VOLUME FIVE NUMBER TWO SUMMER 1988 1 F RL
PROTEST PATHOLOGY The Piefermaritzburg Legacy 86)
UNIVERSITY OF NATAL. ANC DATA Centre for Applied Social Sciences, Insurge, it Acts 1976-1987 INDABA DILEMMA The Economic F actor CORRUPTION COUPS Bridge Over the River Kei CINDERELLA S HOOLIN Reforming Rural Education BLICAN ENTERPRISES 4
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•IBMB i NDICATOR SOUTH AFRICA is published four times a year by the Centre for Social and Development Studies at the University of Natal, Durban. Opinions expressed are not necessarily those of the Editorial Committee and should not be taken to represent the policies of companies or organisations sponsoring or advertising in the publication. aAll material herein is copyright © INDICATOR SOUTH AFRICA or individual authors, except in the case of short extracts for review or comment. Permission to republish or reproduce any part of this pub- lication must be obtained from the publisher. Director Professor Lawrence Schiemmer Editor/Research Co-ordinator Graham Howe Production Editor Linda Ciiliers Liaison/IR Research Myrna Berkowitz Labour Research Mark Bennett Development Research Vijay Makanjee Documentary Research Deborah Quin Secretary Denise Sperring Editorial Committee Prof Lawrence Schiemmer, Prof Hermann Giliomee, Dr Valerie Moller, Indicator S A Project Team.
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SWIFT ADVERTISING |PT pOII. •' M W@tSlT@t 9 Factionalism in Resistance Movements Lawrence Schiemmer 13 The Maritzburg Feuds Wyndham Hartley The Renewed Emergency: Unrest chronology Deborah Quin 16 Select Indicators of Political Conflict IPSA Data 20 fCOfcOMie WOWITOft INDABA IN FOCUS 24 The Equity Equation Jill Nattrass & Julian May 28 The Limits to Redistribution Peter Corbett 31 A Regional Debate Revisited Gerhard Mare Economic Outlook Merle Holden & Mike McGrath 34
IM^Ml M 1 T^^Ji
A Purge of the Two-Armed Bandits IPSA Interview with Major-General Holomisa 39 Another One Fiew the Coup's Nest IPSA Research 41 The First 'Homeland': Self-rule, misrule or failed experiment? Vijay Makan/ee 43 Polarised Images of Post-Apartheid Agriculture Anne Vaughan 48
URBAN MSU0S Three Years of Turmoil Ken Harfshorne 53 African Matric Results 1985 — 1987 Data Base 55 Reducing the Urban/Rural Gap Monica Bot 57 The Inverted Funnel: Peri-urban schooling Adele Gordon 61 RURt & REGIONAL MONITOR Organising the President's Men Mark Bennett 67 Trade Unions Sector by Sector IPSA Directory 71 Worker Detentions: Absent without leave? Theo Heffer 74 'Band-Aid' & the Self-Managed Firm Eddie Webster 78
ERRATUM: Table of Contents The Industrial Monitor and the Rural & Regional Monitor headings have been transposed above. future.
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By Prof Lawrence Schiemmer, Director, Centre for Policy Studies, VV/Ys Graduate School of Business
South Africa ii not a gentle society and establish the PAC. A rhetorical A rhetorical )he harshness of security force action against animosity very reminiscent of present animosity political rivalries became established. dissidents has caused the world to recoil reminiscent of in horror. However, the current bloody When the organisations were declared conflict between black political factions in illegal and underground military present rivalries the areas around Pietermaritzburg, which movements were formed, a more lethal between the strategy emerged. Judge Snyman who has thus far claimed a staggering 530 ANC/UDF, lives, has capped a phase of particularly presided over the enquiry into the PAC Azapo and violent struggles between opposed underground, Poqo, recorded evidence groupings in the township protests from 1984 of many brutal murders aimed at Inkatha had frightening unwilling people and forcing onwards. On a recent visit to South already emerged them to co-operate (Kotze 1975: p21). Africa the world-renowned political in the journalist. Simon Jenkins, argued that The factional conflicts of the past few these conflicts, almost above anything else, years, therefore, are no unique pathology in opposition politics demonstrate junclamental weaknesses in the struggle. The continuities are of the 1950s the popular resistance to white rule. striking. In analysing the contagious internecine Soon after the establishment of the violence in the Natal region, Prof United Democratic Front, broadly Schiemmer shows that although the current sympathetic to the older Charterists, conflicts are uniquely vicious, factionalism in verbal barbs were directed at the black the resistance movement is nothing new in consciousness movement, mainly Azapo. South Africa. Indeed, the roots of the An early example came from Zinzi rivalries in the present conflict stretch back Mandela, who referred to Azapo as to the forties'. 'ideologically lost political bandits'. Saths ••he earliest intra-resistance conflict in Cooper of Azapo claimed the attacks I the modern pattern emerged after the were the result of a 'threat to their little • sharp split between the 'Africanists' hegemonies' (The Sunday Tribune and tiie more inclusive faction of the ANC 16/10/83). At about the same time hostility in 1949 — a grouping which included between the Joint Rent Action communists and some non-African liberals. Committee, a Durban organisation later to Author Edward Feit records that large pro- join the UDF, and Inkatha in the greater Airicanist branches were violently expelled Durban region, was building up to crisis from the ANC! in the fifties after grassroots proportions. rejection of the role of white radicals in the top leadership of the movement. Potlake The older, more experienced politicians Lehallo. later to informally lead the PAC in attempted to prevent fragmentation. exile, at the time referred bitterly to Prominent UDF personalities attended the 'Eastern fimeiionaries just returned from launch of the black consciousness Moscow. Warsaw and China' (Feit 1967: orientated National Forum committee in p44 passim). 1983. At the time it was indicated that even membership by Inkatha would be Other internal strains also surfaced in the considered. In 1984 there were various ANC during ihis period, causing Mandela instances when the UDF and Azapo held to dccr\ lIK- |iresence in the movement joint meetings. The two organisations «t shady characters ranging from political held joint memorial services after the clowns, place seekers, saboteurs and incident at the University of Zululand ngenis provocateurs to informers and even when five students were killed in clashes policemen (leit: p68). with Inkatha. After tension between the 'Charterists' The suspicion of white radical and liberal (adherents oi the Kliptown Freedom influences in the UDF felt by black charier) and the Africanists had become consciousness leaders was too strong, critical in the late fifties, the latter broke however, and tensions grew, defeating "way under Sobukwe's leadership to the efforts of numerous truce committees
INDICATOR! Summer 1988 gXSNWOSail SUM The mid-1980s and peace initiatives in the months that suggests, the violence in that area has rebellion turned followed. become a way of life (Financial Mali 5/2/88). on itself with a vengeance — Multiple Causes Status & ideological competition by 1987 In 1985 conflict among township At the source of the initial violence. interactional movements and groupings accounted for about one third of deaths in the civil however, more systematic causes can he and community unrest. By 1986 half the deaths were due discerned. Among the more obvious is conflicts led to to factional conflict and only about one political rivalry among three broad loyalties — those sympathetic to the UDF/ANC far more fatalities third due to security force action (Race Relations News April 1987). In 1987 tradition; those aligned, directly or more than security interfaction violence accounted for a loosely, with Inkatha; and those in the action dominant majority of deaths in the black consciousness movements, v.hich, in a townships, (see table on unrest fatalities, rather distant sense today, are linked Indicator SA Vol4/No4: p26). with PAC traditions. The peculiarly brutal nature of many of These current tensions have had a long the attacks is a macabre chapter in South incubation, with roots in the immediate Africa's modern history. A new term has post-war period. There was a resurgence officially been added to the English of rivalry in the early seventies when the language — that of the 'necklace', a ANC in exile sought to discredit the burning petrol-soaked tyre placed over the black consciousness movement which had heads of victims. In the Eastern Cape in emerged as the dominant commitment 1985, in particular, scores of people were for dissident youth within the country. summarily executed after informal In the speech by ANC President Tamho hearings in ad hoc 'people's courts'. In one at the ANC National Consultative The episode in 1985, some 1 000 UDF- Conference of June 1985, reactions to aligned youths and adults armed with Pietermaritzburg the black consciousness movement of the weapons launched planned and early seventies were outlined. The feuds have systematic attacks on the homes of Azapo national executive committee of the ANC become a way of supporters in KwaZakele, Port in 1973 had cautioned the black life, with a Elizabeth. Similar attacks on a slightly consciousness movement that the assertion smaller scale continued into 1986. From of the national identity of the black spiral of tit-for-tat time to time prominent leaders in the people was not an end in itself. In the revenge as the opposing factions would agree to a truce, speech reference is made to fears that original causes of but splinter groups would continue the the black consciousness movement could violence. In Soweto-By-The-Sea, near have consolidated itself to replace the township Port Elizabeth, one campaign alone ANC, or at least to enjoy the same conflict are resulted in five necklace deaths. legitimacy; the ANC felt it was of forgotten primary importance to deny the movement In other parts of the country patterns of both these opportunities. A 'third force" conflict have been different. An early such as black consciousness was referred to phenomenon in Transvaal unrest was the as counter-revolutionary. attacks on shops owned by Indians in the Vaal Triangle. Then, in 1985, Indian The ANC's official mouthpiece, Scchnbu. residents in Inanda (near Durban) were had echoed these warnings in 1970 (third attacked by African youth, and 1 500 quarter), in 1977 (first quarter) and in 1<>79. Indians fled their homes, many of which and has done so frequently since then. were looted and burned. At the time there were accounts that both the ANC and PAC tried to recruit tilt- It is tragic to note, therefore, that in youthful refugees from the 1976/77 terms of life loss, forces within the black township disturbances. communities have done at least as much damage to their own neighbours as the Although containing additional elements, State. The rebellion turned on itself with particularly differences in strategy, the a vengeance. same type of ideological rivalry underpins Seeking reasons for this kind of violence the hostility between Inkatha and ihe is never a simple matter. There are several ANC. Buthelezi, an earlier follower of the salient features but most certainly no nationalist-inclined ANC President single cause: Luthuli, maintained viable relations with the non-communist groupings inside the The self-perpetuating feud ANC in exile. When in October 1975 eight The first and most obvious feature is that prominent African Nationalists (the this type of violence, like feuds, feeds on Makiwane faction) were expelled from the itself. There is always a score to settle, ANC, the stage was set for a widening and the spiral of revenge can continue long gulf between Inkatha and the ANC. after the original causes have been Differences of political style, strategy and forgotten. In the current Pietermaritzburg the implications of vastly different locations conflicts even black policemen are have aggravated the conflict ever since accused of becoming involved in personal then. vendettas. As Paul van Uytrecht of the As suggested in the speech by Tambo Pietermaritzburg Chamber of Commerce (op cit), affirmed continuously in the pages immsw raaass 10 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Simmer 1988 Violence at a commuter point as a worker stayaway is enforced on the East Rand — there has been intense interactional and • township conflict over protest strategies and political affiliations. of Scchuhti and made clear in statements youth had to be put to some use. at the Dakar meeting between the ANC Policing consumer and rent boycotts was and opposition Afrikaners (attended by one activity. Action against criminal this authoi J. the ANC, for understandable elements also occurred in some townships, as did 'clean-up' campaigns (e.g. refuse reasons, sets great store by its leadership Misshapen by of the revolutionary movement. Sechaba removal, park renovation). Nevertheless, frequently claims that the ANC alone has the temptation to turn the pent-up security action, the the experience and wisdom to lead the readiness for action on the closest political ungovernability struggle tor liberation. It also has a key rivals must have been irresistable. strategy has cmiimitmcnt to holding the 'nationalist' and the "socialist' tendencies within its Delinquent fellow-travellers produced a ranks in balance — a precondition for South Africa's townships are power vacuum the C ongivss movement's continued unity disadvantaged ghetto communities with without and coherence. more than their share of poorly socialised and deviant street youth. A leadership, In these commitments the ANC enjoys category of youth marginal to the social alternative common cause and compatibility with the ! order in the townships became involved in structures or l I)f . The black consciousness movement's the protests, and behaved in such a way disciplinary rcjcction of the role of 'non-Africans' as to confront all forms of authority without and communists, and Inkatha's rejection of necessarily subjecting themselves to the codes socialism and revolutionary strategies are discipline of the organisations they are absolutely fundamental challenges to the rallying calls of both the ANC and the nominally part of (Swilling 1986). These UDF. linked in their acceptance of the 'lumpen activists' contributed greatly to the Freedom ( barter as an enabling escalation of violence in township document. In the mutual perceptions of all conflict, dispensing vindictive justice and three movements, the rivals break the acting with excessive zeal in the policing most basic ground rules. of consumer boycotts. Out of this type of participation arose The two factors above are probably the the brutal punishments at people's courts, most basic causes of the tension among the private vendettas in the name of black organisations. A number of other liberation, the lurid punishmentssmeted out factors enter the local situation to to people caught breaking consumer exacerbate lactional conflict and to pitch it at the hi»h level of violence one sees boycotts (being forced to drink cooking oil, today: women being stripped and forced to parade on buses, or being daubed with paint) (Sunday Times 20/10/85). Displaced, mobilised aggression Pottinger has referred to these marginal One of the most common features of youth as akin to the 'year zero' children collective human behaviour is to redirect of Cambodia's Pol Pot era (Sunday Times aggression if it is frustrated or blocked 15/6/86). by .a stronger agency. In the 1984 to 1986 The observations of Paulus Zulu, an civil unresi the highly mobilised township experienced black researcher into street committees and other formations, township dynamics, are that even in the both wiihin the umbrella of the UDF most recent conflicts between Inkatha and other movements, were on the whole and UDF-aligned elements in Natal, the effectively contained within black formal machinery of the two residential areas. Once these townships had organisations is hardly involved to the become destabilised and the local extent of directing day-to-day affairs. He authorities evicted, the mobilisation of argues that the daily chain of violent action
INDICATOR ! '.J 2 Summer 1988 •^iJ'/^jsi -hii^i Violence and reaction is among localised groupings conducted political contest, the only wav establishes only tenuously connected to the wider to establish supremacy is through violence organisations, although attempts at the supremacy where elimination of UDF/Cosatu leadership different reflects a purposive, concerted effort. After the Unrest movements cannot The daily struggles, in his words, are more These factors have all contributed to ih a conflict among uncontrolled marginal e test their internecine conflict in the townships. Both elements and local level bureaucrats, the history of ideological divisions and relative strength functionaries and headmen (affiliated to the conditions of protest have made through Inkatha), who are perceived as being self- pathologies in township mobilisation properly seeking and corrupt. He ventures to say inevitable. Both the strategies of protest that both organisations could withdraw conducted and the strategies for containment, the recognition of the combatants if they so latter whether through security force political activities wished (personal discussion). action or recent statutory restriction. can hc and polls Township alienation questioned. In any society where upwards of 40 Mufson, a journalist since deported, percent of youth are unemployed (and raises critical issues on the side of the possibly never likely to be employed), protest movements in an article entitled where administration is remote and 'The Fall of the Front' (1987) — in his unsympathetic, where family life and analysis the UDF pushed the school authority have substantially disintegrated, boycotts too far, creating resistance from and where few institutions exist in which parents; the mobilisation was incomplete individuals can acquire a role, status or a and the UDF did not have control over the feeling of meaningful involvement, young township youth; the comrades victimised adults are likely to feel that, in the context black shopkeepers by rationalising of the wider society, they are superficial ideologies of redistribution: meaningless cyphers. This alienation creates and the rank-and-file became as oppressed a compelling pressure for personal by the months of upheaval as by the rebellion and self-actualisation, whether system itself. through sex, drugs, violent crime or The State, on the other hand, without political violence. Political violence can be a A security strategy lifting its control over violence and overly relatively minor elaboration of more spontaneous dissidence, should have of containment commonplace 'gang' organisation, so typical been able to identify opportunities to of ghettos. without negotiate with more responsible, extra- negotiation is Booth (1987: p6) expresses the implications system township leadership, to give them a also at fault — in South African townships of recent share of local decision making. the State should events and experiences as follows:'... what Admittedly, the plethora of over-arching counts more than anything else is the act revolutionary rhetoric and the public encourage of decision making (i.e. "having control refusal to be 'tainted' by contacts with participation by over our own lives" regardless of the government made this type of initiative a responsible costs of that decision. Not surprisingly, extraordinarily difficult. extra-system spontaneous resistance has resulted in There are painful lessons to be learned numerous "blunders" which have leadership on both sides. South Africa has gone contributed directly to the mobilisation through a period of agonising disruption of reactionary forces.' of township life and of white security and confidence, with effects far below the Ungovernability & power vacuum expectations of all parties. For the When activist Thami Mali, head of the government the unrest and violence have Transvaal Regional Stay away Committee, hopefully underscored the need for prompt said in 1984, 'Our duty is to create an alleviation of grievances and for ungovernable situation and actually force institutions in which all people can the State to declare some of the area as participate in the democratic process. liberated zones' (Rand Daily Mail 7/11/84), he was half-correct in his strategic For the resistance movements, hopefully, analysis. The ungovernability did emerge in the lesson will be that mobilisation has to many areas of the Transvaal and the be far more thorough and disciplined, 'lhe Eastern Cape, but the liberation did not. oversimple ideological cleavages, which The leadership which had pursued the have persisted for nearly a half-century, can ungovernability strategy was hobbled and do little more than weaken the black curbed by security action and political struggle. 'J'^JlAi ungovernability without social authority resulted. Sources Booth D. The Internal Resistance Movement: A critique of strategy & The resultant power vacuum has allowed tactics. Development Studies Unit, University of Natal: 1987 a free-for-all. In the absence of real (memo). Feit E. African Opposition in South Africa. The Hoover Institute, authority in the townships the drive to Stanford University: 1967. assume control has been replaced by a Kotze D. Black Politics in South Africa: 1964-1974. Van Schaik. competition for status and following. Pretoria: 1975. Without structures being created within Mufson S. 'The Fall of the Front', in The New Republic: 73I2/S7. which different movements could Swilling M. 'Stayaways, Urban Protest & the State', in South African Review III. South African Research Services/Ravan Pre; establish their relative strength in properly Johannesburg: 1986. vmmem vemm 1988 12 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 N THE MARITZBURG FEUDS By Wyndham Hartley Mews Editor, The Natal Witness It has often been asserted that truth is the first casualty of war. That may certainly be said of the violence lacerating Tictermaritzburg''s townships. People are mortalh' afraid to talk; the authorities refuse to; the new restrictions on opposition groups will hamper and can act of their own volition. Without further negotiations; and other emergency regulations detracting from the salience of the other theories — surround a frightening situation in an eerie half-silence. indeed, such interpretations may loom large in the This report does not pretend to be the final word on the minds of many of the protagonists — the latter causes of the conflict — it presents an overview of the account seems to be the most persuasive build-up and recent events, in the hope that correct explanation of the war in the Edendale Valley. The diagnosis is essential for any lasting peace. fighting is a manifestation of a profound and fundamental division which has sundered black society undreds of people have died, scores have fled and the Zulu 'nation' in the region. the violence to become refugees in other parts ol' Natal, many homes have been destroyed, Hmillions of rands in property have been lost, and Origi ns thousands of people have been injured in the ten The formation of the United Democratic Front in months of conflict in Pietermaritzburg's Edendale Valley. 1983 gave voice, and an identity, to one side of the A source at the Edendale Hospital has revealed community, as Inkatha had for many years given that the number of patients passing through its the other. The split was, without any doubt, between theatres with violence injuries (bullet and stab rural-based traditionalists on the one hand, and the wounds, skull injuries, etc.) increased by 80 percent in new progressive ideas from the cities, which the final month of 1987. A new male surgical ward challenged traditional norms and beliefs, on the has had to be opened. Most of the patients hurt in the other. The divide also should be seen in terms of a violence are between 15 and 25 years old; the generation gap of startling proportions. The youngest victim was seven years old and the oldest 85. traditionalists were adult Zulus, loyal to Ulundi and The number of burn victims from arson attacks on proud of the KwaZulu State; the young people in township homes, largely women and children, is the cities were coming to reject Zulu nationalism as a rocketing. These facts (see also table 1: p20) offer political option. They began to regard the KwaZulu as alarming a glimpse into the scale of the fighting in administration and Inkatha as part of a system the townships as the daily body counts released by designed by Pretoria and based on ethnicity, which the police, hdendale Hospital has become a war they could no longer tolerate. hospital in a civil war zone. Ironically, in 1983 both Inkatha and the UDF were There are several theories about the causes and nature implacably opposed to the new tricameral of South Africa's civil unrest. The first is the constitution for the same reason — the exclusion of conspiracy theory, which asserts that everything is Africans from parliament. But beneath the surface orchestrated by a preordained plan. The violence is a deadly struggle had begun to win over the grassroots supposedly the work of 'agitators' from outside the support. It essentially became an ideological afiected areas. This explains, according to the struggle between political activists who believed in the theory, win the national unrest has moved from area power of their own nationalism, and activists who to area between late 1984 and 1987, flaring up and perceived Zulu nationalism and its traditions to have then dying down in the PWV area, the Eastern Cape, been used by the State to ensnare people in the Durban. Western Cape, NE Transvaal,Crossroads, bantustan trap. Soweto ami now Pietermaritzburg. I he conspiracy theory does not fully explain why Key manifestations of the emerging conflict in KwaZulu/Natal were the assassinations of civil rights •nkatha and the UDF should be at loggerheads in the lawyer Griffiths Mxenge (1981), community leader hdendalc Valley, unless it is coupled with another, Harrisson Dube (1983) and Victoria Mxenge (1985); •his can be broadly called the Marxist-Leninist theory, the killing of five students at the University of according to which moderates cannot be tolerated Zululand (1982); and the attack on the Gandhi m the ranks of the revolutionaries if the struggle is to s lKX c< settlement near Phoenix (See Indicator SA Political , 'f-' -l• Inkatha members are the moderates in this Monitor: pp6-ll). From August 1985 recurrent ueaulv scenario of interfactional conflict, and the violence swept through the Durban townships of movement of the violence in the Pietermaritzburg Umlazi, Lamontville and others, surfacing in the area coincides with strategical advances and physically Pietermaritzburg area also. Conflict developed shilling battle lines. between the Imbali township council, controlled by Inkatha, and the Imbali Civic Association, which A third theory assumes that communities are dynamic
