44 , l»iairjendra Narayan tried through a European gentleman, Tobias Wagnar, to improve the terms of the treaty of Warren Hastings, but the Governor General, refused to undertake any alteration of the terms of the treaty of 1773 and responded unceremoniously call- ing the person as a "European Vagabond" 45 \ 22

Raja Dhairjendra Narayan was aged and unable to rule the ;

country directly. As a matter of fact the administration of

the State ultimately fell into the hands of Maharanee

Cumteswari Devi and her Agent Sarbananda Gossain, The old 46 Raja appeared to be an insane and had beccme the dejure iruler

The active interference into administration of the State by the Company came after the death of Raja Dhairjendra Harayan. At the time of his death his successor to the throne was Harendra Narayan who was just above three years of age. This resulted in confusion. Troubles arose out of the rivalry between Maharanee Cumteswari who was acting as guardian under the cover of a will of the deceased Raja along with the assis- 47 tance of Dewan Deo, and Nazir Deo , The Maharanee was able to manage with the assistance of the highly powerful Rajguru (head 4R priest) Sarbananda Gossain , A conflict developed and the bone of contention was the share of the revenue between the Raja, Dewan Deo and Mazir Deo. The matter became more ccwpli- cated by the injudicious interference of the Collector of 49 Rangpur . For thirteen years the peace and stability of the , State and the acbninistration was immensely hampered owing to the prolonged troubles. The Nazir Deo, an aspirant for more , power and privileges seized the "Royal Seal" and proclaimed his son ' JubraJ ' , At the exigency of the situation, the Collec-' ^r tor of Rangpur interfered into the affair and was able to ' return the "Royal Seal" to the Maharanee. The troubles did not 23

come to an end and the palace conspiracy continued in an unabated manner,r The Maharanee at the insistence of Sarbananda Gossain, tried to deprive the Nazir Deo of his share of rent / which was fixed earlier through mutual understanding among the 51 \ ^ Raja, Nazir Deo and Dewan Deo , Skirmishes between the two contending parties i.e. Maharanee and Sarbananda Gossain on behalf of the Raja and the Nazir Deo were frequent* The matter became so grave that the Company for their own interest did not refrain from interfering into the affairs of the State 52 . Thus the State of Cooch Behar had become the hunting ground for constant interference of the British into the affairs of the State.

The troubles in the State not only disrupted the State administration, but at the same time revenue also fell to a low ebb. "The harassed and oppressed ryots were obliged to leave their native country and the revenue falling short in conse- \ quence of this and from the alienation of lands the remaining inhabitants were obliged to make good the deficiency" , So ^ not only the questicai of political disturbances but also the ' i fall of the revenue in the subsequent years, was the main con- cern of the Company, that ultimately led them to take effective action, /Meanwhile the Collector of Rangpur had been changed and Peter More succeeded Mr, Coodlad as the Collector of Rangpur 54 , He came with an unprejudiced mind and took in the situation at once. Active attempts of interference in the 24

internal affairs of Cooch Behar by the tinglish East India Company became a reality,

The situation of the State turned worse, Marichmati, the aunt of the Nazir Deo, with the help of Ganesh Giri, a leader of the Sannyasis (mendicants) and Bhagavanta i^arayan, the elder brother of Nazir Deo, made desperate attempts and captured the king and the queen regent 55 . They were taken away to Balarampur as prisoner. This act of sedition necessitated ^ the Company's interference and Captain Ratan freed the king and returtied them to the capital ,

Taking acccxint of this disturbed state of affairs in the neighbouring district of Bengal, the Governor General Lord Comwallis, in a resolution dated 12th ^ril 1788, appointed a Commission with Lawrence Mercer and Jcrfin Lowis Chauvet 57 . The Commission was appointed on the one hand to settle the disputes of the contesting parties and oa the other they were instructed with the duty to report on the administrative system of Cooch Behar . The members of the CoHanission thoroughly inquired i into the matter and heard frcjen the conflicting parties about / their views. Finally they submitted a report, in which they "^ made some positive recoKnnendations, relating to the rights of the Raja and the privileges of the Mazir and the Dewan Deo. ^ The Commission also prescribed that in order to briag the State out of the turmoil, it would be essential on the part of the 25

£ast India Company to appoint a Resident Coiwmissioner at Cooch 59 Behar .

It can be said that the British administrative officers, designated either as Resident or Political Agent, were deputed to the State mainly to watch over the proceedings of the Durbars, These officers were instructed to assist the rulers in solving the problems of their states. At the same time they were entirusted with the duty to promote the Company's interests in the princely state. They also counteracted the hostile forces both within and without the State of Cooch Behar.

Thus for the first time attempts were being made by the East India Company to interfere directly into the affairs of the State administration. It appears however, that a more limited interpretation has been given to the conditions of the treaty, and that the Raja of Cooch Behar had been permitted subsequent to the date of the Treaty", to coin money, to administer justice and to exercise' other powers,

The privileges enjoyed by the Raja were curtailed after 1789 and in the near future led to the confrontation with Raja Harendra Narayayaa, after attaining his majority while he took over the administration in his own hands- As regards the Company's attitude towards the Raja, it is explained that "to provide for the management of the affairs of the Rajah, during the minority to the present Rajah, it was expressly declared 26

that it was not the intention of the Government in any res­ pect, to injure independent right of the Rajah" , (sic) It \y was also declared that the terras of the treaty of 1772 would be adhered to 61 ,

On the basis of the recammendations of the Commission of Mercer and Ghauvet the Governor General in Ccxincil thought it necessary to appoint a Gonanissioner to restore peace and tranquility in this troubled area. Accordingly, Henry Douglous was appointed as the Resident Commissioner of Gooch Bahar. He applied himself mainly to regularise the Revenue Administration of the State^^.

The conflict between the King, Nazir and Dewan De^ led to - the appointment of ^he first Commissioner in the State. This marked a change of the traditional system of administration / v and crippled the power that Mazir De_o as the military head of ^ the State enjoyed for a long time past,- Thus, the appointment ' of the Commissioner, a direct representative of the East India Company, for the Cooch Behar State administration, opened a new vista to the Company to institute the British system of ^ administration in every field of State life. This situation / affected the indigenous irulers of Gooch Behar also. Conse- quently, discontent and dichotomy between the Company's Commissioner and the native rulers on issues of policy decision had been at the fore^ The tensions - transition and relaxation would be dealt in the chapter following. 27

1, Mercer Lawrenaa and John Ij.Chauvet, 5e£ort on Cooch Be.har iO. kZ^V ^99^h Behar 3e_le_ct ^cqrd3_, Vol.11, Cooch Behar, 1869, p.202.

2, Joynath Munshi mentions 1523 A.D. as the date of the coronation of flishwa Singha; Rajopakhyan, Edited by Biswanath Das, Calcutta, 19B5, p.15; Amanatulla refers it as 1496 A.D; Cooch Behare^r Itihas_, Ahmed Amanatulla Khan Choudhury, Cooch Behar 1936, p.37; According to E.A. Gait, Bishwa Singha rose to power in 1515 A.D; A History of. As_sam, 3rd revises Edition, Calcutta, 1963, p.49.

3, Bhattacharya, S.f^., The_ History of Mughal^ North pastern India, Calcutta, 1929, pp.77-73.

4, Hodgson, B.H. "On the Origins, Location, Numbers, Creed, Customs, Character, and Education of the Koch, Bodo and Dhinial people with a general description of the climate they dwell in; "in The Journal^ gf_ the^ As^iatic Sgciety^ of Benqa;,, Calcutta, Vol.XVIII, Part II, July-December, 1849, p.704.

5, Lakshinarayan Maharaja of Cooch Behar gave his sister in 28

marriage with Man Singh, a Hindu King of Jaipur and one of the important generals of Mughal Emperor Akbar; Abu-L-Fazl All ami. The Ain-i-Akbar i. Translated by H. Bicx:kraan, Second Edition, by S.Ij.Gommer, Delhi, 1965, p.362; Sircer Jadunath, The Historj^ of_ Be^nqal_, Janaki Prakashan, Patna, 1977, p.212.

6. Abu-L-Fazl, Aln-i-Akbari, qp.cit. p.363; Abu-L<-Fazl, The Akbarnaraa, Translated by H.Beveridge, V^ol.IXI, First Indian Reprint, Delhi, 1973, p.349; Government of India, Brie^f Accoants^ of The Indian State_s_ in Be.ng.al^, Central Publication Branch, Calcutta, 1923, p.2.

7. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Politi- cal) Department, August, 1905, ^o.-~^j6, p.131,

8. Notes of the Revenue Commissioner, 3rd May, 1787, No.21, §.®.l.®.*?.^ Reqqrds_ of Cooch Be.har, Vol.11, Cooch Behar State Press, 1384, pp.151-154.

9. Ganguli, K.G., The Final Report OTI the_ Survey^ and Settle- 216 ^I't ^E?. rat ions in th£ Cooch Behar State, 1913-1927, Cooch Behar, 1930, p. 5.

10. In the record of the British Government the area is mentioned as I, 3 07 Square Miles; General (Political) N proceedings, August 1905, No.r-j^, p.131. In the survey Report the area is mentioned 1,313.35 square miles, Ganguly, K.G., op.cit. p.5.

11. Bandopadhyaya, Bagabati Charan, Cooch Beharer Itiha.s, (Bengali) Cooch Behar, 1382, Reprinted, Nripendra Nath Paul, Calcutta, 1937, p,10.

12. ^id., p. 72. 29

13. Boid., p.72,

14. Ah^tmed, Amanatulla, op.cit., p. 138.

15. Munshi Jaynath in his book ftaj_gBa3dTx*n mentions that everybody belonging to the dynasty of Bishwa Singha were Dejo (Deva) title and accordingly the ^&yian3_ and Nazirs_ we ire called Nazir De_o or Nazir 5®.vat_a and Dewan De_o or Dewan Devata; Munshi Joynath, op.cit., p.40; Amanatulla Ahamed in his Cooch 3e.harje^r_Itiha^3^ c4>serves that in later period the Royal family took the name Deb^ or Deo ^•g* ^^zi? Deb, Dewan Deb; p. 171; The Nazir Deo and Dewan ^^o were considered as joint partners in the share of the State revenue; Proceedings of the General (Political), Department, August, 1364, No.113, p.137.

16. The plot was organised by Court priest Ramananda Gossain and Ratidev Sharma, Bandopadhya, B.C., op.cit., p.72.

17. Long, J., The Se^l.ectiqn3_ f.rgiTi Unpublished Re.cgrds^ of Gqvertynent f.qr the year 1^74_8 tj3 1.76.7 inci.us^ive. First Editicm, Edited by M.P.Saha, Firma K.L.,M., Calcutta, 1973, p.715.

13. Jaipur, Mahraja of, A History of. Indian St.ate_ Force^s^, Orient Longmans, 1937, p.24.

19. Ahamed Amanatulla, op.cit_. , p. 203.

2 0. Munshi, Joynath, qp.clt., p.54.

21. Turner, Samuel, ^ Account of_ the SmbassY, to Te_shqq Lama, Heprint, Munjshrae, New Delhi, 1971, p.viit.

22. Proceedings of the Revenue Department, \^ol.I, 13th October to 30th December, 1972, No,136, pp.363-358. 30

23. Long, J., op.cit., p.715.

24. ^id./ p. 716.

25. Notes of the Revenue Commissioner, 3rd May, 1787, No. 21, SRC, Vol.1 , 0£;,cit., pp. 151-152.

26. 5annie_, Bhqtan and the St^or^ of. the^ Doar War, indited By H.K.iQiloy, Manjushri, New Delhi, 1970, p.233 (For terms of the treaty see Appendix B).

2 7. Ghosal, S., Hist.qr^ of_ Cooch Behar, Gooch Be_har, 1942, p.260.

23. 55.id. , p. 260.

29. Cited in Acharya, N.N., Hi3_tor 1 ca 1^ R9!?}^^Jl%.^ 9.L ^l^ §.l4 yi® ^t.igJt^Oy.Ci^a 5^Slte# Omsons, New Delhi, 1983, p. 97.

3 0. Bora da, Maharaja of, The_ Pal^ace^s^ of_ India, Collin's St., James Place, London, 1980, p.209.

31, Pemble, John, The_ Invas^iqn qf_ Nepal,, Glairendon press, Oxford, 1971, pp.31-32.

32, Turner, S., op.cit;.,- p.370.

33, Home Consultation, 9th December, 1771 (1) (N .A. I); Pemble, John, Qp.cit., p.56,

34, Ah^med Amanatulla, op.cit,, pp.344-345.

3 5, Devi Gayatri and Santa Ramo Rao, The_ Princess J^membe^rs, first Indian Edition, Vikas Publishing House Ltd., Gaziabad, 1982, p.39.

36, Acharya, N.N,, qp,Git,, pp.119-120 (See Appendix-B for the tenns of the Treaty). 31

3 7. Proceediags of the Govemnient of Bengal, General (Political) Department, December 1861, No.51, p.38.

38. Munshi Joynath, o^.cit., p,148.

39. Hunter W.M., A Statistical AcG<>ant of, Senaal, Vol.X, first Reprint, New Delhi, 1974, p.416? Bandopadhyaya, B .G, op.cit. , p. 79,

40. Letter of Henry Douglous, Commissioner of Cooch Behar, to the Right Honorable Cornwall is, G.G. in Council Dated 19th May, 1790 SRC, Vol.1, Cooch Behar State Press, 1382, p.29.

41. dfeid; Mercer & Chauvet, qp.cit., p.2 03.

42. Boid, p. 203.

43. Aitch is on, C,U., A Gql^l^action of 'J.El.^tie.s,, ^nqagerne^nts_ and Sarmads, Rslatinq to India and i^ighbouring[ Countrie_s_, Vol.11, Calcutta, 1930, p. 190.

44. Munshi Joynath, og^.crt,, pp. 51-63; Bandopadhyay, B.C., op.cit., p,77,

45. Baroda, Maharaja of, o;p.cit., p,2 09.

46. Long, J., op.cit., p.716.

4 7. Munshi Joynath, ot).cit. , p,S7.

48. Ibid. , p.30.

45 • ^i^.» p. 73.

50- ^14./ p«.71. Hunter, W.W., op.cit., p.417.

51, The Shares of the Raja, The Nazir Deo and the Dewan Deo were fixed 6 annas, 9 annas and 1 annas of a rupee, res- 32

pectivelyr Ah*mad Amanatulla, oq.Git., p.323; J.ijong, qp.c^lt,, p. 715.

52. Munshi Joynath, op.cit., p«fl4.

53. Sen, S.N, (Sd), Prachin Banc[l^a Patra Sankal_an, Calcutta University, 1942, p.36.

54. Munshi Jaynath, op,cit., p.76.

55. MexTcer & Chauvet, op.cit., p. 193.

56. Ghosal, S.G., op.cit., pp.393-393.

57. Sen S.N., qp.cit., p.17.

53. ^i^., pp.19-20,

59. Mercer, L, & Lewis Chauvet, qp.cit., p. 202.

60, Extracts from the proceediags of His fixcellency the most NcSDle the G.G. in Council, Revenue Department, 2Sth August, 1802, SRC, Vol.1, Cooch Behar State Press, 1832, pp.133-134.

61. a>id., 134.

62, Munshi Joynath, op,cit., p.90; Hunter, W.W., op.cit., p.419. GHAPTfiR-II THS SRA OF GONFRQij^TATIQii

The advent of the fiast India Company in Cooah Behar marked a breach with the past and the relation between the Company's authority and the Raja Harendra Narayan, took a serious turn in 1301, the date of expiry of the minority and attaining of the majority of Raja Harendra Narayan. Though the personal administrative period of Raja Harendra Narayan (1901-1939) is termed "confrontation", it is to be remembered that this conflict was not limited to the political acBn&, This period witnessed a tremendous resistance against the attempt to introduce any change in the State by the British. The personal rule (1801-1839) also experienced a state of anarchy and as such it may be called "non-modern" period. An analysis of the causes of the conflict will prove the fact that the ruler, both in mind and heart, opposed any change they (the British) wanted to Introduce for the better 34

management of the State, The Raja favoured "traditionalism" which accentuated the ccaiflict both in political and in social matters. The roots of the conflict were many and they developed surrounding the powers and functions of the Commissioners. The irregular interference by the Collector of Rangpur in the affairs of Gooch Behar under the cover of collecting the tributes frcm the State, occassioned the conflict between Raja Harendra Narayan and the East India 2 Company , The British officers were appointed in terms of the provision of the Commission of 1788 in order to resolve the internal dissensions and pirevailing anarchy caused by the palace intrigue and the conflict among the nobles and above all to give a statusquo in the affairs of the State. Inci­ dentally the Mercer & Chauvet Commission recommended some positive measuires and accordingly Henry Dauglaus was appointed as Commissioner of Cooch Behar in 1789 4 , This corrc^orates the fact that from the years following arrangements were made to make room for direct participation of the East India Company into the affairs of Cooch Behar, did not evoke, any resistance for (1) the ruler was a minor one; (2) the contem­ porary influencial contending persons surrounding the throne of Cooch Behar did think it as an arrangement which could be temporary relief to the discontents already experienced; and (3) there was no sign of resistance both from within and 35

without the State of Cooch Behar based on the local natives and national sentiments.

The affairs of the State were managed by the "Queen ^Pf 5 Regent" on behalf^er son Harendra Narayan . Frcn 1789 to 1801, the Goiranissloners wielded the over all authority in the State. Raj a Harendra Narayan after achieving majority decided to rule the State according to the customary fashion and with powers which his ancestors exercised before. Naturally the king demanded the withdrawal of the Company's official from the capital in accordance with the prior decision taken by the Company to this effect . Consequently the GoRunissioner was 7 withdrawn and the initial conflict was averted . The removal of the Commissioner from Cooch Behar allowed the Raja,to manage the entire affairs of the State. From the removal of the Commissioner in the year 1801, upto the year 1802, the connection between Cooch Behar and the East India Company had been confined to the receipt of the annual tribute from the Raja, which was paid to the Collector of the adjoin- Q ing district of Rangpur . The Governor General in Council realised the necessity to introduce the proper rules for the collection of the public revenue and at the sametime it appeared to them that the establishment of regulations for the prompt and pure administration of justice by means of the Company's servants, would enable the Raja to provide for the 36

regular discharge of the tribute and promote the general prosperity of the kingdom. This consideration prompted the Company again to depute a Commissioner at Cooch Behar in 1302^.

The Commissioner was entrusted with the task of achieving the ends of the Governor General in Council in forming a concert with the Raja. But the king expressed his strong repugnance at the measure contemplated and insisted on his right as an independent ruler of his own territory, fiiot with­ standing the strong remonstrance of East India Company and their expressed determination of persisting in an arrangement Mr. Francis Pierard, then Commissioner of Cooch Behar, failed to procure the assent of the ruler and finally he was removed from the territory in August, 1304

The presence of the Commissioner at Cooch Behar had restrained the authority of the Raja. With the withdrawal of ^ the Commissioner all checks were removed and duties connected I with the administration had all along been performed by the native officers, as a ire suit of which many of the old abuses crept into the Government of the State . Chaos and anarchy I prevailed in the State. The consequence was that the admini- 1 stration became very loose and the revenue collection fell to, an alarming stage, 37

As the revenue was the most vital matter of the British, they did not remain idle for a long time. Besides the revenue, the law and order in this strategically important State had been grave. To remedy the situation, in 1S05 the office of ^ the Resident Commissioner was again revived/with the hope that I he might introduce proper rules for the collection of the public revenue, and would try to establish Regulations so as to effect the speedy and pure acbninistration of justice; but the attempt of the Company proved of no avail, in consequence of the Raja's aversion to reform^ Naturally the appointment of a Commissioner as a seperate office was abolished on the 25th June l^OS"^^.

Jenkins mentions "the continual interference, though surely contrary to the spirit of the treaty, become almost unavoidable when connections were once established" 13 , During the period of nine years from 1305 to 1313 the Collectors of Rangpur carried on the duties in connection with Gooch Behar from Rangpur. They were not unprejudicial in their relation with the Raja and most of them seem to have lent their ears to many a complains against the functions of the Raja Harendra Narayan and sent reports to the President and his Council at Calcutta 14 . This made the matter worse. The defects and irregularities of Cooch Behar Couxrt were often sent upto the East India Company's government in a highly exaggerated form. The Collectors sometimes interfered into matters of little importance in the internal administration and unduly aggrand- 38

ised the position of the Dewan Deo in the humiliation of the Raja. "Terms were dictated to the king and thus the patience of the ruler of the State was sorely taxed" . In such state of affairs the government of Earl Minto recorded its Resolu­ tion in the Revenue Department dated, August 7, 1813 and determined upon exercising a thorough and efficient inter­ ference into the internal affairs of Gooch Behar with an eye to eradicate the evils of the administration o

Thus, the disorderly state of affairs and outragious conduct of the Raja Harendra Narayan led the Company's Govern­ ment to adopt the measure of appointing another Resident Goramissioner at Gooch Behar and accordingly Mr. Norman Macleod was selected for the office. He was specially instructed to introduce some reform in the administrative affairs of the state.

The mission of Macleod had met with little success 17 :as a result of the unbending attitude of the Raja and conflict became imminent. At this juncture Mr. Macleod was withdrawn ' from all concern in the management of the country and his ) interference was limited to advice and representation. But at \ the sametime the Raja was informed that "if through mal-admi- nistration he failed in the punctual discharge of his tribute, a correction admitting of no mitigation would be applied by ] the chastening hand of the feudal sovereign" 18 39

During the period from 1816 to 1839 the Commissioners carried on their business either from Rangpur or from Goalpara. The confrontation developed again between the Raja and the prejudiced activities of Mr. Scot, the Company's Agent in North 19 -, ^ i^ast Frontier . The relation between the king and the Company did not develop to harmony. The Raja during this time had to spend all his energies in resisting the advancing hands of the Company's Gonunissioners. The antagonis-tic attitude of the Raja was mitigated by the conciliatory attitude of Captain Jenkins who was appointed Company's Agent in North East Frontier and visited the State in the late years of the rule of Raja Harendra Narayan. He was successful in improving the relations and achieved better result than the strict and uncowproinising attitude of his (Jenkins) predecessors 2 0. Though administration and judiciary had been solely the internal matters of the State and the rulers were supreme in formulating the systems in these respect, there had been an unseen control of the British. This control quite obviously resulted in a controversy regarding the powers and functions of the Raja. In Cooch Behar the iilast India Company wanted to modernize the administrative and judicial systems, and Lord Cornwall is, when Governor General of India, had insisted upon the importance of infusing sound principles into the mind of the prince while he was a minor 21 . But as soon as he attained majority he gave himself up entirely to the affairs of his 40

Zenana. He is described by Buchanon Hamilton, "as poor creature, exhausted by drunkenness and debauchery" likewise 22 the contemporary news paper ^nqlishroan shared the same view

The internal management in most of the princely states . was slack and rotten to the core, "In most cases the princes i were unenlightened and the acininistration was run on medieval lines and in a slip-shod manner. Brought up in the vicious ^ atmosphere of zenana influence the personal character of the princes developed on extremely unhealthy lines. Palace intriqrues and personal Jealousies bedeviled the Durbars of the Indian rulers. Surrounded by a band of uneducated parasites, buffoons and tale-tellers, the princes often indulged in costly but ugly merry makings, thereby draining the resources of the states. Naturally the administration was neglected and in such circumstances greedy courtiers and rapacious officials reaped the harvests. There was hardly any attempt at securing

the welfare of :the subjects; justice was perverted, and law

and order collapsed. Trade and commerce languished for lack 23 of safety" . This very characteristic of other princely

states in India had been also the general feature of the State of Cooch Behar. The affairs of the State were entrusted to

the hands of incapable or indisposed people and the Judiciary

and Administration were on the verge of ruin. To retrieve this state of affairs the Company was eager to bring about the 41

administrative and Judicial changes in the system as existed in Bengal^*.

This led to further complications in the relations with the Raja, On the expiration of the minority/ when Raja Harendra Narayan took the reins in his own hands in IBOl, it appeared to the Governor General in Council to be highly expedient, that some regulations should be adopted for the future management of an efficient police throughout the coun­ try, and to provide for pure and impartial administration of Justice, both in Civil and Criminal cases 25 . Accordingly, in 1803 Mr. Francis Pierard was deputed to Gooch Behar with instructions to endeavour to c^tain the assent of the Raja to the introduction of the general regulations, in force in the province of Bengal, into the territory of Gooch Behar, This was done with some modification in view of the position of the Raja and according to the terms of the tjreaty, concluded in 26 1773 , But the attempt of the Company to infuse this change met with strong resistance from the Raja who was against any change proposed by the Gomniissloner. It is to be noted that these regulations, the Company's government wanted to intro­ duce into the territory of Gooch Behar, for the better management and as per the expressed will of the Raja Harendra Narayan. It can be mentioned here that the Raja wrote to the Governor General that "the government would be pleased to establish such Permanent Regulations for Gooch Behar, as 42

they might think proper" 27 . In spite of the declaration, the Raja was reluctant in introducing any change proposed by the Commissioner,

The contemptuous attitude of the Raja against any change is also revealed in the letter of Montgomery, the Commissioner of Cooch Behar, to the Secretary to the Government, Revenue Department, dated 28th July 1805. He wrote that "since my arrival at this place, I have had two interviews with Raja Harendra Narayan, and have conversed with him on the great benefit, his family and country could derive, by a general introduction of the Regulations, now in force in the province of Bengal; but I am sorry to say, all may endeavours to get his acqniescence to that important measure have proved in futile"^^. He was of the conviction that the Raja failed to realise that the proposed regulations would be of greater interests to the great body of the natives, and the permanent welfare and prosperity of the Raja himself, THe- real motive of the Company, introducing the regulations, prevailed in Bengal, was to bring out some changes into the collecticxi of 29 public revenue which was considered to be dwindling , More­ over the ryots of the State were suffering from oppression, from undue exactions from the officers or farmers employed in making the collection. Thus the motive of the British was also to protect the interest of the ryots who were the main source of revenue^ . To achieve their ends the Company wanted 43

to hand over the administration of Justice and the superinten­ dence of police in the hands of their own servants. But Raja Harendra Narayan refused to give into the proposals of the Company. His reluctance to change the traditional system is revealed through the letter to the Governor General in which he mentions "Your Excellency has written with your friendly pen, that it is not the wish of the British Government to subject me to the jurisdiction of the Courts, which may be empowered to take congnizance of Civil and Criminal causes; but, my Lord, when my relations, dependants, sejrvants and Subjects shall be amenable to Civil and Criminal Courts, established by the Company, where will be my dignity and authority" ? This reveals the intention of the Raja who was not in favour of increasing the British influence through the cover of reforms as proposed by them.

The Company was very eager to improve the then Judicial Administration along with the Civil and Criminal affairs. But the efforts of the Company to this direction was barired on the said "Treaty" which recognised the sovereign authority of the Raja. The mal-judicial administration ran by the Raja may be depicted as under.

Firstly, the subjects did not enjoy free and fair justice from the Raja 32 . Secondly, the Judiciary was left in the hands of the native servants of British administration of 44

Bengal^^. Thirdly, the Raja paid little attention to the administration and did not appear before the regular 5!i??l^£' the administration was solely conducted by the official such as De^wan and Buksjhl. through whom only the petition could reach the Raja 34 , Fourthly, the Judiciary became complicated 35 in dealing with the Hindus and the Mahamedan subjects

Under circumstances, the Company intended to bring about certain modifications in the field of Judiciary. These were (a) seperate systems of the law, as a general principle of the British, for the Hindus and the Mahamedans especially in the field of civil justice Hindu law for the Hindus and the Mahamedan law for the Mahamedans ; (b) in respect of the Criminal cases, the Company's authority was intended to be expanded after curtailing the judicial power of the kxng 37 The intention has been clear from the fact that, "no capital punishments should take place, but with the knowledge and undar^the seal and signature of the Rajah, and that he should exercise the privilege of remitting or mitigating punishments, even when the law itself may condemn. But it will be one of the most important duties of the Commissionar to aid the Rajah with the best advice in the discharge of those solemn func­ tions, to induce him, as circumstances may require, to temper justice with mercy but to prevent the misuse of the privilege of pardon, lest the mistaken application of mercy, by encour­ aging the commission of crimes, should became a scourge to the 45

•5 a unoffending part of the community" . Thus, the judicial measures, cherished by the Company formed one of the major sources which laid the foundation for confrontation with the Raja, The Raja repeatedly asked the Goropany to adhere to the terms of the "Treaty", so that he could be able enough to steer the judicial administration in an independent manner. The conflict between the Raja and the Company was again aggravated when the very basic principle of divide and rule of the British imperialist power seemed to be exposed by certain activities of the Collector of Rangpur who was incharge of Cooch Behar affair on behalf of the Company, The Collectors on the one hand maintained a good lias on with the king, but, on the other hand, instigated the other personalities and even assisted them to get hold of power from the king 39 , But the king proclaimed that as the "Treaty" reads, "no question of power division within the palace personalities can be raised", but the intentions of the Company were otherwise. The Rangpur Collector was authorised, if he thought it necessary to send a detachment of troops from Rangpur to protect the position of Nazir-Deo which has been curtailed by the Raja 40 .

This policy prescription of the Company gave birth to two basic things; firstly, the British was able to manage the loyalty of Nazir-Deo who happened to be one of the influential persons of Cooch Behar administration; and secondly, the •««Wl»hment of th»

help Of thB Conpanv r« *"' ^«har, "°-hlp ^,„,,^ ^ ^ "-- --Ite. i„ ,„ ^^^ ""9 and the Co™pa„y41 "'^^-

*"*"'' i-P»«a„t fact »,. .

'he Huitej.^ ,^^,^^ • , "^^ -^ t^«»e„t ..^ ,^ ^ ^ '"""'• ^P^®^^er)of Dewan /^ ^^ ^Pon the Colio^*. ^^^ta i>eo gave i-h^ ollector Of Rangpu^ to ^Portunlty to ^^ investlaa^. Proceed to Coooh B«K ^ig^tion ordered the M . ''^^ ^^"^ after P^i«on and the r ^^tear to be re7. c, the cc^p^^y ^ released f^^m ^i« fa.ay. It i3 1 . "^ ^---nge^nent to ^rc, interesting ^ Protect Of securitv ^K ^ ^^ "ote that- .. u-trj-Cy the MujctH.;.,. ^ ^ith the ^ , ~-^^^®tr was arra^ removal ^^3 ^^^nspieuousiv », . ^^^sted by the R^.^ ^ ^ be ^ . "^^iy murdered, TH ^ ^Ja and ^® frightened an^ ^^ caused th« n. "«<^ and conside^^d hi. —^^^ ^o to ^«<^ond miiitarv ^" iif« in dan -^^tary pa^^ ^^^ danger and a ^'^- Of oewan Deo^3 ^^ ^>^e C^p,,^ ^^^ induced the c^^ ' ^^ -trageous conduct of Cc^pany again to ado . ^^^^ «aja ^sident c^ . aaopt the co.,,.c ^ ^^^issioner at c °f ^Ppointl™ ^^« Britl.K "^^ Behar^'* 7.,, ^P^xnting a ^itish directly Jn^ ^^^ interfere the a,. ^ "^° t^« internal ^f«rence of "® ^:fa and led to ^ '"anagenjent in^ ^ ^^^^«- -nfrontation ^h« ^^inistrative eno ^^^ ^^a contributed a /^^^^^^^ -- ^y the Co^^an far-f. ^ further DOY«^ ^o^pany over r ' ->' '^ -->3ta„t,«., ,, ^^;"'" « =-^^-tatlo„. ^,, °"-P"3aa. .„ ^ ^°^'-3, ,,„, ">^3 portant office bear. °^ •^r, who vaa ^^« nominated as 47

Dewan of Cooch Behar State by the Raja did not receive approval of the Company . Ultimately Raja's will was superseded by the Company's reluctance in this direction and Guruprosad was renaoved from the office 46 . Secondly, the "Khas Sepoys" of the State used to be recurited by the Raja, but the Gcsmpany intended to put bar to this power of the Raja with an understanding that the "Khas Sepoys" would place the Commissioner in an adverse situation, iSvidently, the Company wanted to take the responsibility of recruitment and the Raja had to conform to the Company's direction in spite of his vehement reluctance 47

Consequently the relation between the Raja and the East India Company turned worse during the Commissionership of Mr. Scot, He came with a prejudiced mind and provoked the Nazir De_o and Pewan Deo against the Raja 48

In the matter of succession question which had developed - towards the closing years of Raja Harendra Narayan, the ( Company played an active role and exerted its fullest influence ' over the succession issue. It is interesting to note that the Company's intention was to breach the internal harmony among the inheritors to the throne. This may be revealed from the ? fact while Raja Harendra Narayan intended that his son Rajendra .,49 1 Narayan should inherit the throne, the Company favoured the claim of Shibendra Narayan over the throne of Cooch Behar . ^ 43

The attitude of the Company has been manifested from the letter of Mr, Swinton, Secretary to the Government, 22nd October, 1324 to Mr. Scot,, the Agent to the Governor General on the North JSast Frontier, **if the Raj^of Cooch Behar should make any proposition to you or take any measure to set aside his eldest son in favour of any other child, such an act of injustice cannot be tolerated, and you will be prepared to infonn the Rajah that the British Government is determined to support rightful claims of Seeb Inder Narain to the succession. Our right of interference in the affairs of Cooch Behar under the treaty of 1772 is indisputable and the future tranquillity of the country, as well as the legal right of Sheeb-Inder Narain, demand the exercise of that right, if circumstances should arise to render it necessary' 51 (sic). Thus, over the question of succession also the Raja's / will was thwarted by the desire of the Company.

The basic econOTiic confrontation between the Raja and the Company's Authority had centered round the issue of "Tribute". As the "Tribute" issue was very much interconnected with the • augmentation of revenue^ the Company gave due emphasis for the maximum reformation possible for the acceleration of revenue ' resources. The Company painfully realised that revenue being administered by the Raja had been an example of native extra­ vagance on the one hand and on the other the mal treatment by

CO the Raja on the ryots in irelation to revenue collection , 49

But the British attempt to introduce any reform in the revenue,

administration was foiled by the reluctant; attitude of Kaja /

Harendra Narayan.

