282 MARXISM TODAY, SEPTEMBER, 1979
Review: "Beyond the Fragments"—what does it offer the left? Caroline Rowan
The Tory victory in the General Election and the does not mean the subordination of the Women's development of a new popular right wing consensus Liberation Movement to the left: "The exchange have shown clearly that the left needs to relate its must be between equals and the learning process two- politics more closely to people's everyday lives. The way." It therefore challenges the assumption which is ability of the Tories to do this was largely responsible implicit, sometimes even explicit in socialist politics, for their success. The women's movement can play that the women's movement needs the left more an important part in developing a socialist politics than the left needs the women's movement. It and culture that can counter this because it has opens up the debate on socialist organisation and always been concerned with lived experience, so strategy in a way that questions many aspects Beyond the Fragments—feminism and the making of of traditional socialist politics. Although it does not socialism could not have appeared at a more provide all the answers—and indeed does not claim opportune moment. to—it represents the first substantive statement of It is a collection of three essays by Hilary Wain- what the left can learn from the women's movement. right, Lynne Segal and Sheila Rowbotham, about the relationship between the women's movement and Learning from experience the left. The Introduction by Hilary Wainright and A major contribution of the WLM to left politics the concluding piece "A local experience" by has been its insistence on the validity of personal Lynne Segal, raise general questions in the context experience, summed up in the now well-worn slogan of the author's own experience. These questions are "The personal is political". Sheila Rowbotham discussed at greater length and in a more theoretical claims that: way in Sheila Rowbotham's piece "The women's movement and organising for socialism". For reasons "Our views are valid because they come from of limited space, I shall concentrate on the latter within us, and not because we hold a received piece. correctness." (p 19). While it clearly starts from the need for an alliance between feminism and the left, and the belief that This has broadened the scope of socialism to women's liberation can only exist as part of a wider include far more centrally the quality of life and struggle for socialism, the book stresses that this human relationships. MARXISM TODAY, SEPTEMBER, 1979 283
The recognition that personal and cultural Our theory must therefore be constantly re experience could be a factor in the subordination examined in the light of changing historical of groups such as blacks, women and gays led to the situations. widening of the concept of "exploitation" (with its This approach provides a useful corrective to emphasis on the economic sphere) to the more some Althusserian concepts of theory as the develop inclusive one of "oppression". However, Sheila ment of a pure science, purged of all historical and Rowbotham herself recognises that this involves empirical impurities. However, theory cannot be certain problems. Because oppression is rather a simply "read off" from experience. The absence from vague concept, which says nothing about the social the book of any rules for abstracting theory from relations which cause it, it is not very useful in experience lays the author open to charges of prag helping us define a strategy to overcome it. On the matism or of simply reversing the usual order of contrary it: events, by setting experience above theory, without bringing them into line with one another. "fixes people in their role as victim, rather than pointing to the contradictory relations which force Leninism and organising for socialism the emergence of new forms of consciousness. The The authors are unanimous in their hostility to stress on the way capitalism devours our whole Leninism. They see it as being fundamentally beings could lead to a fatalism once the initial flawed by hierarchical structures, which allow theory voluntarist enthusiasm was exhausted." (p 14). to be handed down from above as fixed dogma and which all too often stifle grass roots initiatives. However, I do not feel that she fully solves the They are also opposed to the Leninist party's problem of seeing people as more than "the category assumption of a vanguard role in relation to other of oppression" (p. 68). Her use of Marx's theory of movements. alienation (drawing on Zillah Eisenstein's "Capitalist Whether or not democratic centralism is inherently Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism") undemocratic or merely frequently abused, Sheila is no solution; it merely posits an ideal human Rowbotham claims that the experience of this essence as an alternative to the present (oppressed) century shows that it leads to authoritarian struc existence. Her claim that this is not abstract, but an tures, whose leadership tends to be self-perpetuating. essence we can understand in historical contexts, is In contrast, the women's movement operates the not