OIOICATOR SI, '15 No 2 Summer 1 13 &mmsmmmm later affiliated to the UDF. to the black youth. 'They beat our fathers; they have Tensions between the two movements in the region not beaten us' is their slogan. Deprived of a stable were exacerbated by the organisation of a consumer family life, of the discipline inherent in a stable boycott and stayaway in mid-1985 to support the community, the youth have emerged as a fired BTR Sarmcol workers from nearby Howick. formidable force which cannot be ignored. And their During the bitter labour dispute between the Metal power is growing; more than 50 percent of and Allied Workers Union (then under the Fosatu KwaZulu/Natal blacks are under 16 years of age. umbrella) and the management of Sarmcol, Uwusa, The concepts of exclusion and inferiority have shortly after its formation on May Day 1986, began to remained in the minds of millions of black people. organise among the replacement workers at the Even though the need for skills, development anil factory. The struggle between two unions associated massive injections of capital is at last realised, the with Cosatu (launched end-1985)/UDF and Inkatha spirit and economic disparities of 'bantu education' respectively, shaped deep divisions in the communities still survive. The legacy is a semi-literate population around Pietermaritzburg. and a youth which feels cheated, to put it mildly, out of not only a decent education but reasonable Throughout the civil upheavals which shook the employment prospects as well. That boy with a country and Durban's townships in 1985 and 1986, firearm in each hand almost certainly sees himself as Pietermaritzburg's townships had been generally someone with nothing to lose. Although many of subdued, however. The national violence, in spite of the 'comrades' (called the amaqabane in the Edenvalc later internecine conflict, was fundamentally a Valley) have no official affiliation with the UDF, it conflict between rulers (the State) and the ruled. Can would be a mistake to perceive them simply as the same be said of the violence in Pietermaritzburg? unstructured bands of criminals and desperadoes. It would be foolish to assume that the potential for They are capable of desperate deeds, certainly, yet in this type of confrontation does not exist in the some spheres their actions have remarkable cohesion. Edendale Valley. Indeed, there have been direct clashes between activists and the security forces. At 'In some rural communities high up in the valley.' a the moment, though, most people in black intellectual from Imbali said recently, 'the youth Pietermaritzburg's townships appear to welcome the are emerging as a stabilising force. They are presence of the police or military. And it would be tackling the problem of crime ... in one case, they simplistic, in spite of allegations of collaboration, to have repaired a road so that the buses can get see Inkatha as merely another vigilante force, through; in another, they have asked for permission to carrying the State's battle to its predominantly repair a school. They are also challenging the youthful enemies. Or, as a local interviewee powers, so often abused, of the chiefs and indunas. remarked: 'Did the vigilantes in Crossroads or Soweto and are winning the hearts and minds of the people' have a King?' (anonymous interview). Seen in this light the conflict is tragic. Neither side is blameless; and neither side is wholly right or entirely wrong. Indeed, it is impossible not to Classic Conflict respect the fundamental position of both the The struggle in the Edendale Valley seems much traditionalists and the young. However, if the more fundamental. It is a manifestation of the classic conflict is also marked by downright thuggery anil conflict of post-colonial Africa — traditionalism more importantly by the 'revenge phenomenon', is against the newer idea of a kind of social democracy there a way of resolving it? Or is the situation out of in a 'unitary state'. The conflict is profoundly control? Is the 14-year-old with a firearm in each exacerbated by the apartheid structures under which hand simply running amok, or is he controllable? black people have laboured for generations. The Could it even be that he is acting on someone's question is often asked, 'Why Pietermaritzburg, when orders? There is no clear evidence either way. the rest of the country is relatively calm?' The Some observers believe that the leadership of both answer is, at least in part, geographical. Nowhere else parties, who have twice sat down at peace talks, is the mix of urban and rural socio-political could stop the conflict if they wanted to. On the other identities so complex and entangled as in the Edendale hand, the pessimists (and many realists) believe Valley. that, 'Only the complete crushing of one side by the other will stop it now. The introduction of more 'I saw a youth of no more than 14, a firearm in each police will only prolong the process' (ibid). When hand.' This comment by a township dweller sums asked if the respective leaders had lost control over up the horror, the desperation and the deadly seriousness of the conflict. But it provides no clear their followers, my interviewee replied, 'They have picture of the real nature of the two sides. Inkatha lost control, but not all of it.' and the UDF — the latter a loose association of Is there, then, a way forward towards peace through 'progressive' organisations followed, inter alia, by negotiation? Or must the Edendale Valley, and the township youth cadre; the former a closely-knit indeed the city of Pietermaritzburg, brace itself now cultural organisation fashioned on para-military for the 'complete crushing' of one side or the other? lines. On the one side, the conservative, proud and disciplined Zulu; on the other a wild, angry and radical youth. Policing Many township residents say that the single most The police in the city have maintained throughout important cause of the violence is apartheid. The that the situation in the townships of the Edendale State's attitude to urbanisation, and especially to the Valley is under control. Shortly after the floods in educational needs of black people, has sown the September 1987 a ten-year-old boy, Sikhumbuzo seeds of the anger which is being so horrifyingly Shezi, was decapitated when the family home was vented today. Limited concessions seem irrelevant visited by a group of men searching for the SKsaOflJgaa 'M&liS 14 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Sunim;- cfr-r's parents. The furore in the local press four hours of discussion between the parties, the y0Un!ltl e National Party MP, Brian Edwards, to chamber released a five point statement on the vf "me involved. This led in turn to an meeting. "iiiiLvment by the Deputy Minister of Law and Certain points relating to the perpetrators of the Order Roelf Meyer, that the Pietermaritzburg violence could not be agreed on, so the parties agreed conflict should receive top priority from the police. to 'reflect' and raise them again at a further Shortlv afterwards, the riot control unit in the city meeting, tentatively set for 9 December. The points of "is reinforced with members from Pretoria. But in agreement were:
^n'i'te 0f L-onlinued assurances from the politicians • A call for the release of members of organisations tint the situation was under control, national party to the talks. s >rvicemen were sent into the Edendale townships • The freedom to meet with their constituencies next The dramatically increased police and military without interference from the security forces. presence in the townships could not stop the death • Endorsement of the principle of freedom of toll'and the number of incidents from increasing still expression, with agreement to discipline those who further. December was the most violent month of violate it. 1987. • Condemnation and dissociation from the 'current' At a police function on Christmas Eve in violence. I'ieteiiiririt/.burg the officer in command of all riot On the day these talks began a further three unrest units in the country, General Bert Wandrag, fatalities were reported by the police. Yet, so positive promised a plan for the new year. This plan, he said, were the first impressions of the peace talks that would en-iure that peace was restored in the spokesmen for the parties believed that peace could be townships. Harly in January large numbers of police established within a few days. This was not to be, reinforcements were sent to the city, followed by a however. UDF/Cosatu applied for permission to hold flying visit by General Wandrag and the assignment of an open air rally to address membership at the even more manpower to the area. grassroots level. The rally went off with little incident and with agreement on only employing At a press briefing, Brigadier Jan Kotze, and the new violence as a means of self-defence. Thus the stage security police head in Pietermaritzburg, Brigadier was set for a second round of talks. Jac Buchncr, announced that the violence would be stopped and that police action would be absolutely At the second meeting the Inkatha delegation impartial. This assurance was prompted by a statement raised the issue of an article in the banned journal, from UDL President, Archie Gumede, that any Inqaba Yabasebenzi, issued by the Marxist reinforcements would be to support Inkatha. Worker's Tendency (an expelled faction of the ANC). Senior police officers also explained, during a tour The document criticised Inkatha/Uwusa and called of the townships, how difficult it was to stamp out for their destruction — Inkatha demanded a public violence in an area without formal infrastructure. repudiation by the UDF/Cosatu grouping. In The Edendale Valley is hilly, criss-crossed with response, on 16 December, the same day as an ridges and gullies, without street lighting and, indeed, Inkatha rally at Taylor's Halt, UDF/Cosatu without streets in many areas. At night the valley is published a full-page advertisement in The Natal very dark and early evening mists descend the valley. Witness, repudiating the document and calling for The mist hampers helicopter operations, virtually an end to the violence in the area. This statement was the only rapid way of reaching rural settlements not welcomed by the Inkatha leadership who said they served by any roads. It was described how, on one were now prepared to resume talks. The peace occasion, a foot patrol heard a woman screaming but negotiations were, after a serious hiccough, back on it took the police four hours to reach her body. The course. murderers were long gone. However, in the weeks before Christmas Inkatha and Uwusa members came under serious attack, prompting local Inkatha leaders to declare the Negotiations peace process futile. Since then the chamber has held While the unrest did not begin with the horrific low-key meetings with both groups in an attempt to floods which struck Natal in September last year, the get them back to the negotiations. The chamber has plight of Hood victims focused media attention on been tight-lipped about the outcome of their township areas. The extent of the internecine violence, meeting with Chief Buthelezi in Ulundi on 25 January. which continued unabated through the natural During most of January the townships abounded tragedy, began to be known. The effects started to be with rumours of an Inkatha strikeback, dubbed telt in Piete rmaritzburg as more and more workers 'Operation Doom'. This became a reality on 31 were tired and unproductive on duty, and domestic January when, after a 15 000-strong rally in servants arrived exhausted at their places of work. Sweetwaters, Inkatha attacked the UDF- Many workers — domestic, commercial and industrial sympathetic township of Ashdown. There were . ~ sinip|\ disappeared, becoming faceless statistics ln widespread allegations, made public and denied in township body counts. parliament, of police collusion in the attack. A t this time both Inkatha and the UDF made As a result, Cosatu and 19 other individuals applied approaches to the Pietermaritzburg Chamber of to the Supreme Court for an interdict restraining u , onimerce ' establish some neutral meeting Inkatha from violence and killing. The application you id where the possible cessation of violence could awaits a trial date. The redetention of many local n fussed. After a number of meetings with both UDF leaders, the effective banning of others, R ii)" chamber, led by its second vice-president, including President Archie Gumede, and the severe 1 ater. ;uid its manager, Paul van Uytrecht, restrictions placed on the organisation itself, has "•inaged to get delegations of both parties to the made the possibility of further peace talks extremely onterenee t.ible in November. After more than remote. tfjyiA IND'CATOR SA Vol 5 Ho 2 Summer 1988 is exsGorosao, MMSS The Renewed Emergency Lornpilea b\ 'PSA Re- i a ra-ter Deborah
,„ernmen® Response Black Nationalist Activity 1987 1987 Non-Collaboration Politics €MI Unrest Court Interdicts. Unrest/Security Trials Insurgent Shootouts & Sabotage Rent Boycotts, Student Protests, Activist Detentions Township Clashes, Factionalism, Kilskonstabels Z^a^rn LnwV' Gr-i-r i.rdered to pay R15000 to Soshanguve youth who lost her eye in 9/10 May Roodepoort ticket office bombed - 2 while workers injured. In Mamelodi a suspected ANC 7/8 May Several railway carriages burnt in Soweto ond New Canada as rail workers i Til May Police disperse UND student march in solidarity with anti-election protests and dashes on other I UKay "^supreme CuJil invalidates government proclamation which declares the UDF an affected insurgent is shot dead by the SADF - another person also dies. Disturbances and arson attacks continue at Cape Flats schools. mm MAY campuses. Rhodes students pass motion of no confidence in university admin after its refusal to take stance 11 May In Harare the wile of an ANC member is killed by a bomb blast - several people injured. 1st & 2nd weeks 9/10 May Violence reported at Edendale, Caluza ond Sobontu (Pmb); in Dbn townships a (jnt 1st & 2nd weeks on student detentions. Cosatu House destroyed in bomb blast. "'™">|' I A/Mir Bulletin refused work permit renewal - given 30 days to leave the country. 13 May Jhb Technical High School damaged by explosion. is shot in his Clermont supermarket; in KwaMoshu and Lomontville houses ar I a tw i 1* Duncan Village (EL) residents lay more complaints against municipal police. n * ihhirnaistrnle f • lis 4 Azasm members not guilty of sedition and 3 guilty ol public violence Rosedale (Despatch) a municipal policeman blows off his own face. In KwaNdebele, Mgwenya (Woterval Boven) pupils boycott classes after white headmaster hands pupil over to police; 4 sporadic it mnnlhs ni cojrt Pmb Supreme Court grants interim interdict restraining Uwusa members violence against opponents of independence occur; arson reported ot 4 schools in Klinr pupils injured when dispersed. f wrh « i™ ' meIP|lcfs 0| a Vryheid colliery after man is killed on 5 May. Dbn police ogree to Mangulo. II lin 11/12 Ma» Dower College (PE) students stay away to protest expulsion of 4 SRC members. Police search I ?«l Ilim to ioL-Ta isl after bringing urgent interdict; 2 Westville detainees granted interdict 11/12 East London offices of Soched andSaawu are burnt. In Bothshabelo (Bloem) UCT SRC offices; at UDW students boycott lectures to protest police presence on campus. In Pietersburg 8 May irnlul!0B ncontisiaieo 'JJ^J"),,,,,, assaulting them. Transkei government deports 3 Umtota attorneys; and stonings are reported. Several reports ol disturbances on Cope Flats. In II -i Br ;F '!? trade unionists released after 2 weeks in detention; 12 more Azapo members still detained. |c'n im •--•) pnso ^ banishment orders on Cala residents. Two British journalists have work permits are arrested for beating a man to death; at Dududu (Natal SCoast) a man i 13 May UWC Dentistry students return to dosses on lecturer's dismissal after inquiry into racism. 13/14 May In Nelspruit 3 SADF members are charged with murder after a pedestrian is Idly 14_May Soweto evictions for R74m arrears continue. H SuDierr.e Coirt convids man for murder of a policeman - co-accused acquitted; Pietersburg and-run accident. In Malakazi (Dbn) a youth is sjombokked to death. A railway carriage is A According to DPSC 429 people detained under ISA. ' r rt miwirts 4 nw ('id' K™^ necklace murder of a women occused of being o witch. arson in Jeppe; 2 schools are damaged by arson in Kwaggolontein and Tweelonlien (KwaNdeWt- I NitsSH' F-'lice ius,i'iel'in ®n!l 4 armel' me"in Quorry on 7 SeP' (Soweto) court messenger is murdered during evictions and several residents are abductedL« ' ' ate supporting councillors. ' ""jj, infomclioi no longer preparing daily unrest reports; this lundion reverts to Public KwaMashu man shot dead by police at memorial service for unrest victim - 15/19 May KwaNdebele police confirm 70 political activists detained in past 10 days. Serious allegations 15/18 May rLsioit of paliRi- In Klerkdorp 3 Num shaft stewards sentenced to death for murder at Vaal shot dead at his funeral in Clermont - 8 injured. Violence reported in nearby Chesterville.,,, MAY MAY of torture • charges laid against police. Orlando residents have electricity supply cut off; warned not to r fob 1986 SADF miliar Pienaar sentenced to 16 years for contravening Protection ol Information 3rd & 4th weeks Ashdown (Pmb) a house is burnt down. Near Vereeniging a burnt body is found. !n S*.-cImisj 3rd & 4th weeks reconnect it themselves. In Mololo N 5 families evicted for rent arrears. • nh null qrants mteid'icl restraining police Irom assaulting detained Umlazi resident; 2 Cosatu youths are shot dead. 19/20 May At Modderbee prison detainees begin hunger strike, fearing tronsferral to social re-education "am Hombor.alhi c,r;.nted interdicts restraining Inkatho supporters Irom assaulting them. Amen- 19/20 May Violence reported in Dube and Orlando (Soweto), Weltevrede (KwaNdebele), centres. Massive police raids of Hillbrow and Wits residences - 14 people detained. Mayor ol Dobsonville t refused work renewal- (Pmb) ond KwoMoshu (Durban). charged with 62 counts of corruption over allocation of houses. r In Grohomstowii 30 people arrested, I hen served with banning orders barring them from 17/18 May Two bomb blasts at Newcastle station injure policeman. In Harare an ANC house is attacked 21/22 May Soda (Ciskei) College of Education SRC suspended and then entire student body expelled. In 21/23 May Mzimphlope residents lay charges against SADF for refusing to give ii with mortar rockets. In Bekkersdal a house is damaged by an explosion. armoured vehicle kills man. In Brandfort Winnie Mandela's house and mobile clinic ace " Soweto arrears deadline for Sisulu, Mollana, Khuzwayo and Mandela pass without evictions; Bishop Tutu i» 'sACBC Mkhafshwa sues SABC and the Citizen for defamation after 5 unsuccesssful applications lo19r May Carlton Centre bomb blast. attack. KwaNobuhle (Uitenhage) police shoot dead one man and injure allegedly in also served with notice and Mandela electricity supply cut off. 3 e Iram detention Rand Sjpreme Court grants restraining order preventing employees entering Sats 20 May Remote controlled booby bomb outside Jhb magistrate's court kills 4 nolicemen and injures 15. 25/27 May Thokoza (Alberton) town council dissolved by Tvl administrator because of unsound financial bombs. Two Imbali youths killed in separate incidents. Jhb police still looking for at iti lor any reason other than stated in employment contrart. 22 May In Mbabane 3 ANC members are shot dead in a cor. In Bisho (Ciskei) Rev Stofile and 3 others position; 3 former councillors appointed to run township. In Jhb Cosotu launches Hands-off-Cosatu cam- workers feared dead. 121 Hoy Minister ol Law nnd Order agrees to pay former policeman R4 500 settlement after b.... convicted of terrorism; in CT 6 men including Lizo Ncqungwono, self-confessed leader of W Cape division of paign. Hunger strike at Modderbee prison called off. DPSC reports that child detainees being rapidly 25/28 May In Sowelo railway carriages are burnt and reports olpublic violence in i by senior officer. Wynberg magistrate orders Minister to pay R3 000 to father of 7yr-old boy shot ANC, are convicted ol terrorism and harbouring terrorists. Soshanguve (Pta), Imbali (Pmb), Bishop Lavis, Langa, Guguletu (CI), Daveyton and i i in Feb 1985. Pretoria court sentences white man to death for the necklace murder of a black 23/25 May In Gaberone Ronnie Wntson overpowers man attempting to assassinate him; claims to be 28 May In Jhb 4 people ind 2 members of the KwaNdebele royal family are detained after meeting with KwaThema (W Rand) an armed hostel resident shot dead by police. In KwaMakulho (Dbn] in In PE 2 men are sn-tenced to death for the murder of a 15yr-old Azapo member. Jhb inquest British MI6. In Selby (Jhb) nn explosive device damages vehicles. A woman is allegedly abducted from Brigade leader is stabbed to death. KTC (0) shot and injured. British Consulate. kilskonstabel to ibolh a' Sooeto rrsiJnt 11 July 1986 finds SADF citizen force soldier criminally responsible. Swaziland and taken to South Africa to be state witness in ANC trial. 30/31 May Imbali residents claim 10 children dead in clashes after a funeral for victim I May Lownaikomp (George) residents apply for interdict restraining municipality from demolishing 29 May SA roid on Maputo kills 3 Mozambicans in rocket attacks on ANC targets. violence - police confirm only 5. In Weltevrede (KwaNdebele) a man is killed and 5 injured in j tarmslon magistrate rules police constable responsible for the death of a mine worker on May Day police. i In Worcester charges ol public violence are withdrawn against 8 youths; 7 others sentenced to cuts for ' e in Hkqubela in 1985.