The coining of money had been experienced as one of the most profound issues through out the personal reign (1801-39) of Raja Harendra Narayan after he attained majority and became the most sensitive matter for certain ctovious reasons. While the Raja wanted to keep the flag of tradition and the long -practised coinage system high, the Company wanted to bring \

about changes in the currency system for their own administra- f 53 * tive convenience . This led to further confrontation between the Raja and the East India Company.

The prevailing medium of exchange in this region was

Narayani Mudra (coin) , The Company's government decided to stop the Narayani coin. In stopping the Narayani coin, the

£ast India Company put forward their argument on the basis of the "Treaty" (1773) in which the right of coinage was not ^ acknowledged. At one time at the request of Nazir Deo Khogendra Narayan, the Company's authority sanctioned the request without any limitation in regard to the amount to be coined 55 . The coining of Narayani Mudra continued at intervals under several of the Commissioners appointed during Raja Harendra Narayan's minority until the year 1300 . It is interesting to note that in between 1773 to 1789, the Company 50

while admitting the right of coining money by the Raja, took ^several ^7 ^attempts in reducing the minting of jiarayani coin

The motives behind the desire in stopping the Narayani

Mudra were many. It was in the first place that the Company

was facing difficulties in the shapes of counterfeit coins; -^

secondly, the ultimate aim of the Company was to bring the

fiscal system in regular order as was prevalent in the

Company's territory. Thirdly, the Company was eager to intro­

duce Sicca and Furukkabad coins which were the chief medium of

exchange in the areas directly governed by the Company

Admittedly while introducing any change or reform, the British always took the opportunity of the minority of a ruler 59 ..v^ "^ of the princely states .^/During the minority rule of Raja \ Harendra Narayan, the British authority almost stopped the ' 6 0 ' - minting of Narayani coins . But just after attaining majority

Raja Harendra Narayan tried to regain the power of minting the coins on the ground that it was acknowledged by the Government of Bengal and accordingly his plea was sanctioned by the Company's authority. Accordingly in 1302 A.D. the Raja was accorded with the minting right, but within a short period in 1805 A.D. the right to coining money was revoked. In this ^ connection the Company wrote to the Raja requesting him not to

insist in the matter again . 51

Raja Harendra Narayan was firm in his cause of preserving the sovereign rights in the financial management of the State. Thus the British attempt to curb the right of minting of the Raja ultimately resulted in the usual confrontation. Raja Harendra Narayan was bent on reviving the right of minting and in 1821 A.D. he wrote to the Company's authority narrating the fact that "the stopping of Narayani Coin would be derogatory to his dignity and injurious to the state 's agricultural and "^ commercial interests. At the same this would lead the trade with Bhutan to a halt, as the coin was the main medium of exchange" ay . But the attempt of the Raja was unheeded by the Company. The Company not only negated the Raja's request at the same time informed the Collector of Rangpur to ask the Raja not to make further irequest in this respect. The Rangpur Collector, who had been incharge of Cooch Behar reported that "with regard to the effects of an alteired currency upon the inhabitants of Cooch Behar, it would not be injurious to the , fro interests of Cooch Behar"

It is most interesting to note that though the right of minting was not restored to the Raja, he paid the State 's "Tribute" to Rangpur in Narayani Coin . The Raja even did not allow the Company's rupees to flow in the State. The Govern­ ment however tolerated the insolent attitude of the Raja considering his age and at the request of Colonel Jenkins, the Company's Agent in the North i^aat Frontier^^^ Thus the whole 52

period (1801-1839) of Raja Harendra Narayan witnessed remarkable/ check to the policy of the British to infuse fiscal reforms, ^ The attempt of interference in the issue of minting money, although it faced with stiff opposition from the Raja, became so extensive that the Bengal Government actually imposed res­ traints, nearly amounting to an entire suppression of the mint of Cooch Behar. However, throughout the reign of Raja Harendra Narayan the old system continued and it took some few more ^ years in 1845, when the Cooch Behar mint was finally stopped

Besides political interference the Company also attempted to infuse some socio-economic changes in the traditional system which had been considered as the element of "n on-modernity". The age old motheaten social customs used to be cherished by the Raja Harendra Narayan. The statement may be substantiated from the existing factual analysis. Firstly, the existence of slavery deserved to be mentioned 67 , The existence of slavery and the practice of human beings sellirig^as commodities signi­ fies, no doubt, the denial of the modernity.

Secondly, the traditional system prevailing in the state was the practice of polygamy. The Raja also had fifty wives go of his own . J-xk the nineteenth century the intellectuals of Bengal having modern education, mostly Brahmos devoted them­ selves to the cause of women and fought against this practice of polygamy. The wind of change also sailed into the State during the second half of nineteenth century. But it was 53

widely practised during the rule of Raja Harendra Narayan.

Thirdly, while secularism has been considered as the most

significant sign of modernity, the said Raja was Hindu funda­

mentalist, strongly opposed the British intention to appoint

Osmutullah as Dewan of the State on the pretext that it was not

the Custom of Cooch Behar to appoint any Muslim in such an 69 important position of the State

Fourthly, the fiscal administration of Raja Harendra

Narayan was sought to be reformed by the Company in the follow­

ing manner (1) The prevailing Abowabs and extra cesses were

abolished by Mr. Purling in 1780; (2) soon Mr. Douglas ,

appointed as Commissioner of Cooch Behar, was directed by the

Company to prohibit the exactions of Nuzzur, Selami/ Khalsah 70 and Khanaqi . This reform in the fiscal system led to the confrontation and the Raja re-enforced all the traditional system prevailing in the State and the old distinctions of Khalsah and JQianaqi Mahals were renewed, which were abolished by the Company's Agents 71

The confrontation ultimately led to the fact that for the last thirty three years of Raja Hajrendra Narayan's regime, the affairs of Cooch Behar had been left to the sole conduct of the Raja and his officers, without any direct interference of a

Commissioner, and for 26 years there had been no Resident 72 Commissioner at Cooch Behar 54

This long period of Harendra Narayan was not a peaceful one owing to the foreign (Bhutan) and domestic feuds; but it is note-worthy that the end of his reign marked the beginning of the period of transition from the old to the new system, i.e. fron non-modern to pre-modern period. During the rule of Raja Harendra Narayan the policy of the Supreme Government towards the country was finally decided upon, and its forma­ tion was greatly influenced by the attitude of the ruler of the kingdom. The question regarding the status of Cooch Behar cropped up several times and it was largely owing to the endeavour of Raja Hairendra Narayan that it became a feudatory State uncontrolled in its internal administration, and having a constitution independent of foreign interference 73 , Raja Harendra Narayan died in 183 9 at Benares and with him the era of traditionalism and the period of non-modernity came to an end and a new era of transition started.

On a superficial vision the above mentioned depiction of the element of tradition in the whole management of the affairs of Cooch Behar by Raja Harendra Narayan and the attempts of modifications made by the Company, would reveal the proposition that during the reign of Raja Harendra Narayan, the Cooch Behar State had been experiencing the vices of the traditional administration and the corrections made by the Company to this effect resulted in tension. Given a proper insight to the then affairs imparted both by the Company and 55

the Raja would reveal a proposition which is not actually conducive to the proposition made above.- As it is said that contradiction paves the way to the path of perfection and thus was the case of the period mentioned. The continuous contra­ dictions between the Company and the Raja Harendra Narayan on almost every aspect of state management have had their positive outcomes. The positivity sometimes came under compulsion, sometimes for keeping their respective interests high and sometimes it is the time and situation which necessi­ tated this path. Thus, after having interacted with the elements of positivity, the ground had been set for the State of Gooch Behar to start its journey from the state of promis- quity, aboriginal society having all the necessary evils to the path of transition which had its auto-mechanical system to reach the path of modernity, 56

€2?^^^ AND RSF£RSNG£S

1. Campbell, A.G., Glimpses of_ Bengal, Vol.1, Calcutta, 1907, p.297.

2. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (politi­ cal) Department, December, 1861, No.51, p.38.

3. Mercer & Chauvet, op.cit., p.202.

4. Proceeding of the Government of Bengal, General (political) Depairtment, December, 1861, Ho.51, p.38.

5. Mercer & Chauvet, op.c_it., p. 138,

6. "The Governor General has assumed the temporary management of the country, with a view to prevent its being ruined by the ignorant and designing man? and that as soon asjh& is capable of taking charge of it, he will be restored to the full management there of, and to all the independent rights and privileges which have been secured his family by the treaty of 1773", Mercer and Chauvet, qp..c.it... p. 205.

7. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (poli­ tical) Department, December 1961, No.51, p.38. 57

8. Ibid., p.37.

9. Letter from G.Dowdeswell, Chief Secretary to the Govern­ ment, to J.Digby, Commissioner of Gooch Behar 12th June, 1=?13, No.1929 SRC, Vol.!, oji.clt. , pp.125-126.

10. Letter from Dowder'-^elL, Secretary to the Government, to Francis Pierard, Commissioner of Cooch Behar, 1st Aucrjst, 1304, SRC. Vol.11, 0£.cit. , p.143.

11. Choudhury, Harendra Narayan, Ggqch Be_har And Its_ Land S^^^l^.® §S.t.t.lenie_nts_, Cooch Behar, 1903, p.256.

12. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Political) Department, December, 1361, Mo.51, p.38.

13. Jenkins, Francis, The. ^I.^*?.ti5ns_ q^ the_ Gqve_rnrne_nt, i£o, 5_, Report Or^ Mqrrunq, 54.^^4^!! ^n^d Cooch Be_har, Calcutta, 1951, p.37.

14. Hunter, W.W., op.cit., p.423; Bandopadhyaya Bhagabati Charan, qp.cit., p.36.

15. Choudhury Harendra Narayan, qp.cit., p.256.

16. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Political) Department, Dec. 1861, No.51, p.38.

17. Letter from J.Adam, Secretary to the Government, to Norman Macleod, Commissioner of Cooch Behar, 24th February, 1316, SRC, Vol.I, op.cit., p.98.

18. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Political) Department, Dec. 1361, No.51, p.38.

19. Hunter, W.W., op.cit., p,424.

20. Choudhury, Harendra Narayan, op.cit., p.253. 58

21. Hunter, W.W., oa.cit., p.422,

22. Cited in Hunter, W.W., qp.cit., p«422/ finqllshman, 22nd June? 1339, in Sambad Patre Sekaier K^tha, 3rd volume, Edited by Brojendra Nath Bandopadhyaya, Calcutta, 1342 B.S., pp.351-362.

23. i^e ogy, A. K., The^ P^C^mouLIt Pqwe_r And The_ Indian Prince^s_, First published, K.P.Bagchi, Calcutta, 1979, pp.13-19.

24. Resolution of The Revenue Board, 3rd May 1787, No.21, SRC, Vol.11, op.cit., p. 153. : >•

25. Letter from Dowdeswell, Secxretary to the Government, to John Franch, Commissioner of Cooch Behar, 13th February, 1305, SRC, \^ol.I, g^.cit., p. 149.

25. ^id., p. 149.

27. Extract fran the proceedings of His Excellency the Most Noble the G.G, in Council in the Revenue Department, 26th August, 1302, SRC, s^ol.I, op_.cit. , p.134.

23. Letter of Montgomery, Commissioner of Cooch Behar, to Dowdeswell, Secretary to the Government, Revenue Depart­ ment, 23th July, 1305, SRC. '/ol.I, OE..cic., pp. 155-156.

29. Hunter, W.W., op.cit., p.422.

3 0, Letter from Dowdeswell, Secretary to the Government, to Francis Pierard, Commissioner of Cooch Behar, 23th July, 1303, SRC, Vol.1, op.cit., p.137.

31, Letter from Maharaja Har«ndra Narayan, to G.G. of India, 3th August, 1303, SRC, 7ol,I, Op.cit., p.144.

32, Jenkins Francis, op.cit,, pp.19-20. 59

33. Bandopadhyaya Bagabati Gharan, op.cit., p.36; Munshi Jaynath, Qp«cit., p.129.

34. Letter from Francis Jenkins, Agent of the G.G., N.a.F, to the Secretary to the Government of Bengal, Political Department, No.23, SRC, Vol.IL, OEi..cit,, p.70.

35. Letter from J.Adam, Secretary to the Government, to Norman Macleod, Commissioner of Cooch 3ehar, 27th May 1B14, SRC, /ol.I, OE.cit., pp.316-317.

36. Letter from Dodeswell, Secretary to the Government, to Macleod, Commissioner of Cooch Behar, 2nd August, 1^14, SRC, Vol.1, g^.cit., p.311-3227 Misra, K.P., Benare_3__ In ^£%1sition, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 19 75, p. 29.

37. Boid., SRC, Vol.1, p.323.

39. Ibid., p.323.

39. The Nazir De_o claimed, larger share of the revenue and at the same time some judicial power at the inspiration of the Collector of Rangpur; De_wan ^^o also shO'.ved the sign of insubordination not obeying the settlement made by Mercer and Chauvet Commission and sought the assistance of the Company in the land question of Atharokotha; Letter from Montgomery, Commissioner of Cooch Behar, to G. Dowdeswell, Secretary to the Government in the Revenue Department, Fort William, (Date and Year Not mentioned), S_RC, Vol.1, 0£.cit., pp. 159-15 0; Hunter, W.W., op.cit., p.424; Choudhury Harendra Narayan, op.cit., pp.251-263.

40. Sen, Dr. S.N., 0£.cit., p.23.

41. Chaudhury, Harendra Narayan, 2E*'^i.'t., pp. 260-251.

42. Jenkins Francis, Qp.cit., p.43, 60

43. CDid., p.43.

44. Hunter, W.W., qp.cit., pp.422-423.

45. Sen, Dr. S.N., op.cit., pp. 37-33.

46. D3id., p.37.

47. Ibid., pp.37-38.

49. Hunter, W.W., op.cit., p.424.

49. Jenkins mentions that Raja Harendra Marayan wanted to make his younger son flurjendra Narayan as his successor; Letter of Jenkins G.G.'s Agent in N.S.F., to the Secretary to the Government of Bengal, 3rd Oct, 1333, No. 106, SRC, v^ol, II, op.cit., p. 32; The L.etter of Jogendra Narayan, another son of Raja Harendra Narayan, reveals that he was another contender to the throne of Gooch Behar; better of Jogendra Narayan to Lord Auckland, G-G.I., 4th Oct., 1839, SRC, \^ol.ir, Op.cit., p. 36.

50. Foreign Consultation (Political), 25th March, 1334, No,54, (N.A.I) ; Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (political) Department, February, 1364, No.50, p.27.

51. Lietter from the Secretary to the Government of Bengal, to D.Scot, G.G.'s Agent to N.S.F., Dated 22nd Oct, 1324, SRC, /ol.II, op.cit_. , pp.45-46.

52. Hunter, W.W., op.cit., p.424.

53. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (poli­ tical) Department, August, 1364, No.llB, p.137.

54. AhiJTied Amanatulla, qp.cit., p.291; In Saka era 1497 61

Maharaja Nara Narayan first introduced the coin at the time of his installation to the throne of Gooch Behar; Barman, Kshitish Chandra, See Article "Koch Behar Adhipati Sri Mannar Narayan Deber Namankita Roupya Mudra" in Bharat Barsha, 1st issue, 1st Volume, 32 year, 1351 B.S., p.39.

55. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (politi­ cal) Department, August, 1864, No.llB, p.137.

56. BDid., p.137.

57. Letter from the Honorable Vice-President, to the Raja of Cooch Behar 13Nov. 1305, SRC, Vol.1, o^.cit., p.151.

53. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, Political Department, July, 133 5, No.5, pp.151-152.

59. Jeffrey Robin; People/ Prince_s_ And Paramount Power; Oxford Jniversity Press, Delhi, 1978, p.20.

50. Ah$.med Amanatulla, op.cit.., p.294.

SI- ^14-/ p. 294.

62. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, Political Department, July, 1335, No.5, pp. 151-152.

63. 52.id., pp.151-152.

64, Letter from Jenkins G,G.'s Agent to N.S.P., to the Acc­ ountant General, 16th November, 1837, SRC, Vol, II, op, SA^*» PP«75-76.

65, Ibid., p. 76; Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, Political Department, July, 1335, No.5, pp.151-152.

SS- ^i.4« ' p. 75. Ahamed Amanatulla, op.cit., p. 296. 62

57. One of the traditional vices that had bean existed in the State was slavery. Haja Harendra Narayan had about one thousand slaves at his residence and through out the country the total number of slaves estimated at about three thousand men; Letter fran Norman Macleod, Commi­ ssioner of Cooch Behar, to J.Monckton, Acting Secretary to the Government in the Secret £>epartment, 26th April, 1815, SRC, Vol.1, oa.cit., p.333.

68. Martin, Montgomery; The History, Antiguities, Topography !^Q.4 ^t_atistiGS_ of_ £as_te_rn :^di3, Vol."/, Reprint, Delhi, 1976, p.419.

69. Ijetter from Raja Harendra Narayan, to His iSxceliency the \/ice-President, Received 17th December, 1314, SRC, s/ol. i, og.cit., p.35.

70. Jenkins, F., op.cit., pp»2 2-23.

71. Jbid. , p.23.

72. Biid., p.46.

73. Unwin Bros; The State of_ Cooch Be.har,, ijondon, (^ear not mentioned)-, -pp.2-3. a4APT£R-III

In this chapter an attempt has been made to analyse the era of subjugation which the Cooch Behar State experienced soon after the death of Raja Harendra Narayan. The subjuga- tory state of affairs has been viewed from the angle of the process of transition. Although the term "subjugation" and "transition" are not simply a semantic variation, they differ in their implication but interestingly enough they lead to the same direction. The dictionary meaning of the term subjugation is "to bring into servitude" which implies poli­ tical subordination under compulsion. The lexical meaning of "transition" is "Passage from one state to another" which implies a change towards desirable direction. In the ensuing paragraphs effort has been made to explain how political subordination or subjugation of the Rajas of Cooch Behar to the British has helped to lead the country 64

to the process of transition . It signifies how the political state of affair under the British influence helped to lay down the socioecon'Dmic foundation on which the State of Cooch Behar started its journey towards modernity.

Soon after the death of Raja Harendra Narayan' the reign of whom has been depicted as an era of confrontation the character of the relation between the British and Cooch Behar changed. But the essence of this confrontation prepared the ground worX of making Cooch Behar a subjugatory State under the British influence. The year 1339, that is, the ,. period of Shibendra Narayan marked as the starting point of the era of subjugation and there after the British made ^ I their headway deep into the territory of Cooch Behar.

The opportunity to bring Cooch Behar under c<>nplete | influence of the Company was offered just after the death of | Raja Harendra Narayan. Soon after the death of Raja Harendra''^^ Narayan the State of Cooch Behar had been suffering from the ^ crisis on succession question. Although Shibendra Narayan ascended to the Gaddi, the trouble developed when Kumar Jogendra Narayan, along with his brother with the support of the influencial persons of the Palace, claimed his justified ground on to get over the throne on the plea of being the eldest son of Raja Harendra Narayan . The rivalry over the i succession of Raja Harendra Narayan offered a scope to the 65

Company to interfere directly into the affair of the State andj the succession problem was jresolved in favour of Raja Shiben- ' dra Narayan .

Interestingly enough for the first time the question of succession over the throne of Cooch Behar had been settled by an alien, the East India Company, violating the provision of the Treaty that the Company would not interfere in the internal affairs of Cooch Behar. The decision of the Company tilting the balance in favour of Shibendra Narayan had been justified by the Cooch Behar Coujrt on the ground that the right of the Company selecting the heir to the throne has been an acknow­ ledged fact.

The British colonial policy to bring Cooch Behar under t ciomplete subordination, thus, had been successful on two basic grounds? (1) the Raja of Cooch Behar had been a nominee of the/ Company who had proved to be a man liked by the. Company; (ii) the internal personality crisis and the discontents among the nobility on the question of succession helped the Company to intervene into the whole affairs of Cooch/Behar under the active patronage of Raja Shibendra Narayan who wanted t.o strengthen his throne with the Company'ssuppart.

Soon after becoming the Raja, Shibendra Narayan wanted to (a) iresettle the revenue of the state; (b) reorganise the administrative machinery; (c) improve the social condition of 66

the people; (d) ensure the safety of the State from the 5 Bhutan! inroads .

Regarding the revenue of the State, the royal coffer was dwindling, and the ultimate result was a fall in the revenue . There was no systematic collection of revenue and the people naturally was over burdened with taxes and at the sametime the State treasury suffered. The existence of Sal am. i, Nuzzur ^the in collection of revenue eating away the vitality of/^State 's collection. The system of land tenure was also defective. The important personalities of the palace were controlling most of the Jots of the territory in the name of the 7 Ijaradar . The result was that the State was deprived from its bulk of the revenues and the collection also fell to a low ebb. Moreover, Raja Shlbendra Narayan found himself harassed with heavy debts owing to the extravagance and indiscriminate liberality of his father ,

He paid his particular attention to the revenue concern of the Raj, and by a careful observance of the conduct of the revenue officers and a due regulation of his expenses, he not only succeeded in clearing off the arear tribute to the t British but also freed him entirely from the private debts 9 that his father had bequeathed him . One of the important steps taken to give his subject relief from the burden of taxation. Raja Shibendra iSIarayan abolished bankar (grazing 67

Tax) and in the agro-based rural society it proved bene­

ficial to the people. These measures lead to a change in the Revenue Department and continued for a long period during the rule of his successors till the new arrangements were made by the modernized ruler Nripendra Narayan.

Evidently, for proper administration of justice, a

de-centralised system of judicial administration had been

starred gaining ground under the British influence. The

reorganisation of internal administration and judiciary was

paid attention by the Raja Shibendra Narayan. In the first

step two Courts were instituted, these were Naib Akhilkar and

Sadder A'nin for the purpose of deciding Criminal and Civil

cases 11 . Again a Court of Justice or Rajsabha, for the final

adjudication of civil, revenue and criminal cases was estab­ lished, and De^wan Kali Chandra Lahiri and Isan Chandra Mustaffi were made judges of the Court and the Raja himself used to sit in this Court to hear difficult cases, which he

decided with the assistance of the above mentioned officers 12 and learned pundits , The Superior Court exercised no \ control over the Magistrate's Court 13 . Thus the people whOi

were harassed under Raja Harendra Narayan were given the protection of justice by the Court and the Judges were made

free to exercise their duties well. In the process of the ^/^ trials, the systems as prevailed in the Company's governed 14 ^ Bengal were practiced , These measures reflected the fact 68

that the colonial influence to improve the condition of the

Judiciary and to give the people the benefit of justice at

last gradually penetrated Jjn__^Qch Behar.

The question of the internal safety of the State also engaged the attention of the British. The neighbouring State of Bhutan did not rest satisfied with the demarcation of the boundary made by Ensign Brodie in 133 2 . In 1344 the problem aggravated further and the Bhutani soldiers began to encroach on the boundaries of Gooch Behar and oppress the people. The safety and security of the State was seriously threatened. The task of resolving the question fell on Mr. Campbell, the Superintendent of Darjeeling. He adjudged the land as belong­ ing to Cooch Behar and it was made over to the State in 1 ^ 1945 . Thus, in the internal affairs of Cooch Behar also, '\ the Company's influence became all pervasive.

The complete Control and influence of the Company over the

total affairs of the Cooch Behar State had been much more

accelerated owing to Raja's illness. The native officers on

behalf of the Raja used to carry out the administrative func- 17 tions and led the country to irregularity , The Company with

much concern took note of the fact and started sending British officials occasionally in order to be apprised of the facts 18 This move of the Company acted as a check to the irregula- 19 rities made by the native officials 69

One Important contention which is not out of place to mention here is that not only the British people domiciled in India, but also educated personalities, loyal to the Company had started immigrating to Cooch Behar, and with the tacit support of the Company's authority, began holding important posts in the Cooch Behar administration 20 . The infusion of personalities having heterogenous character and the Raja's compliance to accept those officers served to lay the corner stone of a society which was at its take-off stage.

Thus, the reign of Raja Shibendra Narayan set the dawn of transition. The change in the Judicial administration had'*'+ its limitation but at the sametime marked the Company's grow­ ing influence into the territory. It is evident from the despatch of the Honourable Court of Director, No.12, Dated 19th March, 184 5 that.'*although the Raja is said to be personally inattentive to business, the great increase of population and extension of cultivation, stated by Major Jenkins, to have taken place of late years in Cooch Behar, are, as he observes conclusive proofs that there cannot be any considerable misgovernment" 21

The above letter reveals that the Company was able to infuse some changes into the administration and the Judiciary of the State but the society experienced little change and social vices continued as it were before. The slavery was 70

not prohibited and at the sametime the Sutti system was prac- tised by the subjects. Conscious of these pirejudices, the Company's government followed a cautious policy, backed by firmness, to effect the desired change and utilised the mino­ rity or Regency Administration of the next ruler to infuse new administrative principles in the State.

Along with these social prejudices another important matter remained untouched during the rule of Raja Shibendra Narayan. This is the question of the education of the subjects. In the field of education the tols and Pathshalas 22 were the main medium of imparting native languages . The •English learning did not receive any favour from the king. Raja Shibendra Warayan did not pay much attention in this field. But it is worth mentioning that he expressed his desire that his adopted son Narendra I'Jarayan should be trained in the Western fashion . Thus, with the backwardness of education expected pace of modernization ultimately remained unrealised but the process of transition continued and the colonisers interest towards Cooch Sehar intensified in the following years.

In 184 7 Raja Shibendra Narayan died^^ and his adopted ^ son Narendra Narayan ascended the throne while he was still a minor. The Company had got the opportunity to infuse their x^ own principles in the Regency Administration. The 71

administration was placed in the hands of Burjendra i^arayan who has begotten the minor ruler and acted as Sarbarakar or "Regent" . During this minority period the active inter­ ference in the socio-political sphere resulted in the state 's complete subjugation.

The first task to this end of the Company was to educate the minor Raja, in conformity with the British culture. But the scheme of educating the minor Haja in Western fashion was unpalatable to parties with vested interest of the palace. The Regent and the Ranees were against any policy of impairt- ing Western Education to the minor Raja , However, to give effect to the expressed desire of the deceased Raja Shibendra Narayan, the Company's authority was bent on implementing the principle of training the infant Raja in Western fashion. The second task of the Company was to persuade the Ranees to allow the minor Raja to be educated along Western lines. Eventually the move of the Company was successful and as per recommendation of the Deputy Governor of Bengal, Mr. Ralph Moore was appointed to supervise the education of the young Raja 27 . At the same time the Company took all sorts of pzrecautions to keep the minor king free from all pernicious 29 influences of the Cooch Behar palace Ln 1848 a notable change occurred in the Company's policy towards the State. Uptill then the management of the 72

State was exclusively in the hands of the rxilers of the State,

but in the year a shift in the policies took place and the

management of the affairs was placed directly under the

government of Bengal and all questions of an important politi- cal bearing wer^ referred to the Supreme Government 29

Accordingly the minor Raja 's education was not neglected.

He was first shifted to Krishna Nagar in 1353 and then to the

Court of Ward's Institution in Calcutta 3 0 , where he remained

under the guardianship of Raja Rajendra Lai Witter, a ^ Europeanised intellectual of Calcutta. The Raja remained .

there until he attained majority in 1959 31 ,

While Narendra Narayan was a minor, the Regent was entrusted with the duty of conducting the State 's administra­ tion. The intention of the Company to this effect did not bear fruits. The administrative efficiency could not be developed because of the intrigues among the State high offi­ cials. The conflict between them made the State administra-

tion more confused 3 2 and the appointments of some inefficient

official turned the matter to worse 33 , Nepotism and misuse of

administrative power were very much prevalent as the native guardian did not have the skill to fight out the problems.

All these trends led the Company to take the most integrated policy towards the State affairs. Firstly, they felt the necessity of appointing a Resident Commissioner after 73

a long time; Secondly, to take the entire management of the State at their own hands. These policies of the Company f, enhanced the scope of political subjugation of Gooch Behar./ This was possible because of two facts; (i) the minority of Raja Narendra Narayan and (ii) the state of instability under the native administrator .

The subjugated state of affairs in Gooch Behar would help the Gompany on the one hand to steer the country to the road to modernity and on the other the prevalent social vices would be wiped out under the direct control and supervision of the Gompany. The first step, against the social vices, was the abolition of the Sutti system in 1949 34 , The promulgation of the banning of Sutti marked a turning point of the tradition­ alism and a step towards modernizing the State.

The process of modernizing the judicial administration in tune with the Judicial administrative system of Bengal which started during the reign of Raja Shibendra i'Jarayan had received further momentum under the active supervision of the Gompany. In 1949 the number of the Courts were increased with officers specially appointed 35 . Moreover, the Company took notice regarding the non-existence of police organisation in the State and took initiative to re-organise the police system to enforce law and order in the State. Thanas (Police station) were established in different corners of the state and these were fashioned like the Thanas of British administered Bengal. 74

The Police Department was placed under a officer known as

Fouzdarl ^Ukar"^^.

Some noticeable feature of this system was that the

police and the judges of the courts were not iregularly paid

by the State. They managed their finances out of the collec-

tion of the fees and fines. Naturally corruption crept in 3 7

Narendra Narayan, after attaining majority in 1359 took \

the reions of government in his own hands and set himself in J

improving the State administration. He followed the princi­

ples as laid down by the Company. But the affairs of the

State did not improve a lot. He could not eradicate the evils

of the administration which developed out of the jealousies of

the high officials of the State. The chief officers were

misappropriating the public money and naturally the state 33 revenue suffered a lot . To resist the mal-practices in the different dep

The colonial transitia-dependentia model of administra­ tion which the Company intended to introduce in the Indian States had been successful when the Cocx:h Sehar State had ^ ackno»vledged and recognised the authority of the Company to "^ confer "Titles" to the Gooch Behar nalers. The recognition of this authority of the Company had ultimately turned the ruler 75

to the altar of British authority and control. IT 1362 the } Government of India granted a Sannu4 to the Maharaja conferring on him and his successors the right of adoption 40 failing natural heirs . Further the Government of India recog­ nised the title of "Maharaja Bahadur"'*^. Thus, the political j subjugation was almost complete.

In 1959, soon after Raja Narendra Narayan ascended the throne a topographical survey was made by the Revenue surveyer, J.G.Pemberton. This map happened to be the first regular map of Cooch Behar State 42 . This helped in settling the land revenue and assessing the total land. But the attempt of the Raja to reform the land revenue settlement was opposed by the 43 influencial persons of the State , The traditional system continued and influencial persons of the palace controlled most of the ijaras of the State and the land revenue system witnessed no further improvement 44

.^'^"•- .

Another notable incident which marked the change of traditional administrative system during the reign of Raja Narendra Narayan is the effort to give the administration a participatory character. The Raja was influenced and guided , by the British Government to constitute a Sabha (council) 45 ) known as Desh Hitaishini Sabha to aid and advice the Raja. The nature of the composition of the SaObha reflects an oligarchic character. The personalities of different traits were nominated as members of the Sabha such as the landlords, 7S

leading aristocrats, intellectuals and business men of high standard 45 . The intention of the British Government was to streamline the Raja to the British control and supervision \y^ both from within and without. The internal control was made through loyal aristocrats and the external control was through the constant vigil of the British officials. / But the historic implication of the constitution of this Sabh_a, although elitist in character, has marked the beginning of the participatory nature of administration. Ultimately this Sabha was abolished during the life time of the Raja Nar^ndra Narayan

With the British concept of development of production relation the rural society of Cooch Behar had undergone a sea-change. The manual labour was replaced by bullock carts 4 3. The introduction of this system in one hand checked the oppressive old manual labour system, on the other it set the communication system to the path of modernity. It can be said that the abolition of manual labour set in motion the complete abolition of slavery from the State.

The economy of the country witnessed a developmental trend during the reign of Raja Narendra Narayan with the business intercourse with Bhutan which was re-opened in July 1365 49 . The increase of trade and commerce helped the producers and ryots to earn a high price. The increase of 77

business centres contributed to the growth of urban centxre through out the territory . The economy was also fostered with the increase of cultivated lands by occupation of water lands and Jheels 51

In the field of education. Raja Narendra Narayan realised the necessity of Western education along with the native education. The establishment of Jenkins School heralded a new 52 era in the field of Western education , But the education was a neglected matter and it was not placed on an efficient footing In spite of the British interference into the affairs of Gooch Behar the whole management of the state had not under­ gone, inter-alia, in tune with the modernity. Although some changes were witnessed during the period of 1339 to 1353, there were still some social vices such as slavery, Poligamy, §.^£i ^l^£22fe (f®'"^!® murder), §e_s_hqo Naroqk (infanticide) and ^^^22 ?i^£<22^ (General destruction of the people), were being practised by the subjects . iiven the British tried to enlighten Raja Narendra Narayan along British line, but did not fully succeed because of the fact that he was not properly guided by the Government's Agent from Gowhatty.

While summing up the period of transition it is not irrelevant to mention that/being essentially a backward a^ro -based traditional society with all its vices and evils, the 78

Cooch Behar State had been experiencing a considerable transformation under the British control and supervision. The increased dependence of the Raja on the British admini­ stration on the one hand welcomed the British hegemonistic attitude, on the other, the British culture and system of «-^ administration,injected into the Sta€e of Cooch Behar/had helped it to conplete its transitory process of journey which opened the vistas to modernity. 79

1. "Transitional societies can be defined as standing between traditional and modern society on indices of modernization", s^isenstadt, S.i^J., '£radition. Change a.nd ^lode^rnitj/, John Willey & Sons; New York, 1973, p.17.

2. In 1339 Raja Harendra Narayan died at Benares when he was there as pilgrim; >5unshi Joynath, op.cit,, p. 129; Bandopadhyaya Bagabati Gharan, op.cit., p.38.

3. Letter to Lord Aaekland, G.G.I., From Jogendra Narayan, 4th October, 1939; SRC, Vol.lL, og.cit., pp.36-37.

4. Hunter, W.W., op.cit., p.424.

5. Munshi Joynath, SE.-'S.i^*' p. 132; Bandopadhyaya Bagabati Gharan, 02,.c.it., p.33.

5, Bandopadyaya Bagabati Gharan, op.cit., p.38.

7. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, Revenue Department, July, 1372, No.210, p.225. 80

8. Jenkins Francis, op.cit., p.26.

9. Bandopadhyaya Bagabati Gharan, op.cit*, p.38.

10. Robinson, His_tqry. of. Gooch Beh^ar, Cooch Behar, 1374, p.230.

11. Ibid., pp.232-233.

12. Jenkins Francis, op.cit., pp.2 0-21.

13. Ibid.,p.20.

14. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Political) Department, February, 1864, No.55-57, (Appendix), p.5.

15. Letter from A.G.Campbell, Supdt. of Darjeeling to T.H. Maddock, Secretary to the Government of India, 5th February, 1842, No. 14, SRC, Vol.lL, op.cit., p. 104,

16. Letter from A.G.Campbell, Supdt of Darjeeling, on Deputation in Settlement work at Bhutan frontier, to F.J.Halliday, Secretary to the Government of Bengal, dated 5th March, 1845, SRC, Vol.11, op.cit., p.ll7; Amanatulla Ahamed, qp.clt., pp.364-365.

17. Letter from Jenkins Francis, G-G.'s Agent in N.B.F,, to Officiating Secretary to the Government of India (Political Department) dated, 27th September, 1842, SRC, Vol.11, op.cit.. No. 3 8, p. 113.

18. ^id., p.113; Bandopadhyaya Bagabati Charan, op.cit., p.39.

19. Letter from Jenkins Francis, to Secretary (Officiating) to the Government of India (Political Department), SRC_, Vol.11, op.cit.. No.38, p.113. 31

2 0. Bandopadhyaya Bagabaticharan, op.cit., p.90.

21. Letter from f.Currie, Secretary to the Government of India, to the G.G.'S. Agent in N.i^.F., No. 1411 of 1345, SRC, yol.II, og.cit., p. 121.

22. From the lecture delivered at the meeting of the Cooch Behar Hitaishini Sabha by Ram Chandra Ghosh, Inspector of Schools, On Progress of Education in Cooch Behar (Bengali), Sashipada Haider (fid.). Collection of Lectures, 9th issue, Cocxzh Behar, 1272 B.3., p. 176.

23. Letter from Secretary to the Government of Bengal, to Jenkins, 3RG, \^ol. II, op.cit. , No. 125 of 1352, p. 131.

24. Sashi Bhusan Haider, Lecture on "Maharaja olarandra ^•Jarayan Bhup Bahadurer Jiban Charit", at the Meeting of the Cooch Behar Hitaishini Sabha, 7th issue, 12 72 B.3., p.114.

25. ^id., p.115.

25. Letter fran Officiating Secretary to the Government of Bengal, to the Officiating Secretary Government of India, (Foreign Department), SRC, Vol. II, No. 156 of 1343, pp.143-147.

27. Ibid., p.144.

2^. Ibid., pp.144-147.

29. Ibid., p.147.

3 0. Sashi Sashun Haider, op.cit., p.124.

31. Campbell, A.C., op.cit., p.2 9 7. S2

32. The hiah officials, the chief Oewan Gopal Mohan Mazumder and Shi!3 Prasad Bakshee, the first officer of the State were at perpetual loggerheads and they did no public works whatever in consort; Letter from Cooch Behar, to G.G.I, received by the Supdt. of Darjeeling, 2nd February 134^, 3^G, \^ol,I[, qp.cit., p. 135.

33. "Kulindra Narayan a boy of fourteen years, without any education or of any training was appointed as the head of the Criminal Courts. t^uru Charan riay, a dismissed officer for misconduct was appointed a Pauzdari Ahil_kar. R^m Dhan Mazumder, a nephew of chief De_wa_n Gopal Mohan Mazumder, a boy of sixteen was appointed as Naib Ahilkar, Ibid. , p. 135.

34. Letter from the Secretary to the Government of Bengal, to Major Jenkins, G.G.I's Agent in N.Ji.F., 1949, "^.HC, Vol. IL, 02,.cit., No.32, p.159.

35. Mazumder, Durgadas, op.cit., pp.135-135.

35. Jenkins, F., 0£.cit_., pp.19-20.

3 7. ^id.

39. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Politi­ cal) Department, November, 1359, No.l,

39. "Maharaja Narendra Narayan Bhup Bahadurer Jiban Gharit", Sashi Bhusan Haldar, op.cit., pp.132-133.

40, Letter from J.C.Houghton, Agent to the G .G . in N .S .F . to' The Secretary Government of Bengal, 1862, S_RG, Vol, LI, op.cit., p. 2 52; Government of India, Brief Acc

41. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Political) Department, Octc*>er, 1362, No.39, p.21.

42. Ganguly, K.C., Report on the Survey and Settlement Operation ^ Cooch Behar 1913-192 7, Cooch Behar, 193 0, p.11.

43. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Politi­ cal) Department, February 1364, No.55-57, (^pendix-A) p.6.

44. Ray Hatnalekha, Change In Bengal Agrarian Society C1760-1950, Manohar, New Delhi, 1977, p.204.

45. Leaflet issued by the Seciretary, Sashi Bushan Haldar, Hitaishini Sabha, Cooch Behar, 12 72, 3.S,

46. Ibid.

47. Ibid.

43. Proceadinga of the Government of Bengal, General (Poli­ tical) Department, ^rll, 1360, No.37, Para 5.

49. Campbell, A.C., op.cit., p.297.

50. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Poli­ tical) Department, 1360, No.37, Para 5.

51. Ibid.

52. «am Chandra Ghosh, op.cit., p.187.

53. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Poli­ tical) Department, February, 1364, No.55-57, (Appendix-A) p.7, 34

54. Letter from Cooch Behar, to G.G.J., received by the Supdt. of Darjeellng, 2nd Feb, 1343, B, SRC, Vol.11, o^.cit., p.136. CHAPTtlR-IV MAKIxMG OF A MODi::RN RULxJK : NRIP£NDRA_NARAYAN

With the completion of the period of transition, attempts were m.ade by the Company to infuse modern innovations in Cooch 3ehar State affairs and to this effect the Company's intention was to catch hold of the minor Nripendra Narayan through whom the British mission could be satisfied.

Nripendra Narayan, the beloved son of Maharaja Narendra

Narayan, born on October 4, 1362, was sworn into the throne when he was nearing the completion of his first year of age. But this significant event did not take place in a smooth manner. Maharanee Nistarini Devi desired to place his nephew ^ Kumar Jateendra Narayan to the throne instead of Nripendra Narayan, since the later's succession right was being / 2 questioned on the ground that Nripendra Narayan, was the son of a lady whom Haja Narendra Narayan married through the 86

Gundharba system of marriage , In such controversies on the question of succession to the throne the other Maharanees of

the State sought the help of the British Indian authority to

preserve the privileges and the dignity of Nripendra i^Iarayan 4 as the Raja .

The request of the Maharanees v/ere heeded and the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal recognized the claim of ^^Iripen- dra Narayan as the legitimate son of the deceased Maharaja ^ Narendra Narayan , He, however, imposed the condition that the title of "Maharaja" would be conferred upon him (Nripendra Narayan) after he attains majority .

Admittedly the British did not give even a second thought while they tilted their balance in favour of Nripendra Narayan, It should be noted that the selection of Nripendra Narayan as the legitimate heir to the throne has been a clear deviation from their earlier policies when the question of succession : came to the fore at a crisis. For example, the Company had chosen Shibendra Narayan by depriving Rajendra Narayan of his 7 legitimate claim . This only reveals that the British hardly had a consistent policy in this regard. Instead the British policy in relation to the throne of Cooch Behar had been decided according to the time and situation and directed to the British imperialist interests. 37

The restrictions on conferring the title "Maharaja" / expresses the British intention to dominate the regime with -^ their fullest control. Firstly, the transitional period of i^ripendra Marayan frcJm his minority to the time of his gain­ ing majority would be the harvesting ground for the British. Secondly, the British did not leave any scope of loosing their fo:)t hold over Gooch Behar and thus the conferring of the title of "Maharaja" to Nrioendra Narayan was deferred. \y The British government of India immediately took steps to protect the "Raj" of a toddler and sent Colonel Haughton as 3 the Commissioner of Cooch Behar . The British, thus, wanted to bring change in every affair of State life under the direct sponsorship of the Commissioner on behalf of the Government of India at the time when Nripendra ^^arayan was a minor. Ihe /wanted changes the British/to bring in Gooch Behar, are truely revealed from the letter which reads : "... the first duty of this officer would be to scruti­ nize most carefully each Department of the State Government. The police will claim his earliest attention. I believe the present force is entirely underpaid. It may with advantage be at once organised upon the footing of our new police ... . The courts of I«aw and Justice will next demand attention. Report apeaks all of these Ccurts which are conducted on the model of our own .... Ln fact, under the system an indepen­ dent administration of justice was simply impossible, the Judge 33

beina liable to removal at any moment through the intrigues of any powerfal person .... I recommend the loan of a principal oudder A]Trrie_n and a few subordinate officers from the British Government. The Regulations and Acts of Govern­ ment arhi, I believe the ordinary guides of the existing Courts. The revenue of the State is more than sufficient for its wants - therefore, no increase of taxation should be allowed, but for the benefit of the people. ... I would r^carunend that a separate arrangement from surplus revenue made yearl-/ for the expenses of not only maintaining an educational establishment suited to the wants of the country, but also for public 9 works" . The letter is of immense value, on the ostensible ground that the Government's intention to modernize Gooch Behar, along interalia, police and military administration, the security of the administrative staff and management of court and entire legal system, revenue administration, stopp-ing unnecessary over imposition of taxation on the subjects, educational system and societal affairs. Accordingly, the Commissioner had been entrusted with the responsibility of carrying out the directives intended to be implemented by the British Government in Co'och Behar" .

The British Government not only assumed the responsibi- v lity of maintaining the affairs of the state but at the same 39

time had taken special care to educate the infant Raja accord­ ing to the modern line of thought. Admittedly, the British choice 6f imparting modern education to the young Raja was not without some motive. Firstly, by educating the Raja in the British line of thought and making him imbibe modern ideas the British hope to project the grown up Raja as the symbol of loyalty and allegiance,y Secondly, a matured, politicized Raja, oriented to modern i^uropean culture could best serve for reformina his tradition-ridden and age-old society. This had been the policy of the British Government in relation to the other princely States also and exemplifies the imperialist "One Charge Theory" which connotes the British supremacy over the princes in a single line of control and canmand . ^

Thus the British gave much importance to the nature of education to be imparted to him from the very beginning of his boyhood may be exemplified from the following facts. Firstly, the Raja, educated in the modern Westernised fashion, will lead the country to the path of prosperity. Secondly, if he was educated in the indigenous fashion it would only produce a ruler of indolence, luxury and slothfulness. Thirdly, a trained Raja in the modern system of administration could give justice to the ryots and steer the revenue administration. Fourthly, an educated modern Raja could have been the first hindrance to the neighbouring prince 's desire of intervening 90

into the affairs of Cooch Behar. Fifthly, a modern educated ^ Raja could be the living symbol of development and the welfare

of the subjects 12

Accordingly, Colonel Hauphton made sincere efforts to

train the boy Nripendra -^arayan with the British objectives

mentioned above. riegarding the progress of education of Wri-

pendra I'Jarayan in the British direction, important observations

have been made by the Deputy Commissioner of Benaras. The

observation was" "... if he continues in the same course the

State will reap all the advantages to be gained from a good

ruler" '. While studying in Patna Collegiate School his mental

development greatly accelerated and finally he was admitted to

the Presidency College for the law course 14 . i>uring the course of his study the Maharaja made tours in different places sucVi

as North Western Provinces, Oudh and Punjab under the guidance

of his tutor Mr. H.H.John Kneller, and in December 1377 he went to the Imperial Assemblage in Delhi under the guidance o±

Lord Browne, and met the Viceroy uord i-iitton on ^;arch 5th, -^ 1373-'-^.

Thus, these tours and visits helped i>Iripendra :^arayan to have interactions with the various British functionaries and the Indian princes of different places of India. Autt^matically the formative process of the personality building was c^Dmplete through observation, education and mutual interaction. 91

^hen I'-lripendra Narayan was at the age of sixteen, his

guardian (British) wanted to send him to i^ngland to benefit

from what was unquestionably the best education he could

receive ^. On this matter, however, the British met with

fierce opposition from within and without (in British Bengal)

the palace. The first opposition came from the ladies of the

palace, who were of the view that firstly, the education of a

decadent Western society would be of no use to this young boy;

and secondly, the most hated thing to them was the fear of

social ostracizat ion by the orthodox Hindus, if ^Nlripendra 1 7 Narayan would cross "The Black Water" . The second opposi­ tion came from the contemporary News Papers especially oOila_prok-5s_h, had been of the view that if Nripendra ^^larayan be sent to -England, that would mean the interference of the 1 9 British, with the religious customs of the native people

In Spite of this strong under currents of criticism, the

British persuaded the palace ladies who agreed on the condition

that Nripendra Narayan should be married before his voyage to England 19

It was difficult to find a suitable bride to match the young Nripendra Narayan that would also keep his modern orien­ tation intact. The case of Abala Basu, the daughter of •Durgamohan Das, was first proposed as a match but it did not materialise owing to the objection of lAirgamohan Das . The British also did not show any keen interest and naturally 92

they looked to other persons.

The British acted as a catalyst to make Nripendra Narayan ^

married and to their venture they select Sunity Devi, the

eldest daughter of Babu Keshab Chandra Sen, the leading expo- |

nent of Brahmo movement with the following objectives; (i) the

infusion of Brahmo ideas into the palace of Jocx:h Behar would -'

ensure the safe continuation of British influence in the State

as the Brahmo Samaj along with the British had been carrying

out the task of modernizing India ; iiA^ the introduction of

modern reform would be possibls for Co;3Ch Behar Haja would have

been mutually interacted and influenced by the enlightened

Bengalis led by the Brahmo Samaj" . Ultimately the marriage 23 was accomplished on 5th March, 1373, with Sunity Jevi

The contemporary news papers generally praised the marriage. The I,ndian Mirror termed the marriage as "progressive because

it was an intercaste marriage between an enlightened modern 24 young couple both educated along the British line" . Another interesting upshot of this marriage and the observation of the u rituals'"^, was the rift that took place in the Brahmo movement. J The Brahmo Samaj, of which Keshub Chandra Sen was the head,

tottered and a new creed came out known as "New Dispensation" ^. ^

Soon after the marriage took place, the British Covernment sent Nripendra Narayan to England for furthering his modern education and knowledge as well as augmenting his capability 93

to steer th^ administrative affairs 2 7. This tour evoked 2 3 criticism in the different news papers of Bengal Nripendra Narayan returned to Cooch Behar from £ingland on 29 the 3rd March, IS79 . Having been educated in the modern 7 Western line, i^ripendra Narayan had been highly influenced by his father-in-law's religious ideas i.e., the Brahmo faith and that helped a lot in forming his social, ethical, political and personal out-look and efforts were made by him to change the traditional line of thinking regarding religion which prevailed in the palace . Thus, born of a native backward society and full of superstitious belief, Nripendra Narayan broke off with the past and got Westernized ander the able supervision of the British. He was versed in many languages. The Hi_n_du £at_rigt_, observed "his variety of education and his close contact with the enlightened classes of the Indian and foreign societies enabled him to overcome all superstitions"

Ln fact at the very beginning of his studies specially when the British Government started taking care regarding his education, Nripendra Narayan came into direct contact with British scholars, modernized Indian intellectuals and specially the Bengali intellectuals, namely Vidyasagar and Surendra Nath Banerjee-''^3 7. As it has been stated that all these contacts made up his modern mind and just before the installation to the 94

throne Nripendra Narayan started taking keen interest in the

administration and spend his time in visiting Courts of Law

and other offices of the State to get acquainted about the 3 3 working of the entire Cooch Behar State administration

Thus, prior to the installation ceremony he drew out a sketch

for the future course of his action through his past observa- 34 tions

Soon after Nripendra Narayan attained majority in the

year 1333, according to declaration made by the British to the

Maharanees, every arrangement was made to make the coronation

ceremony of Nripendra Narayan successful. j->uring the corona­

tion the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, Rivers Thompson in his

speech said; "I congratulate you, Maharajah, upon your acce­

ssion to your principality. Y"ou stand foarth this day not at

all as succeeding to a princely inheritance to be used in the

gratification of selfish or ambitious aims, but as the repre­

sentative of more than half a million of subjects whom God has committed to your trust. Be faithful to that trust so that when it comes to you in the common fate to lay down principa­

lity and power the rejoicing may be that you have earned the commendation of your conscience and the gratitude of poste- 3 5 rity" ~, In the occasion of the installation ceremony as a ruler of Cooch Behar, the prince is reported to have declared,

"it shall be my earnest endeavour to do justice to the great trust which I now undertake" ^. 95

Interestingly enough, it should be noted here that the coronation ceremony had its mixed repercussion. The contem­ porary Indian news papers, while hailing the assumption of power by the Maharaja Nripendra i^arayan, criticised the v/" . British policy of appointing Mr. C-ordon, as the Superintendent of the State, on the plea that they (British) wanted to make i>Jripendra i^arayan a puppet ruler 3 7. But the activities of the enlightened Maharaja revealed that he only sought the assistance of the British in building Cooch Behar into a modern State without being a mere titular head.

The above glinipse about the nature of Maharaja i^lripendra Narayan 's policy may be substantiated from the v/ritings of Maharanee Sunity Devi. She wrote "from the day of his acce­ ssion to the throne, the Maharaja devoted all the earnestness of his nature and great powers of organization of plans for comfort, well being, and education of his subjects" 33

Section-II

As it has been stated that modernization is a process of change and thus it can never be an one shot affair. The continuou^s interchange of ideas among the men who aire at the helm of affair along with the participation of the people whom the affairs affect. -Sspecially, during the period when the 95

Raja was a minor, directed by the British, the administrators

appointed by the British had played a role of immense value.

These administrators, in tune with the then on-going flow of

change in every affair helped Maharaja i-lripendra Warayan to

lead the boat of modernity. The British appointed a native

Indian, the Dewan of Cooch Behar, since the period of minority

of Mripendra Narayan.

Rai Calica Das Dutta joined the State administration of Cooch Behar which had been experiencing a period of transi­ tional break-through. He was in the service of the State for

forty-two years 39 . Most of the reforms introduced in the

State both fiscal and revenue had their origin in his wise

suggest ions.

He was born in a respectable Kayastha family of a village 40 in Burdwan, in 1341. He had his early education first in the village school and later on was sent to Krishna Nagar Colle­ giate School which was then one of the important centre for learning. in carrying out his education he had to over come a number of hurdles of superstitions. As for examtple, it was then considered as ominous, to cross the river Ganges, by the 41 older members in his family . However, he carried on his education with merit and in 1858 passed the senior scholarship examination? got the B.A. degree and finally B.L. in 1351. Throughout his academic career he showed marks of brilliancy . 97

His vision of life changed while he came into contact with the

greatest men such as Babu Uebendra iSIath Tagore and Shri Keshab Chandra Sen of the Brahmo Samaj 43 . He was greatly influenced

by their philosophy of enlightment and liberal ideas. These formed the very basis of his character in the later part of his life. While in the service his enlightened background helped him to move forward and equipped hirr. with a progressive

outlook.

In 1369, when he was a iJeputy Magistrate and Deputy

Collector of Katwa, he was appointed as i->ewan of Cooch Behar

otate by the Brxtish 44 . -Uaring the minority period of Wripen-

dra Narayan he contributed greatly in managing the affairs of the State. In 1333, at the time of the installation of ^.^ripen-

dra Narayan as the Maharaja of the State, he was appointed a senior member of the State council which the Maharaja had

formed to assist him 45 . It is under his guidance that the

Land Revenue settlement was twice revised and-improvements were effected m other branches of administration 45 . All

these had contributed to the royal treasury and economy was restored. In the spread of female education his role is worth

mentioning, specially in the development of Sunity College (SchODl)^^.

I>uring his tenure of the office of the Itewan. spanning over 42 years, he rendered valuable assistance to His Highness, the Maharaja Nripendra i^arayan, in developing the resources of 99

43 the State and brought it on the road to prosperity Presumably, the role played in the administration of the State by Rai Calica Das Dutta in modernizing the State has not been gainsaid. i^ot only did the Maharaja acknowledge the activities of the great man but at the time of installation in 1333 he expressed the same regards to him4. 9 . The people even to-day remember his name along with the Maharaja for the development of the 3tate^°.

In modernizing the State the role of Sunity i->evi, the

wife of .'^ripendra Narayan also deserves special mention.

Maharaja Nripendra i^arayan was assisted and influenced by her

in carrying out his modernization programmes. She was born in

1354 to one of the grQ,at enlightened exponent of the Brahmo Samajists of Bengal. She was accorded Western Education by a

European lady tutor at her own residence. She also attended the Bethune College 51 . This educatic« formed her mind to the cause of women emancipation, education and self reliance. In)

1379 at the age of forteen, she was married to the Raja of V *-ooch Behar at the special initiative of the British 52 . After becoming the Maharanee of Gooch Behar, the young enlightened modern minded lady had been able to explore the ever untapped 99

hunting ground where she could induce the best of her modern mind with the patronage of the Maharaja .^ripendra i^arayan.

As the Maharanee of Cooch Behar she took special interest

to augment the cause of Brahmoism in the otate and to fight

out the evils of religious biootism and superstitions. ohe

was invol^/ed in the affairs of the estate to spread the female

education in this backward area. It was owing to her insis­

tence, the Raja invited many scholars of Bengal to join in the

services of the State' 53 . Sunity Devi not only took keen interest for the development of the Brahmo movement in Cooch

Behar but also associated herself with the movement of the social uplift for the women outside the State of Cooch Behar 54

She was gifted with the fluency of pen and composed a number of

books both in Bengali and i^nglish language of different interests

With her modern mind, she fought with the prejudices of the society such as purdah, poligamy, child marriage etc. It was owing to her active participation and co-operation, that the Maharaja L'^ripendra Narayan succeeded in his cause to develop the socio-cultural atmosphere of Cooch Behar. Thus, with the direct patronace of Maharanee Sunity i^evi, the informal institutional building process was made possible which in turn developed the capacity to adapting the society to the changes which occurred through out the reign of Maharaja Wripendra Narayan. 100

NOTES AND R£F£Ri^xNfG.c:IS

1, Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Poli­ tical) Department, February, 1854, No.52, pp.2 5-27; Haider, Sashi Bhusan, "Maharaja Narendra Narayan Bhup Bahadurer Jiban Charita", Lecture at the meeting of the Hitoishini Sabha, Cooch Behar, 1272 B.3., p.145.

2. "The eldest Sriman Joteendra Narayan Coonwar is the son of maid servent; the youngest oriman Nripendra Narayan Coonwar is born of Gundhurba marriage. Shibendra Narayan, Maharaja Bhup Bahadur (deceased), my late father in-law was similarly born as Joteendra Narayan Coonwar, though Harendra Narayan, Maharaja Bhup Bahadur (deceased), expressed his opinion that Rajendra Narayan Coonwar, my uncle in law, should be Raja, yet my father-in-law, because of his being first born was installed to Rajship. Rajendra Narayan Coonwar my uncle-in-law, though born of a genuine Gundhurba marriage, could not be Raja, as he was younger in birth. Sriman Nripendra Narayan Coonwar has become Raja according to the permission of my husband" (sic). i^xtract from the letter of Maharanee Neestarini Devi to the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, 23rd Bahadur 1270 B.S.; 101

Proceedings of the government of Bengal General (Political) Department, February 1354, Wo.53, p.27.

3. The Gundhurb_a_ marriage fozrmed where in the mutual love and consort of the bride and bridegroom is the only condition required to bring about the union. Neither the father nor the kinsmen need have a hand in bringing about the marriage. In the Gundhurba_ marriage no priest is required but this marriage is accepted as the custom of the 'Hajabansis', Proceedings of the Government of Bengal,/ General (Political) February, 1354, i^o.BO, p. 23.

4. Letter from Maharanees of Cooch Behar, to W.Agnew Offici­ ating Agent, in i.^orth -c-ast Frontier, dated 16th August, 1363, SRC, Vol.IL, op.cit., p.263.

5. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Political) Department, March, 1364, i^os.3, p. 2.

5. Letter of W.Agnew, officiating Agent of u.c^.I, in North ^ast Frontier, 15th January, 1364, to the Maharanees of Cooch Behar SRC, Vol.11, op.cit., p. 2 75.

7. Proceedings of the Governpient of Bengal, General (Political) Department, February, 1354, No. 53, p. 2 7.

5' J^id. , No.60, p.32.

9. Letter from Lieutenant Colonel J-u.Houghton, G.G.'s Agent to the North Jiast Frontier, to the Officiating Secretary to the Government of Bengal, 10th November, 1863, Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General, (Politi­ cal) Department, February, 1364, No.55-57 (Appendix), pp.5-7.

10. Bandopadhyaya, Bagabati Gharan, op.cit., p.93. 102

11. Neogy, A.K. The Paramount Power and the_ Princely State of India, K.P.Bagchi, 1st Published, Calcutta, 1979, p.25.

12. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Poli­ tical) Department, February, 1854, No.58, p.29.

13. Unwin-bros, The State Gooch Behar, London, (Date of Publication not mentioned), p. 1.4.

14. Sen, Debiprosad, "Maharaja Nripendra Narayan", in Gooch Behar Darpan, 9th year 10th issue, 1353 B.S,, pp.162-63; Ghoudhury, Deen Doyal, iSIripendra Smriti, Pabna, 1915.

p.39.

15. Unwin-bros. op.cit., p.14,

16. Debi, Gayatri & Santa Rama Rao, op.cit., p.4 0.

17. Ibid., p.40.

1^» Somaprokash, 23rd March, 1378, (R.N-P), p.9.

19. Debi Gaytri & Santa Rama Rao, op.cit., p.4 0. 2 0, Shastri, Shibnath, Aatmacharita, Biswabani Prakashani, first Edition - Calcutta, 1913, p.143.

21. Borthwick, Meredith, Keshub Chander Sen, Minerva Asso­ ciates Publishing Ltd., India, 1977, p.187.

22. Kopf, David, The Brahmo Samaj and the Shaping of Modern Indian Mind, Princeton University Press, 1979, pp.327- 28.

23. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, Judicial (Poli­ tical) Department, August, 1378, No. 132, p. 77,* Brahmo 103

Public Opinion - ^ol.I, August, 3, 1373, p.223 (S.B.S.L.).

24. india^n Mirror, 9th February, 1373 {S.B.S.L.}.

25. "The rites observed were strictly Hindu in all essential features, though in deference to the religious princi­ ples of the bride 's father, idolotrous Muntras were omited, and the presence of an idol was not insisted on. Care was however, taken to retain whatever the Brahmins considered essential to the validity of the marriage. No Brahmo ceremonies were interpolated at least in public. The Brahmo portion of the Assembly who sat together chanted some preayer in low voice for about two minutes, but neither the Raja nor the bride took any part in any form of Brahmo service on the occasion". Proceed­ ings of the Government of Bengal, Judicial (Political) Department, August 1373, -^o.l32, p. 77.

25. Shastri Shibnath, tii_s_t_qrv of_ t.he_ ^ra_hmq •^'%rnaj_, Sadharan BrahmJ Samaj , oecond audition, Calcutta, 1974, p.215.

2 7. Baroda, Maharaja of. Palaces^ qf_ india, Collins, ijondon, 1930, p.213.

25. Prqtikar, 1st March 1373; Dacca Prakas.h, 3rd March, 1373, §9113.-Pr:aka_3h, 13th March, 1373 (R.Si.p).

29. Campbell A.C., OE).cit_., p.42.

30. Baroda, Maharaja, op.cit., p. 214; Bagal iTogesh Chandra, Ke_s_hub Chande_r 3e_n, 1st iidition, Calcutta, 1355 B.S., pp.143-144.

31 • Hindu Patriot, 29th September, 1911 (R.-M-P).

32. Borthwick, Meredith, op.cit., p.133. 104

33. Campbell, A.G., op.cit., p.43.

34. Annual Administration Heport on Co^och 3ehar for the year 1911-12, Gooch 3ehar, 1912, pp.4-5.

35. Ibid., p.47.

35, Dasgupta, Asruman, "^mriti Taroan", ^qoqn 3e_har DarD_an_, 1st year 11th issue, 1345 3.3., p.132.

3 7. The Indian me_s_s_e_aqe_r, 11th ^Nfov. 1333 (3.3.3-L); Prabhati, 17th Nov., 1333; ^ang_abas_i, 24th Nov., 1333, •^urabhi, 24th Nov., 1333. (R.N.p).

3 3. Devi, Suniti, Autqbiqqrarihv of An Indian PrinGes_s_, London,

1921, p.45.

39. A^A^.;i^C, , 1911-12, op.cit., p.l.

4 0. Campbell, A.C., op.cit., p.299.

41. Ibid,, p.299.

42. Ibid., p. 3 00.

43. ^id. , p. 3 00. 44. Sanyal, Hiran Kumar, "Parichayer Kuri 3atsar-0_Anyanya Smritichitra", (Bengali), Parichay;a, 1973, p.49.

•^5. il^i'll ^^^Ji^Jl'^^S.' llth November, 1333, p. 77 (3.B.3.L,).

45. Campbell, A.C., 0£.ci_t. , p.300.

4 7. Chatterjee Nagendranath, "My oervice at the 3unity Academy", Ce_ntenary; '£ql_iime_, Cooch Behar, 1981, p. 109.

49, A^A^H::.C., 1911-12, OE..cit. , p.l. 105

49. Campbell, A.G., og^.ci_c_. , p.43.

50. Ananda-Bazar-Patrika, Ist January, 1950 (Merger 3pectal Issue).

51. 3asu, Prabhat, '^ah_a_ran_i_ -iucharu ^bir Jajqan •^^g.^ini^ Beagali) 1359, B.S., Calcutta, p.25.

52. Khastaoir, ifogendra 1 a 1, 3aroda -^undarir Aatmakatha, 134 0 3.3., Reprinted in -^kshane, 304th issue, Calcutta, p.43.

53. Sandapadhyaya, Bagabati Charan, op.cit., (Annexure), pp.138-139.

54. Gupta, i'agendra ^Niath, Banqe_r Mahil^a Kabi (Bengali), A.Mukherjee & Co., Calcutta, 1350 3.3., p.335.

55. ^i^« / p.3 37; "3he wrote in English the Haiput Princesses;

l_i_f e _of _Pr inqe,s.3_ _ ^3.s_s_qdha_ra ^ _The_ _3e_nQ'a_]^ _y'29.'2i.'^^ _'^l4 ,-^i.S^t?.' PraYe_rs_,^ _The_ _Aut,obigqraphv_ _qf_ ^aj\ ,Iq4i.^T. J'S^Vl^^^AP^L -.^.1. 3e_nqa]^i _she _al_qq _wr qte_,_ _3is_hu _Ke_s_hab ,^ _^§.1.g.hq._3ankha; Arir it a B1 n du ;_ ..^'it.i.c.^'S^^^^^^^hqr ,Ga.n'|_,_ _i3as_u ^Prabhat, qq. cit., p.25. CH^APr£R_\/

The role of religion in shaping and moulding the charac­ ter of the state can hardly be exaggerated. 3ince time immemorial religion had 'ocio-economic transformation. It is no wonder that a state d'ominated by the Hindu Maharajas obviously would have its religious essence. '

It should be pointed out that while religion sometimes plays I as an active agency of social control and change, religious fanaticism blended with traditionalism would bar the progress f of a particular society and this was the case of Jooch Behar , which was undergoing a tremendous crisis resulting out of religious fanaticism and dogmatism. 107

The new religious movement of the nineteenth century Bengal which had sprung up as an alternative to the religious traditionalism, had a positive out look on life and aimed at reforming the s-ocio-cultural maladies of the peoples . This new movement was called the 'Brahmo' movement \-/hich had become the state religion of Cooch Behar, comi^itted to fight out the evils rooted deeply into the vortex of the society. The role played by the Brahmo 3amajists in modernizing the State of Jooch Behar with the help of Maharaja Wripendra ^^larayan needs to be pointed out in the following paragraphs.

Brahmoism represented in their ideology, it played a progressive role in the socio-cultural history of Bengal. The

Brahmo Samaj was founded by Raja Rammohan Roy in 1-32-3 based on his conception of theism and ethical precepts. From the beginning the members of the Brahmo Samaj were drawn from the

'Bhadralok' intelligeatsia'. The Brahmo movement spread gradually all over India and Babu Keshab Chandra Sen played the prominent role in introducing changes in the Bengal society. He considered the contact of the Indian society with the West as a source of cultural and moral redemption for India and pleaded for whole - harted emulation of the Western cul- 3 tural values of humanism, rationalism and science .

The members of the Samaj pledged that they would promote 4 female education in their own families . They also took the 103

lead in social experimentation during the 1350's and 1370's. They had considerable scope for departure from conventional behaviour, as many of them had bean dis-inherited and forcibly s cut off from their Hindu families for embracing Brahmoism". The Brahmo Samaj had set up its branches in different parts of f- Bengal and other places in India. In Cooch Behar too the / Brahmo Samaj opened its branch in the 1350's .

In the process of socio-cultural transformation the Brahmo movement had a direct interventionist approach. They had some particular motives. These were : (1) to pr^anote of m,oral, spiritual and humane education; (ii) to eradicate of untouch- ability and casteism; (iii) to encourage intercaste marriage; (iv/ to discourage Kulin poligamy; (v) to eliminate prostitu- tion, (vi) to extend equality of education to women'.