substantiated. It still remains an imagined and principle of "participatory democracy", where those ideal essence, which we are moving towards with who do the work take the decisions, leadership is more or less inevitability. The goal (essence) is dispersed rather than centralised and discipline, pre-determined, but the means for achieving it are where it is necessary, is collective rather than not specified: hierarchical. Sheila Rowbotham does not present participatory democracy as the answer or underplay its numerous problems, but it is undeniably an "Reality for Marx is more than mere existence. It embodies within it a movement towards human alternative which makes for: essence. ... By locating revolutionary potential as it reflects conflicts between people's real conditions "an approach to organisation which is prepared (existence) and possibilities (essence), we understand to test forms and discard or select according to the how patriarchal relations inhibit the development situation rather than asserting a universally correct of human essence." (p 69). mode. It also means that the 'movement' is per petually outwards. As women encounter feminism In other words, it gives us no more ideas as to the they can make their own kinds of organising depend ing on their needs", (p 40). kind of strategy required than the concept of oppression itself. A further problem is the relationship between I do not intend to discuss whether or not Sheila experience and theory. The author shares with Rowbotham is misrepresenting Lenin, because she Edward Thompson a hostility to abstract theory is not talking about a theoretically pure form of "hanging above us in a kind of a-historical space", organisation elaborated by the master, but about (p. 28). Theory is historically specific and has no Leninism as a contemporary political practice. universal validity: There are problems with her characterisation of Leninist organisation, democratic centralism and the Party as a homogeneous practice, applicable to the "ideas come from our experience of our lives, whole of the left. Her frequent references to "ortho from the past wisdom of others and from the move ment for change. Our efforts to abstract upon our dox Leninism" often obscure important differences practice and history through theories of how to make between organisations and parties on the left. socialism, for example, are not good for all time". In describing Leninism, she draws heavily on her 284 MARXISM TODAY, SEPTEMBER, 1979
experience of 1S/SWP, so that, although the book is This is particularly appropriate to Britain, where a addressed to the left, it applies directly only to one broad democratic alliance of forces in struggle is section of it, in which democratic centralism central to the strategy outlined in the British Road operates in a particular way. This is counter to Socialism. productive, not only because the differences between Eurocommunist strategy implies the redefinition parties are important, but also because it makes it of the relationship between the revolutionary party easier for us to ignore the general relevance of the and autonomous movements. While this is by no questions she raises for all revolutionary organisa means unproblematic, the commitment to demo tions. The question of the "right" and "authority" cracy and pluralism and the awareness that the party of a party to give leadership to other movements has no automatic monopoly of working-class and of the internal democracy of that party is leadership open up new possibilities. important for any party that claims to give leader If the party is to play a leading role, it must do so, ship or even, in the case of the Communist Party, not because of its patent on the truths of Marxism- "coherence and vision" to the forces on the left. Leninism, but on the basis of its organic relationship For Sheila Rowbotham, IS/SWP has more than to the progressive forces and movements; it must personal significance. She was drawn to it initially have both a breadth of vision and an intimate for its ability to break with dogma, learn from new working knowledge and experience of the individual movements and encourage rank and file activity. movements. It must also allow for the fullest possible Because of this, it is important to understand the development of autonomous movements and show sticking points which limited its move away from a greater willingness to respond to them, by changing Stalinism and orthodox Trotskyism. its own position when necessary. The party does not have to become a political chameleon, changing Eurocommunism colour with every new movement, in order to There is, however, more than one route out of the recognise and respond to developments outside the Stalinist impasse. I would argue that recent develop party which strengthen left strategy. On the con ments in West European Communist Parties, in trary, failure to do this can result in the party using terms of their attempts at internal democratisation, its strategy as a kind of revolutionary blueprint, and in re-evaluating their relationship to other valid for all time, and falling into the trap described movements represent a more fruitful solution than by Paul