June KwaZulu pol cc take c/er control of 4 police stations including KwaMashu and Umlazi. CT court 4 June In Aberdeen a large arms cache is uncovered. 1/2 June DPSC and Free the Children Alliance soy more than 1000 children could still be in detention. 1/4 June In Orlando East a man is burnt to death in arson attack on a house. At Westgote high school teacher to h» released from detention, detained since June 1986. In Pmb 20 former 9/11 June Newcastle police arrest an ANC susped and some collaborators - uncover an arms cache. In JUNE JUNE Officially still 11 children under 16 in detention, compared with 280 in February; 14 725 names ol Mine stations several people ore injured in petrol bomb attacks. In Soweto 2 railway corriages ' workers and relatives c.f unionists killed; lodge claim against KwaZulu Minister ol Police and Emdeni (Soweto) an ANC suspect is killed in shootout with police - 2 policemen injured ond 4 people 1st & 2nd weeks 1st & 2nd weeks detainees in custody for more than a month since June 1986 tabled in parliament. Ibhayi town council Ikakeng 4 youths are injured when police open fire on stone throwers. In New Brighton mu' lor R395 550. In PE tL:H court case brought in attempt to get police to produce missing Pebco arrested. serves hundreds of notices to rent defaulters - some families already evicted. attacked. In Mamelodi a policeman is shot dead. In Edendale (Pmb) an Inkatha youth is stal Godoloii, thought to be still alive in custody. 12/14 June Two policemen ore killed with AK47s while escorting 2 suspects from Komolipoort - they ore 6/7 June Benoni council warned that should it withdraw funds from the First National Bonk over the ANC in nearby Plessisloer a woman is injured in petrol bomb attack. The Sobantu Committee ol June KwaNdpbelc pc'ice 'crward several dockets concerning allegations of police assault on detoinees later re-arrested. advert, it will be subject to a consumer boycott by residents ol Wattville and Daveyton. taking legal adion after they receive several death threats; hundreds of youths from Imboli,' ' ollcrney general CT .rqjcst into death of messenger in Sept 1985 finds police acted beyond bounds Pebco Port EfeoMi Block Cmc Olpisotion Edendale take refuge there. Notional security bid',el increased by 39% to over RIObn; budgeted cost for detained people Acronyms 8/12 June UDF calls for 2 weeks of national protest and action from 12 to 26 June to commemorate SA KMC Release Mandela CommBee 5/8 June In Soweto an SRC and Sosco member is shot dead in Senaoane school by 73% to R9,2in Dctiinee in Durban released after court application but before final judgment. APCC jfcan Peoples OnistKin CooSSon Youth Day, declaration ol the emergency nnd Freedom Charter Day. Cosatu says 60 ol its leaders in Soawu SA Aled Workers Union Reports of violence in Guguletu (CT), Bulwer, Bongolelhu (Oudtshoorn) ond Homn-r<-l:!n The ' Polgietenras invest uto deoffc of Lucky Kutumela on 5/4/86 finds 6 Lebowa policemen liable. Aioyo ham lath ftpisrfw detention. 15 more families in Zola (Soweto) are evicted for rent arrears. More than 800 detainees released SACBC SA Calhics Bishops Cmfeiente Technikon in Umlazi is seriously damaged in arson attack. Eight miners die in clashes with «» ' reintroduces bill to have rents dedurted from employees' wages in attempt to recover R3m rent Cayeo Cape faith Congress following announcement of the reimposition of the emergency - 2 000 still held; 100 from Krugersdorp, 98 Sodiecf SA Comri foe Kghx Station at Anglo OFS mine. DETfcfKiitmait o f Education cml Turning of whom are charged and ol the 60 released from Westville 14 appear in court. Azayo claims 430 of its SAMDC SA tMcot ami Denial Come! OPSC fctntoes Pmeols Support Committee members detained in Bekkersdal alone. 10/11 June In Sobontu 2 UDF youths are injured by police gunfire; the following doy a • New regulations cn annual renewal of emergency impos^ e wide-rangin^ g restrictions, particu- Sorhwu SA RaJwys and totem Wofas iMm ECC M Conscript Compel dashes allegedly between UDF and Azapo .,,,.. N rat
Summer 1988 17 ©OQlWOgaa WMHB8 U>30!K33S& '/JJSMSS 16 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Minister of Education says replacement costs for school property damaged during unrest is police. Thousands of mourners dispersed and journalists arrested at Ashley Uriel's fmTT • • t harbouring guerillas. Pta Supreme Court orders the release of 18/20 July In Maitland (CT) a limpet-mine explodes ol a garage and another is uncovered nearby, a third R47m, 20/21 July In Wynberg (CT) a policeman is injured by a homemade bomb wMe" H•1 H 3 re,nun'lanau SAMDC finds Vereeniging district surgeon not guilty of neglecting limpet-mine is discovered by Wynberg petrolpump attendant. In District Six a limpet-mine explodes In the court; in nearby Guguletu a grenade damages the home of a policeman. In u, SfiW t « W.p^B Cbrne ius j g j f g Supreme Court suits totalling more than parking area of flats occupied by the SADF. municipal policeman is shot and injured. In Sowelo a man is injured by grenoc» cttnl, Lm nB( r( er a(in tn j? polto assault minsi ^ last yeor 21/22 July In CT a limpet-mine explodes in airport cloakroom. Police confirm and then deny Lucas Seme Kaap several cars damaged after police action at high school. In Mpumalanaa Hn„ Ml 15/17 Sept In Jhb deputy president of Azapo is detained. The Soweto Civic Association gels court interdict 15/17 Sept In Edendale 2 people are burnt to death in house; in Madakaneni a man is stobMki 15/17 Sept CT Supreme Court acquits 2 politemen on charges of murder in Bellville unrest, os they were 15 Sept In Madimbo (Venda) 2 alleged ANC guerillas shot dead by security forces. to prevent Soweto council selling houses of rent defaulters. in Harewood youths shoot aead 2 people. out the orders of a superior officer. In New Brighton 3 while politemen are charged with Tutu goes lo Lusaka. SEPT 3rd & 4th weeks 19/23 Sept Observatory offices of ECC damaged by petrol bomb. In Athlone (CI} Spes Bona pupils and 19/20 Sept In Sinating (Pmb) a man is shot dead and another is stabbed to death, several U ] 0 municipol policeman. 17720 Sept Zimbabwe authorities arrest anli-ANC spy, allegedly responsible for blost in Harare. Security 3rd & 4th weeks teachers walk out after o pupil is detained. In Potchefstroom 9 actors are released after 3 weeks detention. people injured. In Bongolethu (Oudsthoorn) 2 people injured by special constables it putty lit m 21/22 Sept Alter court proceed igs KwaNdebele drops wide-ranging police orders preventing outsiders force member is injured in landmine blost near Sthoemansdol (E Tvl). released after serving sentences for public violence. Violence reported in St Wendol ns, K»#Ai Rent evictions continue in Emdeni (Soweto). Minister of Law and Order announces that at the end of July mm entering homeland. New funeral restrictions implemented in Pmb townships, Greytown ond Howitk. KwoDabeka (Dbn), Dobsonville (Soweto), Mamelodi (Pta), Forty Second Hills iHsrrismilii; d there was 1 child under the age of 15 in detention; 12 between 16 and 17 years; and 169 men and 21 P™ Supreme Court dismisses opplitation by RMC and Weekly Mail to hove emergenty detlared invalid, Bophuthalswana. women under section 29 of the ISA. ini setting 4 regulations aside. Pietersburg court sentences mon to 10 yeors for burning 0 womon in 23/27 Sept Buses stoned in Clermont and KwaDabeka, vehicles damaged in Sowelo and Gug^M* J*™™1! in December 1985 - 6 acquitted. Police report over 42 incidents of violence in Pmb, Durban and Greytown townships in post 3 * H/25 Sept Grahamslown htskonstobel convicted of indecently assaulting women while in police custody, 24/25 Sept In Emdeni (Soweto) 10 people, including 2 security force members, ore injured in a grenade Nyonga (CT) brother of KTC squatter leader Vamile is shot and injured. Soweto polite mount oil sen,ence! tout m™ ^ men to death for netklate murder in Sandbult (Burgersdorp) in January attack. Polite confirm arrest of Gordon Webster ond 3 others with firearms. crime operation with 2 000 police deployed and arrest 234 people. In Lingelihle (Cradotk), o l»6 PE court tcavirls 1 nrei j A' ISA for displaying ANC and Soviet flogs and banners at Goniwe 28 Sept At an Ellis Park boxing matth a limpet-mine explodes under a tar and another is distovered. burnt to death; in Machibisa (Pmb) 3 people are killed and in nearby KwaShange, 13 Inkotha ™jro. in 1985 New Brighto 1 court finds 4 people guilty of netklote murder in January 1985 - sentences killed, with 6 people arrested, including 3 policemen. Sept death toll in Notal Midlands 48 (tors. Supreme Court orders Minister of Defence to pay R100 000 to man, injured after buffel foils (Pacsa). * »l stop street jW® »Pl Grahnmstown Supreme Court finds 4 Uitenhage residents guilty of murder in Koboh, April Court Rilitt '? "PE 5 "ra'! P0'ite °PPe 1/5 Oct Minister of Law and Order announces release of 41 children from detention; 69 under 18 years 3/4 Oct In New Brighton 3 people die in arson attack on house. In Edendale (Pmb) o youth is ^ (U„ ^jj! 5upien:e Cocrt refuses application for release of Umlozi detainee. Minister of Law and 1/6 Oct An explosion damages Lenosia NPP offices. Minisler of Low ond Order announces detention of 11 OCT still detained. Also releases Ihe names of further 91 people detained for more than 30 days under after buses ore stoned. In Hlohlagahle (Greytown) 2 men ore killed in dashes. c..i..sT™ ™ "urns of nearly R170 000 after Mowu meeting at Curries Fountain in 1986. people in the Western Cape, including 4 regional commanders of Umkhonto we Sizwe. OCT 1st & 2nd weeks emergency regulations, bringing total to 1 580 since 11 June 1987. In Mamelodi 4 Azayo members, In Pmb townships 9 deaths reported in Sinating, Sweetwaters, G rv t ie ™ 7/11 Oct 9/12 Oct Polite onnounte arrest of 16 ANC members in Pta and Soweto, claim to have killed 37 suspected lst & 2nd weeks including president, are detained. UDF and Inkatha release joint statement appealing to members to stop Supreme Court sentences 3 men to death for murder of 3 women burnt in Kubise Nearby at Henley Dam 2 Uwuso bus inspectors ore shot dead. Violence also reported in Ten® ANC members sinte 1 January 1987. In Kwarrielaagle 0 former KwaNdebele MP's house is destroyed in an the violence in Pmb. Clermont (Dbn), Molapo (Soweto) and Walmer (PE). In Doveyton (Benoni) a murder doiket is" fete"been[)|3'iMi"'i,er of c Planning says guns issued to kitskonstobels (unrest polite) explosion; in Soweto 0 policeman's house is damaged by 0 limpet-mine. 6/12 Oct Stella Sigtau takes over rule in Transkei after ousting George Matanzima as prime minister. Mwoso member killed by policemon. „ *>nsrfrotionoi 95 t' tluit n,' „„, t?n"11 ,t,imes' including 12 murders. Disciplinary action token ogoinst 632 for neglect 13/14 Oct In Harare 2 anti-apartheid activists and 2 others ore injured in car-bomb explosion ol shopping In Duduza (Nigel) 4 appointed administrators are dismissed and Tvl Provincial Administration to investigate 12/14 Oct In Edendale o burnt body is found; unrest incidents reported in Sokh1; S'cidero1 V 1935 end rn,! ml2s nL™"1''extl 0FS and Natal police. Colonel Slrydom soys 55 people necklaced in centre - Zimbabwe blames SA. In Empangeni an explosive device in CBD Post Office rubbish bin injures 5 corruption, white town clerk appointed to run township. New Notion newspaper warned in terms of 6-week- (Greylown), Nomandle (Molteno). old media regulations. iwni*. Court finds 3 Inkatha Youth Brigode members guilty of murdering Cosalu Cope Administrator says only 9 of 87 local authorities not functioning because of unrest, compared with 23 • miunzini, December 1986. Minister of Law and Order ordered to pay costs lo Worcester civic at beginning of year. ''»' unlawful iels-iiior 15/18 Oct In Tembisa thousands stage sloyaway to protest rent evictions called by anti-eviction committee. 15/18 Oct Two deaths in Mpumalango ond Sinating; in Forty Second Hills (He Su ,e , t ] 15/19 Oct Polite report arrest of 2 insurgents near Messina (N Tvl). At Komalipoort a landmine blast In E Cape security police raid offices of organisations including Black Sash. Minister of National Education alight. In Alexandria (E Cape) a priest's house is burnt; in Empongeni N li •! I j' S'Rnreil h id P ' ".-^ * urt sentences Tembiso youth to deoth for murder of politemon - to-actused '-Of ^J-Vv damages a polite tosspir 4km from tommemorotion service for Samora Mathel. In KwaThemo (Springs) a OCT 3rd & 4th weeks announces drastic measures, threatening to cut university subsidies to ensure university councils police their and injured. In Mabopane (Bop) a Cosalu official's house is destroyed. In Uiten i' " :. 8 acquitted. New Brighton Magistrate acquits 2 security politemen on charges of 1 politeman ond his father ore shot dead with AK47s. In Botho (Bloem) 0 mon - 'ed with a Makorov pistol 3rd ; 4lh weeks own campuses. Wits meeting to protest subsidy measures is banned. Commemoration service organised by hove fled their homes in ongoing conflict between UDF and Amo-Afriko - 40 people "'""I , ,rv 'i™ ' S'.preme Court orders Ihe release of a detainee, who is immediately redetained r BeM1at(l Ntube 1 6 is orrested; nearby in Heidedal polite kill a man with a hand grenade ofter being fired at with AK47s. In KaNgwane government for Samora Machel; several road blocks delay hundreds and Albertina Sisulu is 19/20 Oct Edendale examinations disrupted by armed men; police called in to p'^leit PL"?' ' j rra-ihs " 1 • "i" to-accused from Kagiso ore released on boil after Mbabane on ANC member is found guilty of illegal entry into Swaziland ofter polite raid private house. served with order banning her from the funeral district. Esigodeni a child is decapitated in a revenge killing; in Sobantu a policeman is shot dead. I' "P 3 : , • detention - none are allowed to return to township. Bloem Supreme Court finds ,in a u n resill en in 22/25 Oct In Soweto 0 councillor's house is domoged by grenade; in Eldorado Park, suspected guerillas 19 Oct 10th anniversary of 1977 crackdown on black consciousness organisations. people die and 180 squatters left homeless after fire. 23/27 Oct P,cterifc. r~ ™ •- ? !'! J)3 5 9 . ! November 1985. 5"- d-strihoiion ntW® c0.urt ffnds N Tvl Council of Churches official not guilty on 23 counts of possession hold up guards with AK47s and injure 2 at First National Bank. In London charges against 3 men accused 23/26 Oct In CT the president of Fedsow is detained. In Bonteheuwel 150 teachers present petition to 21/23 Oct In Pmb townships 5 more bodies are found at Taylors Holt, Mpumnlungc :> 5 i,eralure ofler 380 d s f 0', h?".. „ , — °V ° detention. CvT. Suprem e CoCour t dismisses opplication of plotting to kidnap ANC leaders ore dropped after 3 months. In N Notal polite arrest 2 'foreign trained police commander protesting detention without trial; they demand unconditional release of 5 teachers ond Ashdown; 324 orrests since 15 Oct. A special police team formed to crackdown on unres . "r'-Uithem i oontehptiwp, nle heimel y°vnntutl1h- KwoZulu polic„„i:,e. as„,kl for.r. Plessislaedi.,,:,i..r. (Pmb10. ) polite station to be insurgents and a collaborator'. 18 pupils. According to DPSC 38 political prisoners on death row - 5 executed since December 1986. 24/25 Oct In Pmb townships 7 people are killed over Ihe weekend. . — over to .„„„ fc c vu l!ij n ,I0ve 'ai'et'10 maintain Law ond Order. Chief Buthelezi und Minister of 27 Oct Polite claim 27 suspected ANC insurgents arrested in post 3 weeks in CT ond Tvl. In Swaziland on 29 Oct UDF executive member Qumbele ond Mary Ngembu of Unemployed Workers Union detained in CT. 26/28 Oct In Kimberley 4 DPSC ond Cosotu offices damaged in arson attack. In J, ™ talks in Ulundi. SADF member is shot dead attempting to prevent 2 suspected insurgents returning to Swaziland; Swozi youth is shot deod by police; in Sinoting o man is stabbed to death. . .. 0<1 Rani Court finds 5 Alex youths guilty of burning '0 witch' to death. police orrest 4 people. Pacsa reports 143 deaths in Natal Midlands politicol violence since January - 49 this""" : injured, 111 cases of damage to Pmb homes, vehicles and shops. QIP3& ©eaairas&ii 1988 18 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer 'SA Vol5 No2 Summer 1988 19 IPSA Research Table MONTHLY UNREST DEATH TOLL, WITH MAJOR INCIDENTS RESURGENCE or THE ANC 1976 -1987 June 1986 — December 1987 Tabie 2 Breakdown of Guerilla Activity & Targets 150 220 125 200 180 100 •b 160 75 140 50 120 25 100 80 l 60 •f Date Place Fatalities Details •s 40 14/15 June 1986 Durban 3 Car bomb on beachfront J 16 June Nationwide 16 Stayaway on 10th anniversary of Soweto uprising I 9 20 © 12/13 July Soweto 9 Residents and hostel dwellers clash CD UJ 2 f— 29 July KwaNdebele 1 Minister Piet Ntuli, head of Mbokodo, dies in car bomb "%B 3 13 Aug KwaNdebele 160 Independence called off - 160 killed in violence since May »- i™ 0 co 26/27 Aug White City (Soweto) 26 Police and residents clash over rent boycott A <,*> 3 13/14 Sept Mzimphlope (Soweto) 4 Residents and hostel dwellers clash < o 5 Nov Pimville (Soweto) 1 Guy Fawkes incident, llyr-old child killed by 4 whites hidden in Putco bus 7 9 9 31 27 103 Orlando West (Soweto) 5 Police and residents clash over evictions. 1 Shaotouts with security forces 4 6 2 4 4 14 IV V 48 178 1 Dec Mamelodi (Pta) 2 Community leaders Dr Ribiero and wife assassinated 2 Attacks on government targets 1 2 4 3 5 12 11 22 14 10 20 20 120 5 Dec Mpophomeni (Howick) 4 Mawu unionists killed by Inkatha members in BTR-Sarmcol strike 3 Sabolaqe of installations & infrastructure 4 1 5 3 14 14 15 4 22 28 27 93 16-20 Dec Phiri/Mapetla (Sowelo) 7 Clashes over 'lights out' protest campaign 4 Civilian & commercial targets 4 3 1 2 2 33 32 107 17/18 Jan 1987 PE townships 7 'Witdoeke' (vigilantes) and UDF clash 5 'Collaborators' 8c councillors' property 1 7 2 2 3 2 25 21 Jan KwaMakhuta (Durban) 13 Family of UDF activist murdered 7 34 21 62 6 Landmine incidents in rural areas 2 Feb Tantjie (Grahamstown) 4 Kilskonslabel shooting 1 4 20 8 52 7 Miscellaneous incidents 3 4 6 4 1 1 16/17 March KwaMashu (Durban) 9 Two Inkatha Youth Brigade members and 7 UDF youth congress members die in doshcs 44 96 203 183 715 TOTAL BY YEAR 4 19 27 12 19 29 33 46 11/12 April Zincor Mine 5 Num and Uwusa members clash 22 April Doornfontein 3 Sarhwu workers shot by police on Sats deadline to end strike Germiston 3 Sarhwu workers shot by police at meeting Sowelo 2 Stayaway to protest evictions Notes on categories Notes on Dato 28 May Kaserne (PWV) 4 Sats workers abducted and necklaced 1 Guerilla attacks and shoot-outs in security force raids, both in urban and rural 0 A few known incidents of defused explosives, perhaps the most underreported was. (Excludes sniper attacks in townships unless weapons used are identified as aspect of guerilla action, have been included in appropriate categories. 5/6 May Nationwide — Stayaway to protest white elections, widespread political violence wing of foreign origin.) • The number of incidents monitored here reflect armed actions (bullets bombs and 4 Policemen killed by booby-trap bomb outside magistrates court 20 May Jhb 2 Armed attacks directed at police patrols and stations, security force vehicles and grenades) by both insurgents and locally trained 'comrades which often became 31 May Imbali (Pmb) +5 Children (residents claim 10) killed in Inkatha/UDF clashes after funeral property, administration boards, town council property, courts, etc. indistinguishable during the widespread unrest of 1984 - 1987. 31 Aug Pmb 39 Death toll since Jan 1987 in internecine violence Moolage of power substations, railway lines and stations, oil depots, pipelines, etc. • Low-level attacks on a similar range of targets during the civil unrest - e.g. crowd attacks involving arson and stone-throwing, even where fatalities result - are 24 Nov Pmb 160 Death loll as first peace talks are held Includes hotels, supermarkets, factories, shopping centres, etc. Mudes armed attacks on (mostly) township homes of state witnesses, police, explicitly excluded from the above data. See table 3 in Indicator SA Urban Monitor 25 Nov KwaShange (Pmb) 13 Attack on Inkatha members councillors informers, MPs. 9 Dec Pmb 195 Death toll by second round of peace talks Hms0I( • lovers both detonated and defused landmines. "excluded are discoveries of arms caches, confiscated firearms, and the number 4 March 1988 Natal Midlands 126 Township deaths since 1 Jan 1988 - Revised estimate for WM,t Accidental explosions involving amateur saboteurs (5), propaganda pamphlet bombs of arrests of ANC members/sympathisers. mm • MMl | " ""specified defused explosives 11), assassinations and some targets unidentified in reports. ... skK: rem ©©utwasm wimm 1,38 WWH Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 20 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Sue 21 Social responsibility is an integral and important part of our company's culture, Sanlam Assuring your tomorrow Dedicated to serving the community in which we operate. NEW FROM I.R. Data PUBLICATIONS ! Labour Law Briefs Labour Law Briefs is a new publication dealing with legal developments in the world of labour relations which is ; AUTHORITATIVE - the contributing editors ( Prof. A. Landman, Prof. P.A.K. Le Roux, Prof. Johan Piron ) are all well known and acknowledged experts in their field with extensive experience in the teaching and adjudication of labour law. REGULAR - LLB is a monthly publication which ensures that subscribers are kept up to date with new developments in labour law. PRACTICAL - although LLB is aimed primarily at a lay readership, it will provide busy at- torneys, IR practitioners, unionists and other interested parties with a means of keeping abreast of important trends briefly, factually and objectively 1 For further details contact; IRD PUBLICATIONS (PTY) LTD. Box 52711. Saxonwold. 2132. 3rd Floor, MSL House. Baker St. Rosebank. Tel. (Oil) 788-5355 Telex. 4-20614. Scenes of some of the major conflicts in the KwaZu/u/ Natal region. In clockwise order: The ongoing UDF/lnkatha struggle in Pietermaritzburg s townships; a burnt-out bus in Ntuzuma township during election stayaway; taction fighting in shack settlements; the long labour dispute at Howick. THE EQUITY EQUATION By Jill Naftrass & Julian May A successful From its inception the KwaZulu/Natal in which the products of their co-i _ regional Indaba has generated, predictably, as much should be divided between them in the controversy as consensus, foreshadowing the form of profits and wages. Thirdly, in .. settlement is divisions likely to plague any future national society the need for social sen ices comes likely to emerge convention. To justify a move for devolution predominantly from the black populatia only if both the of authority to KwaZulu and Natal, the but the revenue to pay for these cones enquiring mind must ask: predominantly from the white population. centre and the Although not directly involved in the Who in the region supports the Indaba region stand to 9 production process, state institutions arc proposals, and for what reasons? gain from not entirely disinterested parlies to this 9 Why should the State support the Indaba basic conflict over the distribution of; devolution proposals? and services. « Can these proposals actually be implemented? The KwaZulu and Natal administrations have vastly different power bases which In setting these important questions, the carry the potential for substantial political authors emphasise the need to identify a conflict. It is believed by some people common set of objectives both among the that the political dispensation proposed by major interest groups and between the two the Indaba would provide a plattorm regions themselves. The feasibility of the from which a new non-racial deal could be Indaba proposals rests on a realistic launched. To what extent could such a examination of the political and economic deal really be new or nurture common constraints that face KwaZulu/Natal in the objectives, given the unequal ownership search for constitutional alternatives. of capital, the inherent conflict between labour and capital, and the unequal distribution of power between the race common set of objectives for groups living in the region? KwaZulu and Natal will emerge Relationships of only if the social and economic A successful regional settlement has as unequal A another prerequisite to win the genuine conditions of the two regions are reasonably development similar. If this is indeed the case, it would support of central government. This is likely to emerge only if both the centre between be possible to work towards a common set of policy goals. However, if underlying and the region stand to gain 1'ioni KwaZulu and conditions are dissimilar, they contain seeds devolution. Conversely, it is unlikely to Natal militate that could germinate into conflicting emerge in situations of unequal development. against the objectives. Success will depend also on how realistic the proposed policies are, and on emergence of a In the KwaZulu/Natal case, the whether the people in apparent power have metropolitan core of the regional common set of the actual strength and determination economy is so strongly connected to the regional needed to implement them. PWV region by transport and objectives communication networks, and In the flow Basic Conflicts of inputs, labour and commodities, that In any regional or national economy the it can be considered an extension of the organisation of the production process and latter. KwaZulu and Natal already the distribution of output among the receive considerable revenue transfers from population are both areas that might well central government. At the very best, generate conflict. Firstly, in South Africa these would have to continue, and it is as a whole, and in KwaZulu/Natal, the bulk almost certain that the need for such of the productive capital is owned and transfers would increase in a post-Indaba administered by whites, while the major scenario. labour supply comes from the black Relationships of unequal development may population. Secondly, labour and capital in also exist between KwaZulu and Natal any capitalist economy co-operate with and, if they do, these are just as likely to each other to produce a flow of goods and militate against the emergence of a services, but are in conflict over the way common set of regional objectives. 