To fulfill the above objectives the leading exponent of the Brahmo Samaj, 3abu i

This marriage had its tremendous impact both at Cooch

Behar and outside the state. It marked an epoch in the social 9 history of India . It was a great break through in the tradi­ tion ridden Cooch Behar rioyal family . Maharani Sunity Jevi wrote, "In marrying a Brahmo girl, the xaja makes a great concession to the enlightened ideas, but it is most desirable that this connection should be softened as much as possible in the eyes of his relatives, at Cooch Behar and elsewhere, vho are still v/edded to the old superstitions and wlio would look 11 with horror upon any departure fr^om the old .iinclu formula" ^n fact the marriage opened the kingdom to enlightened Bengali

influences from Calcutta and the Maharaja came into closer 12 c ontact with the intellectuals of Bengal

Che motive behind the marriage of .^iripendra -^larayan andf

Cunity Cevi, was a missionary act of trying to v;in over the

tribal kingdom to the Brahmo faith. / Che facts about the

aftermath of the marriage do seem to substantiate the hypo­

thesis that, "rather than Keshab selling out to Hinauism in

Cooch Behar, it was Cooch Behar that adopted Brahmoism to its 11 o\-jn condition" ~. The Brahmo movement in Cooch Behar had made a great impact on the policies pursued by the i

ded in carrying through many radical humanistic social reforms.

Nripendra Warayan himself adopted the BrahiTcO religious faith and the Brahmoism of the -view Dispensation was proclaimed 110

as state religion in 1-3^3 1 5 . The traditional Hindu customs of

the royal family were seriously shakened. It is interesting

to note that in spite of being a member of the Brahm.o creed

the Raja never tried to impose his own religion on the subjects

or his relatives. But as an institution the i^ew dispensation

of the Brahmo faith emerged as the strong social reform>ary

institution in the State. Maharaja i^ripendra .iarayan himself

took the initiative for its development and a Brahmo miandir

(Church) was established at Gooch Behar which was considered

the biggest Brahmo fii.andi_r in the South Kast Asia .

The Maharaja being a member of the .\Iew B>ispensatio:i also j

favoxired the rival section i.e. the Sadharan BralirriO Samaj of I 17 ' the Brahmo religion . Both the sections of the oamaj devoted themselves to the cause of uplifting the socio-cultural edifice of the State. One of the remarkable members of the Sadharan |

Brahmo Samaj who came to Sooch Behar during the rule of Maharaja i^ripendra .-Jarayan, was Acharya Brojendra iSiath Seal 18 He was appointed as the Principal of the Victoria College. It ,

was due to his earnestness that this college emerged as the

centre for higher learning in this regiorf. As such he contri- buted to the cultural development of the people of the State.

Among the other important names to be mentioned in the royal family who em.braced Brahmoism were Kum:ar Gajendra ^^larayan, the cousin of Nripendra Narayan. He married Sabitri xjevi Ill

another daughter of Keshab Chandra oen. Their effort to

implement the Brahmo principles for the social uplift of the

State was specially noteworthy. -The establishment of ^rahmo

Pa^ll 1, arahmo boar ding and fes_hab As_ram were the legacy of the

Brahmo movement in the State 19 . Through these institutions the

enlightend philosophy of the Brahmo religion was propagated amona the general people 20 . This may be considered as the

important steps taken by the Brahmos to modernize the people of this superstitious and socially backward province.

Amother important institution to be organised by the 3rahmos in the process of social uplift was the establishment of young Men _s The is tic As s oc iati on in 1905" . It had laid down the principle that only those who were believers of monistic theory would be able to be a member of this Associa­ tion. It had undertaken the policy to promote social ethics among the common people. Besides these the Assqcjation also

endeavoured to educate the peasants and the people of the lower 72 strata of the society through the opening of i^ight schools

Thus, the role of the Brahmo Samaj in building a modernized society through the different institutions was a noticeable feature during the rule of Maharaj a Nripendra Warayan and this helped in his efforts to modernize the State. The Brahmo movement in the State had got another dim.en- sion in the activities of the ladies of the palace. Besides 112

S'lniti Devi and Sabitri Devi, the nam,e of i>Jirupama Devi, the

wife of \/ictor Nityendra i^arayan, son of the Maharaja,

deserved special mention. They were actively devoted to the

cause of cultural mobilization of the wone n in this princely

State. The establishment of the ^abit_ri ^.odqe supplimented the

deficiency of the enliahtened women of the State. This ^odqe

acted as an association for the Bhadra Ka_hila j_ama_j_^ of the

c)tate"'- . Subsequently this Dodge; become the hub of learnmq

of the women of backward class and they were taught about the

principles of the Brahmo religion and thus helped in the process

of cultural mobilisation.

To foster the social mobility the Brahmos took the active

Initiative with the direct patronage of the Maharaja. One of the important steps taken by the Brahmos was the establishment 24 of the Technical school in 1903 . The School took the leading role in educating the women in sewing and other cottage industries. This step was taken in accordance with the proclaimed principle of the Brahmos about the self sufficiency of women. The school became very attractive and a large number Of women used to oather in this technical institution 2 5 . This helped the women of the State in coming out from the super­ stitious belief and resulted in a cultural modernization.

The Brahmos of the State propagated their principles against the system of polygamy, which was one of the declared 113

principles of the Brahmo religion. They were successful in their venture and even the Maharaja himself set an example in this respect. It was the conviction of the king, quoted by Sunity iJevi, that, "It was always been my opinion that no man should have more than one wife" . ne hated polygamy and as such he never tried to give his daughters marriage to the 27 Maharajas of Indian territory The Brahmos were alv/ays favoured in the State. It was found that during the rule of Nripendra .'Jarayan the higher 23 education was mostly in the hands of the Brahmos . csunxty I>evi took special initiative in this respect and invited the 29 Brahmo intellectuals from the different parts of Bengal The Brahmos were also placed in the top places of the differe'it State departments. Among the notable persons the name of Calica Das i>utta deserves special mention who was ^ posted as De^wan of the State (A detailed analysis of him had been made beforehand). The other notable persons of the Brahmo comm.unity were Amritalal Sen (Accountant General), Priya Nath _J Ghosh (Dewan), Narendra i>Jath Sen (Dewan). All these persons played a very significant role in the process of modernization of the State.

Keshab Chandra Sen had a deep influence upon the Maharaja in shaping his moral, ethical and social attitudes. Keshab 114

Chandra Sen was also personally interested about the State 30 Administration

The development of media was also made by the Brahmos of the State. For the purpose of preaching the cultural and •/

religious ideas they published a journal named 'Sukatha' and

Ram Chandra Sinoha was the editor of the journal . This Jour-

nal became the harbinger of the intellectual and cultural

awakening.

The spreading of education as a hall mark of their belief

resulted in the automatic abolition of the purdah system in

the State. The women who attended schools were inevitably

unable to maintain strict purdah system in the State. The

appearance of women at public events increased the confidence

that modifications in Purdah could be incorporated into the

changing social structuxre without ill effects. Another social

reform initiated by the Brahmos, was the establishment of the 32 principles of widow miarriage and prohibition of child marriage These steps taken by the Brahmos can be considered as the most significant in the process of m.odernization in the State.

For the observations as depicted in this chapter, a logical conclusion may be deduced. Firstly, the Brahmo reli­ gion penetrated in Cooch Behar administration and was able to exert its influence over the Cooch Behar society specially 115

among the urban elites. Secondly, this religion played an active and influential role as a vehicle of modernization. Thirdly, the process of building modern institution in Cooch 3ehar had made its headway through this religion. fourthly, being the State religion the process of secularization and sanskritization had been at its take-off stage which the entire State of Sooch Behar was being confronted with. Fifthly, at last for the higher stratum of the society, this religion could make it oossible to bring about reformations in the age old tradition ridden Sooch Sehar society. Finally it may be commented that the Brahmo Samaj has its influential role in modernizing the State of Cooch Behar specially during the rule of Maharaja .^Iripendra .^larayan. 116

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. Ghosh Benoy, Selections from English Periodicals of 19th Century Bengal, Vol,VII, Calcutta, 1978, p.l.

2. Borthwlck, Meredith, The Gha^nqinq Role of Women in Bengal - 1349-1905, Princeton University Press, New Jersy, 1984, p.50.

3. Singh, Yogendra, Modernization of Indian Tradition, Reprint, Thompson Press India Limited, Faridabad, 1977, p.91.

4. "Female education was one of the hall- itiarks of the Brahmo Programme for social reform, whereever a Brahmo was posted, he would set up-often with the help of his wife - Brahmo Samaj, a boy's school, a charitable dispensary, and a school for girls". Borth wick, Meredit, op.cit., p.85,

5. Ibid., p.51.

5. The letter of the Brahmo Samaj of Gooch Behar, 19th February, 1878 (Collet Collection)(S.B.3.L).

7, Kopf, David, op.cit., p.314; Pal it, Chittabrata, New View 117

Points on 19th Century Bengal, 1st published, Calcutta, 1980, p.175.

3. Borthwick, Meredith, Keshub Chandra Sen, Minerva Associa­ tes (Publishing).Ltd., India, 1977, p.178.

9. Brahtno Public Opinion. August, 9th, 1373, p.223 (S.B.B.L).

10, Devi Sunity, op.cit., p.59.

11- J33id., p.58.

12. "Those present in the marriage festival of Calcutta were the leading representatives of the ^^nglish and Indian communities. They were Jatindra Mohan Tagore, Sourendra Mohan Tagore, Peary Chand Mitter, Abdul Latif Khan and Sourendra Nath Banerjee"; Borthwick, Meredith, Keshab Chandra Sen, op.cit., p.133.

13. Kopf, David, op.cit., p.327.

14. After the marriage of Sunity Devi, the daughter of Babu Keshab Chandra Sen, in 1373, the protestant of the marriage under Shibnath Shastri, Durgamohan Das, Bijoy Krishna Goswami, etc. break away from the leadership of Keshab Chaadra Sen and established Sadharan Brahmo Samaj. Keshab Chandra Sen also organised a new group in 1330 under his leadership known as Nababidhan or New Dispensation". Shastri, Shivnath, Hjs^tqry qf^ the_ Brahmo Samaj_, op.cit., p. 215.

15. Kopf David, Op.cit., p.329.

16. Ibid., p.329.

17. The Indian Messenger, Dec. 15th, 1333, (S.B.S.L). 113

-'^- B.C^i'Sndra ^^ath 3eal_, Cen_t,enari£ "^oijame., (Preface), Cooch Behar, 19 71.

19. Devi Sabitri, Kurn>a_r ^aj_e_ndra -iaraY;a__n, Gocx:h Behar, 1923, p.91.

2 0. 5ii'^.. p. 91.

21. ^i^. / p. 33.

22. £oid., p. 33.

23. i?3id. , p. 91.

24. ibid., p.92.

2 5. Ibid. , p. 92.

25. Devi Sunity, op.cit., p.53.

27. Sunity Devi wrote that rulers except her husband was orofess tonal Brahmo and as the ruiars of the princely states had more than one wives the Cooch Behar i^aj a found it impossible a husband for his daughter; Ib.i4« ' p.164.

2 3. Reporting of the Headmistress, ^uni_t_y; Ac_adenry_ ^^Jl\^Ji'VOL ;£orame_, C ooc h Be ha r, 19 31, p. 1.

29. Bandapadhyaya, Bagabati Charan, og^. 5.1'^. / (annexxira) p.134.

3 0. Bagal, Yogesh Chandra, 0£. c_it_., p. 195; Mahalanavis Manila, B_ra_hmananda 3ri i

31« Sukatha, 5th Part, Baisak, 1325 B.3^ 119

32. Ahc^med Amanatulta, "Prachin -iambad", in Cqyh, 3e_har Dargan, 1st year 1st issue, 1345, 3.S., p.5. \nG'

odApriiR-Vi AGE OF MOD^i^ITY

The CooGh Behar otate had witnessed a tremendous

tra.nsformation from a tradition-ridden transitional state of

affair to a modernized State. Modernization affected the

whole of the State life through the active initiative and enterprising attitude of the enlightened Maharaja Nripendra

Narayan. After attaining majority i-'>!ripendra Narayan wanted to rebuild the total edifice of the State structure. His. _• modern attitude to life and society did not leave any walk of life untouched.

It is to be noted that modernization is a continuous process of change - a change which affects almost all the aspects of state life. When different aspects or facets of state life experience a continuous process of change, a modern society automatically comes into being. If the agriculture 12;

which is the pivot of a land-based ecoa'^my is resettled and revenue administration is reformed, the modernity - moulding process of a society starts functioning. As a result, the whole of society, administration, land revenue, education and other areas of interaction start flourishing. In the follow­ ing sections attempts have been made to analyse the nature and extent of modernity which the Cooch 3ehar State has experienced under Maharaja Nripendra Marayan's regime. Although, there are other factors which reveal the nature and extent of modernity, for the academic convenience of the researcher, the five areas such as society, economy, land revenue, administration, ediication have been taken to measure the degree of modernity during tne period under study.

Essentially an. agrarian society, having all its tradi­ tional characteristics, Cooch 3ehar State had experienced a massive transformation in the mode of production and its relation of production basically on the propriety over land. The class formation, structural differentiation and social mobilization had occurred basically as in a rural society whose economy was based on agriculture. The social transfor­ mation can not take place in the vacuum, it has to be carried 122

out through the institutionalised character of society where the iruler or the authority holder should have the absorbtive capacity. Fortunately entxigh with the help of the enlightened Maharaja Nripendra Narayan, this agricultural society had been experiencing a tremendous transformation in all the facets of social life. Any analysis of a society should be preceded by a chapter on the people, their character, heterogeneity, cultural foundation and above all the economy on ^hich the entire edifice of the society depends,

^,,.--^ The Cooch 3ehar society was composed of heterogenous / people. It was mainly composed of the Ra ibans is, {S29.Q./ ^2SSh.'/ Pa_l_i_s_ and some other small tribes.] There are rival theories among the socio-anthropologists and historians about the ethnological division of the people of Cooch aehar ./" The society was composed mainly of the Hindus with the old i£oGh_ tradition. In the midst of rival theories concerning the ethno-logical'affinities of the Kochs_, W.W.iiunter finds out the facts admitting a little doubt, namely that "the people ccxnmonly known as i

of the State, the different ethnic sects had been conglomerated

into one. The different censuses through years corroborate

these tendency.

Table_I_-_A ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ Year I 1372 I 1331 I 1391 I 1901 i 1911 I 1921 I 1931 i i i 1 i i i Rajban -sis 111125 299453 352409 333299 333623 329253 313343 Koch _ _ _ _ 1317 1251 1230

Tiyar - 54152 7 14 4 -

Tabl_e_-.I_-_B

Percentages of the Rajbansis to the Hindu Population i i I 1 x Year I 1372 I 1331 I 1391 I 1911 1921 I 1931 i.. I I I I I

% 35 35 90 95 30 30

Source' : Census - 1901, 1911, 1921, 1931 Compiled in Raxbansis_ of Nort_h Be_nqal_, By Gharu Chandra Sanyal, Asiatic Society," Cafcutta, 1955, p. 15-15.

The above tables reveal the predominance of the Rajbans is 4 m the .atate of Cooch Behar . But in the process of socio -cultural interaction it is presumed that the Raja's dynasty might have transplanbsd to RaJ.!3ans_is_ from the Koch tribe. The number of people belonging to the Koch and the Tiyar tribe had been less significant. Hunter has been of opinion that the 124

resemblances among tribes existed in Cooch Behar in their religious, culture, style of living, language and other modes of social life . This composite character of population pro­ vides an occasion for further analyses of the customs, culture, nature of the rural society and other aspects of the society.

^ In the society of Cooch Behar the Brahmins formed an influential class and secured respectable positions in the social strata. Initially they were mostly of the Vaidic class, and were decendants of those who were from time to time brought into the country by the previous rulers from Oudh, Benares, Kanauj and Assam^. They were encouraged to remain in the country by the grant of Brahnurttar lands and stipends. They settled in and near the metropolis, and were primarily engaged 7 in the development of sanskritic culture and religious rituals although not differing much from the Brahmanas of lower Bengal in their religious and social customs, they could not inter- maf-ry and took food cooked by themselves only. Besides the above, there was a small number of Rarhi and S^arendra Brahmanas, who were generally well-todo; in fact the first zaminder of the q State belonged to this class .

Though almost the majority population belonged to Hinduism, the Muslims who though minority were not neglected in the society. They formed the most efficient community in respect of cultivation , and in the beginning of the present century some of -them acquired the position of big Jotedars^ . Some of 125

them had been honoured by the State and 'ver^i given title and distinction and seats in the Da_rbar . This may be consider­ ed as an important development in the changing society, i^ven ^ in the early nineteenth century the Muslims were not given important portfolios and position in the affairs of the State according to the tradition of the Jooch 3ehar society 12 .^

Among the principal social customs that prevailed and wexre practised by the people of Cooch Behar, polygamy was very common and many different forms of marriages were accepted by the society 13 . Intermarriage between iSS^U' ^jbansi, Mech_, ^ ^bha, fS^chari and Ahom of ^iastern India and with r(:ajput of 14 Northern India was in force . The people used to keep concubines and their sons were not outcaste in the society 15 Polyandry was never in practice and this reflects the male hegemony over the womenhood, basically it was a patriarchal society. ^

As .they were mostly Hindus, they, were the worshipper of Hindu Gods and Goddesses. Though they were the believer of ^ s_akt is_m and trantrais^m, the toleration towards the other sections such as vaisnavism was practised 15 . Thus, the \^ peaceful co-existence of religion was practised./ Because of the fact that all these religions did not have any goal of transforming the tradition-bound rural agricultural society. Thus, religious conflict was absent.. The society had its in-built absorbtive capacity to adopt the different religions. 125

y. The Gooch Behar society had been and still is based on aoriculture. In such a society, as Cooch Behar experienced, the class formation and the structural orientation had been essentially the out come of the relationship of man and the land. During the period of Raja Harendra Narayan the condition of the villages was in total disarray; the villagers had no systematic tenancy right. These tenants were usually formed when a King or a chief occupied the land, his soldiers or his retenue took possession of as much land as they could grab. y'^hey brought labourers, cleared the forest and started culti- vation. These people became ]qtedars or landlords 17 . The i lands of such Jqt_edars_ were cultivated by adhiars or share croppers. But they had no title over the lands as barqadars and had no right over the land. They could be ejected at any

(ii) the adhiars. Deunia was the most important p^r^on and , settled all disputes till the establishment of the village Panchayat, by an Act in 1393^°. ^

In the field of agriculture the reforms were important from the point of view of restructuring of the internal arrangements of the rural communities, creating new social and economic groups. /The lands were controlled by the Jotedars / who sublet their lands to undertenants . As many as six grades/ 127

of under tenures namely - Chukani, Darchukanl, ^aradar Chukanl, Tasya Chukanl, rali Chukani and Tashya Tali Chukani, were 22 recognized in the Cooch Behar agricultural society . Of

these only first two grades, Ghukani and iJarchukani could be

created under the Tenancy Act of 1333, while those of the lower

grades were in existence before 1333, the year in which for the

first time legislation was introduced to restrict sub-infeuda- 23 tion , / Thus, in the rural agricultural society we find a

number of categories holding lands and in the closing year of

the nineteenth century attempts had been made to formulate a

reg^alarised land holding system in the rural society.

Prior to the reign of Maharaja .^ripendra -.^aray an/the re

existed many illegal tenants who held lands for a long time but /

had no legal rights over the lands. They formed almost one

-twelfth of the total population of the country and 90^X> of the

cultivator" . Considering their contribution to the develop- •^

ment of agriculture and prosperity of the country, the State

administration viewed the matter with utmost gravity. To

remedy their unsettled condition and improve their position in the society the State Council ordered that they should be given 2 5 ^ titles over the lands they possessed . The class that emerged out of this order came to be known as Krishi Pro^a and they 25 vjere given hereditary rights over the lands . , This step may be considered as one of the land marks in the improvement of the lot of the small farmer and greatly encouraged them in 123

developing agricultural production and saved this class from eviction by the big Jotedars from their lands. Jnder Maharaja >Jripendra Narayan the decentralised land tenure system and establishing rights of the tillers had paved the way for a modernized State.

The infusion of the outsiders along with the small por­ tion of the local groups of Jotedars to the village economy of ' Cooch Behar had significantly changed the structure of the rural society. A notable feature v;hich had been experienced in this juncture is that this new class of land-owners did not have connection with the land though they had become the landlords"7 7. Thus, a new structural relationship had been marked between landlords or Jqte_da^rs_ and the landless labourers. The societal relationship which was experienced had been marked with the ownership of land i.e. the land-labour relationship. Automatically the question arises : was the admission of this new economic class to the landed society significant ? Prof. Benoy Ghoudhury points out, "some historians tend to regard it mainly as a social phenomenon; the ruin of very many of the old landed families, the gradual erosion of their social role and influence, the contest for local power that ensued between them and the new comers, the different life style and cultural values of some outsiders, such as the urban rich, and the gradual breakdown of the patriarchal relationship between the traditional landed families and the rural society". He

•J 129

further points out, "other historians emphasise the economic implications for the peasantry of the changing conposition of the landed society. A certain redefinition of rent-relation­ ships, it is argued, gradually resulted from this. This often happened, at least initially, where outsiders had replaced the 23 old landed families" Interestingly enough, unlike of the other agricultural / society, the dominance of casteism had been absent in the / 29 Cooch Behar State . In terms of caste or race arrangement J something was absent to strafity a s-ociety. It should be pointed ^out that, under th^ Leadership of Panchanan Thakur, an inhabitant of Gooch Behar, who emigrated to Kangpur (neighbour­ ing British District), an area wide movement to place the f^ajbansis on AXI honourable status in the society was started. By his intellectual manoeuvouring, he was able to establish his claim of the Raj bans is to be qualified as Ks ha triyas. In a general conference an" appeal was made to the districts authorities of the British Government as well as to the Cooch Behar State to take it for granted that Rajbansis have the every authority to bear the sacred thread and to be enlisted in the official documents as Kshatrlyas (Halbansis) like the "Hindu Kshatrlyas". This movement c^n be termed us sanskri- y tization. Although this appeal was recognized by the British Government, the Maharaja of Gooch Behar in spite of being the member of the same community, was reluctant to recognize 130

Thakur Panchanan's claim . One noticeable thing had been the effort to admit the Ra-jbansi community to the Hindu traditions as well as to put-a-bar of taking other religious resorts. It is also clear that although there was no prevalent caste tensions, an active effort was made to place the indigenous inhabitants of Gooch Behar on a good socxo-religxous footing 31

But as In the other monarchical state system, nepotism, immunities and privileges were very much present in Cooch Behar society. Reference may be made of the Rajquns (member u^ or relatives in the royal families) who were used to enjoying considerable rights and privileges both in respect of revenue exemption and in Judicial matters. They were considered the most privileged class and exempted from any criminal cases. But with the establishment of the equality before law during the rule of the enlightened Maharaja iN[ripendra i^larayan, their position in the society diminished. , By the notification of 12th June, 1897, the judicial privileges of this class was abolished. It is stated in the notification; "they should be 32 tried by the Courts competent to try the offences" . Thus, by abolishing a social discrimination Maharaja Mripendra I'Jarayan set an example in bringing about proper administration of justice which is the bastion of a modernizing state. Another noticeable dimension of the traditional agro-based economy has been ^the prevalence of the system of slavery of / ^.J- 131

which Gooch Behar had been no exception. The system of slavery,

as it had been generally presumed, is the out come of the

various socio-economic factors. For Gooch Behar society

slavery had been to the for« because of certain ostensible

character of the society as well as it economy. Firstly, the

system of slavery had been the result of land-man relationship.

Secondly, slavery had been traditionally practised to uphold

social custom and taboos. Thirdly, poverty resulted in the

system of slavery. Fourthly, since this system of slavery

became the medium of means of the production, the traders and

the businessmen along with land lords had sought to keep the

flag of slavery high.

The slave system was in practice for a pretty long time through different generations. Slavery had been found to be in existence during the time of Maharaja i'Jara Narayan in the ^^ 33 34 sixteenth century . These slaves, were called Moorungee . This system continued in an unabated manner even during the rule of Raja Harendra Narayan. The Raja had in his possession about one thousand slaves employed in his residence 35 , Thus, the slaves were created in a different manner. Sometimes they were given as a dowry, sometimes people sold themselves out of poverty, and even the parents sold their boys and girls at a considerable price , The selling of man as commodity was a pairt of trade and commerce of the country 37 . Montgomery Martin 132

mentions "if a man incurs debt or fine heavier than he can pay, he becomes a slave or mortgages himself, unless his wife ^ chooses to redeem him. The slave works for his master and receives food and raiment 3 3. Turner also mention", if a / raiyat, or peasant owes a sum of m^ney and had not the ability to satisfy the creditors, he is compelled to give up his wife as a pledge, and possession of her is kept, until the debt is discharged. It sometimes happens, as the affairs, that the wife of a debtor is not redeemed for the space of one or two or three years; if during her residence and connection with the creditor, a family should have been the consequence, half of it is considered as the property of the person with whom she lived and half of her real husband" 39

Noting all these vices in the inhuman system of slavery, / an attempt was made by the British authority to abolish the / system^ Mention should be made that during the first half of the nineteenth century Bengal had experienced a-ttemendous refomnative activities in the wakes of social life. The modern English education, the Young Bengal 's move and the reforming role of the "Brahmo Samaj" have had their positive influence over the Gooch Behar State administration which was at this time virtually being run by the Brltish^Gjasgarntnent of Bengal on behalf of the mijipr Raja Nripendra Marayan. To this ^ effect the British Government proclaimed in 1864 "The existence of actual slavery in Kuch Behar forced itself upon 133

the attention of the Commissioner, and the matter was laid before the Governor General. On the 7th September, 1364, the abolition of slavery was formally proclaimed at a public Durbar; and a Rsgulation in the Bengali language, embodying ^ the provisions of the Penal Code respecting kidnapping and abductions, was declared to be in force as regards all future seizures, sales, or detentions of person, male or female 40

The Cooch Behar State not only abolished the slavery but also took measures to re-habilitate them in the State. It ^ ultimately led to the formation of new class in the society called Jagirdars_. These freed slaves were given lands for cultivation. / One thing is to be noted here that this -J Jaqirdari system was not the same as was practised in the pre-colonial India. Regarding the condition of the newly created member of the rural society Calica Das Dutta, the Dewan of Cooch Behar wrote, "the system must have been intro­ duced when land did not possess much value, and when the personal liberty of the subjects was not much respected. Some years the Jaqirdars were looked upon as slaves Cqolams). They could be imprisoned or made to suffer. Their number originally was 974. The land given to them was not clearly described in any book; the consequences was that they generally held much larger quantities than they were entitled to. As improvements began to be introduced into the State, and the liberty of the subjects was more and more respected, it was found that the 134

Jaqirdarl system did not work satisfactorily. The jaqlrdars were acumstomed to work in the old way. They weire lazy and irregular? their usefulness also decreased owing to the change in the nature of the work which had been done at Ha 1 bari (Palace). In the course of the new settlement their number has therefore reduced to 367"

The lands given to the Jaqirdars after 1364 were not saleable or transferable. The otate was not bound to accept / the service of the heir of a deceased J^g.irdar and substitute ' " 42 some one else on the lands they hold . The service tenures were encumbered by the creation of under tenure seme jaqirdars were resumed and set bled ji_ot_ right since ^.kam^charcha^ settle­ ment and the duties formerly discharged by slaves wejce later 43 on being done by paid servants ^ Ultimately the system of slavery was abolished and a new class emerged out in confor­ mity with the changing societal system under the rule of Maharaja Nripendra iNlarayan, Like the other traditions of the Hindu society, the Suttee (burning of women with the deceased husband) was prac-/ tised in Gooch Behar. of which reference has been made in the preceding chapter. The system of Suttee was abolished in ^ 1949 when Maharaja .Ntarendra ."^arayan was a minor and the Sast India Company/- took active initiative in abolishing the tradi­ tional vice of the society. / Mention should be made of that 135

soon after the death of Raja Dhairjendra Narayan his eleven 44 ranees became Sut_tee_ . /By the successful campaign of Raja Rammohan Roy, in the face of stiff opposition from the ortho­ dox Hindus, the practice of Suttee was banned in the British Indian Empire. To enforce the same prohibitory order a constant correspondence was made between Raja of Cooch 3ehar 45 and the British Government of India . At the time measures were taken to punish those persons who violated the orders of the State. It is needless to say that before enforcing the law the Raja acquainted with the copies of the by-watches of 46 the Pundits^ who had advocated for the abolition of the system^ Although no document have been found of Suttee system after its official promulgation of abolition, mention should be made that along with the British Government, Maharaja Nripendra Narayan tried to liquidate all those vices of Sutte_e_ if any, along with other superstition ridden social vices. :- •--

As a result of the close contact of OOOGYI Behar with the Bengal society attempt had been made to ban early marriage and polygamy. The initiative in this respect was taken by Maharaja Mripendra iSIarayan himself. During this time usually the educated people took one wife at a tijrie. Polygamy though not banned by the society was very rare_ . The marriage of Nripendra Narayan with Sunity Devi marked an epoch in the 135

48 social history of India . After the marriage the Maharaja himself broke away from the past and set an example against _ poligamy by declaring that he would notmarry again

Purdah system was not prevalent in the society among the common people. But it was strictly practised by the members of the royal family, Sunity Devi 's contributioti to eradicate the system was worthy to note. SheJ wrote; "Haja's wives ajre not allowed to go out of doors. It may be my weakness or my strength, but I have altered my position in this respect a 50 1^ little, I do see people if urged" . \Jt should be mentioned here that although Maharaja i."^ripendra Narayan was progressive in his ideas, he never let the ladies of the royal family come too freely. Though westernised he disliked women smoking and drinking 51 . Another important matter towards the breaking of the purdah system was the visit of Sunity Devi to ji^ndon in 1897 5? .

Another noticeable feature in the process of class formation in the State of Gooch Behar has been the impact of i^-'nglish education on people. The xinglish educated people formed a new class and came to be known a.s middle class which had been recognized by Maharaja i^ripendra Narayan breaking the past tradition cherished by his predecessors,j The Maharaja

C "J handed over to the new class, power and prestige"^-', ^A revolutionary change in the attitude of the Maharaja in giving 137

power and prestige to this new educated class, by depriving the men having royal blood, has been presumed to be a step to popularise the administration with a view to bringing about efficiency and effectiveness 54 . This rising middle class with increasing power and prestige had become an active instrianent in peering up the process of modernization.

'' The patronage of Maharaja i">Jripendra .^arayan of the educa­ ted middle class had developed a trend in the minds of the people to form organizations or guilds or united bodies to express their views and sentiments in social, political and other matters of public interest. / The modernized philosophy of Maharaja continued and the latter rulers follov^d his path. The demands to form organizatloh was finally accepted in 1923, but they were asked to obtain recognition from the Jtate prxor to forming such organization 55 . The right to form organization by the influential persons of the villages i.e. the Jot«9_dars_ grew into an organized pressure group designed not only to safeguard their rights over the lands but also to influence the policy of the government in respect of matters relating to their interests"5 6 . The views of these new elites on some different issues were patiently and cautiously heard

With the bringing of sustained agricultural growth during the reign of Maharaja ivlripendra Narayan, trade and 133

conmerce started developing and as a magnetic re-action the people from British Indian districts had come to start their business . /Along with emergence of this new li^xu.i-'^-'-^^s as , the money lenders both in urban and rural areas had started / functioning as private money lenders with a motive to gain J eg maximum profit . /Maharaja Nripendra Narayan through his State Liaw put certain limitation and restriction on. this new emerging economic class 60 .

With the development of this aggrarian society functional diversification was noticed. Other than land source of income, trade, commerce and other tertiary activities had been the major source of inccme of the people. Thus, a society having socio-economic diversification started coming out from its old nature of production. (This new relationship of production along with the modern Snglish education brought significant changes in the culture, habits, styles and fashions. The women of the villages had started wearing sa:^i-"after leaving their 51 old garments known as Phota The social stratification which was earlier based on I land-man relationship, under Maharaja I'Jripendra Narayan's reign / was based upon occupation. Thus, during his reign the Gooch

f Behar society had witnessed a mobility in the elite transfor­ mation process.

As it has already been mentioned, Maharaja Nripendra 139

oJarayan was a staunch supporter of Brahmoism. As a legacy of his relioion, the principle of secularism was being main­ tained.

The impact of extra-societal environnent on. the culture

of Gooch Behar society as VTSII as a take off society with a mode to in achieving industrialization had resulted in a massive change in the societal institution building process. The agro-industrial society with its development in other aspects of economy gave biirth to new urban settlements

Thus, a minimum degree of urbanization was found in the offing during the reign of Maharaja i-^ripendra i-Iarayan. As a result of the changes in the societal institutions the tradi- tional joint families, concentrated on land, had started breaking down. Being attracted by the new opportunities of life found available in the capital and its surroundings, the joing families after being disorganised and in a nucleus form settled themselves in the towns of Coc>::h Behar and their periphery.

Thus, a transformed society under the reign of Maharaja Nripendra Marayan set the ball running towards achieving the character of a modernized polity. The other facets of modernization which took place on this modernized societal canvas would be dealt with in the chapter following. ,&P'

i r * [A primordial society, usually has an agricultuire ' -based economy and this was the case with Cooch Behar. Since land was the only source of income, the economic characteris­ tics emanated from the agriculture. As it has been seen that even prior to the reign of Harendra Narayan, the lands were fertile and the life-styles of the people for their sustenance were much too simple. The people of the neighbouring areas were also attracted by the fertile land of Cooch Behar and immigrated to the StateI^ This may be corr(±iorated from the report of the Revenue Surveyer, James Renell, in 1731 "as a result of the exaction of the collections of revenue in 1765, about 30,000 families of Rungpur migrated to Cooch Behar, the neighbouring country" . Again according to Samuel Turner; "indeed the extreme poverty and wretchedness of these people will forcibly appear, when we recollect how little is necessary for the sustenance of a peasant in this region. The value of this can seldom amount to more than one penny per day, even allowing him to make his meal of two pounds of boiled rice, with a due proportion of salt, oil, fish and chilli" . In spite of the natural fertility of the land of Cooch Behar, no systematic and organised effort was made until the reign of Raja Harendra Narayan, for land settlement and deve­ lopment. As has been stated in the preceding chapter, during 141

the reign of Raja Narendra Narayan, John Pemberton took an active initiative to settle the land development system but he was opposed by the influential persons of the State and his efforts went in vain

(in fact the land development system was organised by the active Support of the British Government during the period of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan and specially when he was a minor. A general survey and settlement of the State was made in 1364 to organise the total land system of Cooch Behar . The Khasra measurement of land and demarcation of Jotes and Taluks were made in certain portion of the State. In the remaining portions of the State the Revenue Survey was made in 1363-70 ft 7 In 13 70-75 there was a General Survey of the rest of the State in connection with the first Revenue Settlement better known ^3 "Khasra Settlement". The "Patit Charcha Settlement" of 1334-36 was taken in hand. Interestingly enough the decision to undertake the settlement was taken not by the Maharaja Nripendra Narayan but it was the decision of the State Council, which was established by Maharaja Nripendra Narayan 68 , All these settlements placed the land revenue system in a stable condition. (The system of land revenue has been discussed in detail in the section following).

