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Schooling in Capitalist America Revisited Author(S): Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis Source: Sociology of Education, Vol Schooling in Capitalist America Revisited Author(s): Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis Source: Sociology of Education, Vol. 75, No. 1, (Jan., 2002), pp. 1-18 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3090251 Accessed: 10/08/2008 17:04 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=asa. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org I Schooling in Captalist America Revisited Samuel Bowes and Herbert Gintis Universityof Massachusetts and Santa Fe Institute Recent research has entirely vindicated the authors' once-controversial estimates of high levels of intergenerational persistence of economic status, the unimpor- tance of the heritabilityof IQ in this process, and the fact that the contribution of schooling to cognitive development plays little part in explaining why those with more schooling have higher earings. Additional research has supported the authors' hypotheses concerning the role of personality traits, rather than skills, per se, as determinants of labor market seuccess.Recent contributions to the study of cultural evolution allow the authors to be considerably more specific about how behaviors are learned in school. U _ he project that eventually result- the contribution of schooling to individual ed in the publication of Schooling economic success could be explained only in CapitalistAmerica (Bowles and partly by the cognitive development fos- Gintis 1976) began in 1968, stim- tered in schools. We advanced the position ulated by the then-raging academic that schools prepare people for adult work debates and social conflicts about the rules by socializing people to function well structure and purposes of education. We and without complaint in the hierarchical were then, and remain, hopeful that edu- structure of the modern corporation. cation can contribute to a more productive Schools accomplish this goal by what we economy and a more equitable sharing of called the correspondenceprinciple, namely, its benefits and burdens, as well as a soci- by structuring social interactions and indi- ety in which all are maximally free to pur- vidual rewardsto replicate the environment sue their own ends unimpeded by preju- of the workplace. We thus focused atten- dice, the lack of opportunity for learning, tion not on the explicit curriculum but on or material want. Our distress at how woe- the socialization implied by the structureof fully the U.S. educational system was then schooling. Our econometric investigations failing these objectives sparked our initial demonstrated that the contribution of collaboration. The system's continuing fail- schooling to later economic success is ure has prompted our recent return to the explained only in part by the cognitive skills subject. learned in school. The three basic propositions of the book Second, we showed that parental eco- deal with human development, inequality, nomic status is passed on to children, in and social change. Concerning human part, by means of unequal educational development, we showed that while cogni- opportunity, but that the economic advan- tive skillsare important in the economy and tages of the offspring of higher social-sta- in predicting individual economic success, tus families go considerably beyond the Sociology of Education 2002, Vol. 75 (January): 1-18 I 2 Bowles and Gintis superior education they receive. We used the erational persistence of economic status (see then-available statistical data to demonstrate the firstsection), the unimportance of the her- that the United States fell far short of the goal itability of IQ in this process (see the second of equal economic opportunity and that section), and the fact that the contribution of genetic inheritance of cognitive skill-as mea- schooling to cognitive development plays lit- sured on standard tests-explains only a small tle part in explaining why those with more part of the intergenerational persistence of schooling have higher earnings (see the third status within families. section). Some additional research has sup- Finally,our historical studies of the origins ported our hypotheses concerning the role of of primaryschooling and the development of personality traits, rather than skills per se, as the high school suggested that the evolution determinants of success in the labor market of the modern school system is not account- (see the fourth section). But progress has been ed for by the gradual perfection of a democ- halting in this area. We survey some of this ratic or pedagogical ideal. Rather, it was the recent research in recent and forthcoming product of a series of conflicts arising through articles (Bowles and Gintis forthcoming a, the transformation of the social organization forthcoming b; Bowles, Gintis, and Osborne of work and the distribution of its rewards. In 2001, forthcoming). In the fifth section, we this process, the interests of the owners of the turn to the socialization process of schooling leading businesses tended to predominate itself. In Schoolingin CapitalistAmerica, we did but were rarely uncontested. The same con- not explore the individual-level learning flict-ridden evolution of the structure and processes that account for the effectiveness of purposes of education was strikingly evident the correspondence principle. Contributions in higher education at the time we wrote, and to the study of culturalevolution (Bowles and we devoted a chapter to what we termed the Gintis 1986; Boyd and Richerson 1985, contradictions of higher education. Later, in Cavalli-Sforzaand Feldman 1981) allow us to Democracyand Capitalism(Bowles and Gintis be considerably more specific about how 1986), we developed the idea that schools behaviors are learned in school. and the public sector generally are loci of conflicts stemming from the contradictory rules of the marketplace, the democratic poli- INTERGENERATIONAL INEQUALITY ty, and the patriarchalfamily. How do we now view Schooling in At the time we wrote Schooling in Capitalist CapitalistAmerica? For most of the quarter of America, there was a virtual consensus that a century since it was published, we have the statistical relationship between parents' researched subjects that are quite removed and children's adult economic status is rather from the questions we addressed in that weak. The early research of Blau and Duncan book. In recent years, however, we have (1967), for instance, firmly supported this returned to writing about school reform; how view. Even 20 years later, researchershad not economic institutions shape the process of changed their minds. For instance, Becker human development; and the importance of and Tomes (1986) found that the simple cor- schooling, cognitive skill, and personality as relations between parents' and sons' income determinants of economic success and their or earnings (or their logarithms) averaged role in the intergenerational perpetuation of 0.15, leading the authors to conclude that, at inequality. least for white men, "[a]lmost all earnings In light of the outpouring of quantitative advantages and disadvantages of ancestors research on schooling and inequality in the are wiped out in three generations" (p. S32). intervening years, the statistical claims of the Indeed, Becker (1988:10) expressed a widely book have held up remarkablywell. In partic- held consensus when, in his presidential ular,recent researchby us and others using far address to the American Economics better data than were available in the early Association, he concluded that "low earnings 1970s has entirely vindicated our once-con- as well as high earnings are not strongly troversialestimates of high levels of intergen- transmitted from fathers to sons." Schooling in Capitalist America Revisited 3 = But the appearance of such high levels of y (1 - Ry)y + y yp + Ey (1) intergenerational mobility was an artifact of two types of measurement error: mistakes in We use subscript "p"to refer to parental mea- reporting income and transitory components sures, so y is an individual'seconomic status, in current income uncorrelated with underly- adjusted so that its mean, y, is that of the ing permanent income (Atkinson, Maynard, parental generation, Ryis a constant, yp is the and Trinder 1983; Solon 1992; Zimmerman individual'sparental y, and ey is a disturbance 1992). The low validity in both generations' uncorrelated with yp. Rearrangingterms, we incomes depressed the intergenerational cor- see that relation, and when corrected, the intergener- ational correlations for economic status now y- y = gy (yp- y) + y (2) appear to be quite substantial, on the order of twice or three times the average of the U.S. that is, the deviation of the offspring'sincome studies surveyed by Becker and Tomes from the mean income is By times the devia- (1986). The intergenerational correlations tion of the parent from mean income, plus an surveyed by Mulligan (1997) for family con- error term. We term Bythe "Galton measure" sumption, wealth, income, and earnings of intergenerational persistence (Galton used average, respectively, 0.68, 0.50, 0.43, and it to study the intergenerational persistence of 0.34.
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