24 INDICATOR SA Vol S No 2 Summer. base). Within the region, KwaZulu The combined elation Trends contributed 5,0 percent of the regional region is falling krwnZulii/Natal contained output in 1975, and 6,0 percent in 1980. 25 percent of the South Although regional estimates of GDP should behind the Ration, excluding the TBVC be treated with caution this data does central economy show the relative underdevelopment of nK (see data base). Other than the in terms of per nreiionderance of the black KwaZulu and the almost constant gap •' in both Natal and KwaZulu — between the outputs of the two regions in capita living n relative terms. In addition, the Sonal African/white ratio of 8:1 is standards, high KwaZulu/Natal region as a whole is falling r • iei th..P in South Africa as a whole population r behind the rest of the economy in terms ratcs are also vastly different, of per capita living standards. Its share of growth and j's population is increasing rapidly, national output is smaller than its share social that of Natal is increasing only of the population, and output is growing Hy As a whole, the region's total more slowly than population. infrastructure in is growing faster than the average. In all sectors, the contribution made by an extent, these growth rates are a Natal to the combined regions' gross output of boundary changes, and the exceeds 80 percent, and in the crucial lent of blacks from Natal to growth areas (manufacturing, construction i. Nonetheless, there are still and financial services) it exceeds 90 albeit smaller, in the natural percent. Within Natal, manufacturing is the population growth rates in the region as a most important sector (29,7 percent) whole. 1 lie white population increased at whereas 'other services' — mostly local rate ol percent a year for the period government and administration — are 1970/85. whereas the African population most important in KwaZulu (33 percent). increased at 3.3 percent a year over the Agriculture, almost entirely cash crops, same period. These basic demographic contributed 7,5 percent of Natal's gross factors carry important implications: output; agriculture (mostly subsistence) t For black people, access to essential contributed 28 percent to KwaZulu's amenities is more limited than for whites. output. Consequently an enormous Such deprivation will worsen unless disparity exists between the regions in terms of socio-economic conditions and growth lApemli'.me on these facilities and their The KwaZulu physical provision increase at least as fast potential. The KwaZulu economy is geared as the population. essentially towards consumption and economy is administration, whereas that of Natal is • For per capita expenditure by the geared mainly geared to production. State on social infrastructure to be towards equalised, eight times more would have In most countries or regions, movements in consumption to be allocated in total for Africans than for GDP can serve as an indication of the and whites. behaviour of total income. In the case of • Efforts to address the existing imbalance KwaZulu, however, this is not so. Blacks expenditure, of Facilities between the white and black from areas close to white industry commute whereas that of communities will lie continually constrained to jobs in Natal. In addition, KwaZulu Natal is geared by this skewed pattern of population inhabitants participate in the 'migrant growth. labour system' on a massive scale. In to industrial • Blacks have substantially lower 1970 the earnings of commuters and production average ncomes than whites, so the bulk of migrants from KwaZulu were 3,2 times regional taxation revenue is raised from greater than the value of production in the the white group; vet the latter is area. By 1976 the proceeds from these increasingly smaller in relative terms. labour exports is conservatively estimated • In the absence ot a real growth in per to have been 4,4 times as great as the capita black income that is greater than GDP of KwaZulu for that year. the population growth rate, total per capita Due to the heavy reliance on wage income in the region will decline. There earnings from Natal, it is quite valid to will be a consequent reduction in the claim that Natal and KwaZulu should taxable capacity of the regional economy not be seen as separate regions. From an and a rise in the level of poverty. economic viewpoint, the productive • Fearing that their political and capacity of the former is dependent upon economic advantages will be swamped by the labour of the latter; conversely, population imbalance, the Indaba living conditions in KwaZulu are dependent dispensation has become a rallying point for upon employment opportunities and a number of right-wing organisations, wage levels in Natal. Doth regionally and nationally. Capital & Labour Productive Capacity The political relationship between the 197S the KwaZulu/Natal region regions will be coloured by the conflict/co- contributed only 13,4 percent of the total operation relationship between capital product in South Africa, increasing and labour discussed earlier. However, s «gntly to 14,1 percent today (see data capital and labour are not exclusively WDtCMOR SA VolS No 2 1988 Summer 25 mmmm masm Table 1 Population ©I KwaZulu/Natal & South Africa 197® - 1985 (000s) KwaZulu Natal KwaZulu/Natal RSA 1970 1985 1970 1985 1970 1985 1970 1985 African 2 269 4 402 1058 1042 3 327 5 444 11891 18508 Coloured 2,2 3,4 72 97 74 100 2039 2 862 Indian 5,2 3,3 522 692 527 695 630 861 White 4,4 2,2 444 606 449 609 3 759 4 947 Total 2 280 4 412 2 096 2 437 4 377 6 848 18 319 27178 Sources Population Census: 1970; 1985 {Dofo corrected lor undercounting) Table 2 GDP/GGP for KwaZulu/Natal & South Africa (R million) KwaZulu Natal KwaZulu/Natal RSA 1970 221 4 205 4 427 41 628 1980 443 7 125 7569 57962 (Corrected la 1980 prices) Table 3 Estimated Trade Licences Issued in KwaZulu/Natal 1987 KwaZulu Natal KwaZulu/Natal African 12 400 1600 14 000 Coloured 0 550 550 Indian 0 16400 16 400 White 0 20400 20400 Total 12400 38 950 51350 (Excludes Pinetown & Pietermoriftburg) Although white or black in South Africa or represent black capital. The Inyanda common KwaZulu/Natal. Data on the extent and Chamber of Commerce has experienced a importance of African-owned business in massive decline in paid-up membership, linkages exist KwaZulu/Natal is difficult to obtain from 2 500 members in 1984 to between between white though the comparative number of trade 800 (P G Gumede, City Press 21/2/88) and and black licences issued or renewed provides some 250 (R Still, Inyanda executive officer) at indication (see data base). Africans hold present. At the same time, almost half of capital in less than 2,5 percent of the trade licences Natal's chambers admit to an increasing KwaZulu/Natal, issued in Natal. In the region as a whole, membership of black business people. This the internal coloureds, Indians and whites hold almost could imply increasing integration of black and white business, whereby the need for divisions in four times the number of trade licences of Africans, and are also likely to have far an exclusively black chamber of commercc black labour greater capital invested in these has fallen away. produce conflict activities. Alternatively, political misgivings amoni; Nonetheless, the estimates of 6 000 black business people may also have African-owned businesses in 1986 (Centre contributed towards this drift. Black for Businessmen) and 7 000 in 1987 business has been under assault from the (KwaZulu's Department of Economic black community itself. This conflict has not Affairs) yield an impressive growth rate taken place over the distribution of of 18 percent. Moreover, there are also products, but rather over the alleged co- strong linkages between black and white option of black business into the present business. One of the most important of political-economic system. This has led to these is through the wholesale/retail divisions within black capital (Indicator trade in the form of the supply of goods SA, Vol4/No4 1987), with regional from the 'Cash and Carry' dealers, overtones, which could isolate KwaZulu representing Indian and white capital, to business people. the numerous trading stores throughout Unlike the case with capital in KwaZulu. KwaZulu/Natal, black and white labour J" An additional factor is the apparent not appear to have developed a common weakness of pressure groups which solely interest, and instead are divided sharply by ws&ns&m VS1SHS8 1988 26 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 SuwW iifical affiliations. Precise estimates of to disruptions when the already inadequate All economic abour are bureaucratic structures attempt to .'iniseil black l difficult to arrive administer and deliver services. analysts concur orgL,t i essence two main groups emerge n that the region fosatu affiliates against the Inkatha- r"kcd lJwusa. Also of relevance is the fact is unable to h-it iincniplovment in South Africa is rising raise sufficient ll( Development Strategy h-irplv t -' burden borne chiefly by blacks, revenue to meet most especially by younger workers. They For an Indaba-type settlement to have planned parity hive set the pace of resistance in South any chance of long-term survival, benefits Africa over the past ten years, and this would have to be delivered to all parties expenditure in £ould well be replicated in KwaZulu/Natal. who.subscribed to it. In the KwaZulu/Natal essential social context, this implies both sustained [t would seem, therefore, that if black- economic growth and redistribution. In services owned business can stand to benefit from a other words, the economic cake must get devolution of power, either directly, or bigger, and the way in which it is cut must through increased linkage with white be changed. In the absence of the latter, business, it would be in their interests to the Indaba would have no impact on the actively support the Indaba. The case of existing racial imbalance. The labour is by no means as unambiguous. implementation of a suitable The emergence of two sharply opposed development strategy that would be feasible union movements, the one linked to the under these conditions will inevitably run UDF, the other to Inkatha (and thereby to into a number of major problems, notably: the Kwa7.iiIu bureaucracy), increases the likelihood of intensified conflict in the 9 The present structure and organisation region. Unless the Indaba proposals can of the economy — the need to protect the offer tangible benefits to labour, it is productive base while seeking to modify unlikely that these groups would share institutional aspects, so that they fit more any common objectives. clearly into the joint administration's economic and social objectives. • The lack of sufficient, committed and Even if the well-trained bureaucrats to implement new Indaba costs government policy. While bottle necks Prospects could be met, The necessary expenditure by the are certainly a product of apartheid, it regional authorities implied by the Indaba would be extremely naive to assume that existing proposals have been the subject of they will disappear overnight with the bureaucratic considerable debate (e.g. see Trotter 1987; system that created them. structures would 9 The need to improve black access to land Corbett 1988; Du Pisanie and Meintjies be unable to 1986). While these discussions have used a and at the same time ensure that variety of assumptions to arrive at the agriculture's productive base is not seriously administer new estimated expenditure necessary to achieve impaired, particularly with regard to food funds or deliver parity in the essential social services, production. equalised their conclusions are similar — 9 The need to deliver some meaningful services KwaZulu/Natal does not have the means improvements in black living standards in to raise sufficient revenue to meet this the region without undermining South expenditure. Africa's productive capacity. To quote 011K one of these studies, 'In 9 The high cost of these reforms, which order to achieve racial parity in the case is beyond the present capabilities of a of only two amenities, education and region already heavily subsidised by health, by the year 1995, and assuming a central government. By Peter Corbett, Department of Economics, University of Natol In an economic analysis of the lndaba proposals, Peter The report continues by quantifying the expending Corbett argues that the debate on an appropriate levels necessary to meet the longer-term Indaba constitutional structure for South Africa should objectives of equalising expenditure on different concentrate firstly on both the quantity of public goods groups by the target years 1995 and 2000. Du PisanU- consumption required, and on the degree of and Meintjies based their analysis on the list of redistribution feasible and desired. The question of functions contained in the Indaba constitutional federalism versus the unitary state will have relatively proposals, but inexplicably omitted some of these in subsidiary importance if it is accepted that major socio- expenditure calculations. Their conclusions on the high economic policy can be determined only for the country costs of parity were essentially negative, despite as a whole, albeit coupled with probable regional reaching expenditure estimates substantially lower than differences in implementation. other calculations (see table 1; also Indaba Economic Committee 1986). For instance, higher estimates would follow if not for their: he constitution proposed by the Indaba contains, inter alia, a list of economic functions to be • exclusion of expenditure categories (like housing), T undertaken by a regional government for which are included in the proposals; KwaZulu/Natal. These, in turn, have important fiscal • underestimation of the number of black secondary implications which are contained (incompletely) in the school pupils; reports of the Indaba Education Committee and the • calculation of lower per pupil State expenditure on Indaba Economic Committee. The range of functions education; agreed on cover many important areas of public • non-equalisation of old age pensions; and expenditure, including education, public health, housing, roads, welfare and pensions. The implied • projected reduction in regional expenditure on intention is for the KwaZulu/Natal legislature to legislative and general executive functions. equalise social goods provision independently of the The Du Pisanie and Meintjies report makes rest of South Africa, and presumably more rapidly. comparisons with the status quo difficult by not comparing Indaba expenditure levels with actual Although there is no assumption in the proposals 1985 expenditure. Furthermore, the projections lor that KwaZulu/Natal would be one unit in a federal 1995 and 2000 are based on assumptions not state, hope has been expressed by Indaba participants that the regional constitution might serve specified and the results are thus difficult to evaluate. as a model for other regions. There has been no The report does not deal with problems of financing acknowledgment, by the Indaba itself or subsequently the expenditure nor with regional ones. by its principal supporters, of the economic A second report, produced by the Indaba Education difficulties of implementing the proposals. The limited Committee, investigated the educational independence in economic action of a regional expenditure needed to achieve Indaba targets and legislature vis-a-vis the rest of South Africa will result used assumptions similar to Du Pisanie and in largely unmet expectations. Placing the Meintjies. It also estimates black school attendance at constitutional cart before the economic horse seems, a lower level than could be projected (Corbett therefore, clearly irresponsible. 1988), and left open the questions of compulson attendance, parental contribution, pupil/teacher ratios and other quality criteria. Low Estimates The Indaba Economic Committee was unable to The wider the range and cost of social goods reach agreement, and so an unofficial final report was provided by a regional government the less flexibility issued by the chairman. This report also contains there is for fiscal differentiation between it and data based on the earlier calculations of Du Pisanie other units. In a commissioned report Du Pisanie and and Meintjies. Its analysis of the overall economic Meintjies estimated that if expenditure on functions implications of the required expenditure levels was had been taken over by a KwaZulu/Natal legislature in that, while there is no necessary correlation 1985 (current data), it would have amounted to (inverse) between tax rates and economic growth some 26,2 percent of the regional Gross Geographic generally, it would not be possible to have Product (GGP). This expenditure would produce 'markedly higher levels of taxation in the social goods of similar standard to the rest of South Natal/KwaZulu region (which) would probably lead Africa, in accordance with present government to a flight of both capital and skills away from the policies. region'. The report implies that Du Pisanie and 28 INDICATOR SA Vol S No 2 Summer. f/itiifs have underestimated expenditure and proposals on expenditure is shown in table 1. Detailed . M|k's 1'k' conclusion that sufficient revenue could estimates prepared by the author (Corbett 1988) "The raised loca"y t0 'Parity UP ••• without calculate expenditure by the KwaZulu/Natal legislature "nderini11"^ the potential for economic growth' as 50 percent of regional GGP in 1985, compared with the 26,2 percent assumed by Du Pisanie and (I9H6: p4). Meintjies. (Neither estimate includes expenditure of . vjnl! reached these conclusions, this third report local authorities, Regional Services Councils, or riitially goes on to assume that central government central government.) The data presented here ".m i^nJ the higher planned level of expenditure in on implies that overall expenditure by the public sector KwaZu hi'Natal, the grounds that per capita would have been substantially greater than private , ' n'jjinre in Natal is already higher than regional expenditure, had the KwaZulu/Natal legislature r x receipts. The entire fiscal burden of the Indaba existed and reached its targets in 1985. proposals is placed on central government as a Luicai. just and attainable expectation, should the Du Pisanie and Meintjies projected a required proposals lie implemented. It does, however, state expenditure of R9 545m by the year 2000, while the that failing this 'the new constitution would be a author projects Rll 004m by compounding the 1985 farce .•• and ... would see its regional autonomy estimates forward at an annual population growth constantly undermined' (1986: p7). rate of three percent. The proportion this expenditure bears to GGP depends on the assumed regional economic growth rate. Table 1 assumes a five percent rate (probably optimistic), and on that basis Du Expenditure Effects Pisanie and Meintjies project Indaba expenditure at The financing assumptions in all three reports imply 32,5 percent of GGP compared with the author's a redistribution to KwaZulu/Natal from other parts of projected 37,5 percent. The proportion of total public South Africa, either by reducing expenditure, or by sector spending would, thus, be very high. pcncrally increasing taxes in this region. Minister of Figure 1 shows the growth (in 1985 prices) of both Constitutional Development and Planning Chris GGP and 'Indaba' expenditure from its assumed Heunis believes that '... the important economic 1985 level of R3 702m to its target level of Rll 004m implications of the Indaba had not been calculated in the year 2000. The gap between the two — although it had been found that Natal did not have converging lines meeting at 2000 shows how the the money to finance the proposals and would equalisation process would take place. The eventual depend on government subsidisation' (The Sunday proportion of expenditure to GGP depends on the per Tribune 20'11/87). capita increase in GGP (the growth rate of GGP There is general agreement among the critics and minus population growth rate). The Du Pisanie and supporters of the Indaba economic proposals that: Meintjies projection could be shown by connecting • public expenditure would need to be much higher 26,2 percent in 1985 to 32,5 percent on the 2000 GGP in KwaZulu/Natal relative to the rest of South Africa; column. • tax levels in KwaZulu/Natal could not be raised significantly above the rest of South Africa to finance the expenditure; • therefore either central government or some other Financing Gap external source of funds would be required. The difference between, firstly, the growth in expenditure from its actual 1985 level of R3 702m to If increased expenditure on the Indaba proposals were the target level in 2000 of Rll 004m and, secondly, to produce public goods at intermediate standards the anticipated non-Indaba growth of central between those currently experienced by blacks and by government spending in KwaZulu/Natal on the whites in KwaZulu/Natal, there might well be socio- Indaba functions, would have to be financed. The economic consequences quite apart from any effects of dotted line in figure 1 labelled with a question mark financing that expenditure. Whites faced with represents 'normal' growth in pre-Indaba expenditure. poorer, racially integrated public goods (and The gap between that function and the equalisation residential areas) might well migrate to other parts function in Indaba expenditure is labelled 'the or South Africa where standards would not have financing gap'. changed. At the same time better pensions, schools and hospitals, together with the absence of the Group Depending on the growth rate of central Areas Act and racial segregation, might cause an government expenditure on these functions for the "^quantifiable in-migration of black families from whole of South Africa, the financing gap can vary °tner parts of South Africa. The out-migration substantially. A five percent growth rate in 'normal' would he more likely to consist of skilled or government expenditure produces a financing gap Professional workers and the in-migration of less of R3 308m, while a three percent rate produces billed workers. R5 238m. The relationship of this monetary gap to either GGP or, alternatively, to 'normal', non-Indaba 'he net oilect of these factors could well cause a expenditure levels elsewhere in South Africa unction in industrial development and regional illustrates the revenue problem. Between 11 and 18 • H0I1K'; hi turn causing contraction in service percent of GGP would need to be found for the in ^str'cs lo ^e detriment of employment and growth regional expenditure level between 43 and 91 percent ^wa/.ulu/Hatal, but to the benefit of other parts higher than in South Africa. Dr. J- Africa- The size of these effects cannot be The burden on the central government would be 'Hlt they would certainly reduce the substantial and requires a transfer of resources to Moiuil growth rate; even if modest, this would have KwaZulu/Natal from the rest of South Africa relative »us long-term consequences on unemployment, to the non-Indaba status quo. No political £ H"'"ty and stability in the region. explanation is attempted as to why this might happen. 'he esMiniate d overall impact of the Indaba To the contrary, it seems unlikely that tax payers in snails 1 No 2 Summer 1 29 MMDSS Table 1 Figure 1 EXPENDITURE TO MEET INDABA PROJECTED OOP & GOVERNMENT OBJECTIVES FOR 1985 BASE & 2000 EXPENDITURE KWAZULU/NATAL TARGET (Constant 198S Prices) (1985 Prices) 1985 2000 1 Pre-lndaba expenditure (Du Pisanie & Meintjies) R3 702m 2 Additional expenditure to meet Indaba objectives: {Corbett) Education R2 102m Health R509m Pensions R250m Housing R250m Other R250m SUBTOTAL R3 361m R7 063m RU 004m (3% p.a. growth) 3 Du Pisanie & Meintjies Projection to meet Indaba Objectives R9 545m 4 GGP for KwaZulu/Natal R14 131m R29 377 (5% p.a. growth) the rest of South Africa would be willing to pay for the Natal experiment. The finance could, in Limited Options principle, be raised by taxing KwaZulu/Natal at higher The prospects for financing the Indaba proposals rates than are current elsewhere in South Africa. without damaging the regional economy are poor at The increase in rates would be substantial and, best. The objectives clearly require greatly depending on the kind of taxes raised, it would increased public sector spending. Economic reality, on have certain detrimental effects on the regional the other hand, makes it improbable that the economy: necessary finance would be available to pay for the expenditure programme. What, then, are the 9 Taxes on individuals would either lower real limited options available to a KwaZulu/Natal incomes in KwaZulu/Natal, thus causing out- legislature elected by a poor constituency (largely migration of affected individuals, or, if they could be black) expecting rapidly improved standards of pu blic passed on to employers, would raise real wage costs goods, and a well-off (mainly white) constituency and cause firms to locate in lower cost areas. Either or convinced that existing material (minority) rights will both of these effects would lower regional economic be protected? growth and might be substantial. 