^'^^After the organization and development of land, what was necessitated had been to bring about a new system of fanning 142

under the direct sponsorship of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan. The old system of agricultural production had been started reforming. Though the agriculture is the main source of reve­ nue, the cultivators previously did not know the procedures to increase production in the cultivation. But the growth of education and knowledge coming in from the neighbouring enlightened Bengal and also the immigration of some •iqtedars 69 in the State, the system of cultivation also changed the traditional character. Almost every cultivator had cattle of his own, used cowdung litter as manure for the cultivation of tobacco, sugarcane, jute, mustardseed, wheat and barley.] Oil cakes were also used as manures. The positive impact of which could be discerned in the subsequent years for some selected cash crops (see Appendix-CV. To import Western education in the agricultural sector an endeavour was made by Maharaja Nripendra Narayan, and Sri Ashutosh Dutta had been sent to America by the State to learn Hie.thods of cultivation 70

The cause of the development of the economic system was *^ not only the system of collection but there were other factors which contributed to it. Firstly, the extension of cultiva­ tion since the "Rakam Charcha Re-Settlement" (1336-91) had been due mostly to the reclamation of waste lands and jungles specially in northern part of the State; Secondly, to the silting up of the old bed of rivers and streams and the upheavals of the beds of marshes or beeIs during the earthquack 143

of 1997; Thirdly the extension of lands under cultivation helped in the growth of production and also of the revenue 71

With the development of the economy, diversifications of functions and the differentiation of secondary and tertiary sectors along with the primary agricultural sectors resulted in various occupational classes. The functional diversification has been said to be a facet of modernization which began during the period of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan. During his reign several occupational classes such as 88.7% were supported by agriculture? 15,444 or 2.5 percentage by industries; 26,311 or 4.4% by commerce; 5,630 or I'A by professions and 19,603 or 3.3% by other occupations . ^

To boost the economy communication is an important factor and usually has a predominant role in the modernization of a country. As for the State, the road communication was not satisfactory and became even impassable for wheeled traffic in rainy season., The roads connecting the capital with the Sub- divisional head quarters fared no better when the monsoon set in right earnest 73 , The unsatisfactory condition of roads caused great hardship of the agriculturists because they were put to great difficulties to find a ready market for their produce. I The two decades prior to Maharaja Nripendra Narayan had inaugurated a progressive policy in the matter of coiranuni- cation but still the State was far from adequately equipped 144

with means of communication. During the reign of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan programmes were taken for the development of communication and it was hoped that there would be a regular system of roads through out the State. The Cooch Behar town census of 1372-73 showed that there was only 12 miles of metalled road in the capital-N7 4 , At the year 1393-99 there was 5 miles metalled road outside the town and 3 76^5 miles of unmetalled road, and 137 village road in the State 7S . These roads connected the State with capital (Co

Before the opening of the railway nearly the whole of both inward and outward traffic used to be carried on by country 76 boats . This was due to that fact that most of the big rivers of the State were navigable throughout the year, (in 1393 the opening of the Northern Bengal State Hallway 77 had consider­ ably diversed the traffic from the rivers and had almost monopolised the exports of Jute, tobacco, mustardseed, mustard- oil -cake, The developxnent of communication can be guaged from the fact that during the time of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan the value of the produce was doubled. This benefited not only the cultivators but also the State had made a very great progress in developing its economy.^ It opened up the country a great deal for the purpose of trade and commerce and served 73 to increase the value of the produce . With the opening of 145

the roads and the railways it is but natural to expect that

both of them were gradually expanding.

The railways are infact the first tangible step towards

modernization. The establishment of the railways not only

changed the pattern of economy, at the same time it played the

most important role in the cultural development and social mobilisation. The Cooch Behar State appeared in the railway

map in the year 1893 7Q . Since then it played the most sifni- ficant role not only in the cause of modernization but also for the earnings of State revenue 30 , The State railway led to

the augmentation of its commercial and agricultural resources and facilitated the growth of trade and commerce. It created

a variety of new c^>enings for employment, and set into motion a degree of mobility between the State and the neighbouring British provinces. The following list of statement (Table II)

shows the result of the working of the Cooch Behar State Railways in the following years :

Table No-II

Year I Gross working I Working I Net earnings I j I 1900 Rs. 94,792 Rs. 43,190 Rs. 51,602 1901 Rs. 1,27,596 Rs. 52,929 Rs. 74,667

1910-11 ''JS. 2,17,338 Rs. 1,09,532 Rs. 1,07,856 1921-22 Rs. 3,06,142 Rs. 1,40,825 Rs. 1,65,317 1923-29 Rs. 5,63,677 Rs. 2,53,594 Rs. 3,05,083

Source : Annual Administration Reports of Cooch Behar? A Sketch History of Cooch Behar (Manuscript) p.22. 146

The above table shows that the State Railway has become a

regular source of major earnings and also contributed to the

incirease of royal treasury.

This sustained growth under the rule of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan in all facets of economy was very much significant. The State exchequer was increased as a result of all round economic growth. It is evident from the tables (III-VI) given below. The decadal variation of the receipt and expenditure pattern with a stable rate of growth can be observed. State­ ments showing the budget of receipts and disbursements of the Cooch Behar State for the years s

Table No-1XI Budget 1330-31, 31st March

Expenditure I Regular I Account I Diffe- I Decrease I Estimate I for 1380-1 ranees I I 1880-31 X 31 X Income X - ; I Rs. X Rs. X Rs. I Rs.

1. Household expenses and maintenance of Raja and Family 2,84,965 2,82,575 2,390

2. Land Revenue 1,18,852 1,15,901 - 2,951

3. Education, Science and Arts 63,000 61,813 — 1,187

4. Law and justice 58,326 54,129 - 4,197

5. Administration 54,753 53,322 - 1,436

6. Jail 21,598 19,892 - 1,706 /Contd. .. 147

/Table III contd...

7. Police 49,465 43,270 - 1,195

8. Military 13,683 17,475 - 1,133 9. Pensions and other Charitable allow­ ance 27,977 25,363 2,114

10. Miscellaneous 1,03,841 34,173 - 19,663

11. Debuttar 33,316 34,642 - 3,674

12. Medical 25,220 23,701 - 1,519

13. Registration 2,332 2,531 - 3 01

14. Excise 7,333 7,637 - 2 01

15. Printing and Stamp Charges 16,774 16,632 - 142

Total 3,92,495 8 ,48,626 - 43,369

16. Public works 4,50,000 3 ,36,899 - 1,13,101

Total Expenditure 13,42,495 11,35,525 1,56,970 Surplus 19,355 1,09,341

Upto 31st March 1330-81 1 Revenue [ Regular I Account III Inc' r IDecrease I for I -ease I Rs, Rs. I Rs. I Rs. i Rs. I I I I. Land Revenue 9,35,200 8,60,342 - 74,858 II. Stamp 1,15,000 1,17,507 2,507 III. Interest on invested capital 33,000 77,4 04 5,596

/Contd. 148

/Table III contd.».

IV. Miscellaneous 53,450 64,173 10,723 —

V. Debuttar 87,100 84,183 - 2,917

VI. Excise 57,000 59,226 2,226 -

VII. Law and Justice 8,800 8,913 113 -

VIII. Jail 9,000 7,338 - 1,662

EC. Registration 4,600 4,044 - 556 X. Education, Science and Arts 1,800 1,93 0 130 -

XI. Public works 6,900 10,306 3,406 -

Total Revenue 13, ,61,850 12,95,366 66,484

Source : Annual Admin is t rat icwi Report on Cooch Behar for the year 1880-81, Appendix-p.IX.

Table No-IV 1892-93 1 TT 1 1 Year 1892-93 X Revised Estimate I Account for I Increase I I 1892-93 I I I I Budget Rs. 19,17,736 Rs. 20,69,701 Deficit Rs. 1,31,000 _ Rs. 1,51,965

Grand Total Rs. 20,48,736 Rs. 20,69,701 Rs. 20,965

/Contd... 149

/Table IV cc«itd,., 1 I Year 1892-93 I Account for I Increase X Sstimate I ,.the year I I I I I Expenditure Rs. 20,48,736 Rs. 13,82,444

Surplus Rs. 1,87,257 Rs. 1,87,257

Grand Total te. 20,48,736 Rs. 20,69,701 Rs. 20,965 (Surplus)

Source : Annual Administration Report for the year 1892-93, C.B.S. Press, p.iii.

Table No-V 1901-92 I ] 1 I Revised [ Accounts I Difference Between I Estisiates ] [ for X Actual and Ravised I for 1901-; 1901-02 X Sstijnate I 02 ] I ] I ^ I ] X Increase X Decrease I Rs. J Rs. X Rs. X Rs. I ] Total Revenue 22,89,147 23,09,831 20,684

Deficit 20,968 20^968

Grand Total 23,10,115 23,09,831 284

Source t (Annual Administration Report of the Cooch Behar for the year 1901-02, p. 15) 150

Table No-VI Statement ehowiag the Revenue and Expenditure of the Cooch Behar 1910-1911 31»t March 1 1 Revenue I Revised i ^eount X Difference X Estimates X for X for X 1910-11 X X X 1910-11 X X lacre-X Decre- X X X ase X ase X Rs. X Rs. X Rs. X Rs. X X 1 I I. (Seneral Revenue a.^Land Revenue 12,94,040 13,07,933 13,893 b.Stamps 2,00,700 2,14,951 14,251 c.Excise 1,57,595 1,60,773 3,178 d. Interest of Loans and Investment 42,500 44,337 1,837 e,Sundries 10,000 10,312 812

II. Law and Justice a.Civil and Session Court 500 962 462

b. Registrati<;m 16,100 16,639 539

III. Miscellaneous a.Criminal Justice 6,300 8,717 2,417 b.Jail 17,560 18,885 1,325 c.Education, 14,544 15,376 832 Science and Arts 9,500 5,556 - 3,944 d.Public works 8,448 11,539 3,091 •.Sundries /Contd... 151

/Table VI c<»td...

IV. Debuttar 1,11,583 1,13,799 2,216 V. His Highness the Maharaja Estate a.DarJeellng Sstate 62,998 62,998 b.ChaklaJat Estate 4,54,281 4,45,864 - 8,417 c.Panga Sstate 34,607 37,702 3,095 VI. Cooch Behar State Railway 2,00,000 2,17,338 17,388

Total 26,41,256 26,94,231 52,975 Deficit 2,98,038 2,21,765 76,323

Grand Total 29,39,344 29,15,996 23,348

T 1 Expenditure I Revised I Account Difference I Estimates I for I for X 1910-11 I 1910-11 1 Incre- I Dscre. I I ase I ase 2 Ks. Rs. I Rs. J i I. |Hia Highness Privy Parse 6,35,035 6,35,035 - - II. Allowance to His Highness children and Relative 4,03,079 4,05,575 2,496 III. Administration a.Control 61,689 55,298 6,391 b.<3eneral 4,88,575 4,74,204 14,371

/contd.., 152

/Table. VI contd...

c.Revenue 2,10,953 2,09,776 1,177 d.Law and Justice 62,979 62,536 443 e,Miscellaneous 92,053 89,714 - 2,339

IV. Debuttar 62,025 60,412 - 1,613

V. His Highness the Maharajas £state a.Darjeeling 22,983 22,983 b.ChaiaaJat Estate 2,85,342 2,84,608 - 734 c.Panga 37,540 35,884 - 1,646

VI. State Ceremonial Department 1,99,791 1,85,404 - 14,387

VII. Cooch Behar State Railway 92,000 1,09,532 17,532

VIII. Reserve Fund 50,000 50,000

DC. Miscellaneous 45,280 45,015 165

Total 27,49,324 27,25,976 - 23,348 Railway Conversion 1,15,020 1,15,020 Rasellcment Fund 75,000 75,000

Grand Total 29,39,344 29,15,996 - 23,348

Source t Annual Administration Report (» Cooch Behar for the year 1910-11, (Appendix)p.I. 153

The budgets corroborate the fact that the systematic system in collection and ejqpenditure ultimately proved the developing tendency of the state economy*an

One of the Major Sources of revenue which accelerated the total revenue receipts of the State came from export at ion, mounting high owing to the increase of communicatica facilities especially the railways.

The period under study (1863-1911) the State experienced not only the export of rice from Cooch Behar but also tc*>acco, jute, mustardseed etc. The following table would reveal the total amount of export of certain important items and their respective export value,

Table No--VII 1 1 Amounts X Mounds (40 kg.) I Extent of export value I Tobacco - "' 4,00,000 Ks. 20,00,000 Jute 3«oe,ooo Rs. 12,00,000 Kustard seed 25,000 Rs, 1,00,000

Total 7,25.000 Rs. 33,00,000

Source t Choudhury Harendra Harayan, The Coooh Behar State and its Land Revenue Settlement, Cooch Behar, 1903, p.194. (It is noted that the source contains no specific year). 154

It has been revealed that the increasing amount of export has been the surplus of consumption and it is not the compul­ sion of the economy to export the above items to import certain necessary items in return.

The rural agricultural economy of Cooch Behar had experi­ enced an emergence of a new economic class who were lcno%m as money lenders. These money lenders played a significant role ^ as economic institution of the rural agricultural society. . Although their motive was to achieve maximum amount of prof it,/ in absence of any strong state economic support base^ the money lenders role in building the agricultural economy has significant 31 . Thus, during the rule of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan the mcoiey lenders as eccmomic institutions took an active role in building the rural agricultural economy. It should be mentioned that in spite of the feeling of Maharaja / Nripendra Narayan in order to make a strong economic base by / expanding the State's financial support to the peasants, during his reign it was not possible to materialise his motive. It was finally implemented in 193 0. The co-operative financing society was established for the financial assistance to the 92 peasants .

The money lenders usually lend money to the distressed peasants. There were three types of mcmey lending system in the State. Firstly, general loan, the rate of which was very 155

high, i.e., about 37.50 percent, provided to the peasants against the guarantee of land, to be mortgaged to the money lender; Secondly, Mull of value loans provided to the peasants, could be repaid by crops within a stipulated period, failing which the debtors would have to pay high rate of cul­ tivated goods at per present market price; thirdly, Bhutali loans, by v^ich the debtor would have to work without any wage in the lands of the money lender, the debtors had to pay heavy amount of interest 83 . Naturally these system of money lending caused immense hardship. Under the direct patraaage of Maharaja Nrlpendra Narayan the State government took a firm step by enacting laws to protect the interest of the peasants. According to the provision, the money lenders could not derive an amount more than the limit as laid down by the law. More over the court would not entertain any case of money-lending where interest exceeds the actual amount loaned

In the nineteenth century, these oriental countries which are mostly colonial in character, scientific and the technolo­ gical development was a dream. Moreover the soil and the financial condition of the State was not ccmducive to the establishment of industries. But in spite of the unfavourable condition the attempt to develop small scale industry as a part of modernization appeared in the minds of the State administration. In 1869 the Azrtisan School was established to 156

import technical education to ttee people and they were encour­ aged to Join this institution by the grants of monthly stipen stipends . Attempts were also made to acquire modsm technological knowledge and accordingly scholarship was intro­ duced for students. One of such scholarship holder, Kumar Amindra Narayan, was sent to Japan to learn pencil making and candei making. Another scholar Ansaruddin Aharaed was sent to Leads (England) to learn leather technology . These measures, in developing small scale industries, were also a part of modernizing and augmenting the economic growth of the State, These technological development in the last decades of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, though they wer^ successful in a limited sense, was noteworthy and possible due to the westernised ruler Nripendra Narayan.

A developing economy is exclusively characterised by the nature of the coinage system as the reedixim of exchange. The traditional system of transaction in this reigion was carried in Narayani Coin. It was the regular Currency that prevailed in 3T Bhutan, Assam and the neighbouring areas . The Narayani Coin is a base silver coin 1/3 of Sicca rupee 33 . After the Treaty of 1773, the British tried, to stop the right to minting the coin and to implement the Company's coins as a regular tender of business in Cooch Behar economy. But as mentioned before the attempt of the £ast India Company could not be successful « as a result of the strenuous opposition offered by Saja 157

Harendra Narayan and during his rule the State 's tribute was paid to the Company in the NaraYani Coin.

After the death of Raja Harendra Narayan, the Company gra­ dually introduced their own coin in Cooch Behar as legal tender. In the year 1845, the Companys Government in its letter addressed to the Governor General 's Agent in the North East Frontier States, asked for the discontinuaticm of the Narayjuii Coin 89 . In spite of the discontinuation of the NaraYani Coin, the State's rulers enjoyed the right of minting though in a limited sense at the time of the accessicxi of a new Maharaja for ceremonial purposes. Incidentally it can be mentioned that when Nripendra Narayan was raised to the throne, 1001 Silver coins and 100 gold coins were struck 90 . With the growth of trade and commejcce and increasing British influence in the State economy, the Company's coinage was accepted as legal tender of business. The economic interaction with the neighbouring areas were also made easy because of the universal acceptance of Company's coinage,

As a result of all round economic growth during the period of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan specially in the field of agri­ culture, trade and cororaerce, communication and medium agro -based industries, the people of the neighboariag provinces of British Bengal and Assam had started immigrating. The amount of immigration during the year may be cited in the following table, 158

Table No-VIII T I I Year I 1891 I 1901 I 1911 I 1921

Actual Population 5,78,863 5,56,974 5,92,952 5,92,489 Immigration 14,557 13,788 24,638 22,792 Emigration 1,590 1,272 3,500 1,000 Natural Population 5,65 ,901 5,49,458 5,71,764 5,70,697 Percentage of Population - -2.9 +4.1 -0.2

Source I (The Census Iteport, Cooch Behar, A.Mitra, 1951, ^

The analyses thus revealed the fact that when Maharaja Nripendra Narayan took up the reins of the State, his develop­ mental attitude contributed largely towards the stable economic growth of the country which made room for dictums of modemiza- ticxn,

The exodus of extra-populaticKi and the all round mobility' of the economic system resulted in an automatic process of urbanization. The administrative, commercial, business and trade centres grew up. The people of the surrounding areas had staorted settling in and around the centres which gave birth to urban centres 91 . An these urban ar^as become the centre of trade and cooimerce. The Sub-divisions were again split up into number of bandars or markets. These places also became 159

permanent farms of the merchants where business transaction could be made. Besides these urban areas there were 142 hats or village markets which %iere held twice a %«eaX for carrying on internal trade. The hat.3 were leased out by aucticai to the highest bidder for a fixed period , For the business transac­ tion these places became important centres and at the same time fetched annually a large income of the State.

Thus, a stable eccmomy although semifeudal and semi capitalistic in character was brought into being by Maharaja Nripendra Narayan. The coromcm feature of most of the agricul­ tural economy of the States of India had been the poverty and usual occurence of famine. Interestingly enough during the reign of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan there was no famine 93 .

SBCTIQH^III » IMJD REVENUE

The land revenue has l:>een regarded as an instrtiment of vast social changes in the structure of rural society. It is closely connected with land tenuire and the ccmditicna of agri­ culture. The history of land largely depends on the interac­ tion between men and environment, and the environment is related to the topography of the land. As such, the knowledge about the topography always plays an Impoirtant role in shaping the history of the land. So it is said "the quest for said knowledge led to the introduction of land survey, which has 160

always been related to the needs of the periods" 94 , The realisation prowpted the government to introduce definite revenue policy as <»e of the important facets of modemizatioa,

To proceed towards the land settlement, was also nece­ ssary in order to ascertain the collection and embody in convenient forms of statistics of vital, agricultural and economic, facts. This would help the government and its offi­ cials to acquire adequate knowledge of actual ccxiditions of the country, its populaticxi and its resources.

Land survey, with its true scientific conotatiOTis had started in the State as a historical necessity immediately after the ccxiclusion of the treaty of 1773 . In the following paragraphs attempts have been made to explain the nature of the traditional farming system in the State, to delineate the changes brought into operation in the successive settlements and to ascertain how far it safeguarded the interests of the peasants.

Insofar as the land farming of the State is concerned the traditional system of holding mainly ccKisisted of three heads ^^^ Mai, (II) Debuttar, (III) Khanaqi. The first was available for State revenue; the second was dedicated for the maintenance of the worship of the deities and the third was set apart for the maintenance of Maharaja's household . V 161

The settlements used to be made annually without measure­ ment of the land. Traditionally, assessment was made under fixed rates although three different rates of Rs, 20 per biqha ^ for the first kind of land; te, 15 per biqha for the second kind of land and te, 10 per biqha for the third kind appear to have been in existence 97

(The Raja was the owner of all the lands of the State and he divided the land among the persons called Jqtedar, The •fortedars %fere liable to collect the revenue of their respective •fotes and remit the same to the State. The collection of revenue was made through some officials known as Sezwals 93 . ^ The lands were cultivated by the peasants but no pattah was issued to them although they were the main source of revenue. Practically they had no right over the land and were subjected to easy eviction 99 .

The xiev^nues collected from the ryots were called Asal (original rent) and abowabs_ . Besides these regular forms of revenues the ryotg had to pay to the '^.zwajs^" certain extra J- charges called Mafussal Khurcha. which were not inserted in the pTiblic accounts 101 , These extra collections amounted to about one fifth of the whole State revenue.

Thus, the traditional forna of land revenue administration ireveals some inherent defects; (I) the lands were not properly measured and assessed; (II) the " jotes" were mostly in the hands 162

of the influential persons of the palace or officials of the State and peasants had no right over the lands they cultivate; (III) the peasants were over-burdened with a number of unusual revenue collections. Moreover, the mal-administrative system of land revenue and oppression of the revenue collectors in the process of collection caused Immense hardship to the cultiva- ' tors and led to their sorry plight, and at the same time the , State treasury suffered badly owing to the absence of regular auditing^°^.

Such was the state of affairs of the land revenue system and condition of the peasants till the new arrangement was introduced by the East India Company, The treaty of 1773 envi­ saged a provision of tribute of half of the revenue of the State. This share of the Company was fixed at Rs. 67.700 per annum in perpetuity in 1780 104 and settled on the basis of hastqbund made by the Sezwals, but no measurement of land" and new assessment was made by the Company.

The deplorable state of affairs in the revenue system of the State provided to the Sast India Company an opportunity to interfere directly into the revenue administration' of the State and in 1790 the first step was taken to re-organise^ the revenue matters 10"'5 ^

The change in the traditicxial system of revenue had been ^ brought into operation during the period of minority of Raja ' 163

Harendra Narayan. Henry Douglas, the first appointed «esident,y Commissioner, initiated a new policy in settling the revenue system known as Ijaradari system 106 . By this new system the cultivated lands of the State had been farmed out at first for one year to the highest bidder and later on the tenure of farm­ ing out of the lands was increased to five years by Richard Ahmutty 107 . He (Douglas) also proposed some definite measures. These were (I) measurement of land; (II) issuing of Pattahs. to the actual cultivators; (III) aboliticxi of irregular collection from the ryots such as selaini, Wuzzar 108 . The measures, thus, under taken during the period of minority of Raja Harendra Narayan marked a breach with the past and ushered in a new era.

Raja Harendra Narayan after attaining majority took up the reins of administration in his own hands and tried to re-estab- lish all the previous system 109 of collection of land revenue I

but the ijaradari system ccxitinued^jugto 1872. ') \^

The new revenue policy spc^sored by the East India Company's Agent, though it marked a remarkable change of the traditional form and continued for a long period, had some defects. These %«ere as follows i (I) this system led to the ^ m formaticxi of a large number of absentee j^oteders who had little connection with the lands; (II) most of the |qtes wer« contro­ lled by the members of the royal family and the influencial amlas of the State and consequently fostered the extensive 164

sub-lnfeudatlon; (HI) the rate of rents was not defined clearly and subsequently the ryots suffered from heavy extor-^ tion and rackrenting; (IV) the j^qtes were not geographycally defined by systematic survey and periodical settlement

With a view to remove the abuses and difficulties which then attended the I|aradarl system. Colonel Haughtcxi, the British Commissioner during the minority period of Nripendra ^ Narayan, pr^oaed and carried out a survey of the State under Mr, O'Doiell, Deputy Superintendent of Revenue Survey, who was deputed by the Government for the purpose 112 ,

It was the first revenue survey of the State ever attempted and was known as "Khasra Settlement" (1370-1875), This settlement had done away with the old sub-division of mauzas and Zilas and introduced modejrn cxies of Taluks cind V 113 Paraqai|as , Thus, the old form of fiscal units were abolish­ ed and gave ,,way to new onef. The State was divided into six parqanas^ namely Mekhliganj, Mathabhanga, Lalbazar, Dinhata, 114 Cooch Behar and Tufanganj and 1,2 02 Taluks .

TY>e motive behind the reform introduced by Houghton, in ( the revenue system was not only to ensure and increase the ^ land jrevenue collection but also he desired to form an opu- ' lent niddle class. His intention can be substantiated from the I reports in which he refers i "here there are none of that ^ middle class who should fom the bone and sinews of the 165

country. It appears to me that every effort should be made to improve this state of things, and to produce a class of Talukdars having an interest in the country*,«11 5

Under an order of the Bengal Government the l-(aradari system was abolished in 1872 . The land recovered from rent free, jagir lands and andaran iote£ or lands held by the ladies of the palace, were distributed to cultivators or -[^qtedairs, by 117 ^ auctic», for 12 years . Though no official right was given to the •j^qtedars. their right of successicaa, transfer and divi- sion over the lands was acknowledged by the State 113

The revenue settlement of 187G-75 brought about changes in the structure of the rural society. In the first place it checked the absentee jotedar; seccmdly, village -[otedars became the proprietors of lands; thirdly, the system of under tenures had been acknowledged and right of these intermediaries (Ghukanidars) was recognised by the State 119', . These changes may be considered the most significant development in the rural agricultural society.

As for the rate of rents, the new system reduced the previous amouat aad it was made 8 (eight) annas per biqha on an average 120 , The other extra cesses, payable by the cultivators, 121 sueh as Nuzzaji;:, Se^api, Maffussal iQiurcha. were d(Xie away with •

This land revenue system Ochas collection) saved the people from heavy extortlai and their rights over the lands were 166

recognised. Moreover, a systematic method of maintaining a regular register was introduced. It included collection of revenue; total number of jp^es and j^qtedars^12 2 . Thus, for the first time modem methods in respect of land revenue were adopted in the State,

The settlement was made directly with the -{otedars as a f result of which it yielded a considerable number of increase in/ the collection of land revenue. ^/Pram the report of the Govern­ ment of Bengal it is learnt that while in 1864-65 the total collectiCMi of land revenue was Rs. 3,43,733 and within ten years the collection had risen to Rs. 5,29,317. The total amount of 124 land revenue was fixed at Rs. 9,16,188 in 1376-77 , The lands,. so long concealed by the ladies of the palace and am\as and the rent free or mqkarary lands, were incorporated within the \ revenue paying lands and distributed amaig the actual culti- \ 12S "^ vators ".

The new "Khas collection" system ccxitinued upto 1886, but ; a few more changes were introduced in 1834-85 with the change f ^ of the constitution after the installation of Maharaja Nripendra / Narayan in 1883. The management of revenue was handed over to , the Dewan of the State and Revenue Department was made 12S independent .

During this time an attempt had been made to incorporate , fallow lands within a, lote and a separate assessment %fas mads.^ 157

The result of which was that the area of cultivated land increased and also the revenue. The settlement was known as ^ "Patit Charcha Settlement" of 1334-36. The land revenue income rose upto 9,53,530 in 1333-34. The "Patit Charcha Settlement" resulted an increase of Rs. 56,000 of revenue 127 .

In 1335, further step taken with the completion of the period of first settlement. The resettlement of land was undertaken, kna^n as "Rakarni Charcha Settlement". The resettle­ ment was made for 3 0 years. The new settlement had been under­ taken with some objectives. These were; (I) to prepare the detailed classification of land; (11) to protect the interests of ryots ? (Ill) to settle the problem of sub-infeudation; 1 ?8 (IV) to fix the rate of rent . The resettlement was completed by the end of 1393-99 and the increases in income c^tained to the State amounted to Rs. 2,77,462 129 .

The old rate of rents that existed in the'-'State were considerably lowered at the first settlement. By the "Rakam Charcha Settlement" this rate was slightly increased in view of the rise of price of the produced goods 13 0. The table no. IX given below corroborates the contension : Tab3,e No. IX Rate of Revenue Per Bjqha Before the first settlement of 1870-72

Old rates f t-i^yw^y—i——•••i—*^w • ^ M «M !•> — — !• -iw 1^ M iM Ml • III •• • 1 » ^ 1 iM !• » ^ Ml • mm^mf^'im Class of Land I Schedule-I « Scheaule-II « Schedule.XII +i I Rs« An. P» I Its* An, P. I ib» An. P«

1,-Betelnut 6 1 5 6 1 5 6 1 5 2. Jotedar homestead 3 12 10 3 0 3 2 4 6 3. Undertanents homestead 3 0 8 2 4 6 1 14 5 4. Garden 3 12 10 3 0 3 2 4 6 5. Bamboo 1 3 4 1 2 3 0 12 2 6. Awal (1st class cultivated land) 1 12 7. Doem (2nd class cultivated land) 0 14 0 9 0 7 7 3. Soem (3rd class cultivated land 0 12 0 6 1 9, Chaharani (4th class cultivated land) 0 9 8 0 6 1 0 3 7 10. Thatching grass 1 2 3 0 12 2 0 9 1 11. Laik Patit (culturable fallow) 0 0 /Table^IX c<»itd..,

Class of land Settlement of 1889

Rate in 1st class Taluk » Rate in Seccmd c » Taluk Rs. An. P. y Rs. An. P

1. Betel land 4 0 4 0 2. Hornestead 3 0 3 0 3. Garden 3 0 3 0 4. Bamboo 1 2 1 2 5. Tobacco 1st class 1 8 1 3 6. " 2nd class 1 4 1 4 7. Tobacco 3rd class 1 0 1 0 8. Awal 1 0 0 14 9. Deam 0 12 0 11 10. Soem 0 9 0 3 11. Chaharam 0 7 0 6 12. Jala (Fishery) 0 8 0 8 13. Thatching grass 0 7 0 6 14. Laik Patit 0 2 0 2 15. Nalaik Patit 0 1 0 1 (Uncultivated fallow)

Source x Pinal Report of the Survey and Settlement Operation K.C.Ganguli, p.12, 170

The most important step taken in the "Rakam Charcha - ^ 1 Settlement" was the measure to stc^ growing subinfeudation. ] There were six grades of under tenures (Chukani, Darchukani, Daradarchukani, Tasva Chukani, Tali Chukani, Tasva Tali Chukani) existed in the rural structure of society 131 • The resettlement recognised only first two grades of under-tenures , This measure was undertaken to safeguard the ryots of lower strata' from increases in the burden of taxation arising out of the | I growing number of intermediaries. The |otedarl profit was raised to 35%. The revenue and the total profit of the under- tenures was fixed at 25% whatever of such undertenants might

The system of sale or transfer of lands was also changed. The traditicHial systems of verbal contract viz. Istafas or V Ikras or lagan 1 were prohibited and a new regulation provided that no verbal ccmtract or transfer would be valid unless it 134 • " got registered .

All these measures, undertaken by the Maharaja Nripendra Narayan, sought to safe guard the interest of the tenants. But in spite of the efforts the traditional system of six grades of intermediaries continued. Even the verbal ccmtract, prohibited/ by the State, was practised by the tenants. Hence it may be ' viewed that the provisions though good in theory, failed to ' produce the desired results 135 171

The Krishiprojas, who formed a large number of cultivators , got the favour of the State authority. Special steps were taken I to protect their rights over the lands they possessed and I Pattahs were issued against their names in the successive •, settlements 13S .

One of the remarkable achievements of the Rakam Charcha Settlement was the proper assessment of both rent free and Mokarar4 Estates. The tenants and undertenants of these estates were assessed under the rules applicable to other tenants and under tenures and copies of final records of rights were distributed amcxig all of them. At the sametiroe the whole areas of revenue free and revenue-paying lands were measured and clearly defined in the register which ultimately helped the State to a proper collection and assessment of revenue, Incidentaly, it can be mentioned that at the Rakam Charcha settlement the total revenue-free land was found to be 66,952 13 7 bighas . Thus, the resettlement of land revenue was accom­ panied by a settlement of fair and equitable rents for all tenants in the revenue-free and mokarari estates and for all grades of under tenants of the State,

"^he Jagirdars, of whom mention had been made earlier, were granted lands to settle them in the society. The Rakam , Charcha Settlement recognised their rights over the jotes but they were not given right to sale or inherit the lands^^®, 172

One of the interesting features of the land revenue reforms in the State was that the tenants had to pay no cesses corres- ^ ponding to the road and public cesses of Bengal. Only the Mokararidar or the gross rental payable to all Lakhera-fdar exceeds Rs. 40 had to pay coRununicatlon improvement cesses at a rate not exceeding half annas in the rupee under the Cooch Behar^ Act of 1893. The incidence of revenue was not higher than that • for similar temporary settled tenures in the neighbouring districts of Bengal^^^.