Thompson and Guy Lewis in their critique that of SWP. Granted, progress has been slow, of Trotskyism: "It never situates relations between particularly with regard to internal democracy, but party and class in changing conditions of struggle, the potential merits more attention than it is given but rather in absolutes of consciousness, spontaneity, in the book. I therefore want to spend some time the party and the like." ("The Revolution Un discussing the implications of Eurocommunism for finished", quoted in Beyond the Fragments, p. 48). a new relationship between a revolutionary party At present, however, revolutionary forces, includ and autonomous movements. ing the Communist Party, have not fully developed Sheila Rowbotham admits that "Eurocommunism the organic relationship with autonomous movements has opened up the issue of autonomy in a different which qualifies them to give the kind of leadership context from the classic stress on the Party in described above. Beyond the Fragments criticises Leninism" but she is already misrepresenting the them, in my view correctly, for their tendency to case, by treating Eurocommunism as an undifferen learn "selectively" from other movements: tiated monolithic strategy. It is precisely the stress on national roads to socialism, flexible enough to take account of different sets of conditions, and the "revolutionary organisations will readily admit refusal to adopt new "models" that gives Euro that they've learnt about sexism through the women's communism its potential for a new relationship to movement, racism through black organisations, etc. autonomous movements. But when it comes to developing the principles of revolutionary politics, the principles of organising Neither is she correct in claiming that Euro which seek to overthrow capitalism as a whole, this communism aims to "inhabit" rather than "trans has traditionally been the internal concern and form" the institutions of power relations. Trans monopoly of formally political organisations". forming the structures of government is, certainly (Hilary Wainright, p 3.) for the British CP, a central plank in its strategy. Moreover, her account stresses this parliamentary aspect at the expense of mass struggle, which is the This is a very real question in relation to the other main plank in Eurocommunist strategy. As women's movement, which demands not only "the Togliatti said (quoted in Claudin, Eurocommunism acceptance of sexual politics" but also a "different and Socialism), the revolutionary party must be a kind of socialism" and different strategies for party of struggle, as well as a party of government. achieving it. As Sheila Rowbotham points out, the MARXISM TODAY, SEPTEMBER, 1979 285
women's movement is contesting not simply at the there is freedom for these differences, and nurture level of programmes and constitutions, but also: for these wisdoms". (p. 46).
"how we see ourselves and one another in relation The question then is not whether leadership and to the movement for change and how we see the co-ordination are necessary but whether a political forms in which we resist capitalist society". party can provide them. For the authors of Beyond the Fragments the answer is clearly No: The dispute is about "an idiom of politics" and even "the power to define what is politics", (p. 36). "We recognise that leadership, co-ordination and It also involves contesting the "power relationships discipline of a sort will be important in solving these within the movement for change", including the problems, but we question the need or possibility of a single democratic-centralist party as the answer, relationship of parties to other movements. certainly at this stage, or in the near future." Moreover, this is an area where she finds the (Hilary Wainright, p. 2.) Communist Party particularly lacking. She criticises the party for failing to alter its conception of socia While recognising the importance of the argu lism to take account of the insights of the women's ments against revolutionary parties, as they are movement, although it allows feminists space to constituted at present, I would disagree with this and argue for their position. To those of us inside the assert both the need and the possibility of a revolu CP this may seem a harsh judgement. We can point tionary party playing a leading role in the struggle to ways in which the party's practice and vision of for socialism. The question of political leadership is socialism has been broadened by the women's not discussed explicitly in the book—leadership is movement. But the fact that progress has been so seen more in terms of co-ordination and organisa slow as to be invisible to those outside the party tion—but the implications of the argument are that deserves serious attention, if we are to claim an political direction will come from the movements organic relationship with the women's movement. themselves, working together in a broad alliance, Until we have found a way of relating to the and that an attempt by any one organisation to give strategic, rather than sectional demands of other a strategic direction to the struggle for socialism movements, we cannot honestly