9 Taxes on profits would lower the net return on Firstly, standards in badly-serviced areas can be capital in the region relative to other parts of South improved by cutting expenditure in well-serviced Africa and would cause firms to locate elsewhere. areas. If this is contemplated seriously, then the There would be difficulties in preventing massive tax appeal, of the Indaba to white voters will be avoidance by firms redirecting profits to non- diminished. The alternative of keeping standards in white areas substantially unchanged would mean little KwaZulu/Natal subsidiaries or branches. Again improvement in black areas, which in turn is regional growth would be reduced. unlikely to generate black support. Given these quite 9 Taxes on expenditure (such as GST) would lower different scenarios it is difficult to see how the real incomes and/or raise real wage costs leading to Indaba proposals could achieve consensus if all labour and/or capital migration. Avoidance would information were to be made widely available. occur as purchases would be made outside KwaZulu/Natal with no international borders to These issues are highly relevant to the question of the prevent this. Again growth rates in the region limits of redistribution for South Africa as a whole. would be harmed. It would be valuable to extend the calculations to encompass other government functions at all levels The size of the financing gap is large and the effects and to consider possible levels of redistribution over^ of higher taxes would be substantial. The regional various time horizons in a post-apartheid society. growth rate could well become negative as a result. Foreign aid in the form of grants or loans could References Corbett P J. 'The Limits to Economic Policy Differences Between Members of a theoretically fill the gap. Several other sources of Federation: With special reference to the KwaZulu/Natal region'. Paper presented finance have been suggested, ranging from a at Workshop on Regionalism & Restructuring in Natal. University of Natal, Durban: 'Rhodesian Sweep' to acquisition of the Durban January 1986. Du Pisanie J A & G J Meintjies. 'Implications of Fiscal Parity in KwaZulu/Natal by "" harbour as a 'free port' or profit-earning enterprise. & 2000 Respectively'. A report commissioned for the Durban Metropolitan These sources in total might make a worthwhile Chamber of Commerce. Central Merchant Bank & University of Pretoria: October contribution and should be examined to see whether 1986. expectations are realistic, but in any case would be KwaZulu/Natal Indaba. 'Constitutional Proposals for o Joint Legislature'; 'Final Report of the Economic Committee'; 'Final Report of the Education Committee': 1986. subsidiary to other sources. KwaZulu/Natal Planning Council. KwaZulu/Natal Black Education: 1986. 30 INDICATOR SA Vol S No 2 Summer. A REGIONAL DEBATE REVISITED aring the first half of 1987 I was in part by the KwaZulu government); he By Gerhard approached to write an article for an served as secretary and essential Mare, 1 ndicator SA special issue on the contributor to the Buthelezi Commission KwaZulu/Natal Indaba. Initially I refused, (clearly the forerunner to the Indaba); Centre for Pas it appeared from the list of fellow and he was involved in the Indaba Social & contributors that I was to be the sole proceedings and subsequent defence and Development critical voice. When, subsequently, I was popularisation. Studies, assured that other critics would be These are all excellent qualifications for University of approached 1 agreed to contribute. presenting the Inkatha/Indaba position in a Months later the publication, New debate. However, whatever Schiemmer Natal Frontiers: The KwaZulu/Natal Debates might be in other spheres, he is not a (NF), appeared, but in such a manner neutral 'political analyst', with the right and in such a form that I lodged complaints 'background knowledge' to qualify him to with the editor. I accepted an do a summary of NF contributions. This unsatisfactory offer of right-of-reply in the publication, and the Indicator Project as a next issue of Indicator — unsatisfactory whole, is presented as a university-based because NF was a one-off publication, with 'forum where all sides can be heard', and no necessary consecutive readership (in not another publication of the Indaba. fact many more issues of the special issue were printed and distributed than is regularly done with Indicator). Reappraisal The only summary that is presented is an I have two major complaints: the first, uncritical list of what 'the recommendations against the editors of NF, that a (of the Indaba) represent'. Professor contributor, Professor Lawrence Schiemmer says that 'authors Dhlomo, Schiemmer, should have been given copy Saunders, Mansfield, Van Wyk and for a one-off publication. In other words, Wiechers' (all central Indaba personalities editorial privilege was being extended to a or employees) 'described in detail' the contributor. Articles were not available 'process and outcome' of the Indaba. That to all fellow contributors (in fact, I was is simply not true, as a reading of these refused access to the draft of the contributions shows. The Indaba team publicat ion even after newspaper journalists ignore several of the central elements had been given all material). Schiemmer that the public would need to know about, is not an objective 'political analyst' (as he or present a selective picture even of the was described in newspaper articles Indaba proposals, as does Schiemmer in his based on the publication) on this issue, and list of six points. For example, the Bill of did not simply do 'a summary' (as the Rights does affirm the 'rights of editor oF NF claimed in justification for individuals', but then only of some of passing on the articles before those rights (no mention is made of rights publication). to welfare and a living wage, etc.). It The second complaint is that Schiemmer offers protection only in the restricted m;'ps the articles in the publication through sphere of regional constitutional an uncritical presentation of the Indaba competences — detention without trial, Position on the one hand, and a selective, military call-up, to name but two issues, at times inaccurate, and partial could continue because they would be commentary on the articles taking a critical central state affairs. ?|ance on the Indaba on the other. That !s "ot a sin in itself, but becomes so in what Schiemmer says that the Indaba is ls Purportedly an academic debate. committed 'to a steady elimination of inequalities'. We have already had an Protessor Schiemmer has been centrally outright rejection by capital that they •nvolved with Inkatha and with the should pay. Instead, what we have been , aZulu government and its organs. For given are what Professor Jill Nattrass, a pimple, he serves on the board of the participant in the Indaba's economic £waZulu Finance and Investment committee, had called 'fatuous' solutions. °rporation; he formed and still serves Selling the Durban harbour, and waiting for p 11 director of the Inkatha Institute (a self- the central state to fulfil its own ' "claimed propagandistic body funded commitment to 'equalisation of services' are WCftTOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 31 Secret two of the 'solutions' offered. In fact, if is plainly trite and refuses to address th criticisms seriously. '' e implementation Professor Schlemmer wanted an example of what he calls 'waiting for Godot', then studies by waiting for central state largesse seems to • Singular Notions of Democracy Indaba qualify very well. The very agency that is Were the Indaba proposals undeinocrati • participants generally held to be responsible for the 'by virtue of being closed to the press an I inequalities that mark South African could well be public' and were they a '"top-down" society will somehow suddenly act as exercise', is how Schlemmer phrases the part of a saviour. next 'summary point'. He agrees that I process to In fact, later in the article Schlemmer am right 'in some measure' in arguing this effect further explicitly follows a 'Nkrumah line', in point — I do, by the way, address nianv more aspects than that the deliberations compromises suggesting that a prior 'political settlement (...) is necessary to extract the were closed to the press and the public necessary to resources from the central fiscus to promote However, this concession to criticism is interest the development'. In the 'region first' immediately qualified. Schlemmer claims that secret deliberations were in order as State solution that the Indaba proposes, the intensity of inter-regional competition for the results were open to subsequent resources, and the limbo in which the 'new rejection through a referendum. Natal' would exist, would more probably Furthermore, secrecy was a virtue in that result in less money coming to it. After all, consensus could be reached when why would the central state wish to 'participants were not playing to the antagonise the far right with which it is gallery of the media'. competing in the centre of power? This is one way of describing a process that others would feel to be closer to the • Final Product heart of democratic practice. Open scrutiny Schlemmer admits that the 'constitutional of the doings of leaders, even if only by details' are 'imperfect' (as Boulle argues in the members to whom those leaders are NF). However, this is no problem as the accountable, is what more and more negotiations merely 'develop(ed) the themes organisations are demanding. It was clearly of political resolution on the of little concern in the Indaba process, understanding that a more detailed but it was a central reason for the refusal to formulation would follow prior to any participate by some invitees who hold for Indaba implementation'. I have followed the an alternative process in transforming this personnel have Indaba in detail, but this was the first country. It is possible to be cynical about stated that time that I had heard that an incomplete a commitment to democracy, but it still under certain product was being sold. does not justify one's own undemocratic practices. circumstances Schlemmer goes on to say that 'follow-up an opinion poll work is being planned to flesh out the ... Interestingly enough, Schlemmer seems content of the broad proposals'. The to reject 'the attractive notion' ol a national might be more Indaba's Dawid van Wyk did not have convention 'to be preceded by a massive desirable than a much to offer by way of information when round of consultation with the people'. referendum to questioned about this phrase, and merely That is exactly the notion, if not the said that a 'need had been identified' for practice, prescribed by chief minister test support for further work. Does it mean that there is Buthelezi, who called for a 'politics of the proposals an even more secretive Indaba planned or negotiation' that had to be preceded by 'a in progress? What version, after all the mandate (from the people) to negotiate on-going propaganda effort, are we going to about that which is being negotiated ... We be asked to vote on in the referendum? must have an agenda'. That is what (It appears that what Schlemmer might negotiation politics will have to be about, have been referring to are the but it is not what the Indaba was about. 'implementation studies' that are to be launched — a process that could well Schlemmer argues that the 'final safeguard, serve to effect the further compromises that for democratic interests, will be a are going to be necessary to interest the referendum to which the actors in the central state.) Indaba are firmly committed'. It is probably more accurate to say 'only' rather than 'final' safeguard, but even this e Middle-of-the-Roadism commitment means little at this stage. Schlemmer claims that 'the major Firstly, Indaba personnel have se\ eral problem' with the Indaba proposals is 'their times indicated that under certain location in the ideological crossfire circumstances an opinion poll might be between deeply polarised political necessary and more desirable as a test ot viewpoints' (the UDF and the CP?). But the democratic voice. Secondly, there is if left and far right attack the same thing a state of emergency nationally, and a civil then that proposal must be 'a creative war locally — hardly conditions tor a resolution to the South African conflict' — referendum. It has not been possible undc as an Indaba employee argued, the these circumstances to meet, in any way. proposals must be good because they satisfy the concerted and unperturbed advertising nobody. This is exactly the same campaign launched by the Indaba. argument the National Party advanced in Detentions, bans on meetings and on defence of the tricameral constitution. It organisations and individuals, and many a@£«MMK§ ff5®3®3 32 INDICATOR SA Vol5 No2 5un-« cue and bantustan actions serve to • Profits on the Agenda It is often found «"£ a'mockery of free politics. No, I do not 'hugely overestimate the that sophistication of businessmen', nor is an ^ the Indaba 'was no sudden idea or interpretation that acknowledges the fundamental •rious imposition' as Schiemmer political agenda that some capitalists have material issues, irnfps is precisely the argument that I have 'monastically removed from everyday frequently n making. It did indeed 'involve a realities', as Schiemmer puts it. My based in class nt deal of consultation at all levels at argument is that capitalists look after P" stages', but the question remains their interests, and with the clout of money conflict, was consulted, and how anyone and supported by the state in the final underlie the nnld expect all invitees to gratefully join instance, they do so reasonably superficially nrocess that had created structures and effectively (i.e. profitably). I could give rendas over several years when they many examples of the publicly stated obvious form of had had no previous say. political agenda of capitalists. Frequently ethnic conflict that agenda is anything but sophisticated. , Rewarding Ethnic Competition Schlcmmer concedes that 'South Africa is a Ethnic or National Populism deeply divided enough without any Schiemmer says that I make 'an reinforcement of group boundaries' but uncomfortable distinction between "the goes on to say that 'ethnic group people" and the Zulu nation'. He leaves out consciousness is pervasive among the inverted commas that I had placed minorities in South Africa. It is simply a around 'the Zulu nation'. His comment political fact'. The Indaba could, then becomes either a cheap point through therefore, either ignore it 'or ... attempt misrepresentation, or he does not actually to ... integrate it into a broader political understand the context of debate around unity'. Within this strategy lies a both populism (appeals that deny 'reasonable chance that much of the differences while mobilising 'the people') social poison of intergroup hostility could and more limited appeals ('the Zulu be dissipated', argues Schiemmer on nation') in what I, in the same sentence, behalf of the Indaba. called 'an ethnic populism'. He says there are frequent 'precedents' Significantly, Schiemmer concedes that that l and other authors want to sweep majority interests could be suppressed, To reward 'under the carpet of a supposedly even if not 'significantly'. He argues that ethnic deeper, class-based analysis'. He then lists the veto is there for minorities, but that some of these examples. I support frequent use would 'undermine identification, arguments that pervasive and tenacious constitutional legitimacy'. Why then draw as the Indaba ethnic sentiments must be taken up a constitution that has a contradiction does, is to seriously. However, the list does not built into it, and where its success is its describe the origins and manipulation of failure? continue with a ethnic sentiment. As frequent as the cases central element he mentions are studies that have o The Future of apartheid revealed that under the superficially Finally, the Indaba has been deafeningly policy and of obvious form of ethnic conflict lie silent on the state of emergency that was Inkatha's fundamental material issues (frequently of extended to Natal during its class conflict). deliberations; on the repressive acts that practice Many studies, both in South Africa and have removed many of the non-Inkatha elsewhere, have also shown how cultural opponents of the central state, and the differences (themselves the result of social Indaba, in the region; on a firm historical processes) have been politicised commitment to a referendum process that by unscrupulous politicians in their quest would be preceded by a period of open tor wealth and power. We are not born politics and freedom of movement and with cultural characteristics, but into them. association, even within chief Buthelezi's And they are easier to get rid of, or 'liberated zone' (i.e. KwaZulu); on the contain within an appropriate sphere, than oaths of allegiance demanded of c'ass positions. To reward ethnic employees of KwaZulu (of some relevance identification, as the Indaba does, is to as it involves the senior partner in the continue with a central element of Indaba); etc. When these, and other apartheid policy and of Inkatha's practice. matters fundamental to democracy, are |t would be interesting to take up this addressed, critics may see the anti- "nportaiit issue of the immutability or democratic Indaba process as less of an otherwise of ethnicity. The options do indication of the mode of operation to be "ot seem to me to be between 'smothering expected of those who signed the " in non-racial ideology', which proposals. ^nlemnier admits to be an inclination he In conclusion, I have no objection to a night share with the 'progressive extra- fair debate on the merits and dangers of the PJrliamentary movements', or rewarding it, Indaba, and have engaged in a few such , ch the Indaba proposals do. Ethnic interchanges with Indaba personnel. I do • ntnr.ents have to be understood and a object most strongly to being used in a Editorial • fogii.ninie of action against their manipulated process that is then presented Hoiiticisution has to be devised. as debate. toJji response m- 0WCATOBCA Ulr., * ™ 5 No 1 Summet 1988 33 for 1988 Nils Business Standard itellenbosch Economics Bank BER Consensus 2,7% 2,5-3% 3,4% 15,3% 14,1% Decline R3944,8m on 1987 R3,8bn 47c Weaker 50,5c 13,7% Higher 13% Higher ne recovery in the gold 3 government is able to he boost to private yr civil servants will be comparison with growth if 5,8 percent on percent for 1988 are way nomy and will barely :vels to be maintained. ig a high rate of inflation 5,3 percent.lt is also true l the CPI in December d as it is on a revision of 980 weights to 1985 the 'correct' set of weights versy. However, it 1985 was an unusual year i. What is clear from the ill remain a problem in nent from December 3lus on the current payments will decline from R4bn in 1988. This anticipated growth in 1988 orts. It is interesting that value of the rand are ; in the surplus. Assuming in at much the same level as expected that with a ecrease in the surplus would verage, however, the id is only marginally lower 1987. If forecasters are account surplus will i also see the Reserve jreign exchange market to rand. This intervention ; economy will of necessity ance of payments. As long i capital-exporting country, will be reduced, lictions of higher growth in the economy all forecasters foresee higher interest — constrained as it is by the pace of privatisation iln i rates for 1988. Both the prime rate and long-term the redemption of the debt — and that the planned rates will rise. Upward pressure on interest rates privatisation will not directly affect the short-term has already been felt and undoubtedly there will be growth path of the economy. pressure on the Reserve Bank to supply additional One of the most important recommendations oi i|le reserves to the banking system. The forecast for a Margo Commission was the introduction of a value somewhat higher prime rate in 1988 takes added tax (VAT) and the reduction GST. In response cognisance of the Bank partially accommodating these the government has decided to adopt an invoice- demands while remaining in the target range for based VAT to replace the existing GST as from growth in the money supply. March 1989. The ability to evade VAT should be In all these forecasts there is one element of severely inhibited to broaden the tax base. uncertainty — the future course in the price of gold. Furthermore, an equal application of the same rate Its movements in the recent past have been of tax across the board will eliminate the distortionarv unpredictable, and the traditional link between the effects introduced by the existing, differential GST.' value of the dollar and the gold price appears to have been broken. However, investors are more concerned about the future of inflation, and as long Wage Freeze as inflation in the major industrial countries remains If the desire of the government is to reduce the rate low, gold is not the attractive asset it was in the of inflation significantly, then the implementation of a late seventies. Investors are still fumbling around in wage freeze for civil servants is an inadequate tool. the aftermath of the worldwide stock market Indeed, much of the current rate is the result ol core crashes and the international gold price will depend on inflation based on expectations formed from past how they decide to rearrange their depleted experience. The prospects are for heightened private portfolios. sector wage demands as the upswing continues, and the latent power of the trade unions will make these demands difficult to resist. In formulating wage policy the government has not attempted to deal directly with the unions, or to address the issues of price increases and profitability. Unless the private sector, parastatals and trade unions can agree on an integrated wage and pi ice policy (which seems politically impossible) the consequences of industry restricting wage claims will be disruptive strikes, township unrest, eventual On 5 February 1988, President P W Botha unveiled capitulation to wage demands, an accelerating rate the government's longer-term strategy for the of inflation, and an inevitable collapse in the public sector wage freeze. The captains of industry economy in his opening address to parliament. The urgently need to fill the leadership vacuum created by strategy purports to deal with the problem of the State President, and negotiate realistic wage inflation, tax reform, government expenditure and increases at the national level with all union efficiency. Three main instruments of dealing with groupings, while holding rates of price increases these problem areas emerged: and profits to levels acceptable to industry and labour. 9 privatisation of State and parastatal bodies 9 replacement of GST with VAT Otherwise consistently applied restrictive monetary 9 freezing of public sector employees' salaries and and fiscal policy would be required to break inflationary expectations — a policy which would wages for 1988. stifle the present upswing and raise the unemplov incut The Deputy Finance Minister has subsequently rate. This was attempted in 1984/85 when the prime revealed that the type of privatisation envisaged is a rate rose to 25 percent. The political unrest fuelled by 51 percent majority shareholding by government in rising unemployment led to the abandonment of the bodies to be privatised. The prospective benefits this policy and the prime rate declined to 12,5 from efficiency gains in the new management percent. Given the experience in other countries rationalisation of these operations are unlikely to with reducing inflation it has become apparent that if materialise as government is unwilling to hand over people revise their inflationary expectations the reins of control to the private sector. It would downwards very slowly, the unemployment rate would seem that the underlying rationale for this type of have to remain high for an extended period — a privatisation is to partly sell off the family silver to policy option which is not politically acceptable I'oi enable the family to pay off its outstanding debts South Africa. A gradual reduction of the target and to reduce its debt servicing burden. As a first range for the broad measure of the money suppl> may priority the President has stated that the proceeds be what is called for in preference to freezing the from privatisation will be utilised for the redemption monetary base and going 'cold turkey'. The Governor of public debt. of the Reserve Bank has indicated that the tai net Interest payments on the public debt as a range could be reduced to between 12 percent and 16 proportion of total expenditure have risen from 4,9 percent for the coming year from the present 14 percent in 1975/76 to 14,2 percent in 1985/86, percent to 18 percent. complicating the task of controlling the growth in Although the President's speech has been hailed as government expenditure. It is to be hoped that the a 'watershed switch to a new economic era' (Suinki} savings effected by a reduction in servicing of the Times 7/2/88), it is clear that the envisaged polie\ public debt will not be dissipated in the milieu of changes are neither far-reaching nor particularK competing claims within the bureaucracy. It is clear timeous and for the next year it will be business as that this saving will only be felt in the longer term usual. 