The period under study also witnessed measures for safe- guarding the rights of the adhlars. The adhiars cultivated lands on the condition that they got half of the produce of the 140 1 crop . Adhiars generally lived upcxi the landlord s premises, / or on lands in their Khas possession and paid no rent for the same. In Cooch Behar the adhiars were generally regarded as / labouirers. They were not considered to have any right or title * ~ 141 but were liable to be ejected at the will of their employer To improve the condition of the adhiars and to safeguard their right over the land, significant steps had been taken in the first settlement. Accordingly it was ordered that any adhiar who cultivates the same lands with his own cattle for consecutive twelve years would acquire a right of occupancy in 142 respect of such land In 1910 this occupancy right was made heritable but not otherwise transferable"^*-'. it is to be noted that no record 173

of rights of the adhiars were prepared. This provision of/ recording the names of the adhiars was made in the later resettlement 144 . /Thus, all these steps, though limited in nature, may be considered both benevolent and at the same time modern method of land reform.

It would not be out of order to admit the fact that the f errors in the records were corrected in the "Revisional Settle- ments" of 1913-1927 and the system of Khatian (ilecord of rights) in place of Terije was introduced, which is the practice of ^ modern method of land reform system. But one of the unchanged traditional vi

During the period under study the land revenue system of the State was changed thorcxighly^n different settlement operations/(i>y adopting modern methods and knowledge 7) The reve^ nues were fixed on the basis of regular settlement and were periodically revised in different operations in which the Bengal .146 provisional rules followed

The result^oC^these settlemenit operations increas^^^he efficiency of the State Revenue Department and a good system of collection of land Revenue (followed.^ (The collection of land revenue' sometimes raised upto 95.554 . The provision had also been made to allow relief to the peasants in case of any ravage 174

by any natural calamity in accordance with the exigencies of the '\ Ad situation •

v--^hus, under the lasting rule of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan, the land revenue of the State was placed on a sound footing. After 1773 when Cooch Behar came into contact with the £ast India Canpany, Mr. Purling ascertained the total revenue of the ) State as Rs. 199,120.50 Narayani Rupees equivalent to Rs. 1,33,000' in British currency in India. This showed the poor revenue \ condition of the country and as mentioned above the ryots suffer­ ed badly owing to mal-administration. But from the period of ' minority of Nripendra Narayan, under the supervision of the ' British Commissioner, the land revenue system gradually developed , and towards the closing years of the reign of Nripendra Narayan the land revenue was made stable:,. "thif hiis can be substantiate^d \ from the lists of revenue fixed in the different—Settlements. ^ The data available may be put_a^_uader i

Table No.X

Period Total Revenue

1. On the eve of the First Settlement (1870-72) Rs. 3,64,140 2. On the First Settlement (1970-86) Rs. 9,35,641 3. On the eve of the Rakam Charcha Resettlement 1889. Rs. 9,59,830 4. Rakam Charcha Resettlement 1889 te.l2>41,060 5. On the eve of the Resettlement operations 1912-13 Rs, 12,62,154 175

The above table reveals the increasing rate of land irevenue of the State. This corroborates the fact that modernized princi­ ples were entertained by the ruler in the field of land revenue,

Thus, the reign of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan marked a

remarkable breach with the past and the traditional farming

system gave passage to the modern revenue administration. The

result of the farming system not only helped in increasing the

State economy but at the sametime proved beneficial to the

peasants of the State.

SgCTIQtil-IV t ADMINISTRATION

In this section the researcher's intention is to depict the nature, extent and level of administration as well as the admin is t rat iai of justice which existed during the j?eign of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan ahd to contrast it with the system

of administration which he had inherited soon after his caning to the throne. Any analysis of the administration as an off -shoot tolmodernity centers around certain basic questions; (i) how the development administration came to the fore instead of the pattern-maintenance nature of administration ? (ii) was the administration meant for safe-guarding the interest of monarchic institution or for the public 7 (iii) was the administration participatory in character ? (iv) was it demo­ cratic in character or had it been decentralised in form ? 176

Our study in the following paragraphs would be an attempt to answer the questions raised above.

The tradition bound society under Raja Harendra Narayan (of which mention has been made beforehand) had not been able to make any improvement in the administrative system of Cooch Behar. Even when, the Raja was a minor, the Company's intention, to infuse new trends and tactics could not develop the administra­ tive system. During the period, the Company took initiative in the administrative affairs of the State as per recommendation of 149 the Commission of Mercer and Chauvet , When Raja Harendra Narayan was a minor, the administrative affairs were managed by the Ranees of the palace, alcwig with the assistance of some influencial persons. The affairs of the State were in a dis­ orderly condition as a result of internal squabbles, personal jealousy of the important persons of the State and above all the administrative inefficiencies. The Commissioner Mercer and Chauvet in their report proposed Company's interference to re-establish administrative order throughout the country

As per recommendation of the Commission, in 1789, for conducting the smooth administration, during the minority of Raja Harendra Narayan, Henry Douglas was appointed as Resident Commissioner as mentioned before. He applied himself mainly to regularising the Revenue Administration. He was succeeded by Charles Andrews (1791), Mr. Smith (1795), and Richard Ahmuty (1797). It is thus, evident from the fact that during the long 177

period of minority of Raja Harendra Narayan the administration and the relation with the Company's Government was exercised by the British officers and a status-quo was maintained in the administrative system which basically upheld the monarchic interest and the interest of the Company. In 1901, at the coming of age of Raja Harendra Narayan, the Commissioner was removed and the administration was left in his hands. For sometime, under the tyrannical rule of the young Raja the administrative system did not get the form of development-administration sys­ tem . Without being invited by the Raja, but for upholding the Company's interest, the East India Company wanted to bring changes in revenue and police administration. Accordingly, Francis Pierard was sent by the Governor General to Raja Harendra Narayan's Court but Pierard failed to procure Raja's assent and that gentleman was withdrawn. Without being disappointed the Company sent John French with the same motive but the Company's effort again turned in vain 152 . i^ot even the powerful Governor General Wellesly tried to impose any reform in the local administration thenceforward 153

^ The nature of administration that existed during the rule of Raja Harendra Narayan may be summarised. The duties connected with the administration had all along been performed by native officers since 1301 and after the removal of the Company's Commissioner many of the old abuses crept into the Government of the Country . In dealing with the affairs of the State, the 178

Raja was the sole fountain of authority of administration with a Sabha or Council to assist him. In the Sabha, some influenclal persons were incorporated as members, who were entrusted with the duty of Judicial matters such as Fquzdari and Revenue cases .

The administration of Cooch Behar remained a grave concern to the Company's Government. While introducing new reforms in 1309, fiarl Minto I, the Governor General also showed interest in bringing about changes in the police and the revenue administra­ tion of Cooch Behar State. It was resolved in the meeting of the Revenue Department of 7th August, 1313, that the Government was determined upon exercising a thorough and efficient inter­ ference in the internal affairs of Cooch Behar with a view to eradicate the evils of the tradition bound State of admlnistra- tion 1 *^fi , But Raja Harendra Narayan with his feudal outlook was unwilling to reform the administration or to part his authority with any body. The pressure on the Raja continued by the successive Governor Generals. The £ast India Company's Govern­ ment revived the post of Resident Commissioner of Cooch Behar and Mr. Norman Macleod was appointed for the post. His mission to modernize and reform the Cooch Behar administration failed on the ground that Harendra Narayan was not in any position to acc­ ept the Company's policies in reforming the administrative system 157 . Consequently in February 1816, the Company resolvec to r«carll their former orders and to relinquish the attempt to 179

administer the affairs through the direct agency of a Government servant 158 . There was no cohesion or real administration from top to bottom. This can be substantiated from the fact that "every officer did what was right in his eyes and acknowledged no authority but of the Raja and his subordination even to him 1 eg was in most cases only lip service*• "^, Thus, anarchy prevailed in every sphere of administration. The Cooch Behar administration under Raja Harendra iSIarayan could not get the new lights because of (i) Raja's reluctance to accept any change and to share his supreme power; (il) the administrative officers of the time represented the definite elite class who were unware of the development administration; (iii) the British interest to modify adtninistration had been concentrated on upholding their own interest. But it was largely due to the activities of the Raja that Cooch Behar had been a feudatory State, uncontrolled in its internal affairs and having an administrative system independent of foreign (British) interference 160 ,

After the death of Raja Harendra Narayan the period is marked by two rulers, Shibendra Narayan and Narendra Narayan. I>uring the period of Shibendra Narayan one of the most signifi­ cant changes made at the citadel of administration had been the establishment of the Rajsabha. It was constituted with the Dewans (One from Cooch Behar State and another from Chakla 1 at 180

Estate which had been a part of Company's aokninistrated Bengal )^^. The meetings of the Ra|sabha used to be presided over by the Maharaja and assisted by the Dewans. The ^J,?.^^^^ was considered^the Supreme Court in all the criminal matters Thus, it is clear that during the rule of Raja Shibendra Narayan the sharing of administration was made to a minimum extent.

After the death of £laja Shibendra Narayan, Narendra Narayan was still a minor. During this minority, the Company took the greatest opportunity to inject major changes in the administra­ tive system of Cooch Behar. The Company tried to educate Narendra Narayan with the modem line of thought. Mention shou^ld be made that not only the Company influenced the administrative system of Cooch Behar but also some immigrated influencial Bengali intellectuals directly participated in the affairs of ^ 1S3 Cooch Behar Administration . Although a miniraiira degree of change was made in the administrative sphere especially the establishment of the Thanas (Police Station) and decentralised Judicial system, the Cooch Behar administrative system under Maharaja Narendra Narayan experienced the feudal nature of administration because of the resistance of inefficient perso­ nalities of the Royal family . One noticeable point towards establishment of the modernized administraticxi had been the creaticm of "Desh Hitaishini Sabha" under the sponsorship of Maharaja Narendra Narayan which comprised the people of different 181

sections of the community . From the composition of the "Sabha" it is revealed that the Haharaja had chosen the members of the different communities especially from the rising elitist class. Thus, the participatory nature of administratiwi made little progress during the reign of Maharaja Narendra Narayan.

The land mark in the administrative system witnessed during the period of Maharaja Narendra Narayan had been the invitation of the British assistance 166 by the Maharaja to rebuild and re-organise the total administrative edifice of the Cooch Behar State which had been suffering from the enigma of feudal crises. The British were ready to avail themselves of the opportunity and without wasting any time they started infusing the modem administration with all its positive characteristics in the administration of Cooch Behar which gained ground in the period of Nripendra Narayan especially when he was a minor after the death of Maharaja Narendra Narayan.

During the long period of minority of Nripendra Narayan, the entire administration of Cooch Behar was under the manage- raent of the British Commissioners 167 . Colonel Houghton, the Governor General's Agent of North Eastern Frontier, was appoint­ ed Commissioner, in the charge of administration. The Commi­ ssioner was vested with full powers of the rulers of the State except with regard to certain specific points namely grants of lands, gratitudes and confirmation of capital sentences. These powers were reserved by the Government^" . He brought to the 182

State development and prosperity. The modernization of admini­ stration began to take place in spite of the stiff opposition from the local elites. In his attempts he was ably assisted by another person, Rak Calica Das Dutta, a Brahmo, who became anoth­ er pillar (Dewan) of the administration of the time . Owing to their efforts the State administration witnessed changes in respect of Land Revenue and Judicial administration.

In 1883 170 Maharaja tJripendra Narayan assumed the full ruling powers. He was considered to be one of the first Indian rulers to embrace the fireedom of the west 171 . The administration was democratised and there was no department of the administra­ tion of the State to which he did not devote personal atten- tion 172 . For the administrative convenience the entire administration was reorganised.

On assuming the authority, the Maharaja established a 173 Council in 1883 to assist him in governing the State . It was founded in the pattern of a modem cabinet. As he was inexperienced in matters of the executive and the judiciary, he felt it necessary to take into account the advice of the Council and at the aame time to associate his subjects more and more with the administration. So he resolved to act in some import- ant matters with the advice of the Council 174

The Cooch Behar State Council which was founded by him consisted ,of three members with the Maharaja as president. The 183

members were the Superintendent of the State; the Dewan, and an experienced Judicial officer. It is interesting to note that the Superintendent would be a British officer . In the Maharaja's absence the Superintendent would act as the Vice President of the Council, These members were entirely indepen­ dent of each other, and it was the duty of each to see that all measures decided on in the Council were carried out 176 . The President had, in all deliberations of the Council, the casting vote. Three members formed the quorum. During the temporary vacancy in the post of any member, the Fauzdari Ahilker was 177 generally authorised to sit in the Council to form a quorum

The Council which was formed by him was a nominated body and had all official members. Though it decentralised the power in the functioning of the State affairs, the subjects were not associated with the administration. Further in 1391 the Maharaja introduced certain reforms in the administration of the '*• "- 178 State and modified the memorSndum of the Council . For the enactment of law, provisions were made for appointment of additional members from amcmgst the Ra|qun, the intelligent and wealthy -{otedars and from the local Bar. Though it was a nominated body non-official members got the opportunity to enact new legislation, The functions of the State Council %*ei:re three fold x Legislative, Executive and Judiciary. On the Legislative side 134

the Council passed laws and enactments/ on the Executive, it regulated the management of the different departments; in Judicial matters the Council was the highest Court of appeal, having final jurisdicticxi in civil, criminal and Aevenue suits and proceedings. The Council had the power to frame rules and regulations for the management of Judicial side 17"9 .

Thus the whole administration was divided into a number of department under the different heads. The Superintendent of the State would supervise, direct and control and adkninistra>. tion of Criminal Justice and the Police, Jail, Public Works, Education and Audit Depaziunent and would be the Sessicxi Judge, but would not act as a Civil Judge, except when sitting in the Council. The Dewan was in charge of the Revenue Department, being responsible for ths collection of all kinds of revenue. The judicial member of the Council would hear all Civil and Revenue appeals. The Council also acted as an ^peallate Court*''^. All the proceedings of the Council were maintained by the Secretary to the Council, but in 1903 the post of lai Secretary was abolished and designated as Registrar .

The Council which was constituted in 1333 was purely an advisory oa», but in the memorandum of administration of 1391 it was resolved that "no new tax will be imposed without the consent of the Council, but it will be open to him to veto any such tax proposed by the Council"*"*, The legislature, thiis 185

strengthened, consisted of the non-official members representing from the general people,

In 1909 a further step towards the process of democratisa- tlon was undertaken with the establishment of State Legislative Council . By following the example which the Secretary of State (Lord Moriey) and the Governor-General of India (Minto) had set in enlarging linperial and Provincial Legislative Councils with a view to making them more representative of the people, he (Nripendra Narayan) enlarged his Council for the work of legislation 184 . The establishment of the State legislative body was a rare move and only two other Indian States, namely Mysore and Cochin had similar arrangements 185 .

It was a nominated body but it represented the different sections of the society. The system continued for nearly three decades to function. By introducing a democratic pattern in the State administration and giving his subjec%s-the opportunity to share in the administration, Maharaja Nripendra Narayan became an instance to the other Indian Princely States in modernization 186 of their administration

For the administrative convenience and decentralization of administration the country was divided into a number of parganas and thanas (police station) were created in the places like Dinhata, Mathabhanga, Mekhliganj, Lalbazar, Haldibari and Tufangani 187 . The parganas %*ere aiyl^d as sub-division and 186

placed under the authority of Nalb Ahlj,kar with full power to supervise administrative works like police^ revenue and general administration. He was also vested with the powers of justice 183 Of cases with certain limits , Thus, a chain of administra­ tive control was established from the top to the sub-divisional level.

After the advent of the British and during the period of minority of Harendra Narayan, Civil and Criminal justice of Cooch Behar was subject to the ancient customs of the country. The Commissioners Mercer and Chauvet reported; "All complaints are made in the first Instance to Shew Pars ad Mustaffee and reported by him to the Maharanny who Issued orders to him to summon the persons complained against. The complaint is then referred to the pundits appointed by the Maharanny for that purpose, when the same having been tried by them agreeable to the law of the shastar, the persons found guilty are then punished by the order of the Maharanny, according to the usage Of the country" 189 . There was no system of maintaining a register of the cases 190 , The Judiciary during the reign of Baja Harendra Narayan depended exclusively on the will of the Raja. There was no regular Court of justice. The cases were conducted by the Raja along with his "Sabha". The general rule in the administration of justice was maintained in accordance with theHindu Law19 1 . The Governor General was infavour of formation pf a cods of Civil and Criminal juris-prudence for the 187

territory of Cooch Behar, The intention was that the Mohamedan Law, modified according to the spirit of the Regulations in force in the British provinces, must form the basis of any system 192 of criminal law and to be introduced into Cooch Behar , But Raja Harendra Narayan was reluctant to change the prevailing system of Justice, The Justice was not perpetrated impartially, there was disorder and confusion and the rights of the subjects were not guaranteed by the State. The system of Judiciary remained unchanged in spite of the attempt of the British. In 1828 there was only 1 (one) Criminal Court and 4 (four i^venue Courts^^-^.

During the time of Shibendra Narayan the highest Court in the country was the Rajsabha or the king's Council, which he 1 04 created in 1840 , The Raja presided over the Court and in his absence the Sarbarakar or the manager used to preside over it with the assistance of two Dewans and heard appeals from all other courts. The functions of this court was divided into three departments such as (i) Uttam Panda or the Criminal Department; (ii) Uttama Karasanqraha or the Revenue Department; 195 Ciii) Uttaroartha or the Civil Department ,

The Judicial administration during the time of Raja Shibendra Narayan and Raja Narendra Narayan underwent thorough changes in its management. Firstly two courts were established ^^th Ahilkar and Suddar Aromeji as the judges of the courts 196 138

and secondly, the number of the courts had been increased and British regulations were introduced into the administration of 1Q7 Justice . The judiciary changed a little and in the courts 198 officers were appointed, mostly immigrant Bengalis . One of the interesting features during this time was that the superior 199 court exercised no control over the Ahilker *s Courts . In 1850 there were 2 (two) Criminal and 7 (seven) Revenue and Civil Courts and the nvunber increased during the minority administration of Nripendra Narayan and the total number of courts in 1870-71 rose to five Criminal and ten Revenue Courts

In 1864, Colonel Haughton took over the charge of Commissioner of Cooch Behar and abolished Rajaabha. He estab­ lished the Deputy Commissioner's Court which heard the specific appeals from the Judges and exercised the controlling power of the High Court of British India, but unlike the High Court it heard no regular appeal 2 01 , The process of extending Judicial facilities to the people of the interior stajrted there on. The Sub-divisional charge of collecti<»i of Revenue and Criminal 2 02 adjudication was vested with the Naib Ahilkar . Besides the Sub-divisional Naib Ahilkars, one of the two assistants of the Fouzdari Ahilkar was vested with civil powers in 1892 and became an assistant to the Dewani Ahilkar. Both the Assistant Dewani /^i],kar and the Sub-divisional '*Naib Ahilkar had Juris­ diction in suits of the small causes court involving cases upto the value of Rs. 500 and in other civil suits upto the 189

2 0"^ value of Rs. 100 .

One of the important matters in the process of modernizing the administration of the State 's Judiciary after the installa­ tion of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan, was the creation of Civil judge. The Civil judge became the Head of the Department of Law and Justice and also Judicial meinber of the State Council20^ 4 The post of Dewani Ahilkar was abolished and in its place the Assistant Civil judge was created to take its place. The jurisdiction of the Assistant Civil Judge was extended to all Civil suits and it acted as an original court in the Sub-divi- sions 2 05 , The extension of court not only benefited the subjects at the same time the native officers were given better oppor­ tunity in the administraticxi of justice and led to the decen­ tralization of structure,

206 The establishment of the Cooch Behar High Court in 1893 , was an important step towards modernity in the field of Judi­ cial administration. It was becoming apparant, however, under piresent day practice that Maharaja would be more likely to observe the convention of appointing judges of the High Court, to preside over the full bench, reserving to himself the exer­ cise of the prerogative of mercy and indulgence in suitable cases on equitable basis 2 07 ,

To re-organise the Sub-divisional Courts and to give more representative nature, some modlf icaticxis vere made and by which 190

sanction was accorded in 1902 to the formation of a Bench of Magistrate and appoint local gentleman to constitute the 208 Bench . Thus, during the rule of Maharaja Mripendra ilarayan, the courts were rebuilt and the judiciary was brought into the fashion of the British India and codifying system led to an organised system of Judicial administration in tha state.

In the administration of the local authority the process of democratisation and administrative decentralisation touched the grass roots of the Cooch Behar State 's system during the period under review. In 1835 the Cooch Behar Town Committee was 209 established . It consisted of the members with FpQ^dari A^^llkai;- as chairman. It acted as municipality for the town of Cooch Behar. The members were nominated by the Maharaja. In 1397 the "Town Committee Act** was extended to the Sub .divisional towns of Dinhata, Mathabhanga and to the Bandar at Haldibari , The smaller town committees depended mainly on t)« state grants; the Cooch Behaf- town committee have got the independent right to collect a sum of little more than a half the amount of the State gjcants^^^.

In the rural areas the old system of 13et;mia was reduced and the •Choukidari Act" was passed**^ for the fvmctiooing in the 213 rural areas through the appointed Panchayats . The enactment was made on the model of Bengal Act. This was probably a self •-governing organisation with the association of the local people. Although the system of local adninistration, both ucban and rural, introduced by the Maharaja %#as being managed by the 191

nominated members, it was Maharaja Nripendra Narayan who realised that the local government should be used as the platform of the first political institution of the public.

From the above analyses it is cAjviously clear that Maharaja Nripendra Narayan had tried his best to shape the administrative system with a development-orientation. The participatory charac­ ter of administration has been reflected to a minimum extent pn the ostensible ground that the Maharaja's choice of nomination was not concentrated to only the royal elites but also the rising middle class, interalia. The administration fostered by Maharaja Nripendra Narayan had its double edged objective? Ci) to make a merger of the interest of the royal family with the British interest? (ii) to give a proper system of administration which could serve best for the people. The administration as well as administraticwi of Justice were moire or less democratic in cha­ racter of decentralised in form.

SBCTIQN-V : EDUCATION

Educaticxi provides OTie of the most important channels of transition from the traditional to modern. The vehicle of modernization without education leads to an illusion. Every society irrespective of race and cultural heritage has been developed by the magical touch of education. It developes 192

cultural values comprising of the systems i.e., religion, philosophy and science, the spread of literacy and secular education. It also occupies a key position in the formation of modernized society, cultujre and also shapes the pattern of occupation.

The modernity of the State which was beyond imagination without the spiread of education, was realised by the enlightened ruler Maharaja Nripendra Narayan. It was during his rule that Education Department was given special attention, and accord­ ingly we find that the Cooch Behar State emerged in comparison to other neighbouring districts of Bengal as the node of culture and hxxb of learning as well as an advanced region 214 ,

Before analysing the contribution of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan to the spread of education in the Cooch Behar State, a brief analy_sis of the traditional form of education prior to his reign should be made. The education had been confined to Sanskrit learning and at the sametime the Persian language was taught in the royal family 215 . One of the main features during this time was that the education was restricted and not imparted to all inhabitants of the State, and it was mainly concerned with the aristocrats and members of the royal family!21 6A s regards the language of the local inhabitants it was different from that of the Bengalee, It was something like proto Bengali type 217 . Raja Harendra Narayan himself was the patronizer of 193

native education, and for example he himself composed a number of books : Upakatha and Sundarkanda Ramayan. Besides these many ancient epics and puranas were translated into the native langua­ ge, These books were later published by Cooch Behar Sahitya Sabha^^^,

The English education could not make its headway into the State until the first half of the 19th century. It can be men­ tioned here that during this time the British India was just entering into the arena of Western education through the efforts of some Bengali reformers such as Vidyasagar, Raramohan, and the members of the young Bengal. The education in the Stat© of Cooch Behar, both Vernacular and English, had its beginning, from the time of Maharaja Narendra iMarayan (1347-1363). It was during his period of minority, a Vernacular school was established in 1857 219 , It sowed the seed of popular learning in the State. In building the school the name of Maharanee Brindeswari Devi deserves special mention. But the school was established only for imparting education to the kinsmen of the Maharaja 220

In the establishment of first higher English school, the name of Colonel Jenkins, the Governor General's Agent in the North East Frontier, is worthy to be mentioned. It was due to his insistence the English school was founded in 1361 and named after 221 him . In the beginning it taught upto the third standard of the Entrance curriculum, and it was ten years after, in 1870, 194

that the first batch of three boys passed the Entrance Examina­ tion from it^^^.

y/ During the period of minority of tJripendra ilarayan, the effort to popularise education was taken by Colonel Haughton, the then Commissioner of Cooch Behar. In 1364, three Vernacular 223 Schools were opened in the interior of the State . The result was that for the first time the interior population were given the opportunity to acqpaire Vernacular education. To supervise the management of these schools the post of Inspector of Schools was created 274 .

The primary education in the State had its beginning in (225 1360 , The educaticxj which was mostly irestricted to the royal elites had started to come out for all and every one. Thus universal spread of education in the State of Cooch Behar was made possible by the infusion of British influenced education,

From 1365-1370 the ftumber of schools rose to 58 out of which the niimber of Government aided schools was 3 7 and with a strength of 130 in total. But the Persian Madrasas and Sanskrit tqles were no less negligible 226 . The total expenditure on Education came up from Rs. 7,022 in 1365 to Rs, 29,515 in 1870. This figure reveals the interest of the State in furthering education. A portion of money was collected in the shape of subscriptic»i from 227 the local people * . 195

For the management of these schools, the Local Committee of Public Instruction was established and placed under the Govern- y JO ment Inspector of schools of the North ^astern Division With the gradual spread of schools in the interior and continued development of the important institutions in the towns, it was found difficult for the members of the Local Committee either to master or to properly attend to the details of a business, and accordingly a seperate Superintendentship for the Education 219 Department was created in 1870 . The objectives of the depart­ ment were (i) to advise in all matters connected with education; (ii) to inspect and examine the schools; (iii) and to deliver occasional lecture- , In the beginning of the seventys the number of primary school was very meagre and the state budget provided a negligible sum-fbr thie cause. Naturally the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal expressed the hope that larger sum of money should be spend to this head for the multiplication of primary schools 230 . During the budget of 1872-73 out of the total estimated expenditure of Rs, 45,054 only Rs. 300 was alloted in the head for the primary education^-^^.

From ;5*he time onwards the works of the Education Department were carried on a much more systematic manner. The State began to afford liberal grafts for extending scope in the sphere of 196

education in the State,

A complete network of schools and path-shalas (Primary schools) very shortly covered the State from one end to another. For the proper supervision of these institutions the Superinten­ dent 's office was strengthened. One more Deputy Inspector of Schools, one sub-inspector and 4 (four) inspecting Pandits were 232 appointed , Under this organised system, patronized by the British, during the period of minority of Nripendra Narayan, the number of schools increased as well as the number of pupils. As regards the development of education Hunter mentions s "In 1364, the earliest year for which information is available, there was only one school in Kuch Behar State, attended by 36 pupils. In September 1371, these numbers had increased to 46 schools, attended by 1486 pupils; and by 31st March 1875, there was a still further increase to 245 schools and 6497 pupils, of whom 3 52 vie re girls, ^As compared with the area of the State and its population, these last figures give one school to every 5.3 squar» miles, and one person at school to every 32 of the inhabitants'•^^•^.

The following table (no.Xl) shows in detail the compara­ tive state of education in Cooch Behar for the two years 1873-74 and 1874-75 s- 197

Table No~XI 'Ht Name of schools 1873-74 I 1374-75

No, of J Pupils on J No. of I Pupils on Schools i role on 31st v Schools v role on J March Y J 31st March

^» St^at^e. ^i>3tAtu^AQ"L Higher Schools 1 137 1 176 Middle Schools 2 2 74 2 331 Normal classes 2 37 2 44 Boarding school 1 1 Artisen School 1 39

II. Aided. Middle Schools (English 2 70 62 Middle Vexmacu- lar 52 1543 66 2208 Lower Vernacular 33 766 47 1216

Night schools 10 223 15 332

Girls • schools 14 207 16 251 III. Unaided.

Middle schools 5 133 9 250

Lower schools 10 257 13 390 Girls' Schools 6 65 7 101

Night schools 7 124 9 147

Pathsalas 42 636 39 734 Maktabs 12 88 15 166

Total 199 4605 245 6497 {source >' HunterV A "Statist jca^ "^ccunt^^^^enq^, p. 43 7) 198

The Bengal Administration Reports also quoted the reports of Richard Temple, "there is one good school of the status of a zilla (district) school, which has won many scholar­ ships tenable in the colleges of Bengal, many middle schools of which some are supported by Jqte dars; one female school for upper Glasses founded by Dwar Bakshi, a high native official; and several girls schools in the interior; a boarding school, where many youths of the Raja 's kin and caste were boarded and educated; an Artisan school which may be called a technical institution of the lower class; and many primary schools'H23 4

A net work of schools and Pathsalas (primary schools) connected the entire state and measure was taken for proper supervision of education 235 . The rapid progress of education in the State from 1375-1330 and the increase of expenditure was shown in the following tables :

Table Np-XII-A —, . W" "J" "TA Class 1879-30

Schools r Pupils Average I daily atten I dance I I I. State Institution

Higher class 1 2 02 147 Middle class Vernacular 2 331 205

Normal schools 2 35 44 Boarding 1 Nil Nil

/contd. ^^ 199

/^a.b\e~XII-A cqntd.

II. Aided Institution Higher class English 1 31 18 Middle class English 2 30 62 Middle class vernacu-94 3,591 2,305 lar Lower class verna­ cular 129 3,970 2,970

Night schools 25 661 490 Girls' schools 36 523 399 Boarding 1 Nil Nil

III. Unaided Middle Class English 1 16 12 Middle Class Verna­ cular 4 123 90 Lower Class Ver- nacular 36 949 804 Indegenous n - Pathshalas 20 428 390

Night Schools 12 306 259 Girls • Schools 14 123 93

Muktabs 7 151 108 Boarding 1 Nil Nil

Total 390 11,630 8,891 (sic)

(Source s A^ARC - 1880-31, p.51.) 200

Year I 1875-76 I 1879-30

Description State 7 6 Aided 177 239 Unaided 98 95

Total 282 390

Amount of Expenditure State Rs. 42,591 Rs. 60,635 Private Rs. 22,3 57 Rs. 33,213

Rs. 64,943 Rs. 93,898

Source : H.N.Choudhury, op.cit., p.3l8j AARG 1880-31, pp.53-53.

The above picture shows that within ten years the number of schools increased and towards the late 70s number of increase is somewhat very high. The financial liabilities of the State reveals the endeavour of the State to the cause of spreading education, A large sum of money was kept seperate in the budget of the Education Department. The State took interest in spread­ ing education in the less favoured area. The people's interest came to light from the amount of subscription acquired from the local people in the different parts of the State. 2 01

Interestingly enough there was a decrease in the number of

schools in the State from 1330-1333. The decrease was evident

both in the nvimber of schools, strength of attendance, and the

amount of total subscription also reduced. The total number of

schools reduced from 390 in 1880 to 283 and pupils from 11,63 0 236 to 8,769 and private subscriptions from Rs. 33,2 73 to Rs. 10,2 51

One of the most important event in the field of education

was the establishment of a female school in the capital town 23 7 Cooch Behar, in 1891. . It was a landmark in the history of

women's education in Cooch Behar. It is not that Cooch Behar

was without any girls * school before that date. But it was for

the first time that any girls ' school, prevailed upon the

imagination of the royalty.

The school received direct patronage of Maharanee Sunity Devi. It was a very rare thing of that time that the girls were

eager for education. In this respect Sunity Accademy played the 233 most vital role towards the cause of wcmen education

Maharanee Suniti Devi was directly involved in the affairs of

this school. "The girl students were not only exempted from tuition fees and the cost of books, but were invited, on their

success, to the landsdown Hall almost every year, and were piled with sweets and prizes comprising 'useful books, nice cloths, 239 plates, boxes and other fancy things" . Nripendra Narayan took special attention in spreading education both for men and 202

wcwen./The education of the State took a rapid turn and many of the monentus changes took place since his installation to the throne in 1833. At the time of his coronation the number of Schools was 233 and the total expenditure on education amounted to Rs. 76,416 of which Rs. 18,020 was obtained from private subscription 240 • In the course of the next four years the number of schools gradually rose to 32 7 in 1887-38 with 9,297 students. The total expenditure on education came upto Rs, 31,144 in that year24 1.

The year 1888 is another landmarking year in the history of higher education not only of the State itself but of the neighbouring districts of Bengal and Assam. In that year, in order to commemorate the Silver Jubilee of Queen Victoria, a College was established in Her name. A svm of about Rs. 25,000 was granted for the initial cost of house, furniture, books and apparatus, and sufficient provisions were made to meet the regular expenses for establishment of library and scholar- 242 ship . Prom the very beginning the education was made free to all^'*^.

The Victoria College was considered as a first grade college with Arts upto B.A. standard and was affiliated to Calcutta University and Science upto Intermediate course 244 To encourage the student and to enhance the standard, the sys­ tem of regular scholarship and other facilities were granted 203

to the students of Victoria College^*^. Gradually the M.A. and the Law Course was opened and this College became one of the leading institutions in the North ^astern India, particularly in North Bengal^^^.

Nripendra Narayan's attachment towards the Brahmos and his endeavour to develop the State's educational standard was evi­ dent by the fact that he invited Brojendra Nath Seal, the great scholar and eminent member of the enlightened group of Bengal. He was appointed principal of Victoria College in 1896 247 . Due to the active patronage of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan, Brojen­ dra Nath Seal attained stability, peace in mind and time for 243 studious reflections

It was from Cooch Behar that Brojendra Nath Seal first 249 acquired reputation abroad , As Principal of Victoria College Brojendra Nath Seal devoted his attention to improve the standard of education and from a remote place like Cooch Behar the Victoria College earned the reputation of supplying brilliant students to the Calcutta University. Upto 1910 the education was free in the college and to the Cooch Behar state, half of Young Bengal is grateful for higher education 2S0 . Thus with the establishment of Victoria College, the vistas towards higher learning and intellectual development was gaining ground in Cooch Behar. The management of the instituticms had been organised. The subordinate inspecting officers had done their 204

their works upto the satisfaction and brought the Education Department in a systematic form.