claim to respect will be an undemocratic imposition "from outside". their autonomy. I agree that so-called "sectional" movements have a great deal more strategic sense than they are The Need for a Political Party usually credited with, and that any "leading" party The book does not deny the need for overall needs to be far more sensitive to their wisdoms, but co-ordination of the struggle for socialism. While I would still maintain that some kind of revolu the experiences of Socialist Centres, described by tionary organisation is necessary in order to give Hilary Wainwright and Lynne Segal, show that strategic coherence to the struggle for socialism. alliances can develop locally and between move Moreover, it seems to me that the kind of organisa ments that already define themselves as socialist, tion Sheila Rowbotham describes is not incom they still recognise the need for some form of overall patible with the aims of the British Road to Socialism, co-ordination and leadership. There are, moreover, and that, all the foregoing criticism and reservations real conflicts of interests between movements which notwithstanding, the CP has the potential to play a must be resolved, if an alliance is to be formed. crucial role in this context. In order to do so, further However, Sheila Rowbotham argues that they must transformation of our internal structures and our be resolved by open discussion, not by what she relationship to other movements is necessary. calls the "Leninist sleight of hand", which effectively We should therefore really confront the questions submerges differences by: of autonomy and pluralism raised by the strategy of the Broad Democratic Alliance. "the assertion of the ideal of a Party transcending the interests and vistas of its sections", (p 46). Consciousness and Culture For Sheila Rowbotham, the question of how She therefore argues for: consciousness is formed is a major area of difference between the women's movement and "orthodox "a form of organisation which can at once allow Leninism". For feminists, she argues, consciousness for the open expression of conflict between different comes from the experience of oppression and is groups and develop the particular understandings formed in struggle, whereas Lenin claimed in which all these differences bring to Socialism. For if every form of oppression has its own defensive What is to be done? that class political consciousness suspicions, all the movements in resistance to must come from outside the immediate experience humility and inequality also discover their own of economic struggle, and is supplied by the van wisdoms. We require a socialist movement in which guard party. She claims that 286 MARXISM TODAY, SEPTEMBER, 1979
"For Lenin the lessons of consciousness through similarities and differences. A different kind of struggle remain generally subordinate to the leader orientation is needed, which is more open to ship of the party" dialogue on equal terms with other movements. One of the most illuminating aspects of the book and that this notion of consciousness represented a is its analysis of the role, not only of experience, but decisive break with Marx, who: also of culture (in the wider sense of norms, obliga tions and beliefs), in forming and transforming "believed that we make our consciousness in the consciousness. This opens up the necessity for an process of making ourselves and changing the world, alternative socialist and feminist culture: within the limits of the particular historical situation in which we find ourselves". "It's not enough for the individual woman to 'know' that she is possessed or dominated: in order More importantly, however, she argues that not to be possessed or dominated, indeed in order Lenin's separation between sectional or corporate not to want to be, there must be an alternative consciousness and socialist consciousness is unten culture in which such values are seen to be dominant able today, when the emergence of radical autono and to be practised (in however erratic a way) in mous movements has proved that socialist con relation to which she can define herself." (Sarah sciousness can emerge from the knowledge of one's Benton, quoted in Beyond the Fragments, p. 70.) own oppression, without the help of the vanguard party. Historical Experience The rigidity of Lenin's separation between This means that left strategy must address the sectional consciousness, gained in struggle, and wider questions of social and cultural relationships socialist consciousness, unattainable without the far more centrally than it has done in the recent past. vanguard party, may be open to question. This is, Sheila Rowbotham draws on historical experience however, not central to the argument of the book. of "older" 19th century socialists and revolutionary What is important here is the fact that this separation syndicalists, who, in their stress on solidarity and has become part of the practice of Leninist parties brotherhood, the creation of schools and alternative today—witness their reluctance to acknowledge the marriage ceremonies to attack the hold of established strategic demands of other movements. religion, not only understood the need