3§s«3s«®§ mmm 36 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summei At the forefront of South African retailing. And we're dependant. We're in On people. construction, They're our future. Essential to our operations. electronics, An investment for growth. mining Theirs and ours. And by and keeping tabs on trends, manufacturing meeting needs with action and exerting corporate influence for change we endeavour to serve people. but we also m build WOOLTRU people Maximum opportunity, With Compliments In-house training from Bursaries Apprenticeships For further information write to The Group Secretary, Grinaker Holdings Limited PO Box 31504, Braamfontein 2017, Sweets and Chocolates GRIWKER TH• • • EB^B INNOVATORS. On 30 December 1987, the 31-year-old A Purge commander of the Transkei Defence Force (TDF), Major-General Bantu Holomisa took control of the government in the Transkei, South Africa's first 'independent' black homeland. His coming to power followed of the two bloodless coups which ousted premier George Matanzima in September 1987 and his successor, Stella Sigcau, both implicated in a corruption scandal in the homeland. Two-Armed Holomisa was appointed TDF leader in March 1987 after being freed from detention by an action committee composed of senior TDF officers. He then Bandits initiated the deportation of military advisor Ron Reid-Daly (and others from the former Rhodesian regime employed in the homeland). The ex-Se/ous Scout mercenaries were in turn implicated in the Major-General Bantu Holomisa, abortive 19 February 1987 attack on the military ruler of the Transkei, residence of the neighbouring Ciskei talks to journalist Janette Bennett homeland's president-for-life, Lennox Sebe. Chairman of the ministers' council, the military council and Minister of Defence and Audit, Holomisa has declared war on the corruption that has allegedly plagued previous Transkeian administrations. IPSA: What is the current role of the Evidence on land deals, preferential military in the Transkei? contracts, tax evasion, etc., unearthed prior Holomisa: Our role now is to clean up the to the second coup, has been placed administration and make sure that before a commission of inquiry into the everybody is protected, especially those homeland's Department of Works and who want to give information about wrong things which were conducted in the past. Energy. The commission has had its brief Our task is also to make sure that the extended to consider alleged corruption in police are protected, and that the judiciary granting lucrative gambling licences in the is independent and doing its job with no interference or influence of whatever kind. homeland. So our task really is non-political at this With a mammoth task ahead of him, stage. It is purely administrative. Holomisa is adamant that he is not a IPSA: When will a general election be held? politician, but a soldier playing the part of Holomisa: That will depend solely on the administrator. In an interview conducted in attainment of the military's objective, which late January 1988, the Transkei's is to clean up the administration. transitional head claims that the recent IPSA: How long will that take? takeover was primarily motivated by the Holomisa: I don't know. We are still desire to rid the homeland of widespread waiting to be briefed by the bribery and corruption. Holomisa appears commissions, the auditor-general, the committed to a return to civilian rule in the attorney-general and the police. In other departments there have been no region while supporting a convention of the commissions of inquiry and it seems major actors in South Africa to bring an there have been misuses of government end to the national conflict. funds. There could be more commissions, but on a lower scale to cut costs ... We might institute departmental inquiries. IPSA: Former Prime Minister Stella Sigcau fificflgt, VotS No2 Sumraet 1988 39 w&smmmssm 'Misuse of told the commission of inquiry into the government officials, and also ca\c\ 0r businessmen bribing officials. Will \. funds in other Department of Works and Energy that an an unknown person had spread disinformation action be taken against these people'' departments alleging she had signed warrants of arrest for means that the top hierarchy of the TDF. Do you have Holomisa: After the commissions of there could any comments? inquiry have submitted their recommendations to the government a be more Holomisa: The TDF will never take decision will be taken by the office of th commissions decisions based on mere rumour and president, through the council of e speculation. When we came into possession but on a lower ministers and the military council. Then th of documentary evidence of the attorney-general and the police will he ° scale to cut involvement of the deposed prime minister given their task to do. It is common and costs' it was decided to effect the change of usual that when someone has done government, and clean up the evil of something wrong, he goes and laces the bribery and corruption that has bedevilled music in a court of law. our country for so long. IPSA: So it will ultimately be up to the IPSA: After the general election, will the courts? military still play a role, perhaps as watchdog? Holomisa: It will be up to the courts. The military itself will not dictate what Holomisa: Well, the military's role in any action must be taken; so the judiciary is country is that of a watchdog. They guard purely independent. the strategy of that government so that it does not collapse. We will still be doing our IPSA: What about the Matanzimas.' Do job, assisting the relevant authorities on you think any action will be taken against matters which would lead to public them? They have been implicated ... dissatisfaction. Holomisa: I don't think the Matanzimas are 'This IPSA: Pretoria has now officially above the law. They are citizens ot this government is recognised the military government of the country. If the allegations that they have Transkei. What is your reaction? been tainted by corruption are true, the seeking to courts and the Department of Justice must address the Holomisa: This recognition is highly take a line of action. problem of appreciated by our government. We have no doubt it will facilitate continuity in the IPSA: Previous administrations have banned the unfair conduct of affairs, in pursuit of trade unions using this as a calling card distribution of development, improvement of the quality of for businesses to relocate to the I ranskei. wealth' life and the peaceful co-existence Do you think that trade unions should he between our peoples. allowed to operate here? IPSA: What sort of support do you have Holomisa: I think the question of trade from the people in the Transkei? You seem unions was handled by the previous very popular among the youth. government, even in parliament if I'm not mistaken. There seems to be a Holomisa: According to the TDF relaxation of previous restrictions intelligence reports, I would say that imposed on trade unions. But the whole many people are happy with the action we issue needs to be formalised through the have taken. They are aware of the relevant departments. Last year the problems highlighted by these Department of Manpower and Utilisation commissions ... was preparing a document to be submitted I'm also dedicated to improving youth to the government. conditions and recreational facilities in the Transkei. I mix with them — even IPSA: Would that still be valid? when I was a commander and a brigadier Holomisa: The documents would still be — so it is easy to take advice from them. valid. As we said when we took over, every I'm not neglecting the youth. commitment which was undertaken by the previous government will be honoured. IPSA: That hasn't been done before ... We will review those which we feel do Holomisa: On new year's day I flew not suit us. around the Transkei with other members of the military council, requesting the IPSA: Many development plans people to come and serve in the council of formulated seem to have been selectively ministers. These are the cabinet ministers applied, benefiting only certain people- you see today. The trip was also to see Will new plans be drawn up? whether the whole area was stable. We went along the coast to see that the tourists Holomisa: The commission of inquiry were happy — that there was no exodus into the Department of Commerce. as a result of the coup two days before. Industry and Tourism addressed the issue of development — there arc IPSA: The commissions of inquiry into the recommendations which I cannot go into Department of Commerce, Industry and detail about now. Tourism, as well as that of Works and All genuine developments, like live-, it"' Energy, uncovered the corruption of or 15-year development plans are to be Sunroei 40 INDICATOR SA 'We have Another One Flew the Coup's Nest taken rule militarily and he 10 February coup attempt in Bophuthatswana, a possible 'spillover' from the two successful coups in the Transkei, have issued a was promptly put down by the South African security forces. The attempted takeover by the Bophuthatswana opposition, the People's Progressive Party, led by 'Rocky' Malebane-Metsing, failed to dislodge President Lucas Mangope. decree which The occurrence and timing of the Bophuthatswana coup were more than coincidental — in the 'spillover effect' a power- prohibits any hungry and disgruntled politician or army chief might feel that 'if they did it there, why can't we take matters into our political own hands here'. activity in the A ring of steel now embraces the subcontinent, with militarised governments in Angola, Mozambique, Lesotho (the region' sett'inq of General Lekhanya's 1986 coup) and South Africa. Commenting on coup d'etats and civil rule, Samuel Decalo, orofessor of Comparative African Government at the University of Natal, says, 'Coup leaders have overt and covert reasons for staging takeovers': B corruption ' • failure of legitimacy « mismanagement of the economy e political liberalisation or repression i nepotism and patronage • external manipulation »traditions of military involvement Coups tend to occur where military leaders are antagonised by administrative inefficiency, political crises and the management of socio-economic problems. They enter the political stage essentially to root out ills, then either continue to rule themselves or pass back leadership to civilian parties. While such issues are often cited for staging coups, the question of these being genuine motivations or reasons varies in individual cases. Decalo also emphasises that there is usually an external variable in coup attempts. The intertwining of the homeland economies with South Africa implies that Pretoria has a vested interest in the conservative, stable government of these territories. In justifying seledive intervention in Bophuthatswana but not in the Transkei, President P W Botha stated that, in the former cose, the elected head of state was violently deposed, and there was an appeal for military 'As a soldier I assistance from Mangope's ousted government. There is also a mutual assistance agreement between Bophuthatswana and South Africa. have no Non-intervention in the Transkei coup indicates the extent of implicit support that General Holomisa has from Pretoria. choice but to (South Africa granted formal recognition to Holomisa's transitional administration in early 1988.) The aborted obey the Bophuthotswana coup, on the other hand, clearly gives lie to the de facto 'independence' of the TBVC territories. It government appears that the four homelands are clearly regarded as 'independent' by South Africa only if their political conduct and which has governments are acceptable to Pretoria. been elected by the people' reviewed l\v the relevant departments. In Would you seek to limit their power or the past these development plans were just control them constitutionally? filed and directives issued, such as, 'you Holomisa: I have no intention of interfering will give priority to this project' — projects with the police. They have their own wc had not even budgeted for! So when minister. But what I will demand from we say that we are addressing the them is that they must be professional in improvement of administrative standards, their conduct. At no stage should a we are catering for issues of that nature. minister or senior government official issue IPSA: You have said that you are not a an order that so-and-so must be arrested. politician ... If the police are in possession of information, they must bring it to the Holomisa: No ways. But if there are relevant authority. They must investigate it, political issues that require the attention of go to the attorney-general, up through the Tianskei government, we will address the correct channels. Then they will be tnem as and when needed during this respected. period, l-or instance, if the South But what we have noticed in the past is African and the Transkeian governments that the police were ordered to arrest reach an agreement that blacks should be people, just to settle scores that were heated like this or that, it could affect our personal — if I could put it that way — People working in South Africa. personal differences. ••• We will go to the prominent organisations in the country, like business organisations and law societies to IPSA: Do you support the idea of having a get their views. We'll even go to the Bill of Rights which guarantees freedom regional authorities, to the heads of regions of speech and expression? and the chiefs to get their views. And we Holomisa: Well I think, without being will issue a political statement. Even my boastful, that it's the first time in the aoinet is ;i mixture of professionals and Transkei that people can say what they I coph experienced in political fields. like in the press. Let me give an example. If the deposed prime minister (Sigcau) L^S'/l: Hi" Transkeian security police was in another country, she would be H'I'utation for being the private barred from speaking to the press. But hut"1 "nn the government. There we have allowed her to say whatever she e ht'l'n recent shuffles in the SP hierachy. likes, to try to clear her name. At the ^TORSA W5 Ho2 Summer 1988 If either the moment I don't think there are restrictions Why? Was it just routine? on freedom of speech here. DPP or TNIP Holomisa: There was nothing wrong with win the IPSA: There does seem to be a more relaxed that from what we have seen. When th> Lusaka elections, attitude among people in the streets. DPP delegation returned from they requested to be briefed oil the '' they could open Holomisa: Yes, and there are no politics. meaning of this coup, and on the future negotiations Sometimes, restrictions on freedom of of their party. I told them that whatever speech are based on politics. So we have no would with the ANC political programmes they had have politics — we are administrators. to be shelved until the return of civilian rule. We have taken rule militarily and IPSA: Political power in the Transkei has have issued a decree which prohibits anv been based on the chieftancy system. Would political activity in the country. you seek to change it at all? The DPP in turn briefed us on their Holomisa: Chiefs form half of the members reception by the ANC. They also talked of parliament and this structure will not about their thoughts on the future of this be altered by me. Whoever wants to repeal region, i.e. Southern Africa. We wanted to anything must have the backing of the assure them that they would not be people of this country. Unfortunately I arrested. They still come here to limtata don't have a mandate from them. I am now — because some of them are chiefs' here because of a mandate through the — if they have problems in their region. Transkei Defence Force. There's nothing which prohibits i hem from representing people. IPSA: There have been stories that the traditional chieftancy system is open to IPSA: What is your attitude to the . \ \('.' abuse. For example, someone who is Would you accept an ANC government in supported by a chief would have greater the Transkei? access to the economy to set up a business. Holomisa: Look, I'm a soldier lirst of all. Would you try to stop that kind of abuse? When civilian rule is restored, I must Holomisa: I think it boils down to one obey it and protect its strategy. The new thing. There is no doubt that there was civilian government will not be appointed not fair distribution of wealth in the past. or nominated by the military — a civilian This government is seeking to address government will be voted in b\ the the problem. electorate. If either the DPP or the TNIP win the elections, they could open IPSA: There has been a state of negotiations with the ANC, PAC or emergency in the Transkei since 1980, military organisations in exile. If the renewed annually. Will you renew it again ANC or PAC is allowed back, takes part in when it expires? a general election and wins, then as a soldier I've got no choice but to obey the Holomisa: Anything to do with security, government which has been elected by one cannot just say 'I will do that', until the people. such time as one reviews the situation. It's subject to being reviewed. I will give you an example. In Zimbabwe, since Mugabe got into power, IPSA: The Licences Control Bill was members of the military who served Ian approved by parliament when George Smith's regime are still there protecting the Matanzima was still Prime Minister. present government. Would you like to see it applied? IPSA: What sort of role does the I'ranskei Holomisa: We have asked the have in greater South Africa. Do you Department of Commerce, Industry and agree with the South African government s Tourism and other relevant economists homelands policy? to review the question of business licences. We noticed that it has also played a part Holomisa: There has been some criticism, in this corruption business. we agree. Unfortunately we cannot address that issue alone militarih ... IPSA: What do you think of legislation which prevents government officials from IPSA: It is a very political question. having business interests for personal Holomisa: I think it's more of a political gain? issue. It needs a debate at length. I Holomisa: Maybe there are regulations wouldn't be able to address that one at this in the Public Service Act which don't moment. It is a reality that blacks were permit government officials to have divided according to ethnic groups, which business interests. But I think this was many influential people and even the abused. I am sure it will be a matter of man in the street do not agree with- So a trying to revise laws. solution would have to be introduced ^ somewhere, somehow. Perhaps a national IPSA: The Democratic Progressive Party convention should be called — one (DPP) led by Ntsikayezwe Sigcau, the where all South Africans, wheihcr Ironi brother of Stella Sigcau, recently made a inside or outside the country, could sit trip to the ANC in Lusaka. On their return down around a table to negotiate. Noboi> they briefed you on what was discussed. should dictate to anybody. Soram 1988 42 SA Vol HP FIRST HOMELAND' Self-rule, misrule or failed experiment? Indicator SA Researcher Vijay Makanjee tor Poto, an opponent of independence. Ndamase's |NSTVfU?«MAL POUllCi appointment in 1986 was interpreted as a shrewd political ^Mhe recent military takeover in the Transkei ended the Til-year rule of the Matanzima regime in the 'post-in- move designed to pacify the tide of resistance to govern- | dependence' period. Since October 1976, the home- ment structures building up in Pondoland, the northern re- gion of the homeland. land has been governed by a 150-member National Assembly, composed of 77 chiefs nominated on an ex- In 1968, the ruling party in the homeland accepted the poli- officio basis, 75 elected representatives and three nominees cy of 'separate development' as the 'only policy that can be of the ruling party. Executive power has been vested in the successfully applied in South Africa'. K D Matanzima again president, who will now be advised by both a military and stressed in an election manifesto during the Transkei gener- a ministers' council under transitional arrangements pend- al election of 1973 that he was in full support of this policy. ing a return to civilian rule. It is not known whether the TNIP currently adheres to this The Transkei was granted self-governing status in 1963, be- stance. coming Pretoria's first proclaimed homeland. Local govern- Until recently, the prime minister— K D Matanzima, 1976 - ment structures comprise nine regional authorities, 182 1978, and George Matanzima, 1979 - 1987 — had been tribal authorities and 913 administrative areas. The Transkei appointed by the ruling TNIP. Since the first coup in Sep- National Independence Party (TNIP), under chief minister tember 1987, the '86-day premier' (Stella Sigcau), her pre- (later president) Kaiser Matanzima and his brother George, decessor (George Matanzima), many ministers and governed the homeland between 1964 and 1987. Streek homeland officials have been forced to resign their posts at and Wicksteed (1982) claim that the TNIPs use of Procla- the behest of the Transkei Defence Force (TDF). mation 400 and other security regulations overrode wide- Allegations of corruption have surfaced in a spate of com- spread opposition to 'independence' in 1976. missions of inquiry into various government departments. Elections have been scheduled every five years, based on Those accused of misappropriating funds include former adult suffrage, with proportional representation of 28 con- president K D Matanzima (recently detained for a short pe- stituencies. The president is appointed for a seven-year pe- riod), former prime minister George Matanzima (struck off riod by the National Assembly sitting as an electoral the attorney's role in 1963 for misappropriating trust funds) college. The third sitting president (K D Matanzima's suc- and, more recently, former posts and telecommunications cessor) is Tutor Ndamase, the son of Paramount Chief Vic- minister Stella Sigcau. The aspirant ruler, the nearly deposed ruler and the military ruler. Pretoria's Pik Botha, Bophuthatswana's Lucas Mangope and Transkei's Bantu Holomisa at the inauguration of Transkei's third president Tutor Ndamase, February 1986. maims* No 2 Summer 1 43 Commissions of inquiry have been set up to investigate the Analysis funding and operations of various government depart- • The de facto population, based on the 1985 c ments, including Commerce, Industry and Tourism, Works increased by almost 40 percent between 197nnSJS' and Energy, as well as Social Welfare and Pensions. It is 1985. and believed that these commissions have been instituted at the • The de jure population, which includes Transke" insistence of the South African authorities, who will also foot resident in 'white' South Africa, was estimatpH l(?ns the bill. much higher 3 610 565 in 1985. at a • There is a large rural/urban divide with more th OPPOSITION POLITICS 94 percent of the population living in rural areas 011 Of the homeland's other political parties the Demo- cratic Progressive Party (DPP) has been the most sig- LAND nificant opposition force, though it has had a minimal The Transkei comprises three distinctly separate presence in the Transkei parliament. Many leaders geographical areas that cover a total 4 365 Offt and members of the anti-independence DPP have making it the largest of South Africa's ten homelands' been harassed and detained by the homeland's secu- The population density based on the 1985 de facto rity forces. Former DPP leader Sabata Dalindyebo population was 67 people per km2, much lower than who died in exile in Lusaka in 1986 was widely re- neighbouring Ciskei's 127 people per km' in 1984 garded as the legitimate ruler of the Tembu tribe. During their rule, the Matanzimas claimed thai (K D Matanzima was installed as paramount chief of various parts of the Cape and Natal should be Emigrant Tembuland by Pretoria in 1966 under the incorporated into the homeland. A fierce war of National States Constitution Act.) words also took place over the existence of Ciskei Those who have opposed the arbitrary actions of the claimed historically as part of the Transkei. Matanzima regime have met the full force of the Transkei's repressive security machine. Resistance in AGRICULTURE the homeland has come not only from those opposed • About 17,5 percent (763 921 ha) of the Transkei is to 'independence', but also from business and profes- potentially arable land and another 21,5 percent sional people who daily witnessed the greed and cor- (938 531 ha) is suitable for forestry. ruption of those in political power. In 1979 the • In October 1985, 34 agricultural projects occupied Transkei banned 34 organisations, some of which 43 991 ha of land. State agricultural facilities are were unknown or had never operated in the home- geared towards the growing of maize and other cash land. A state of emergency, first imposed in June crops on a vast scale with little assistance provided 1980 and renewed annually, is currently in effect in for growing vegetables and other crops for the homeland. household consumption. Journalists, lawyers, development planners, lecturers • During 1984/85 subsistence farmers contributed and priests have been among those detained without 87,9 percent of the agricultural sector's contribution trial for long periods, and subsequently banished to to the Transkei's GDP. remote rural areas or 'deported' from the homeland. • Of 488 ha of land available at Ncora (close to the For instance, former Unitra student leader and health Matanzima stronghold at Cofimvaba), 117 ha were worker, Batandwa Ndondo, was murdered in the reserved for the use of chiefs in the area, while Cala area after being kidnapped by people alleged individual plot holders in the area have use of only to be police. Although affidavits from eyewitnesses one hectare each. were submitted to the attorney-general, no action has m Between 1982 and 1985 the number of cattle yet been taken. decreased from 1 537 155 to 1 327 558 during the severe drought in the subcontinent. POPULATION EMPLOYMENT & LABOUR Table 1 In 1980 only 11,4 percent of the resident population Demographic trends in the Transkei 1970 were considered economically active (DBSA 1987), — 1985 compared with the 'independent' homelands of (de facto) Ciskei (9,4 percent) and Venda (8,1 percent). By 1985, 19 percent (547 896) of the Transkei's de facto popu- lation were classified as economically active. A breakdown of employment opportunities in the Population 1970 1980 1985* homeland and surrounding South Africa (1985) shows that 19 percent of all employmenl is in govern- Rural 725 083 2 493713 2783 694 ment, 16,4 percent in mining, 13,7 percent in house- Urban 58116 129 397 148 512 hold services and 10,3 percent in other services. Within the Transkei it is estimated that more than oJ Total 1 783 204 2 623 110 2 933 206 percent of the economically active population are employed in the vibrant informal sector, which in- cludes car washers, basket weavers, dagga mer- NOTE * This 1985 census count excludes 57084 persons in educational ond other institutions, 22430 chants and workers in co-operatives. people unable to supply their oges, most migrants and non-resident Transkeians. In the Transkei there is a high male absentee rate in the age group 20 to 64, with the greatest absenteeism 1988 GBSttSWL ffSSKBS 44 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Sun* ,0 percent) in the age group 25 to 34. Working INCOME & EXPENDITURE ' v from home as migrants, many male G^Xgjans spend their most productive years i cfh African industry, leaving rural women to bear Table 3 Average household income 1979 theWden of bringing up their families. Tabic 2 Urban % Rural % Number of migrant & commuter workers Salaries & wages R6 027,77 69,6 R296,56 25,7 Agriculture R238,06 2,8 R232,37 20,2 1980 1985 Domestic production R273,25 3,2 R47,48 4,1 Migrants 345 116 342 000' Own business R1 482,24 17,1 R66.08 5,7 Commuters 9 000 Pensions RI27,10 15 R77,53 6,7 K0I£' S-- •''• /-''i-"3'5 Deportment of Development Aid. However, the Transkei's Department of Manpower Contributions received R135,99 1,6 R315,89 27,4 fining oral illilisolion claims that in 1985 Ihere were only 283 852 migrants from the homeland. Income from boarders & lodgers R113,23 13 R20,92 1,8 3,0 Analysis Other R259,07 R95,10 8,3 t The total number of migrant workers in South Subtotal R8 656,71 R1 151,93 Africc increased from 345 116 in 1980 to 411 421 in Total R9 808,64 1984, then decreased to 283 852 in 1985. The downswing in employment could be attributed to the recession in South Africa, although a large number of 'illegal' migrants are not reflected in official statistics, Table 4 Household expenditure 1979 — 1982 i Most Transkeian migrants (80,7 percent in 1985) are employed in the Western Cape. Nationally, 160 827 (51,1 percent) male migrants worked in the mining/quarrying industry, and 20 486 (73,9 percent) 1979 1982 female migrants in the community and household ser- % vices sector. % • The majority of commuters (65,9 percent in 1985) Food 45,5 43,4 are employed in Queenstown inside South Africa, but Rent 15,6 15,0 live across the border in Ezibileni. The number of reg- istered unemployed in the homeland dropped from Furniture 10,3 12,2 163 791 in 1982 to 42 396 in 1985. This unlikely trend Clothing 8,5 8,0 could be the result of non-registration with the UIF or growing employment levels in the informal sector. Other 20,2 21,4 • More than 90 percent of the population live in rural areas, where the highest contribution to household in- come is in the form of remittances from migrant Analysis workers. » In 1979 there were 447 086 households with a total income of R589,3m out of a de facto population base of 2 616 220. 