The appointment of Mr. E.E.Lewis, as the Superintendent of the State, marked a new era in the educational history of the State. He recommended seperate budget to give extra stress for the benefit of Primary education. He also recommended improved rules for education organization and for its smooth work. Out of these recommendations of the Department, Higher and Primary, education continued to make steady progres,. He at the sametime suggested special scholarship for the better educaticsi of the native youths 251 , The Superintendent insisted on an elaborate system of accounts from all State schools, English as well as Vernacular, and rigorously enforced the remittance of all fee 252 collection to the treasury month by month . The result yielded not only the steady and satisfactory progress of education but also all sense of alarm and insecurity had been rremoved. This development in education helped the people of Cooch Behar and a large number of youths from Bengal,

It is important to mention that during the reign of Maha­ raja Nripendra Narayan, the higher education had been concen­ trated to the capital town of Cooch Behar, but an attempt was made to scatter educational institutions in the villages and in semi urban localities. Entrance schools for higher education were established in the sxob-divisions of Mathabhanga, Dlnhata 2 05

and MekhliganJ in July 1890^^^. The Sub-divisional schools were raised in the status to afford the additional facilities to the native youths and for higher education of the interior ^sum of subjects of the State. A£ subscriptions, Rs. 25,000 was raised from the local Jotedars and public and a monthly grant was 254 made from the State towards the expenses of these schools Thus a net work of educational development continued in the State. In 1891-92 the growth of education showed in the Table No-XIII, There were 284 primary and Secondary schools in the State with a roll call and an average daily attendance of 8,863 and 5,646 respectively. There was an increase of 18 in the number of schools but a decrease of 29 and 161 in the nominal roll call and the average daily attendance of pupils, respectively. The cause of decrease was the out br«ak of cholera, fever and influenza and the failure of the crops. One thing is to be noticed was that in-spite of these difficulties not a single institution was closed. On the other hand an increase of 18 schools and only a slight decrease of students may be taken as an indication that the people had began to realize the importance of education 255 ,

Assuming the number of male children of school going age to be 15 percent of the total male pppulaticn, the number of boys who ought to have been going to schools would amount 45#363, The State had enrolled 8,863 pupils of whom cmly 214 were girls, Table No-XIII

1890-91 T

1 1 Monthly No, of No. Of t No. of « Average average Insti> Insti- V pupils J daily tutions tuticais I Marcon 31sh t » dancatteen 1891

I, State Schools middle class 13 833 505 744 13 vernacular

Total 13 833 505 744 13

II, Grants-in-aid Higher class 410 3 05 385 English Middle class vernacular 295 165 269 4

Middle class vernacular 21 303 531 783 21

Total 28 1,508 1,001 1,437 28 /Tabla XIII ccaitd...

III, Primary. Upper Primary Schools 29 1,102 724 1,009 29 1 Lower Primary Schools 108 3,377 2,187 3,103 111 3 Night Schools 25 525 331 496 23 Girls Schools 4 65 40 59 3 Total 166 5,069 3,282 4,672 166 4

IV. Private Schools. Middle Class 27 1 vernacular schools 1 38 22 - 2 Upper Primary Schools - - _ 35 1,065 983 47 1 Lower Primary Schools 35 1,065 747 13 .. 223 198 16 Night Schools 13 ... 223 147 Girls Schools 3 3 77 22 29 4 Indigenous 4 64 48 65 1 Mulctabs 3 50 33 40 6 Total 59 1,482 1,019 1,333 77 1 Grand Total 266 3,892 5,807 8,136 284 8 Source : Annual Administrative Reports, 1 208

Therefore 19 boys out of every hundred were then in schools in the State^^^, If we compare with Rajshahi Division the average n\iraber of school going children was

Table Wo.XIV T I I I R"of "boys at I Districts I Male 1 No, of 1 No. of Ischools to boys I 1 Population | boys school X boys at lof school I school Igoing 1 I 1. Dlnajpur 7.82,292 1,17,344 15,988 13.6 2. Jalpaiguri 3,05,555 45,333 5,810 12.6 3. Rajshahi 6,60,226 99,034 10,735 10.8 4. «ungpur 10,67,701 1,60,155 15,704 9.8 5. Cooch Behar 3,02,457 45,368 3,363 19.5

(S^rce } Annual Administration iteport 1391-92, p.44)

The number of girls' going to school appeared very meagre. On the 31st March 1892, there were 7 lower primary girls' schools in the State with Sunity College (School) and Dlnhata, MekhliganJ Girls' School. The total number of Middle Vernacular and Upper Primary Schools, was 310 during the year . It is evident from the above figure that the girls' education was gradually developing but the total number of girls' student was 209

not worth mentioning.

The Census report of 1891 mentions "Since 1881 there had been a great expansion of literate class, both male and female. In 1881 the number of literate males was 16,305; in 1891 it came upto 24,986, the Increase was 53 percent. In case of female, the number In 1881 was 231; In 1891 it rose upto 545 showing an Increase of above 125 percent. The rate of Increase had been more rapid here than the neighbouring British adbnini- stered Districts ••^^®.

Maharaja Nripendra Narayan was not only eager to foster education to the youths but also concentrated his attention for the upbringing of the adults to the level of general education. 259 Accordingly Night Schools were opened with special care

Mention should be made that the devotion of the Maharaja to the cause of adult education has been a reflection of modem mind.

In the year 1891-92 there were 39 Night Schools in ^t^ State of which 23 were aided and 16 were unaided. These schools nearly covered the entire State. In the same year there were

714 pupils on the roll of the Night Schools and of them 478 2S 0 attended daily on an average

<^ The education was extended to all classes of the society. Sven in Jenkins school, Ottttxsf 401, pupils 24 only belcmged to the upper class of the society, 3 07 to the middle class and 70 261 to the lofwer class . It is evident from the fact that to 210

spread education, spraad »dueation, no educational institutiai was categorically restricted to any particular class of the society.

In the spread of education the role of the Christian Missions should deserve special credit. In 1395 Mr. Ijewis, the Superintendent of the State, invited missionary p)erscxialities from British India and accordingly Miss Lydia Megnuson with an associate arrived at Cooch Behar . She opened an orphan-age in the Cooch Behar town. Within a very short time a few more orphanages were opened. In these institutions both males and females got their education and in the futuire years trained pupils devoted themselves in the works of the missionary acti­ vities and for the cause of English education. In the capital 263 town and in the Sub-divisions it opened its branches , At One time in the capital town there was only one Higher English School, the opening of missionary school shared the burden of pressure of the students eager to get entrance into Higher English School. The contribution of 'Swedish Mission' in the extension of education in the state was remarkable and remembered by the people of the State"^ . Mention should be made that^infusing the English education, brought by the European Missionaries, Maharaja Nripendra Narayan had his latent approval and without his support and assistance the English education in Cooch Behar could not develop. 211

During the last decade of the 19th centujry education made considerable progress. The nuinber of student in the educational institutions increased ccwisiderably. The table no.XV given below corrctoorates the fact. In the year 5.9 percent of the population were returned as literates 265 . During the year under jreview (1900-01) there was in all 344 primary and secondary sch­ ools of all classes in the State, The average of pupils increased, one school to every 3,77 square miles in the State

f~ii *> iC if and the total number of students in 1901-02 rose^l2,115 .

The total male populaticxi of the Gooch Behar State in 1901 was 3,01,330. Taking the usually accepted 15 percent of this as the number of boys of a school-going age, it appears that the nvimber of boys of that age was 45,207, of whom as a matter of fact, 11,203 boys, or 26.2 percent, have actually been attending school. The percentage of boys of a school-going age, receiving . educati

Lower Primary 59 187 Night Schools 31 45 Girls • Schools 5 6 Indigenous Muktabs 8 1

Total 103 25

Grand total 344 115 (Source : Annual Administrative Report for the year - 190 213

Table No.XVI ' 1 1 1 Districts Total male I Male popu- I No, of I % of boys populatiCKi I lation of 1 boys going 1 at schools I school go- I at school 1 to boys I ing age I I school go- I I I ^"q age Rajsha>ii 7,17,947 1,07,691 19,386 18.0 Dlnajpur 7,74,350 1,16,157 21,752 18.7 Rungpur 10,61,812 1,59,271 27,970 17.6 Jalpaiguri 3,64,659 54,698 11,239 20.5 Cooch Behar 3,01,380 45,207 11,208 24.7

(Source I AARC 1900-1901, p.26) maintaining strict discipline and proper supervision of the 268 students of the college .

'^ Maharaja Nripendra Narayan had a secular vision in spread­ ing education to the grass roots of the society. The lower classes of the society were given better opportunity irrespec­ tive of their caste, creed, race, religion and economic status. He was in favour of compulsory primary education to spread the literacy in the rural areas 269

In respects of higher education, he was with the view "I wish in other words, that in the State may be found every opportunity of any of my subjects to prosecute such studies as 214

270 he or his parents desire" . This remarks showed his modern­ ized attitude in the sphere of educaticxi,

The secular attitude of the Maharaja in respect of educa­ tion may be enumerated. In the year 1891-92 out of 3,863 pupils reading in the different classes of schools in the State, 5,868 were Hindus and 2,363 Mohomedans. Out of which 5,572, compari- sing both the creed, were from lower strata of the society. The proportion of the Mohamedans population to the Hindus in Cooch Behar was 1 to 2.6. This proportion was fully borne out by the niimber of pupils of both creeds in schools of the State 271 This secular nature resulted an steady improvement of the State's education.

The increase of the students in the schools ultimately placed the State at the top position in coroparisc« to the neigh­ bouring British District.. The following table no.XVII would reveal the fact.: --

The promulgation of the new regulation of the Calcutta 2 72 University in the year 1909 to maintain a rigid standard of its affiliated institutions accentuated new arrangement of the educational institutions of Cooch Behar on a more organized footing. In order to keep affiliation of the instituticHi, Maharaja Nripendra Narayan had tried to implement modern methods through reorganization of the schools and arrangements were made 215

Table No.XVII 1 1 1 Districts I Male Population I Number of boys I Percentage I of School going I at school I I age I I I I I 1, Rajshahi 1,11,253 21,032 13.9 2, Dir^ajpur 1,23,596 24,375 19.72 3. Rangpur 1,68,766 33,849 20.05 4. Jalpaiguri 63,432 12,530 19.75 5, Cooch Behar 45,207 10,842 23.98

(Source j Annual Administration Report of the State of Cooch Behar for the year 1906-07, p.17)

for liberal grants to these institutions from the State exchequer. Efforts were also taken to strengthen the teaching staff and providing training to them. The teachers and super­ visory staff had started compulsory training from the Kurseong Training Centre^*^^. ^hus, the British system of modernizing the educational institutions was truely followed by the English educated Maharaja i*ripendra Narayan.

During the last days of the reign of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan, the principle of secularism was sufficiently followed in importing and spreading education among the Muslims along with the Hindus. The Muslims, backward in education in comparison to the Hindus, had received fresh importance in the year 1910-11, This emphasis to spread the light of education among the Muslims augmented a sense of enthusiasm among this community. During 216

the year there were over 4,000 mohamedan pupils in various schools in the State and there can be no doubt that the moha­ medan education was steadily progressing. Their success in the scholarship examination was also encouraging. In 1911-12 two candidates

Even in the last days of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan, special grants were accorded to the develofMnent of Sudder Madrassa. Provision was also made for an additional grant for furthering the cause of Muslim educaticn in the State .

In spite of the efforts of the State the female education made a slow progress. As regards female education, Maharanee Sunity Devi remarked, "we have tried hard for education of our country women. But we find it uphill work for many yeary In 1910-11 the nximber of girls' Schools were 19 excluding Sunity Academy and these had a strength of 352 pupils 273 , In spite of the increase in the number of girls student the progress was very slow.

The female education did not much widely spread owing to 217

the ostensible ground that the entire nineteenth century and even the first quarter of tl^ twentieth century Bengal alcmg with Cooch Behar experienced a rigidity and restriction of the women in ccmparison to their male counterparts. This way be a fact which made Maharaja's effort along with Maharanee Sunity Devi, into a bottle neck to the spread of education among the women in the State of Cooch Behar,

Maharaja Nrlpendra Narayan not only devoted all his ear­ nestness to raise the standard of general educaticxi but also took measures to spread Vocational Educational institutiaas, The Artizan school was opened for technical education but in 1887 it was converted into Public workshop 279 ,

The developmental trend in the field of education coati- nued. The returns for 1909-10 showed a total of 32 7 schools and 11,711 pupils, the corresponding figures for 1910-11 showed 341 schools and 12,913 pupils or an increase at 14 schools and 1202 pupils. The below mentioned table no.Xvi i would reveal the Increasing trends in the Education Department.

The reign of Maharaja Nrlpendra Narayan witnessed an increase in the nximber of schools and and students, and Cooch Behar appeared as a model state, especially in respect of education, among the Princely States of India, As a sequel to the educa­ tional policy during the last two decades of the rule of Maharaja Nrlpendra Narayan the literacy had marked a steady progress. In « VO Ov o m .1 • m in 218 •P 0\ M o OS en Ti­ eo g m VO ro in in VO ov -5! Ov CM •-<>-«»-« y4 i-« »-« (N fM 00 VO

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•01 4J oca Z Hf 4J n 01 TS 01 n 10 fl 01 -H VI «} » , o n) L4 to to n) n) L4 •H r^ (tf 1 r-t r-l rH to p O r-4 C V V V r-i 13 0 •H 0) JC x: 0 •P « u 1 r-4 u n 0) 01 01 U 0) -H •P 0 Q) •H .H -H H 10 r-» 0} •P +J 2 fl (0 C 0 x: i-t -O r-» 10 01 «0 0} •d LI tox: D> D> •0 D> 10 •P C •H m U 0 •H c •H C •H m ^ CO H S > o to X M su X> H o M M /Table X^^U'icontd,..

III. Primary School s Upper Primary 29 1255 834 30 1415 1613 bower Primary 131 4547 3281 127 4743 3563 Night Schools 10 163 109 9 184 122 Girls• Schools 6 113 74 6 110 80

Total 176 6183 4298 172 6452 4783

IV. Private Schools Middle class English ^ •» •« 2 121 88 Middle class Vernacular ' .. ^ «> 1 78 52 Upper Primary 1 41 30 - - - Dower Primary 75 2318 1630 34 2791 2039 Night Schools 20 319 203 22 366 275 Girls• Schools1 9 94 52 9 119 96 Muktabs 5 101 82 9 182 146

Total 110 2373 1997 127 3657 ,%: 2746

Grand Total 327 11711 3005 341 12913 ^' 9416 (Source s Annual ileport on Education - Cooch Behar f 220

1891 the number of literate both male and female was 25,531 whereas in 1911 the total literate persons, including male and female, rose upto 43,925, out of which 1659 were female. It proves that the enlightened policy of the Maharaja helped in 230 increasing the percentage of literacy in the State . Besides promoting the education in his own state he patronized many institutions in Bengal including Victoria Institution in CalGutta^®^.

A summary observation of the above analysis of education, which emerged out as one of the basic facets of modernity, may be made. Upto 1363 the educational development, though laid down transitory step, had its little progress. During the time of Maharaja Nrlpendra Marayan's accession over the throne, theire was practically no regular form of education in the State except of few Vernacular and a English medium School. The period from 1863 to 1333 the number of schools increased but there was 2 32 ' actually no systematic method . The spectacular growth of education and literacy would have never been possible but for the positive drive of the enlightened Maharaja and his noble consort. His love for the mother tongue, not with-standing his English surroundings and education, was matched by a zeal for spreading the knowledge of the vernacular. The Royal family of Cooch Behar under the leadership of Maharaja Nripendra 221

Narayan and his educated wife Sunity Devi, imbibed the best spirit of the times, and tried to percolate it down to the subjects, mainly through rapid dessimination of education and culture, 222

NOTES AND RBFERBNCSS

1. As regards ethnic Identity of the people Tabagat-I-Naslrl, Informs us that there were three non Indian Mongoloid tribes such as Koch (Kunch), Mech (Mej) and Tharu (Tlharu) In Northern Bengal. (JMaulana, Mlnhaj-ud-dln, translated from original perslan manuscripts. By H.G.Raverty, Vol.1, (1331) fieprlnt. New Delhi, 1970, p.560; N.N.Vasu Is of opinion that the two tribes Koch and Mech are said to have belonged to the same stock (Vasu, N.N-, Tfte Social History of Kamrupa, Vol.1, first iteprlnt. New Delhi, 1983, p,130); Their manners and customs are Identical. Moreover, we learn from Gait that the Koches and Meches fireely Inter­ married from early times (Gait, B.A., History of Assam, Third Revised Edition, Calcutta, 1963, p.48); Koch chief Ha jo married his daughter to Harlya Mandal of Mech tribe and through this marriage Blshwa Singha, the first great king of Cooch Behar dynasty was bom, Robinson, W.A., Descriptive History of Assam, Seprint, 1975, Delhi, p.252).

2, Hunter, W.W., A Statistica]^ Account of Bengal, Vol.X, 1876, Reprint, New Delhi, 1984, p.353. 223

3. Hodgson mentions that Blshwa Singha apostalised to Hinduism and the people were irenamed RaI'bansis; Journal of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, Vol.XVIII, Part II, July to Dec, 1849, p.705.

4, Bhupendra Nath Dutta mentions that the Koches of North Bengal used the title Rajbansis . were of Hindu origin, Dutta, B.N., Bharatiya Samaj Padhyati (Bengali), Second edition, Calcutta, 1953, p.94.

5, Hunter, W.W., op.cit., pp.346-358.

6. Ghosal S.C., History of Cooch Behar, Gooch Behar, 1942, p.119.

/ 7. Ghosh, Ram Chandra, op.cit., Hitaishini Sabha, p.185-186,

8. Campbell, op.cit., p.396.

9. Mitra, A., Census - Gooch Behar:1951, Calcutta, 1953, p.XlII.

10. Hunter, op.cit., p.396.

11, Campbell, op.cit., p.185

,12. "Afterwards, however, Mr. Mackieod desired that I should \ appoint Asmat-ullah as Dewan. To this I would not consent because, first, it is not the customs of the 'Raj ' that the Dewan should be a muslim". Lietter of Raja Harendra Narayan to The Vice President in Council, Fort William, 17th Dec, 1814, S^, Vol.1, op.cit., p.85.

13. There were three kinds of marriage prevalent in the Koch or Rajbansi Tribes, Viz; (1) 'Gundhurba'; (2) 'Brahma'; (3) 'Pasua * or Dhoka; Hunter, op.cit. , pp. 3 74-3 76. 224

14. 9anyal, Chairu Chandra, qp.cit., p. 10.

15. Ibid., p.10.

16. Ibid., p.10; Roy Girija Sankar, Uttar Banqa Raibanal / Sainaler Devdevi 0 Pula Parban. Unpublished thesis. North Bengal University, 1972, pp,22-23.

17. Sanyal Charu Chandra, op.cit., p.2 0,

18. Gazetteer Cooch Behar. Part I, Cooch Behar, 1918, p.109.

19. Deunia - a land lord owing twenty acires of land or more, did not usually plough that land himself but supervised cultivation work. He was the head of the village and adviced in all matters. His Darlqhar is the village court. His duty is to receive any important person visiting the village,

20. Cooch Behar State Chowkldarl Act, No.Ill of 1893, Cooch Behar State Press, p.I.

21. Proceedings of the Board of Revenue, July 1372, No,210, p,225,

22. Ganguly K,C,, Fina\ Report on Survey and Settlement Operations, 1913-1927, Cooch Behar, 1930, p,l3.

23. Ibid., p.13,

24. Cooch Behar Gazette, 1913, |j.l09,

25. Ibid,, p,109,

26. Ibid,, In the year 1912 the total number of Krishiprojaa recorded under different grades of tenants and under­ tenants in the State was 49,125, Ganguly, K.C,, Final Report, op.^it., p.54. 225

27. Hunter, qp.cit«, p.396.

23. Choudhury Benoy Bhusan, "Agrarian Social Structure in Colonial India; Major trends in the Recent studies on the Themes", seminar paper at North Bengal University, 1987, p.20.

29. Vasu, Nirmal; Hindu Samajer Garan. Visva Bharati, 1356 B.S., p.143.

30. Roy, A.K., See "Some Notes on the Kshatriya Movement in North Bengal", in journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh? Vol.XX, No.l, April, 1975, Dacca, pp.47-71.

31. a>id.

^ 32, Mukherjee, Mahim Chandra, Circulars Qrd.ers And Notifications & G From May 1893 to December 1929, Vol.IV, part I, Cooch Behar Press, 1930, p.9.

33. Turner, Samuel, op.cit., p.2,

34. Ijetter from Morman Macleod, Commissioner of Cooch Behar to John Monokton. Acting Secretary, to the Govt. Secret Department, Dated 20th Apri^l^ 1315, SRC. Vol.1, op.cit., p.338.

35. Ibid.

36. Amanatulla mentions that about a hundred boys and girls were sent for sale to Bengal from Assam and Cooch Behar. Each girl fetched a price varying from Rs. 17 to Rs. 15, but a Koch boy could realise Rs. 2 5 and a Kalita boy Rs, 50; Cooch Beharer Itihas, og^.cit^., p. 226.

37. Turner, S,, op.cit., p.11. 226

3 3. Martin Montgomery, Eastern India. Vol.V, Reprint, Cosmo Publication, Delhi. 1976, p.542; Hunter, 0£..cit,., p.357.

39. Turner, S,, op.cit., p.9.

40. Quoted in Hunter, W.W., op.cit., p.425.

41. Quoted in Choudhury, H.tJ., op.cit., p.546.

42. Hunter W.W., op.cit., p.392.

43. Gangulay, K.C., op.cit., p.16. 44. Munshi, Joynath, ge..cit.,, p.73; Ah^imed Amanatulla, op.cit., p.223. 45. Letter from Jenkins, G.G's Agent in i-^.E.F. to the Secretary to the Government of India, SRC, Vol.11, 24th Februairy, 1841, p.96.

46. Ibid. 47. Majumder, Dargadas, District Gazetteers - Kuch Behar, Calcutta, 1977, p.56. Brahmo Public Opinion, August 8th, 1378, p.228, (S.B.S.L) 48. 49. Devi, Sunity, op.cit., p.53.

50. Ibid., p.97. ^ / 51. ajid., p.156. / "Sunity Debi visited England with her husband, the Maharaja ^52. of Cooch Behar in the occasion of Queen Victoria's Diamond Jubilee celebration in 1897 and made a number of subsequent visits. And thus brpXe the traditional purdah system of the Cooch Behar society", Borthwick, Meredith, op.cit., p.241'. " 227

/53. A.A.R.C., 1909-10, p.3.

54. Ibid., p.3. f

55. Mukherjee, Mahim Chandra, op.cit.. Part II, pp.233-39.

^56. A.A.R.C, 1908-1909, p.2.

57. Mukherjee, Mahim Chandra, op.cit,, Part II, pp.238-39.

58. Hunter, op.cit., p.398.

59. Ibid., pp.399-400. 60. DasGupta, Asruman, "Krishak Samaj-o-Riner Daya", 1st year 1st issue, Gooch Behar Darpan, 1345 B.S., p.10.

61. This is a coloured cloth of 5 Cubits long and it hangs down upto the knees, the two ends of cloth are sewn together. It is an open cloth; Sunders, S.A., Survey And Settlement of Western Duars, 1889-95, Calcutta, 1895, p.49.

62. "The Urban centres had been developed in Haldibari, Mekhliganj, Tufanganj and Mathabhanga, From the census it is learnt that at Haldibari through which Eastern Bengal Railway, cuns showed an increase of population of 9.9 in Between 1891 to 1901. The increase of population can also be seen in the areas of Tufanganj, Dinhata but there was less increase in the areas of Mathabhanga and Mekhliganj. In 1921 the population of Cooch Behar town was 11,461''. Census report, 1921, Vol.V, Part I, p.72.

63. Cited in Misra, B.B,, The Indian Middle Class, Second Edition, Oxford University Press, 1933, p.125.

64. Turner, S., op.cit., p.11. 228

65. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Politi­ cal) Department, February, 1864, No,55-57, (Appendix), p.6.

66. Hunter, W.W,, op.cit., p.434.

67. Ganguly, K.C., op.cit., p.11.

68. Notes on the Resettlement of Land Revenue, By H.G.Twynam, Vice President, Regency Council, incharge of Settlement Department, August 12, 1923, p.2.

69. Proceedings of the Revenue Department, July, 1372, No.210, p.225.

70. AARC, 1906-1907, pp.2-3.

71. Ganguly, K.C,, op.cit., p.9.

72. Ibid., p.9.

73. Ibid., p.13.

74. Cited in Choudhury, Harendra Narayan, op.cit., p.323.

75. Ibid., p.326. *' "'

76. Turner Sumuel, op«cit., p.9.

77. AARC, 1893-94, p.13.

78. Choudhury Harendra Narayan, op.cit., p.194,

79. AARC, 1893-94, p.13.

30. The Statesman, 20th Sept, 1911 (N.B.S.L).

81. Ghosh Ananda Chandra, Lecture in the Cooch Behar Hitaishini Sabha,, Edited by Sashi Bhusan Haider, 1272 B.S., p. 158.

82. Dasgupta, Asruman, "Krishak-Samaj-O-Riner-Daya**, in Cooch Behar Dairpan, 1st year, 1st issue, 1345 B.S., p.15. 229

83. Ibid., p.10.

84. Ibid., p. 10.

/ 85, Choudhury Harendra Narayan, op.cit*/ p.338.

86. A.A.R.G., 1906-1907, p.203.

87. Ah^med Amanatulla, op.cit., p.295.

33. Turner Samuel, OQ.clt., p.143.

39. Ahiimed Amanatulla, op.cit., p.296.

90. Registrar, A Short Historical Sketch of Gpoch Behar, (Manuscript), Cooch Behar Royal Council, 1936, p.24.

91. Ganguly, K.C., og^.cit_., p.8. The important urban centres were the six Sub-Divisions- Dinhata, Mathabhanga, Haldibari, Mekhliganj, TufanganJ and the capital town Cooch Behar.

92. Ibid., p.8.

93. Bexhil 1 Chronicles, Sept. 23rd, 1911 (U.K) (N.B.S.I*); In 1854 the last famine occured but the sta^te successfully dealt with the situation, Bandopadhyaya B.C., op.cit., p.92.

94. Datta, P.K., ''History of Land Survey in West Bengal-Glimpses of the Past", Centenery volume. Directorate of Land Records and Surveys, West Bengal, 1984, p.22.

95. Ganguly, K.C, op.cit.. p.10.

96. Ibid., p.4.

97. Mr. Ahmutty's Report to the Board of Revenue in 24th August, 1798, SRC, Vol.1, op.cit., p.47.

98. Choudhury, H.N., op.cit.. pp,253-254. 230

99. Ganguly, K.C., op.cit., p.14.

100. Letter from Henry Douglas, Commissioner of Cooch Behar to Sari Cornwallis, G.G. in council, 19th May, 1790; SRC, Vol.1, op.cit., p.29.

101. Ibid., p.30.

102. Ibid., p.3 0.

103. Choudhury, H.N., op.cit., pp.253-254.

104. Bandopadhyaya Bagati Charan, op.cit., p.90,

105. Letter of Douglas, Commissioner, 19th May, 1790, SRC, Vol.1, op.cit., pp.29-32.

105. 03Id. , p.31

107. Letter of Mr. Ahmutty, Commissioner of Cooch Behar, to Sub-Secretary to the Board of revenue 24th August, 1793, SRC, Vol.1, op.cit., pp.47-43.

108. Letter of Douglas, 19th May, 1790, SRC, Vol.1, op.cit., p.31? Jenkins, op.cit*, p.22.

109. Jenkins, F., op.cit., p.23,

110. Proceedings of the Revenue Department, July, 1872, No.210, p.225; Ganguly, K.C., op.cit., pp.10-11.

111. Choudhury, H.N., op.cit., pp.354-355.

112. Ganguly, K.Q., op.cit., p.11.

113. Ibid., p.11.

114. Choudhury, H.N,, op.cit., p.469. 231

115. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, Judicial (Poli­ tical), Department, April, 1372, Mo.12, p.13.

116. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, Judicial (Poli­ tical), 1372, Sept., No.415, p.3.

117. Hunter, W.W., oa.cit., p.338; Ghoudhury, H.N., 0£.cit., p.355.

113. g>id., p.333. 119. Proceedings of the Board of Revenue, Vol.1, minutes by the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, dated 6th July, Keport of Richard Temple, July, 1375, pp.26-27.

120. Ganguly, K.C., OE.'S.i^" P«^2.

121. Chaudhury, H.N., o^.cit., p.359.

122. Proceedings of the Board of Revenue, Vol.1, Sa-cit., July, 1875, p.26.

123. ^id., p. 26.

124. AARC, (Land Revenue) 1330-31, p.I.

125. Ganguly, K.G., o^.cit., p.10.

126. AARC,, 1333-34, p. 23.

127. Chaudhury, H.N., o^.Git., p.362.

128. Ganguly K.G., 0£.c,i.t., pp.12-15.

129. Chaudhury, H.N., 0£.cit., p.362.

13 0. Joid., p.363.

131. Ganguly, K.C., Oja-S.tt*' p. 13. 232

132. J2i4" p.13.

133. ^id., p. 14.

134. Ibid., p.15.

135. Notes on the resettlement of l#and Revenue in Cooch Behar, By, H.G.Twynam, Vice-President, In charge of the Settlement Department, August 12th, 1923, p.2.

136. Cooch Behar Gazette, 1918, Part-I, Cooch Behar State Press, 1919, p.109.

13 7, Chaudhury, H.N., op.clt., p.514-15.

138. ^i^, pp.546-547.

139. Ganguli, K.C., op.cit., p. 16? Mitra, A,, Census^, Cooch Behar 1951, p.IV,

140. Hunter, W.W., op.clt., p.389.

141. Ganguly K.G., op.cit., p.14.

142. Hunter, op.cIt., p.389; Bandqpadhyaya^, B.C., op.cit., p.27.

143. Cooch Behar Tenancy Act V, 1910.

144. Notes on the Resettlement of I»and Revenue of Cooch Behar, By H.G.Twynan, Vice-president Regency Council, in charge of the Settlement Department, August 12, 1923, p.2.

145. Ganguly K.C., op.cit.. p.17.

146. Letter of His Highness, the Maharaja of Cooch Behar to His Highness Maharaja Digvijoy Singh, Ranjit Singh, Maharaja Jam Saheb,Nawanagar, Chancellor, Chamber of 233

Princes, Council office. New Delhi, Dated 23th July, 1939, Collection No. 17, File No.4, No. of Pile 23.

147. AARG, 1890-91, (Appendix) p.IX.

143. AARC. 1890-91, pp.3-4.

149. Mercer & Chauvet, op.cit., p,2 04,

150. Jbid., p.203.

151. Registrar, Sketch History of Cooch Behar, qfi.cit., p.3.

152. Sen, S.N., op.cit., p.32.

153. Letter from the Hon'ble, the V^ice Present in Council, to the Rajah of Cooch Behar, 13th November, 1805, SRC, Vol.1, op.cit., p. 150.

154. Sen, S.N., op.cit., p.21.

155. Munshi Joynath, op.cit., p.134.

156. Resolution of the Revenue Department, Copied by Dowdeswell, Secretary to the Government, SRC, Vol, I, op.cit., pp.223-230,

157. Sen, 3.N., op.cit., p.32.

158. Aitchison, C.U., A Cqilectlgn of Treaties, gnqaqemeints and Sannads Relating to India and NeiqMjourinq Countries, Vol.11, Calcutta, 193 0, p. 190; Hunter, W.W., op.cit., p.423.

159. Choudhury Harendra Narayan, op.cit., p.296.

160. Unwin Bros, The State of Cooch Behar, op.cit., pp.1-2. 234

161. Leaflet, Hitaishini Sabha, op.cit.

152. Mazumder Durgadas, op.cit., p.39.

163. Bandopadhyaya, B.C., op.cit., p.90.

164. Proceedingi of the Government of Bengal, General Dept. (Political), i^jril, 1860, No.37; Judicial Department Proceedings, Sept. 1372, No.4-5, p.6.

165. Leaflet, Hitaishini Sabha, op.citf„.

166. Haider Sashibhushan, "Maharaja Narendra Narayan Bhup Bahadurer Jiban Charita", Lecture in Hitaishini Sabha, Cooch Behar, 1272, B.S.,pp.132-133.

16 7, Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, General (Political) Department, 1364, No.55-57 (appendix) pp.5-7; India, Sept. 22nd, 1911, (N.B.S.L).

168. Registrar, Sketch History of Goo£h Behar, op.cit., p.6.

169. Campbell, A.G., op.cit., p.299.

^170, Letter of H.H. Gooch BehSjr,' Dated, 28th July, 1939, op.cit.

171, Dally Express, Sept., 19th, 1911, (N.B.S.L).

/172. Times, Sept. 19th, 1911, (N.B.S.L).

173, Letter of H.H. Cooch Behar, Dated, 28th July, 1939, op.cl.t., p. I.

174, iDids., p. I.

^75. Prabhati, 17th November, 1833; (R.N.P^P. 741); Nabavibhakar 24th November, 1833, (R,N.P; p,777), 235

176. Choudhury, H.N., op.cit., p.290.

177. gold.

178. AARC. 1891-92, p.17.

179. AARC, 1891-92, pp.5-7.

130. ^id., p.5.

181. AARC, 1903-1904, p.10.

132. Registrar, Sketch ^ist.or:^ ^ Gooch Behar, qp.cit., p.ll.

133. Go^h Behar 2.az.ette_, Part I, 1909, p.23; AARC, 1908-09, p. I.

184. AARC, 1911-12, p.5.

185. The Cooch Behar Gazette (extraordinary) January 13th, 1939, No.G-1085; Manor, James, "Princely Mysore before the stormy The state level political system of India's model state - 1920-1936**, Modern Asian Studies, 9, 1(1975), pp.53-54.

135. Prof. D.P.Sen, ''Maharaja Nripendra Narayan", Gooch Behar Darpan. 9th year, 10th issue, 13 53 B.S,, pp.163-154,

137. Mahim Chandra Mukherjee, Hand B_qok of Circul.ar3 Orders ±^ ^i2yuli££^2a2. ^ S' From May 1393 to December 1929, Vol. IV, Part-II, pp. 19-2 0.