for a protec tive culture, but also had a vision of a new kind of community, which they were building, both by Rigid Distribution collectively resisting capitalism and by their "con The main question raised by Sheila Rowbotham's scious individual commitment" to its values. argument is whether a rigid distinction between She is in no way advocating a return to these feminist consciousness, gained from the experience older forms of socialist culture. On the contrary, she of oppression as women and the struggle against it, is critical of their paternal conservatism in relation and a more general socialist consciousness can be to the family and their close connection with craft sustained. Of course feminist consciousness has its elitism. However, they stand as an important own specificities but, far from being separate from illustration of the close connection between socialist socialist consciousness, it seems to me that it has consciousness and culture and the creation of contributed greatly to its development. Moreover, institutions that pre-figure a socialist society. socialist consciousness has developed within the women's movement without—sometimes even in spite of—the interventions of vanguard parties. Prefigurative Forms Having said this, however, I feel that the is over- Prefigurative forms are a central feature of the optimistic about the extent to which this can contemporary women's movement, evidenced both continue to be a spontaneous process. There are, as in the demand that individual socialists should con she herself admits, real contradictions and conflicts sciously change their personal relationships now, between movements which, if unresolved, are likely and in the development of a wide range of feminist to block the development of socialist consciousness. social and cultural activities. Far from being The relationship between experience and conscious Utopian, prefigurative forms are an important ness does not therefore, in my view, abolish the need element in changing consciousness and breaking for a party, but it significantly alters its role. If down the distinction between the public and the consciousness comes more from the experience of private, the personal and the political. One of struggle and less from the guidance of a revolu Sheila Rowbotham's most valid criticisms of con tionary vanguard, the party's legitimation no temporary revolutionary parties is the incompati longer comes from its being separate from and above bility between their hierarchical structure and the other movements, but from its knowledge of and development of relationships within them which are involvement in them, its understanding of their not based on domination and subordination. In MARXISM TODAY, SEPTEMBER, 1979 287
contrast, she quotes two examples of prefigurative forms from which the left can learn—consciousness- raising and self-help groups. The former has placed personal politics firmly on the political agenda; the latter has posed in a new and particularly fruitful way questions of state responsibility and demo cratic control, e.g., in the relationship between community nurseries and local councils, or women's health groups and the NHS. It is also interesting to note the parallel develop ment of prefigurative forms in the women's move ment and new strategies for the transition to socia lism, in which the distinction between "before" and "after" socialism has become less rigid. There is no cataclysmic moment, after which sexual politics can suddenly be placed on the agenda. Instead, pre figurative forms can form part of a more sophisti cated strategy for undermining the state, when it cannot be taken by storm. Self-help and community groups are an example of this.
Conclusion The women's movement has been in existence for nearly 11 years. During that time the revolutionary left to which Beyond the Fragments is principally addressed, has variously attempted to ignore it, marginalise it, educate it, colonise it and recruit from it, before finally beginning to work with it and even sometimes to learn from it. Small wonder then, that the book is scathing about some aspects of left politics, It is almost more surprising that a book about an alliance between feminism and socialism was written at all! It may be inaccurate in its characterisation of some aspects of left politics and is, in my view, pessimistic about the potential for improvement. Nevertheless, it is on the whole a positive contribution and one from which left organisations need to learn. It reflects the fact that the women's movement is strong where the left at the moment is weak, namely in making the connection between the struggle for socialism and subjective experience, everyday life and culture. Moreover, in asserting that socialism is inseperable from the making of socialism, that organisation is related to consciousness as well as efficiency, and that prefigurative forms are central to both culture and strategy, it presents a new total vision of socialism, a vision that is precisely not fragmented, and which the left badly needs to recover and maintain, if it is to win back and go beyond the ground lost in the recent swing to the right in British politics.