9 The average household income, including migrant and commuter incomes was highest in semi-urban A trainee in an appropriate technology unit using hand tools to make tables for nature areas (R5 207), and lowest in rural areas (R1 152); reserves in the Transkei. 62,4 percent of urban households and 75,6 percent of rural households had only one wage earner. « In 1982 rural people accounted for 82 percent of total expenditure, with more than 45 percent spent on food. « Per capita income from GNP amounted to R1 061 in 1985, largely because of the high number of mi- grants from the homeland. Comparable statistics for the 'independent' homelands indicate that in 1980 Bophuthatswana had the highest per capita income from GNP (R609,38), followed by the Transkei (R324,39), Venda (R318,12 and the Ciskei (R268,64). 9 Comparative figures (1980) for the 'independent' homelands show that the Transkei's GNP is highest at R1207,5m, followed by Bophuthatswana (R949,2m) and Venda (R229,3m). The Ciskei's GNP in 1984 was R681,8m. BWM0K5A Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 45 REVENUE Table 7 Table 5 Composition of Transkei's total national revenue Contribution of migrant & commuter incomes to GNP 600 1980 total GNP = R1 207,5m Minus foreign factor payments — R23,7m Gnptfc t$& Own soerces 500 WS) 400 M63,S«i R219,2 m Rili,5m (37,4%) (35,5'A) Commuter income R16,2m Note ' This includes customs and excise, taxes and levies, and otfier miscellaneous transfers, n teiins 1985 total GNP = R3 112,3m of various agreements ore regarded as 'own sources' of income. The inclusion of Hie Minus foreign factor payments — R37m 'own sources' misrepresents the actual amount paid to the Transkei by Ihe South African neasuiy and makes the homeland seem more economically viable than it is. Analysis m It is not accepted practice to stimulate estimates of national accounts by including all income earned by migrants outside their country of citizenship (Rand Daily Mail 3/3/76). In short, double accounting makes the Transkei appear more economically via- ble than it really is. « Through the years budgetary assistance from South Africa has comprised a major part of all homeland revenue, demonstrating the extent to which these 'states' are an integral part of the central economy. Grants from Pretoria, combined with revenue from customs and excise duties to the Transkei (R280m in Jj - 1984/1985) contribute 64,3 percent of the homeland's Commuter income R34,5m revenue. Table 6 MANUFACTURING Composition of government revenue 1985 The Transkei falls into regions D and E of the South African regional development plan, with four indus- trial development points — at Umtata, Butterworth, Ezebileni and Lusikisiki/Mtonjeni. In 1985, R83,2m in decentralisation benefits was paid to industrialists. « In 1985 total investment was R130,2m with more than R123,2m (94 percent) invested in large industry; total employment was 25 606, of whom 11 606 were employed by large industry. • Of 3 573 industries in the Transkei, 3 500 were classified as small industries which were responsibe for only 10,1 percent of industrial production. V 274 ha available for industry more than 100 ha was vacant in 1985. • While it costs large industries R10 617 (High -- R16 786; low — R1 489) to create a single |ob, sman industries create jobs at R500 each. 1988 46 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer HI FRAI)' n&UCTURE worse in rural areas since most people tend to visit I 1985 there were 28 proclaimed towns in the region, urban centres for treatment where most doctors are th a population of between 140 250 (1985 census) located. W d 156 306 (Transkei government estimate). In 1983 • During 1985, 3,2 percent per 1 000 children suf- there were 8 998 km of roads, with only 951 km fered from kwashiorkor — a disease related to con- tarred, although the number of tarred roads has in- ditions of poverty. There is also a high incidence of creased since then, opening up access to coastal re- tuberculosis (146,8/100 000) and measles sorts. Vehicles using these roads numbered 59 666 in (7,2/100 000) in the homeland. 1985, of which 52 191 were privately owned. • A recent survey showed that only 17 percent of households had an adequate water supply (defined Housing as 20 litres per capita per day). Food shortages were The 28 towns have 17 714 housing units, each occu- experienced by at least 51,2 percent of the popula- pied by more than seven people. Over 53 percent of tion, while many experienced food shortages for six- these urban houses have electricity, while more than month periods. The crude infant mortality rate (under 73 percent have flushing toilets. No electricity is sup- one year old) in 1985 was 56,7 deaths for every 1 000 plied to 13 of the proclaimed towns by the national children. (Eskom) or regional (Tescor) electricity grid. The number of rural households was estimated to be PIE IN THE SKY 490 960 in 1982/83. If anything symbolises 'independence' for the home- Education lands it is gaining independent access to the rest of « There were 2 944 educational institutions in 1985, the world. In the Transkei numerous schemes have of which 2 923 were primary and secondary schools. been attempted to build international airports, har- The pupil/teacher ratio in primary and secondary bours and the like. Despite the high cost of building schools was 45:1, while the pupil/classroom ratio harbours or airports these ill-conceived schemes was 49:1. were set underway amid great publicity. With South • The number of pupils increased from 732 815 in African ports seeing a decline in shipping, and the 1980 to 870 213 in 1985. Fewer males (37,8 percent) inaccessibility to the Transkei coast from the interior, attend secondary schools than females (62,2 percent) future benefits would have been minimal. because of the early pressure on males to seek work. In 1978 the Transkei government announced that a • In 1980 approximately 50 percent of the population French consortium would lend its expertise and build had no or an unknown level of education. Those who a harbour around the Port St Johns/Umgazana area. could be regarded as functionally literate (educated One year and R250 000 later (with little to show for it) beyond standard five) then comprised 8,6 percent of the scheme lost its glamour and the homeland's au- the population. The average number of schooling thorities offered no explanation for scrapping the years for rural adults is three and for urban adults six- idea. In the same year, Salim el-Hajj, later appointed and-a-half. the Transkei's Middle-Eastern representative, an- • According to the DBS A 10 674 primary and 7 984 nounced plans to build a R800m harbour allegedly to secondary teachers were 'professionally qualified' of be financed by Arab money. By March 1980, the which 63,1 percent had reached standard eight, 27,4 Transkei government admitted they had been swin- percent standard ten, and only 2,8 percent had com- dled out of R9m, but it is not known if any money has pleted a post-matric qualification. subsequently been recovered from el-Hajj. • The presence of a large number of underqualified Another aborted scheme which appears to have had teachers could partially account for the low matric Middle-Eastern links was a plan by the homeland's pass rates in 1986, when only 5 496 of 11 742 who Works and Energy Department to export its water in wrote standard ten passed, while only 1 993 (17 exchange for oil (The Daily Dispatch 4/6/86). The percent) obtained a matric exemption (see cost of the exercise was estimated between $lbn and Hartshorne tables: p5). $2bn, which, according to the former director of • The University of the Transkei (Unitra) is having Works and Energy, would have been financed by the difficulty attracting qualified staff due to the large South African government (see section on health). number of university staff and students deported from These pie in the sky schemes coupled with pervasive the homeland in recent years. There have been nu- corruption have prompted Pretoria to exercise stron- merous occasions when the Transkei police have ger control over the financial affairs of the home- raided the Unitra campus and attacked both students lands. At present there is a committee chaired by ion stQff- Unitra had 2 697 students registered in Simon Brand of the Development Bank of Southern lVtJ5. In 1986, despite opposition from medical work- Africa (DBSA) investigating the use of South African ers both inside and outside the homeland, a medical school was established on the Unitra campus in government funds in the Transkei. UtrfiSi Umtata. Sources Development Bank of Southern Africa. Transkei Development Information, Vols 1&2. Sandton: 1987. Health Development Bank of Southern Africa; Institute for Management & Development Stud- •There are 29 hospitals and 218 clinics, including ies. Base Line Data Study in Rural Transkei 1985. Sandton: 1986. e Indicators A Vol4/Nosl-4. . r. e privately owned institutions. The ratio of popu- Indicator SA press clippings. lon Per hospital bed was 392:1. Makanjee V & W Parker. 'Opportunities for Mass Media in a Development Context n with Special Reference to the Transkei'. Umtata: 1986. • ' 1985/86 there were 254 doctors in the homeland, Streek B & R Wicksteed. Render unto Kaiser. Ravan. Johannesburg: 1982. one doctor to 11 548 people. This ratio is much Van der Mecwe H W et ol. African Perspectives on South Africa. David Philip: Cape Town: 19/8. MMOR SA Vol 5 Ha 2 Summei 1988 t^Js^WMKlSS POLARISED IMAGES OF POST-APARTHEID AGRICULTURE By Anne Vaughan, Institute for Social and Economic Research, University of Durban-Westville A variety of topics was covered at the workshop on the more rigorous and sophisticated conceptualisation of class differences among 'the people' in agriculture. South African agrarian question convened at the Without such a conceptualisation, agrarian strategies University of the Witwatersrand in mid-1987. cannot be properly formulated. Conceptualisations of the agrarian past were debated, and recent developments in the 'homelands' and in Cobbett poses the problem, 'What will be the demand commercial agriculture were subjected to scrutiny. The for land redistribution in post-apartheid South following review focuses on the workshop's thought- provoking concluding session on the agrarian future. Africa?' He narrows his focus to a single significant dimension on this issue — 'the possible need tor the expropriation of white-owned land to alle\iate the hat should be the necessary/practical/viable gross overcrowding and poverty which exists within approaches to the agrarian question in the homelands'. Available data suggests that. generally post-apartheid South Africa? Polarised speaking, homeland agricultural earnings arc not of imageWs of the future presented at the Wits Workshop major significance, constituting just over ten percent ranged from Matthew Cobbett's 'social democratic and of total household earnings. Since household capitalist framework' (See Indicator VoI4/No4: pp65- earnings are substantially derived from urban s»lirces; 69) through to Jeremy Krikler's preoccupation with it may be concluded that the majority of household* the problems of a direct and immediate transition to have an urban as opposed to a rural orientation. socialism. Less ambitious than the latter, but bringing to bear a more measured consideration of immediate Cobbett characterises agricultural production in realities and possible options, is Alan Mabin's paper white areas as having a high degree of capital on the future role of land reform policy as a means of intensiveness, mechanisation and farm labour alleviating the problems of poverty, low wages and unemployment, with underutilised or abandoned unemployment. commercial farmland in some areas. Having set the context for possible initiatives by a The realm of theory and its role in shaping post-apartheid government, the objective ol economic and political strategies is explored by is assumed to be the restructuring of economy J" Richard Levin and Michael Neocosmos. Their society along non-racial lines, Cobbett proceeds i ^ paper offers a thoroughgoing critique of approaches to outline suitable or likely development strategies- • the agrarian question, making a strong case for a agricultural production is subsidiary to migrant mitm'fmm INDICATOR SA Vol 5 Ho 2 Sun**1 remittances, the need for additional rural land, the nature of agricultural labour, the distribution of altliou1-'1 it exists, is secondary to the need for the "rural" population and the very question of who it acce^'io land, housing, and services in urban areas. is that works the land in South Africa since 1955'. J|js pivilietion is that homeland households, Since fewer than five percent of Indians, ten percent dependent, mainly on urban earnings, will seek to of whites, 20 percent of coloureds, and only one- establish stronger links with the urban rather than fifth or one-sixth of Africans now live on white-owned the rural areas, so costly rural development initiatives farms, a sharing of the land among those who live would be fruitless. Land to be expropriated and on it (leaving aside the question of who works it) redWtiibuted will probably be in areas adjacent to the would benefit only a fraction of the population. homelands since pressure on land in the homelands Mabin concludes that a consideration of land reform js so acute, and since this is where most abandoned or experiences in other countries is more useful as a underutilised white farms are found. starting point than the Freedom Charter prescription. Cobbett's assumptions about the post-apartheid Despite its limited relevance, some aspects of the demands likely to be expressed (i.e. for urban rather Zimbabwean experience do seem pertinent to the than rural land) and about agricultural deskilling South African situation. Land reform programmes were a source of concern during workshop discussion. in Zimbabwe since 1980 have been of two main types Proceeding from a statistical analysis of the — the intensive resettlement programme involving prevailing realities, Cobbett, it was asserted, ignored large tracts of land, and the accelerated resettlement the widespread struggles for access to land which programme utilising small units of land. The had occui red, and ignored too the history of resistance persistence of a haphazard system of land ownership to removals. The idea that people are no longer has compelled the government to introduce the equipped to engage in farming was hotly disputed. accelerated resettlement system and has retarded land reform initiatives. Evidence suggests that there is a Seemingly uninformed by any sense of the significant demand for resettlement land from families complexities of claims to and struggles over land, such who, economically speaking, are urban-based. The as are so graphically conveyed by Alan Morris in rural link provides the security and economic back-up his account of the dispute over the farms Bloedfontein necessary for those whose circumstances dictate un- and Geweerfontein, Cobbett's position does appear or underemployment, or very low wages. blandly ahistorical. Through telling the story of these farms - a story of State manipulation and What bearing do these points have on the South misrepresentation to achieve its ends of incorporation African situation? First, the complexity of landholding and/or removal — Morris shows that 'the racist past means that resettlement programmes demanding the affects the racist present'. The weight of this racist availability of large blocks of land will be even more history will as surely impose itself on a post- difficult to implement here than in Zimbabwe. apart icid future, and the issues which arise will have Unless the State could appropriate large areas, a to he addressed in a sensitive and informed way feasible public land policy will necessarily consist of that precludes proceeding on bland assumptions the acquisition of small units which would inevitably derived from statistics. lead to a fragmented pattern of public land. On the question of 'appropriate rural strategies', Second, the demand for resettlement land by urban- Cobbett sanguinely suggests that these would based families in Zimbabwe corresponds to include 'the opening of the white commercial sector to expressed needs for sites in Transvaal's semi-urban allow the purchase of land on a non-racial basis'. settlements. Thus Mabin concludes that, 'One As Alan Mabin points out in his paper, it is precisely such policies which are currently being considered by the Private Sector Council on Urbanisation and by one of the working groups established by its consultants, The Urban Foundation. He suggests that the parameters of such a programme, informed by the principle of encouraging entrepreneurial skills, are likely to be limited. Only those who can afford expensive credit will be included. Prescriptions Mabin's overriding concern is, in fact, to pose alternatives which might improve the material conditions of the poorest people in South Africa. It m a,Ss^mal unemployment will outlast apartheid, ™ that measures to create and stimulate ^P!"yment will be necessary. The content and Possible outcomes of strategies which focus on the inv nd as a solution to the problem are ftliCS|l^i,tCC*' obvious constraints are legislative L, ,'Kl Acts) and institutional (private land IpS t M^WWI fircn1 t,1(f Plethora of land reform possibilities, Mabin "fitii;-'":-. the r r^'MfX'S procf < Freedom Charter (1955) which t,.l,nVThe land shall be shared among those who >W / istL .;••' What makes this proposition untenable m.. d a major social revolution has taken place in * ^ Ho 2 Summer 1988 49 mtmmmm possible land reform policy in South Africa would seek expropriation would have to be swift and imniediat • to enable households to make "two home" choices Gradualist strategies would be ruled out. I hough ^ for lessening their costs of living across the entire life- economically weak, the land-owning class has a slron » cycle, and in marginal ways, increasing their and potentially dangerous social presence, which ^ incomes.' would enable it to resist expropriation efleciivjly It would have to be challenged by 'the broad mass of What Mabin puts forward, then, is a way of agrarian working people, mobilised on the basis »f a alleviating the situation of poorer households through socialist programme'. Economic difficulties would providing access to publicly acquired land. This be ameliorated by a high degree of unionisation in the would obviate the necessity of the people themselves countryside, which 'might well be the central factor being burdened with the costs of attempting to determining that agricultural production continues improve their material conditions. Unsurprisingly, amidst the torments of the economic dislocation neither the State nor private sector agencies, likely to attend the transition period'. unrepresentative as they are of the wishes of the majority, have suggested a means of improving the What can be learned from the Zimbabwean ease lot of the broad spectrum of the population. It is with regard to socialist transition is that the Mabin's view that, 'Institutions under the control of elimination of restrictive legislation to allow the working class and poorer people, such as unions acquisition of commercial land on a non-racial basis and perhaps other political organisations, may be would, in itself, do little to alleviate poveru and hind needed to generate the alternatives to state and hunger. This point is in fact drawn from Mabin's business expertise which are so sorely lacking at this piece. The abolition of the Southern Rhodesia Land phase in the history of South Africa'. These Apportionment Act and subsequent land reform institutions need to work against the privatisation of programmes have not structurally altered the patterns rural and urban life which, if unchallenged, will of land ownership in Zimbabwe. Resettlement exclude the majority from opportunities to improve programmes may have resulted in increased peasant their quality of life. production, but pressure on communal lands is still acute. The failure to expropriate has meant that For Jeremy Krikler, it is not merely the 'socialist capitalism has remained intact. rhetoric' (accompanied by social democracy) predicted by Cobbett which will characterise the post- For Krikler expropriation constitutes the only viable apartheid period, but a fully-fledged socialist reality. basis for socialist construction, and in the South Conceptualisation of a path to a future socialist African case it would have to be expropriation without agriculture is founded upon a consideration of the compensation, because compensation on the scale current state of commercial agriculture. Debt- necessary would impose an impossible burden on the ridden, suffering the impact of drought, and more working class. What should be avoided, however, is severely affected by the recession than any other the division of large properties, and their alloc.iiinn to sector, commercial agriculture is in a parlous the present labour force. 'The parcelling out of condition. The present crisis is at least partially South Africa's white-owned agricultural land among attributable to the historical roots of agrarian those who work it is tantamount to converting capitalism in South Africa. An artificially created approximately 65 000 farms into at least a million phenomenon, which arose in response to the economic units — for such is the size of the emergence of industrial capitalism rather than as its agricultural proletariat today.' Such a policy would precursor, commercial agriculture was destined to be frustrate the objectives of economic planning. The the 'weak link in South African capitalism'. Freedom Charter's land principle is thus once again rejected, here not on the grounds that only a The classical marxist position is, of course, that narrow segment of the population would benefit from socialism can be founded only upon the most its implementation, but on an assessment of its progressive form of capitalism — which implies a high economic illogicality. degree of monopolisation. This is certainly not the case in South African commercial agriculture, where A criticism levelled at Krikler during workshop the level of monopolisation is still relatively low. discussion was that the paper is prescriptive. There What would be crucial in attempting a transition to was a general feeling, too, that there is no socialism would be the preservation and fostering of immediate prospect of constructing a socialist society the levels of monopoly which have emerged. in South Africa. What is not clear in Kriklcr's 'Socialism,' asserts Krikler, 'is not posited upon the paper is precisely how socialism could possibly be dissolution of capitalist monopolies but upon their achieved under present circumstances where expropriation and subjection to workers' control.' bourgeois democratic struggles are still so cential, and Any undermining of economies of scale would where unionisation of farm workers is fraught with threaten productivity and militate against the proper such difficulty. Although Levin and Neocosmos do not implementation of planning. construct a possible post-apartheid scenario, ihev do underline that a careful analysis of the balance of class forces in the countryside is a prerequisite it democratic struggles are to be superceded by socialist Expropriation ones. 'JlMi\ The more advanced, highly monopolised mining Sources sector would be in a position to sabotage an attempted Cobbett M. 'The Land Question in South Africa: A preliminary survey'. transition to socialism by withdrawing capital and Krikler J. 'Problems of a Transition to a Socialist Agriculture in South A1 cutting off markets. The more fragmented structure of Levin R & M Neocosmos. 