133. AARC, 1391-92, p.17.

189. Mercer & Chauvet, op.cit., p.202.

190. Ah^med Amanatulla, op.cit., p.225. 236

191. Letter from J.Adam, Secretary to the Government, Fort - William, to N.Macleod, Commissioner of Cooch Behar, 27th May, 1314, SRC, Vol.1, 0£.cit., pp.316-317.

192. ^id., pp.316-317.

193. Hunter, W.W., 0£.cit., p.435.

194. Munshi Joynath, oa.cit., p.134.

195. Ibid., p.134.

196. Jenkins, F., og.cit., pp.21-22.

157. Ibid., p. 22.

198. Hunter, W.W., o^.cit., p.427.

199. Jenkins, F., o^.cit., p.20.

200. Hunter, W.W., og.cit., p.435.

201. Choudhury, H.N., o^.cit., p.402.

202. Mukherjee Mahim Chandra, o^.cit.. Part II, pp.19-20. 2 03. Ibid.. --. .;-

204. Choudhury H.N., o£.cit., p.403.

205. Mukherjee, Mahim Chandra, oe.cit.. Part II, p.37. Bandopadhyaya B.C., og.cit., pp.37-38.

206. I,etter of H.H. Cooch Behar, 28th July, 1939, oa.cit.

207. AARC, 1391-92, p.17.

20a. Mukherjee Mahim Chandra, o^.c^t.. Part I, pp.55-56. 209. AARC, 1891-92, p.2. 237

210. Mazumdar Durgadas, op.cit., p.166.

211. Joid., pp.166-167.

212. Chow)^idari Act. 1S93-94, No. HI, Cooch Behar.

213. AARC, 1893-94, Report of Superintendent, p.9.

214. Choudhury, H.N., op.cit.. p.148.

215. "The Maharajas of Cooch Behar encouraged only Sanskrit learning and endowed Sanskrit toles and supported the Pundits. In the ruling family Persian used to be care­ fully taught, and some of the old Maharajas, pre-eminently among them Harendra JSarayan, were good Persian Scholar; Lecture of Ram Chandra Ghosh, Inspector of Schools, on the Progress of education of Cooch Behar, at the meeting of the Cooch Behar Hitaishini Sabha, Edited by Sashi Bhusan Haider, 1272 B.S., pp.135-136.

216. Mazumder Durgadas, qp.cit., p.174,

217. Martin, McHitgomery, op.cit., p. 501,

218. Roy Rina, "ilJntabingsha Satabdite Koch Behar Rajye Sikshar Kshetre Raj Paribarer Abadan", (Beng^i) Sunlty Aaademy CentenarY ^^j^jje, 1931, Cooch Behar, p.64.

219. Ram Chandra Ghosh, op.cit., p.186.

220. Roy Choudhury, Manika, "Cooch Behar Raj Amale Nari Pragatir Ruparekha" (Bengali) Sahitya Sabha Patrika, Cooch Behar, 1st Year, 1st issue, 1380 B.S., p.26.

221. "Maharaja Narendra Narayan Bhup Bahadurer Jibancharita". Sashi Bhusan Haldar, 7th issue. Proceedings of the 238

Hitaishini Sabha, 1272 B.S., p.136; Unwin Bros? o^.clt.

222. Choudhury, H.N., o^.cit., p.317.

223. Ibid., p.317.

224. Babu Ramchandra Ghosh, a high official of the State, was appointed Honourable Inspector of Schools; Ram Chandra Ghosh, qp.cit., p.134.

225. Director, Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, '•Northem Hill District of West Bengal", New Delhi, February, 1972,

p.14.

226. Choudhury, H.N,, op,cit., p.3l7,

227. Ibid., p.317.

228. Mazumder Durgadas, op.cit., p.174.

229. Choudhury, H.N., qp.cit., p«3l3.

23 0. Proceedings of the Government of Bengal, Judicial

(Political) Department, April, 1372, No.1324, p.7.

231. Ibid., p.3.

232. Choudhury, H.N., op.cit., p.313. 233. Hunter, W.W., op.cit., p.437. 234. Report of Richard Temple, Board of Revenue Proceedings, July 1375, No.1775, p.23.

23 5. Mazvimder, Durgadas, op.cit., p. 174,

236. AARC, 1883-84, pp.35,^37. 239

,237. Datta, Nilima, (Head Mistress), "Amar Katha", (Preface), SunitY AcademY 9S3.'te.narx ^olJiBS./ op.cit.

233, Ananda Bazar Patrika, January 1st, 1950, (Merger issue),

^ 239, AARC, 1890-91, p.41.

/240. AARC, 1833-34, p.23.

/ 241. AARC, 1837-33, pp.39, 41,

242. AARC, 1833-89, p.43,

243, AARC, 1333-39, p,43; Letter of H,H, the Maharaja of Cooch Behar, 23th July 1939, OD,cit.,pp.S-7.

^244, Letter of H.H, the Maharaja of Cooch Behar 23th July, 1939, op,cit,, p.6,

245, Mukherjee, Mahim Chandra, .cit., Part II, p.8.

246. Sen, Debi Prosad, "Maharaja Nripendra Narayan", Cooch Behar Darpan, 9th year, 10th fidition, 13 53 B.S-, p.164,

/ 247, Ana^nda Bazar Patrika, January 1st, 1950, (Merger issue),

243. a>id,

249, Kppf, David,, op,cit., p.61,

250, Dasgupta Asruman, "Smriti Tarpan", Cooch Behar Darpan, 1st year 11th issue, 1345 B.S., p.133.

251, Choudhury, H,N,, op,cit,, p.323,

252, Boid., p.323. f 253, Ibid., p.322. 240

^ 254. Mazumder, Durgadas, o^.cit., p.i76.

255. AARC , 1891-92, p.34.

2^S^^_^^4d., p.42.

^ 257. ^Id., p.42.

253. Cited in Choudhury, H.N., o^.clt., p.148. 259. the minority period of Nripendra Narayan in the .onth Of Balsa. 1272 B.S.; Ghosh «a. Chandra, o^.elt., p.i90. ^ 260. AARC, 1891-92, p.41. 261. ^bld., p.49.

'''' ZT 9tTi"" '^^'" ^'^^^^' ^^ 2^ 2-^' ^- year, 9th issue, August I9th,l345 B.S., p.l^^T^

/• 263. Ibid.. p.109.

^ 265264.. ^Id., p.109. Mazumder, Durgadas, o^.clt., p.176. 266. AARC. 1901-02, p.9.

267. AARC, 1900-01, p.27.

268. AARC., 1901-02, p.11.

269. AARC, 1907-08, p.l4.

27.0. ^bld., p. 14.

271. AARC, 1891-92, p.42.

272. 44ac, 1908-09, p.17. 241

271. Ibid., p.17.

274. AARC, 1911-12, p.19.

275. Ibid., p.19.

276. AARC, 1911-12, p.26.

277. Devi Sunity, qp.cit., p.241.

278. Annual Education Report: of Cooch Behar. for the year 1910-11, p.2.

279. Choudhury, H.N., op.cit., p.333.

230. O'Malley, Census, 1911, Vol.V, Part II, p. 76.

231. The Statesman, 20th Sept, 1911, (N.B.S.L).

232. Ijeaflet issued by H.H. Maharaja Jitendra Narayan Bhup Bahadur, 25th January, 1915. SPILQGUiS

Essentially a Princely State, dominated by the British administration, Cooch Behar had experienced the legacy of the imperial prototype of administration. Notwithstanding the effort made by the imperial rulers to bring about the fruits of modernity, the imperialist power had an active hand in syphoning off the resources of the princely states and in order to fulfill their mission, the imperialist power wanted to introduce certain mechanics of modernization. Thus, at the very outset, it is to be kept into the consideration that the British Government had . their own fashion of development while administering the entire India as well as the princely states.

The most important contribution which had its far reaching effect on the society as well as on the whole system of admini­ stration was the induction of the system of modem education which was obviously through English. The second epoch-making contribution of the British to the then existing Indian society and more specifically to the princely states was the effort in 243

launching a modernized system of administration. In their zeal to make their objectives implemented, the British Government through the help of the loyal kings of the princely states wanted to rejuvenate the age old motheaten social institutions by bringing about changes in all the spheres of the body polity such as Economic, Educational, Socio-cultural and Political life.

On a superficial vision the above-mentioned depiction would create an impression that the British imperial power acted as an active agent of modernization and development which simply channelised through the princely states and Cooch Behar may not be an exception. However, after we delve deep into the analyses, the fact which comes out, would prove that the Paramount Power in India was much more interested in extending, enriching and keeping their hegemony over the small and tiny states of India. While this would satisfy their objectives, the full development of the princely states and their modernization through the imperialist power would be, in the long run contra­ dictory.

In fact the Paramount Power used to uphold the interest of the royal family and maintained regular connections with the States under their domination. But, the people, for whom the develop«nent and modernization were designed, had been simply neglected. The concept of popular participation, development 244

from below and modernization for the lower stratum of the society were negated. The British type of administraticn under centra­ lized control had been followed by the princely states of India.

In their effort in modernizing and developing Cooch Behar, the kings under the direct influence of the British Government had made certain attempts in reforming the economy and society as a whole. While implementing the development programmes they infact rested upon mostly on the royal bloods and selected middle class intelligentsia. The populist style of development had been simply an over imposition which has been made clear in the depiction of the preceding chapter of the study.

Actually, as a Paramount capitalist Power the British developed and fostered a capitalist path of development . In its progress, capitalist economy does have both spontaneous and controlled factors. A capitalist econcwy as was prevalent in the princely states of India, exercised the fullest control over the controlled factors of capitalist path of development. The fact that the kings of Cooch Behar through ages had their fullest control over the management and administration of the state system also corroborates our point. During the reign of Nripen- dra Narayan the whole political economy of Cooch Behar was under the complete command of the ruler. It is to be pointed out that capitalist economy has got its in-built weaknesses which may be exemplified through the spontaneous forces of the capitalist 245

economy upon which the power holders do not have control and command. In fact, spontaneous forces of the capitalist path of development engenders the weaknesses of the rulers. It invites resentment, lessens the popular allegiance to the king.

In fact the Cooch Behar State did not face such type of resentment from below although as it has been stated in the previous chapter popular sentiments sometimes cropped up hither and thither as in the attempt to establish the social rights of 2 '^^^ ^ibanshis under the leadership of Thakur Panchanan . However in the upper stratum of the Cooch Behar society, espe­ cially among the members of the royal families, hatired, compe­ tition and non-allegiance which have been referxred in the chapter II & III of the study were rampant.

It is to be noted that the spontaneous factor of the capitalist path of develojxnent did not supersede the ccaitrolled factors of the capitalist economy of Cooch Behar. This is possibly because even capitalism or the capitalist path of deve­ lopment did not reach its boom in Cooch Behar.

Thus, an agrarian economy transplanted into capitalist economy under the direct pull and pressure of the British capi­ talist power did not proceed further, although the marks of capitalism as well as the typical Indian path of development had been at its fore in Cooch Behar even during the reign of English -educated king Nripendra Narayan. Prof, Hajanl Kothari, while 246

depicting the approaches to modernization of the nineteenth century India, has come to the conclusion that although the capitalist pressure had been tremendous, the Indian princess followed a classical Indian path of development with a mixture of British capitalist economy. Thus he emphasises that "the Indian response to modem stimuli consisted Of asserting the Indianness of India, reformulating this Indianness, and giving 3 it a modern character" .

The whole part of the nineteenth century India was highly confronted with the two basic ideas - tradition and modernity. The tradition-modernity dichotomy had been an essential feature of Gooch Behar Kingdom soon after her linkage with the Company's government and later with the Royal government in the 50s of the nineteenth century. The dichotomy was basically expressed in two contradictory questions - whether to keep the indigenous policies and actions being carried out by the rulers of Cooch Behar through 'ages or whether to accept or take the highly cherished British ideals of modernity to bring about socio -economic changes ? The tradition-modernity dichotomy had reached its highest stage soon after the coming into the power of Raja Harendra Narayan. The impact analyses of this dichotomy has already been made in the Chapter II. The dichotomy in its process had tilted the balance in favour of modernity. In spite of the reluctance of Raja Harendra Narayan, the process of modernity, had over come in the race because of the political 247

siib-ordination of the king to the Company's government and the gradual acceptance of the British style of renovations by the rulers following Harendra Narayan.

Although the road to modernity from tradition had to cover a period of transition, for Gooch Behar this transitional process has been the story of complete sub-ordination and the active initiation of the imperialist power in grooming the members of the royal family, especially, of the future ruler of Gooch Behar kingdom. Thus, the process of modernity initiated and accelera­ ted both by the British rulers and the educated, according to the English style, king Nripendra Narayan had been something of an imposition from the above. It is evident that the people of Gooch Behar kingdom did not have educatic« and even they weire not aware of the fruits of modernity which sought to bring about changes in the socio-economic and political life. In fact, no reference has been found to establish the fact of the resentment while process of modernizaticai especially under the leadersliip of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan had started its course. The absence of resentment may be justified on two valid grounds. Firstly, the people of Gooch Behar as a whole were in a state of ignorance and little aware about what was good for them. Secondly, the allegiance of the people to the king of Gooch Behar was total and they could never think of resisting the royal family because of its total authority. 243

In spite of the complete direct, conwnand established by the British government over Cooch Behar kingdom, the British orien­ tation to the modernization could not completely be injected in the Cooch Behar society because of certain essential indigencxis features especially in the land-man relationship, the nature of land ownership and typical indigenous type of administration. Even the most modern ruler fjlripendra Narayan could not bring changes in the different type of land holding and ownership and in the local and Sub-divisional system of administration. In fact the princely states did experience the same thing while intending to bring about the socio-economic changes. The North Eastern states, like Cooch Behar kingdom, did keep the indigenous land holding, tenure, judicial and social system of administra­ tion while bringing about changes in the socio-economic and 4 political spheres of their respective body polity . Thus, in consistency with the writings of Rajani Kothari, it could be established that the Cooch Behar kingdom like most of the princely states of North fiastexn India had been in state of "tradition-modernity continum" .

The facets of modernization as depicted in the Chapter VI corroborate the fact that the reign of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan produced lasting changes in the socio-economic and political affairs of the State. His personal endeavour and his associations, patronized by colonial influence, prepared the ground for achieving his desired goal-a modern Cooch Behar. 249

At the time of his accession the different fields of the state life were at a take-off stage as discussed before hand. But the period from 1353 the process of development was very rapid. At the fag end of his reign it became evident that the traditional society had undergone a complete transformation. Not only the manners, even the outlook of the people had changed. The measures against the traditional vices were effectively implemented during his reign.

The outlook of the people had been changed with the changing circumstances and according to the need of the time. The develop­ ment of communication and education resulted in the mobility and social interaction opened the mind of the people and changed the traditional form of society. The emergence of middle class out of the development of trade and commerce created a new class in the society who came up as the dominant group of the state administration. But it does not mean that the traditional system completely broke down. The land lords or 1otdars were not completely dislodged. Their importance in the society and administration was recognized by the ruler .

The homogeneity of caste between the subjects and the ruler afforded greater benefit to the ruler in administering and in 7 collecting of revenue . The sense of belongings within the same caste category not only provided benefit both to the ruler and the subjects but also safeguarded the interest of each other. 250

The traditional system thus continued in the rural society and the Iqtedars remained at the vorliex of the social structure.

The mutual harmony among different caste groups reduced social unrest which was very common to the other princely states in India. For example, Travancore a progressive princely state witnessed the crisis arising out of casteism , Besides caste harmony, the existence of over whelming majority of the Rajbanshi caste prevented any social tension which was in the offing in Travancore.

While analysing the contribution of Brahmo religion and of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan, it would be difficult to draw a line of demarcation between the two. The Maharaja was so inter­ connected and influenced by the Brahmo religion that his "religion" became the "Religion" of the State of Gooch Behar of which reference has been made in Chapter V. However, not withstanding the development and forces of modernization operat­ ing under the direct instigation of the Brahmo religion led by Maharaja Nripendra Narayan, the religion did not penetrate deep into the life and the minds of the general people. Thus, the changes which occurred were being directed by the different socio-political elites situated at the top level of Cooch Behar body polity. Interestingly enough, while the State of Cooch Behar having Brahmoism as the state religion, could not make it the religion of the people of Cooch Behar, in the other 251

contemporary princely states this religicxi could not take its g lead at all (for example, the Tripura State) .

Thus, the Brahmo religicwi in relation to Cooch Behar kingdom under Nripendra Narayan has had both its virtues and vices. To speak of the vices : (A) the religion was an over imposition; (B) the changes brought by this religion to the body polity of Cooch Behar were directed from the above. To deal with the virtues one should pay attention to the facts that : (1) the feature of the Brahmo religion had its direct impact in shaping the neutral and impartial religious value judgements of the Maharaja Nripendra Narayan and (ii) the traditional values shared by the majority Hindus of Cooch Behar State were kept untouched which can be corrctoorated by the fact that even remain­ ing at the helm of the affair, the Brahmoised Maharaja Nripendra Narayan dl<3 not show any effort to Brahmoise his Hindu subjects.

Regarding land revenue settlement;" Maharaja Nripendra Narayan had played a crucial catalytic role of protecting and safeguarding the rights of the peasants. This has been elabora­ ted in Chapter VI, Section III. As a result, the reforms on land revenue activated by Maharaja Nripendra Narayan reduced socio-economic tensions. While comparing the contemporary princely states with the State of Cooch Behar under Maharaja Nripendra Narayan specially in respect of land revenue settle­ ment it may be substantiated that the State of Cooch Behar had 252

been in good health in this connection, while along with the other princely state Baroda had to experience serious problems emerging out of land revenue question

It would be an over simplification if we come to the proposition that the economy of Gooch Behar under the reign of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan had been experiencing tremendous changes both qualitative and quantitative in nature. It would be pragmatic to have the view that although new factors and forces were generated to boost up as well as to bring momentum in the economy, there was infact no such effort to change the basic structure of the economy. Not only the effort but also the incapabilities of a native king under the direct domination of the British ruler may be a point to be borne in mind. The changes which occurored came simply through the process of historical development. Without denying or limiting the capability and the wisdom of the king, it may be pointed out that in his pious effort in bringing changes and development to the economy of Cooch Behar, Maharaja Nripendra Narayan had tried his best (although without involving people) to develop the economy of the State. It should be taken for granted that the development and establishment of Railways and the construc­ tion and reconstruction of the roads under the reign of Nripendra Narayan had accelerated the development potentiality of the economy of Cooch Behar. Needless to mention that trade 253

and commerce developed and a move toward urbanization was also visible during his reign (details have been made in the prece­ ding chapter),

Some features of the changed economic system, thus, cone out as a consequence. Firstly, the agrarian economy had received a good amount of jolt at the new schemes launchied by the modeim, educated Maharaja Nripendra Narayan under the direct sponsorship of the British ruler of Indian Empire. Secondly, the agrarian society after being adapted to the changes being brought about by the Maharaja, had become a society with new factors and forces. Thirdly, these new factors and forces had produced in certain new classes such as the middle class and the upper class intelligentsia. Convincingly enough no reference iof class contradiction has been observed by the researcher. It might be because of the absence of articulation of class interest owing to fhs lack of awareness and the nature of gap between the classes did not reach its maximum extent.

In our study reference has already been made regarding education and its spread under Nripendra Narayan, It may be presumed that Nripendra Narayan could understand the necessity of education among the masses. The establishment of schools s both primary and secondary as well as the institution of higher learning such as the Victoria college, under the able guidance of the educated Maharaja, made Cooch Behar a pivotal point of 254

education in the North Sastern states of India, The role of Maharaja Nripendra Narayan in spreading education may be viewed from two angles; firstly, the English educated modern ruler Nripendra Narayan followed the British policy of spreading education in India and thus higher education was simply concen­ trated to the capital which gave birth to an educated ruling elite class. Secondly, Maharaja's efforts in spreading educa­ tion speak of his superior statesmanship. The establishment of primary and secondary schools at the remotest corner and the opening of the printing press corr(±»orate this presiomption. In fact Nripendra Narayan under the active influence of Maharani Sunity Devi also tried to spread female education, though his_ success in this field was limited. Thus, from the above pictuire it is clear that Maharaja Nripendra Narayan tried to spread education taking it as the most vital vehicle of modernization, and social awareness.

The traditional Judicial and Administrative system of Cooch Behar had been reshaped and reconstructed. The changes were brought into being down from the below to the top levels of judicial and administrative systems of which mention has been made in the preceding chapter. One pertinent point which may be pointed out is that although under the modern ruler Nripendra Narayan, efforts were made to bring about changes in the admini­ strative and the judicial system according to British line of thought, the policies regarding changes had to adhere to the 255

prevalent traditional bureaucratic and judicial structures. Thus the elements of modernism which were brought into being carried both the traditional values and modern elements.

The populist style of administering both the judiciary and the administration did not get much attention during the regime of Nripendra Narayan. Although the legislative council and the state council were established during his period, they lacked popular participatory character. In spite of this flaw the seed of democratic virtues and values sowed by Nripendra Narayan had their far reaching effect. The later rulers of Cooch Behar, following Nripendra Narayan, had tried to set up popular participatory bureaucratic and administrative machinery remain­ ing On the edifice constructed by Maharaja Nripendra Narayan

The modernizer of Cooch Behar, Maharaja Nripendra Narayan, did not confine himself to the uplift of his own kingdom but he has associated with a large number of cultural associations both, in India and in i^ngland 12 . The contemporary news paper, The Times, mentions that "he did much to bring Europeans and Indians together and to advance the social life of Calcutta, Darjeeling, Simla and other Indian centres" .

Culturally his interaction with the Indian mainstream enhanced his enlightened attitude and rational vision. But Nripendra Narayan refrained from being associated with any nationalistic movement in British India, He, on the contrary, 256

expressed his dis-satisfaction about the activities of the grow­ ing intellectual middle class-dominated nationalistic movement in India 14 . Moreover, we have no reference of any influence of the nationalist awakening of India on this State. The first signs of Indian nationalist movement in Cooch Behar can only be found in the 192 0s during the rule of Maharaja Jitendra Narayan

Nripendra Narayan died in 1911 at Bex hill on Sea 16 in England, but during his life time he tried to bring about remarkable changes in all the spheres of the State life. The Cooch Behar State turned into a better-run State with the com­ bined efforts of the British, the Brahmos, and the Maharaja himself. The State, thus, emerged as one of the most progressive and model states among the princely states of India and Nripendra Narayan himself appeared as the most accomplished and popular prince in India 17 , 257

NOTES Ai^D RSFER£NC£S

1. Chandra Bipan, Presidential address, on the theme of colonialism and modernization, (Modem Section), Indian History Congress, Thirty Second Session, Jabbalpur, 1970, p.2.

2. Roy, A.K., "Some notes on the Kshatriya Movement in North Bengal", Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, Vol.XX, No.l, April, 1975, Dacca, p.52.

3. Kothari Rajani, 'Politics in India', Orient Longmans, Reprinted, 1986, pp.85-86.

4. Cohn, B.S., "Structural change'in Indian Rural Society" in Land Control and Social Structure in Indian History, Edited by Robert Eric Frykenberg/ 1st revised Indian Edition, Monohar, New Delhi, 1979, p.54.

5. Kothari, R., op.cit., pp.83-85.

5» A.A.R.C, 1909-10, p.3.

7. Fox, R.G., King, Cjan, Raja And Rule., University of Cali­ fornia Press, 1971, pp.25-26. 258

3. For details see Jeffery RckDxn, ••Travancore" in People Princes and Paramount Power, Oxford Jniversity Press, Delhi, 1978, pp.136-164.

9, For necessary details, Webster, I.E., Eastern Bengal District Gazetteers-Trippera, Allahabad, 1910, p.28.

10. Hardiman, David; "Baroda", in Jeffery, Robin; op.cit., p.115.

11. The Cooch Behar Gazette (Extraordinary), January 18th 1939, Registered No. C1095.

12. Journal of The Society of Arts, Sept. 22nd, 1911 (U.K), (N.B.S.L).

13. The Times, 19th Sept. 1911, (N.B.S.L).

14. A.A.R.C, 1909-10, p.3.

15. A.A.R.C. 1921-22, pp.3-4; Also in Ghosh, A.G. and Malay Shankar Bhattacharjee, "Indian Nationalist Movement and the Maharajas of the Cooch Behar State", North Bengal University Review, June, 1936, Vol.7, No.l, p.67,

1^« "^he Statesman, September, 20th, 1911, (N.B.S.L).

17. Campbel, op.cit., p.44. GLOSSARY

Abowab Cesses and imposts on land other than regular.

Adhiar Half crop sharer.

Ahilkar A native officer (Magistrate), Amlas Officials of higher rank,

Bandar Riverine trade centre. Bigha A measurement of area of land.

Brahmuttar Rent free lands granted to the Brahmanas.

Phakla Large division of a country.

Chukani Undeir tenant of a jotedar,

Darchukan idar Under tenant of Ghukanidar.

Debuttar Lands granted for the maintenance of deities,

Dewan The Chief Minister of an Indian Prince or Chief Officer in charge of the Revenue

Department,

Durbar The executive government of a Princely State also a public audience or reception. 250

Fauzdari Ahilkar - Native officer, who is invested with the ordinary powers of a magistrate in the regulation provinces. Guddi - ThrcMie, literally the cushion of an Indian Prince. Hastobund - Investigation and survey, detailed inquiry. Ijara - Tax Farming. Ijaradar - Farmar. Ikra/Istata/ Lagani Deed, Contract in respect of land. Jagir A grant of land, usually made by a Rajah in exchange for service, in case of Cooch Behar to the freed Slaves. Jagirdar One who helds such a grant. Jote Unit of land. Jotedar Owner of the unit of land. IQianagi Mahal Land out of which the maintenance of Maharaja's household was made. Khas The possession of an individual indicating his authority on something. LakheraJ Rent free land. Mahajan Money Lender. Mai Land Revenue. Mal-guzari land Revenue paying land. Mauza Lowest Unit of measuring the Land. Mokarari Permanently Settled of a Revenue fixed in Perpetuity. 261

Naib Ahilkar A Native Officer, who tries petty offences in the rank of sub-divisional offier. Pargana Unit of revenue assessment Comprising many villages. Pathshalas Primary school almost same as tols. Pattah Lease. Rajsabha The court in which the Raja Presides, assisted by the Dewan. Ryot Peasant, Subject. Salami A Present in any form to a superior justifying loyalty. Sannad Official title deed. Sezwal Attaching or supervising officer employed by the State. Tahuri iSxtra Cess. Taluk Small revenue unit. Terije Details of lands. Tol Where the pundit preaches Sanskrit knowledge, « Zenana Woman residing in the restricted place of Palace, 262

APPiSNDIX-A

Articles of Treaty between the Hon'ble i^nglish £ast India

Company and Durindir Narain Rajah of Cose Beyhar,

"Durindir Narain Hajah of Cose Beyhar having represented to the Hon'ble President and Council of Calcutta the present distressed state of the country, owing to its being harassed, by the neighbouring independent Rajah who are in league to dipose him. The Hon'ble the President and Council from a love of Justice and desire of offering the assistance have agreed to send a force, consisting of four Companies of sepoy and a field piece for the protection of the said Rajah and his country against his enemies, and the following conditions are mutually agreed on

"1. That the said Rajah will immediately pay into the hand of the Collector of Rungpur 5000 Rupees to defray the expenses of

the force sent to assist him.

"2. That if more than 5,000 Rupees are expended the Rajah will

make it good to the Hon 'ble East India Company but in case any

part of it remains unexpended that it be delivered back.

"3. That the Rajah will acknowledge subjection to the East India Company upon his country being cleared of his enemies and will allow the Cose Beyhar Country to be annexed to the province of Bengal. 253

'*4, That the Rajah further agreed to make over to the £ast India Company one half of the annual revenues of Cose Beyhar for ever,

"5. That the other moity shall remain to the Rajah and his heirs for ever provided he is firm in his allegiance to the Hon 'ble united East India Company. « "5, That in order to ascertain the value of the Cose Beyhar country the Rajah will deliver a fair Hust-boond of his district into the hands of such person, as the Hon'ble the President and Council of Calcutta shall think proper to depute for that purpose upon which valuation the annual malquzarry which the Rajah is to pay, shall be established.

"7. That the amount of malquzarry settled by such persons of the Hon'ble the fiast India Company shall depute, shall be perpetual,

••8. That the Hon'ble English East India Company shall always assist the said Rajah with a force when he has occasion for the defence of the country, the Raja bearing the expenses.

'*9. That this treaty shall remain in force for the space of two years, or till such time as advices may be received from the Court of Directors, empowering the President and Council to ratify the same for ever"."(Sic)

(Source : Proceedings of the Revenue Department, Vol.1, 13th Oct.-30th Dec. 1772, No.l36, pp.357-368. 264

APPE5JDIX-B THE FIRST TREATY WITH BHOOTAiSl (1774)

"Articles of a treaty between the Honourable East India Company

and the Deva Raja, or the Raja of Bhootan.

"1. That, the Honourable Company, wholly from consideration for

distress to which the Bhooteahs represent themselves to be

reduced, and from the desire of living in peace with their

neighbours, will relinquish the lands which belonged to the

Deva Raja before the commencement of the war with the Raja of

Cooch Behar, namely, to the eastward of the lands of Chicha-

cotta and Paglahaut, and to the west-ward of the lands of

Kyrantee, Marraghaut, and Luckeepoor.

"2. That, for the possession of the Chichacotta province, the Deva Raja shall pay an annual tribute of five Tangun horses to the Honourable Company, which was the acknowledgement paid to the Cooch Behar Raja,

"3. That, the Deva Raja shall deliver up Durjind Narain, (Sic) Raja of Cooch Behar, together with his brother, the Dewan, who is confined with him.

"4, That, the Booteahs being merchants, shall have the same privileges of trade as formerly, without the payment of duties, and their caravan shall be allowed to go to Rungpore annually. 255

"5. That, the Deva Raja shall never cause incursions to be made into the country, nor in any respect whatever, molest the ryots that have come under the Honourable Company's subjection.

"5, That, if any ryot or inhabitant whatever, shall desert from the Honourable Company's territories, the Deva-Haja shall cause them to be delivered up immediately upon application being made to him.

"7, That, in case the Bhooteahs, or any one under the Government of Deva. Raja, shall have any demands upon, or disputes with any of the inhabitants of these or any part of the Company's territories, they shall prosecute them by an application to the Mejistrate who shall reside here for the administration of -justice

"B. That, whatever Suniasses (a sect of Faqueers or hereditary me^icant priests) are considered by the English as an enemy, the Deva Raja will not allow to take shelter in any part of the districts now given up, nor permit them to enter into the Hono-^' urable Company's territories, or through any part of his; and if Bhooteahs shall not of themselves be able to drive them out, they shall give information to the itesident on the part of the ^inglish in Cooch Behar, and they shall not consider the English troops pursuing the suniasses into these districts as any breach of this treaty.

"9. That, in case the Honourable Company shall have occasion for cutting timbers from any part of the woods under the hills, 256

they shall do it duty free, and the people they send shall be protected.

"10. That, there shall be a mutual release of prisoners,

"This treaty to be signed by the Honourable President and Council of Bengal, and the Honourable Company's Seal to be affixed on the one part, and to be signed and sealed by the Deva Raja on the other part". (Sic).

(Source : 3iblothica Himalayica, Series I, Vol.5, Bhqqtan and the Story. gf_ Dqar War; David Fie.ld Re_nnie_; iSdfted by, H^K.Kuloy, Manjushree, New'l^lhi, 1970, pp.333-334). 267

APPaNDIX-G

Extent of cultivation of some cash crops in the State for the 1917-1918.

Name of the 1 Produce in I Value in i Cultivators Parganas I Maund I Rupees i net profit : i i „ i 1 Tobacco :- 1. Mekhliganj 95,235 17,15,13 0 3,57,555 2. Mathabhanga 2,11,445 38,06,010 19,03,005 3. Lalbazar 2,06,015 37,03,270 18,54,135 4. Dinhata 1,73,440 31,21,920 15,50,960 5. Cooch Behar 1,31,025 32,53,450 16,29,222 5. Tufanfanj 15,840 2,35,120 1,42,560

3,33,050 1,58,94,900 79,47,447

Jute :- 1. Mekhliganj 2,07,54 0 2 0,75,400''' "' 10,3 7,700 2. Mathabhanga 1,18,570 11,36,700 5,93,350 3. Lalbazar 72,440 7,24,400 3,52,200 4. Dinhata 1,36,200 13,52,000 6,31,000 5. Cooch Behar 1,03,255 10,32,550 5,16,275 6. Tufanganj 34,750 3,47,500 1,73,750

6,72,855 67,23,550 33,54,275

/contd.. 263

/Appendlx-C contd._._^

Masterd seed :-

1. MekhliganJ 1,460 12,410 6,205 2. Mathabhanga 4,000 34,000 17,000

3. Lalbazar 10,53 0 93,3 05 46,752 - 3 4. Dinhata 28,570 2,32,345 1J6,422 - 3

5. Gooch Behar 53,455 4,54,567 2,27,183 - 8 6. Tufanganj 51,270 5,20,795 2,60,397 - 3

1,59,285 13,47.922 6,73,961 -00

(Source : Final Heport, og_.cit_., pp.9-11 269

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Debar riamankita Roupya Mudra" (Bengali) Bharat s^arsha, 1st issue, 1st ^/olume, 3 2 Years, 1351 B.3.

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Asiatic ooqietjr of Bengal, Calcutta, Vol,XVIII, Part II, July-Itecember, 1849. Manor, James "Princely Mysore before the storm : The State level political system of India's model State 192 0-1935". Modern Asian Studies, 9,1(1975;, U.K. Rao Sc, C.R, Prosad, "Jc^lites and Modernization", Modern Review, October, 1971, Vol.IAX-IX, No.5. Roy, A.K., "Some Notes on the Kshatriva Movement in North Bengal", Journal of the_ As^iatic Society of Bangladesh, Vol.XX, i'^o. I, ^ril, 1975. Sanyal, Hiran Kumar "Parichayer Kuri Batsar-0_Anyanya Smriti Ghitra, (Bengali), Parichaya, 1978.