'The Agrarian Question & Class Contradictions in Soutn the agrarian sector would make this sort of Africa: Some theoretical issues for consideration'. sabotage impossible. Mabin A. 'Land Ownership & the Prospects for Land Reform in the Transvaal- preliminary view'. To ensure that landowners had no opportunity of Morris A. 'A Peasantry Under Siege: A case study of the farms Bloedfont Geweerfontein'. undermining the agrarian economy during the Papers presented to the Workshop on the South African Agrarian QuestK transition phase by running down their enterprises, present & future. University of the Witwatersrand: May 1987. 1988 50 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No S !"',,|nc' STARCKE ASSOCIATES The econo-political resource. m w Ybur answer Is Metropolitan. METROPOLITAN PO Box 87094 Houghton 2041 Johanncsbutg LIFE it[>. South Africa Reg. No 05/32491/06 J Telephone (Oil) 646-9370 Oh, the sweet taste of success. After days, perhaps weeks of fruitless searching, there's nothing quite like the excitement of striking pure, sweet water. Today, water borne disease added to ( . drought makes pure, clean water the most valuable commodity in Kwazulu. That's why the b. • Sugar Association in co-operation with the Kwazulu government inaugurated a administers a Fund to provide the people of Kwazulu with the water they so desperately need their development. If you would like to share the sweet taste of success with them, send your donation to The S^J^M Kwazulu Water Development Fund, c/o S.A. Sugar Association, P.O. Box 507 Durban 4000. ^^ DC YEARS OF TURMOIL African Matric Results 1985 — 1987 By Dr Ken Horfshorne In January 1987 African pupils and students called off a nationwide school boycott and returned to class en-masse, changing their rallying cry from liberation before education' to 'education for liberation'. In his annual review of African matric results for Indicator SA, Dr Ken Hartshorne identifies a dual trend of steady deterioration in the urban learning environment but improved performance and provision in homeland schools. He warns the authorities and education planners not to be complacent about a return to school in a fragile situation. MUic piovisional matric results for and Training (DET) has announced that While the 1W7 published in the press recently it will not be possible to readmit many of provisional • (Ci/i Press 3/1/88) indicate that those who failed. Parents are concerned 1987 African 137 (i(K) lull-time candidates wrote the that the resulting frustration may lead to exams ol whom 77 454 (55,3 percent) renewed violence and unrest, and that matric results passed, compared with the 51,4 percent of the ranks of the jobless will swell. show that an 198(i (see table 1). While interim results, The urban school situation remains average 54,3 in the'light of previous experience, have to fragile and vulnerable. percent passed, be treated with a measure of caution, there does seem to have been some limited only 33,1 improvement in the overall results. percent of University entrance passes are recorded as Soweto and '2K,6 percent of those who passed' or Data Constraints Alexandra 16,1 peiccnt of all African candidates, an It is becoming increasingly difficult to improvement of 2,7 percent on the 1986 report adequately and in detail on what is candidates results. happening at standard ten level in passed What is not clear from the statistics African schools in South Africa. Although standard ten available at this stage is in which areas DET administers the national these impiovements took place. Previous matriculation certificate throughout South experience suggests that it was not in the Africa (with the exception of the urban areas but in some of the Transkei) on behalf of the Department of homelands (see tables 1 & 2). Certainly the Education and Culture (whites), it limited improvement is not to be reports only on its own schools and those in explained by the results for the the 'self-governing states'. Over the last Johannesburg region (Soweto and few years the scope of this reporting has Alcxandia) where provisional statistics show been progressively reduced. the following; senior certificate 26,1 In turn, publication of certain data has PercLnt: matriculation seven percent; been discontinued (namely the median o\eiall passes 33,1 percent (Sunday Star marks in each subject; the percentage of y 1|KK). '1 tiese results seem to confirm the successful candidates in each subject; and thesis ol an ongoing deterioration of the the results for each region within DET), •earning environment, in spite of the 'return until one overall, generalised table is left in to school' and the apparently more s the 1986 report. Even this table is ettlud situation in urban black schools. incomplete — as in the case of DET it |he nowl'Io results have already caused provides results only for those ™nsidt'r,ihle anger in the community and 'candidates who wrote the examination' in among the candidates who have failed, full at schools not disrupted during the P'Ttijulai I v as the Department of Education examination (DET Annual Report 1986: mBsmmi wasass 'WATCH SA Vol 5 No 2 Summet 1988 53 J"' . The return to school after two years of boycott occurred not because of pressures from education authorities or the security forces, but as a result of negotiations within the black community. p235). This data accounts for only 11 295 closure of schools continued in iy«fi, there DET candidates, although the Minister was some limited improvement in the reported in parliament that 16 539 wrote situation. the whole examination; 2 087 wrote some In 1985 TBVC schools continued to do papers; and 8 943 who had registered for better in general than DET schools, the examination did not write at all particularly at the level of matricularion (Hansard 1987, First Session). exemption. For instance, Venda schools In consulting tables 1 and 2, therefore, it showed very little wastage and produced has to be noted that the results of 7 331 very satisfactory results in 1(W6 (sec table candidates are not included in the data. 2). At the other end of the scale, the (The total number of African candidates results in KaNgwane, KwaNdehele, Lcbowa A white child writing senior certificate at the end of 1986 and QwaQwa were well below the has eight times was in fact 107 372, including the 326 average for all African candidates. KwaZulu, on the other hand, shows a more chance of African candidates writing the Joint Matriculation Board examination.) The very distinct improvement on the i%5 successfully final matric results for African schools in results. completing 1987 are not yet available. For the purpose of comparison, table 3 secondary shows the total number of passes (senior school than an Comparative Results certificate and matriculation) lor white African child The overall results for 1986 showed some pupils in 1986. There were 61 012 passes improvement over those for 1985: from 65 553 white candidates, compared • Matriculation passes increased from with the 51 227 passes from nearly 10 212 to 13 360 (a percentage pass 100 000 African candidates. Moreover, the improvement from 11,9 percent to 13,4 white passes come from a system in percent). which there are only 897 96-1 pupils, compared with the 6,2 million enrolled in • Senior certificate passes increased from the various African educational s\stems. In 29 542 to 37 867 (from 34,3 percent to 38 other words, a white child has o\cr eight percent). times more likelihood of successfully • However, these improvements were due completing secondary school than an largely to better results in 'homeland' African child. White privilege is still firmly schools — DET schools showed minimal entrenched, in spite of the lhetoric of improvement, even after the exclusion of government reform and its tcn->car plans. the 7 331 results referred to above. Equality of provision, access and • In the urban areas more than half of opportunity remain distant mid vague goals, the candidates are still failing to gain any obscured by the present realities of I he secondary school-leaving certificate. entrenchment of 'own affairs' in education. It is also important to note that, as in 1985, Within the African system ol education between the beginning of the school year there are also grave disparities. A child in and the writing of the examination, 20 500 Soweto is four times more likel\ to reach pupils were lost from the system (total standard ten than African children in the standard ten enrolments were 127 515 in Natal and Cape regions, anil is three 1986); more than 11 000 of them were times more likely to do so than children in from DET schools whose enrolments the other DET regions. Among the represented only 23 percent of the total. homelands (Venda, Lebowa. a()w" aIld In 1985 the loss from DET standard ten Bophuthatswana, in that order) standard classes was 15 000, so although the losses ten provision comes closest in numbers but as a result of civil unrest, boycotts and the not in quality of facilities to that ol . jSilllil mvsmm \tmtm 54 INDICATOR SA • ' '' • Table 1 AFRICAN SENIOR CERTIFICATE/MATRICULATION 1985/86 Department of 'Self-governing' 'Independent1 National Education & Training1 Homelands1 Homelands (TBVC)' Totals CANDIDATES 10 523 44498 31 600 86 621 PASSES: Matriculation 1 327 12,6% 4 457 10,0% 4 548 14,4% 10 332 11,9% PASSES: Senior Certificate 3570 33,9% 15096 33,9% 11 232 35,5% 29898 34,5% TOTAL PASSES 4 897 46,5% 19 553 43,9% 15 780 49,9% 40 230 46,4% CANDIDATES 11 295J 53 762' 34 568" 99 71S PASSES: Matriculation 1442 12,8% 6 043 11,2% 5 875 17,0% 13 360 13,4% PASSES: Senior Certificate 3 930 34,8% 20 335 37,8% 13 602 39,2% 37 867 38,0% TOTAL PASSES 5 372 46,6% 26 378 49,0% 19 477 56,2% SI 227 51,4% ' Holes on Sources 1 Education ond Manpower Planning No7.1986, t)0B: pH. (Off Miami Report shows only 7 313 DEI candidates, i.e. Ihose who wrote exam at schools TO! disiupled by umest. 2 Off Animal Sspe/t, Table 1.8.1.1986: p235. 3ffimsofrf 1987 , Fiisl Session (2), Questions: Coll 7 shows that in loci 18 626 DEI candidates wrote the exom (2087 only partiolly). Of Ihe 16539 who wrote the whole exam, DEI hos published ofticiolly Ihe results of 11 295 only, on the grounds of disruption of schools nl which the remaining 7 331 candidates wrote. Ihe table is therefore incomplete. Table 2 SENIOR CERTIFICATE/MATRICULATION 1986 African Candidates — Provisional Results' DEPARTMENT Std 10 TOTAL PASSES Enrolment Wrote Passed Passed As % of March 1986 Examination Matriculation Senior Certificate No % Enrolment Education & Training 29 649 11 295' 1 442 12,8% 3 930 34,8% 5 372 47,6 18,1 Transkei 13 025 11742 1993 17,0% 3 503 29,8% 5 496 46,8 42,2 Bophuthatswana 13 620 13 006 1 866 14,3% 5 632 43,3% 7 498 57,6 55,1 Venda 6 838 6 466 1589 24,6% 3 039 47,0% 4 628 71,6 67,8 Ciskei 4556 3444 427 12,4% 1428 41,5% 1 855 53,9 40,7 Gazankulu 5175 4952 811 16,4% 2178 44,0% 2989 60,4 57,8 KaNgwane 3 057 2 671 215 8,0% 978 36,6% 1 193 44,6 39,0 KwaNdebele 2365 1956 151 7,7% 747 38,2% 898 45,9 38,0 KwaZulu 23 530 21 282 2 919 13,7% 8 818 41,4% 11737 55,1 49,9 Lebowo 22 928 20 284 1717 8,5% 6 736 33,2% 8453 41,7 36,9 QwaQwa 2 772 2 617 230 8,8% 878 33,5% 1 108 42,3 40,0 TOTAL 127 515 99 715 13 360 13,4% 37 867 38,0% 51 227 51,4 40,2 Note 1 See Note 3, Table 1. Table 3 SENIOR CERTIFICATE/MATRICULATION 1986 Full-time White Candidates DEPARTMENT/EXAMINING BODY CANDIDATES TOTAL PASSES PERCENTAGE Joint Musculation Board 1204 1 148 95,3 T'onsvanl 34 220 31 518 92,1 Orange Free State 4 744 4552 95,9 Natal 8 657 8 409 97,1 CaP« (intl SWA/Namibia) 16 728 15 385 92,0 TOTAL 65 553 61 012 93,1 55 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 64 The Soweto. With the exception of the domination have not been addressed in -in effective way. " ' J1 fundamental Transkei, all the homelands have a greater proportion of pupils in standard ten issues of than any of the DET regions, with the Conscious Strategy separation, exception of Soweto. This is also a Certainly, the return to school is to be discrimination, reflection of the grave neglect of pupils (about 700 000 in number) in rural areas welcomed. But it must be seen as a new participation and farm schools under DET, a fact longer-term strategy adopted consciously' and white acknowledged in a recent DET report (see by both parent and student bodies, with and following article). the support of educational, community domination over political organisations both within and black education outside South Africa. It is a change in have not been strategy, not in purpose and objectives 1987 Trends This is underscored by the continued addressed by Perhaps the most marked feature of 1987 existence and resilience of student and reforms was the return to school of African pupils youth organisations such as the SA Youth in the metropolitan urban areas. While Congress (Sayco) and the SA National not complete by any means, as the Students Congress (Sansco),even under the mushrooming of all kinds of 'alternative harsh circumstances of a rigorously schools' (e.g. in the industrial and applied general emergency. downtown areas of Johannesburg) has to be taken into account, this return has been The black press, in welcoming the return remarkable and it held for the whole to school and expressing the great value the year up to the final exams. However, it has community had always attached to been achieved, not by departmental education, made its stand quite elea' I u-.- persuasion or the pressures exerted by the example, The Sowetan commented that, government security apparatus, but by 'Bantu Education cannot be improved. It negotiated decisions taken by black student has to be eliminated and buried with its and parent bodies in strenuous and tough origination. Liberation with education discussions with the churches, community, certainly bodes far better for all of us in political and educational organisations. this country. Let us go for it.' The return to It is important to realise that going to White perceptions are, in general, that 'Bantu Education' can be improved. school by black school is no longer a routine, generally accepted procedure in many areas; it is seen Therefore, much is made of the pupils during as a matter to be decided on, to be increased funding, the better buildings and 1987 does not constantly reviewed, not as a normal matter facilities, the growth in enrolments, government statements on 'equal but mean any but as part of wider strategies for the achievement of both educational and separate' provision in the 1983 White acceptance of political objectives in 'the struggle for Paper, the subsequent 1984 legislation, and the education liberation'. The return to school, even by the government's ten-year plan for education. The emphasis is on finance, system or the pupils outside of the student organisations with ordinary, politically provision and quantity. Black concerns society within uncommitted parents, does not mark an are rather to do with issues of quality, which it is acceptance of the education system, of the relevance, underlying philosophies, black participation, decision making and control. encapsulated society in which it is encapsulated, or of the government's reform process. It is These are the issues that 'People's absolutely imperative that this is clearly Education' has brought back inio an understood if there is to be any hope of education debate that is alive and well effective and lasting resolution of the again in South Africa after being smothered crises and conflicts in education. by the White Paper of 1983. It is therefore disturbing to note that, as Important as the increased funding of a result of the return to school, spokesmen education is recognised to be, the for the government, the education provision of 'more of the same' is not seen department and, to a large extent, the as the way to fundamental change. What private sector are tending to take a is at stake is the transformation of the rather comfortable view of what has whole education system within a happened. At the beginning of 1987, a common, non-racial, democratic, just and senior DET official was reported to have equitable society. said complacently that 'last year's unrest In the return to school many black people (1986) at black schools is a thing of the do not see normality, but a continuation past'. Later in 1987 phrases such as 'a of the crisis and the renewed need, through return to normality' were used in official different strategies, to pursue protest, parlance. resistance and a search for alternate es. I he Yet the situation is far from normal, extent to which there has been further particularly as far as the learning deterioration or some healthy growth in the environment is concerned. Pupils and learning environment will to some extent teachers at black schools are often be indicated by the outcome of the IM7 present 'in the flesh' but not 'in spirit' senior certificate/matriculation because attitudes have not changed and examination. the fundamental issues of separation, The question is whether the situation will discrimination, isolation and white hold and, if it does, for how long? Si/rire: lW mMsmm wmjoss 56 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 REDUCING THE URBAN/RURAL GAP By Indicator SA Correspondent Monica Bot In the 1983 White Paper on education the government committed itself to providing equal education for all South Africans. In one development the Department of Education and Training (DET) commissioned a comprehensive investigation into the provision of education for African pupils in 'white' rural areas. The working party's report (WPR), which unfortunately excludes the homelands, was released in July 1987, accompanied by an information document from DET, which has accepted the report in principle. Education researcher Monica Bot summarises some of the major backlogs identified, evaluates the WPR proposals and comments on the government's reactions. ^^ne of the major problems education are that: MM encountered worldwide in rural a In 1984, 36 percent of six- to 14-year-old areas is that of providing for the African children (most of whom live in educational needs of a sparse population rural areas) were not at school. There are A shortage of spread over a wide area. In South Africa proportionally fewer rural pupils in secondary these problems affect African pupils more standards four and five compared with than others, for two reasons: urban pupils, because of earlier drop-out schools in rural • While more than 80 percent of 'non- and/or the underprovision of educational areas forces Africans' (coloureds, Indians and whites) facilities in rural areas. many pupils to • While rural areas account for 48 percent have urbanised, only 38 percent of leave school Africans have done so (WPR: p25). of all primary school pupils, they account early or • School attendance is compulsory for for only 15 percent of secondary school non-Africans up to the age of 15 or 16, for pupils (45 percent of whom are in continue which the State accepts financial standard six). Of 64 secondary schools in studying in white rural areas, only 38 go up to responsibility. However, this is not the case distant urban with Alrican pupils in rural areas, who standard ten (WPR: p226). The serious arc educated mainly in the 5 483 farm underprovision of secondary school and homeland schools which are only partly subsidised facilities means that many rural pupils have areas bv the State. to move to urban areas (or homelands) (WPR: ppl83/184). 9 Forty percent of farm schools have a Inequality Indicators teacher to pupil ratio of 1:45 or higher, The piovision of education to African compared with 18 percent of urban pupils in rural areas is to a very large schools (WPR: ppl94/195). Many farm extent dependent on the willingness of schools are fairly small and one or two white farm owners to erect school buildings teachers have to accommodate several While rural on their land, and to partly finance and standards in one class. Sixty-five percent areas account of rural schools have fewer than 100 pupils, manage such schools. The State subsidises for 48 percent 50 pei cent of the costs of erecting compared with three percent of urban facilities and providing drinking water, schools (WPR: ppl99-202). of all black toilets, an office and a storeroom, Before July 1984 farm owners were not primary school subject to certain maximum amounts. It allowed to add standard six and seven pupils, they also pays the teachers' salaries in full, classes to their primary schools. Today account for only covers the cost of certain books and other only 49 farm schools have secondary items, and provides financial assistance classes, of which no more than five go up 15 percent of fur the upkeep of buildings (WPR: to standard seven (WPR: p223). There is secondary PPI4 24'352). only one secondary farm school school pupils Serious problems arise when a farmer nationwide (WPR: p355). A mere three decides to discontinue the school or percent (174 schools) of the total 5 782 when a farm is sold and the new owner is rural schools offer education beyond n«t piepared to take on this standard five; 21 percent do not offer responsibility. Owners of some farms, education higher than standard two (WPR: especially smallholdings, will not allow p223). the er ection of schools. This schooling sWem prohibits effective planning, causes insecurity regarding the permanence Gradual Reforms °l school facilities and leads to irregular Both the quantity and quality of educational provision. Some statistical educational provision in South Africa's "'dicators of urban/rural disparities in rural areas fall far short of needs. The indicator ' Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 57 mmssmm mmm At a farm school, some pupils clean the school-yard during a gardening lesson while others attend a long-jump practice. To improve rural schooling agricultural subjects have been introduced on an experimental basis and recreational facilities are to be upgraded. WPR therefore recommends that the State and Development Aid, Gerrit Viljoen, has accepts full responsibility for the said that the conversion of selecicd farm erection, upkeep and management of schools to public schools is alreadv possible schools on farms and smallholdings (Hansard7 27/7/87: coll437). Loi'iger (WPR: pl67). Negotiations about the DET term planning is difficult because\vhile takeover of existing buildings should there is a higher growth rate in rural take place with farmers. areas at present, increasing urbanisation could substantially affect future trends. To ensure the continued provision of Also, due to various practical constraints, education on farms, the report suggests that the full implementation of the It is proposed the State: recommendation that rural schools he that the State 9 acquires existing institutions as public placed within five kilometres maximum schools, so that they become the walking distance from pupils' homes "will should accept permanent property of the State; only be possible in the long term' (ibid: full • leases the property on a long-term colsl434-1436). responsibility basis; 9 centralises schools on State land; or One recommendation has alreadv been for the erection, • expands existing facilities in towns (DET approved — where numbers justify it. upkeep and 1986: pp85/86). education up to standard five must be offered. Minister Viljoen has stated that management of In any of these cases, however, the farm most of the recommendations on schools on owner would be within his rights to secondary education are already official farms and refuse to sell the school property (WPR: policy, and that the Department is pp378/379). considering: smallholdings The gradual introduction of compulsory • the development of secondary schools education and its funding was proposed in all rural municipal areas where the in the 1983 White Paper on education. number of pupils justifies this; Therefore it is proposed that the use of 9 the merger of primary and secondary children for farm labour during school schools where numbers are small; hours should be prohibited, and that ® the introduction of standard sewn to ten transport and/or hostel accommodation is classes in densely populated areas outside provided to pupils where no primary or municipal areas; secondary education is available within 0 the introduction of intermediate classes walking distance (DET 1987: 27). P up to standard seven, with at leasi 30 pupils Further, secondary schooling should be per standard where numbers do not made available to each pupil with justify the establishment of standard eight potential. It is suggested that secondary to ten classes (ibid: colsl438/143lJ). schools for a certain number of farm Finally, the report also promotes innovative schools be established in villages, on land curriculum changes, notably the teaching owned by the State (WPR: pp263/264). of a second language from standard one. Lastly, more teachers should be employed guidance and vocational education. I lie in order to reduce the teacher to pupil Minister supports the promotion of career ratio, with the aim of having a teacher for education and new subjects such as 'skills each class group (WPR: p264). One- and techniques', and agriculture-related teacher schools should become at least two- subjects have already been introduced on teacher schools (WPR: p346). an experimental basis. An individualised The government is to investigate the teaching approach is recommended erection and/or takeover of farm schools whereby pupils proceed at their own pace, while maintaining the subsidy system for with certain changes to the structure ol private farm schools, subject to annual education, including the introduction ol f adjustments. The Minister of Education pre-basic bridging period (WPF: p2(>2). 1988 mmmmammm 58 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summit As less than one percent of x. teachers at farm schools have a post-matric qualification, the general quality of education is even poorer than in urban areas subject advisors, and utilising radio and Teacher Training television to support maths and science While rural teachers often have to teach teachers (WPR: ppl68-170). In addition, several standards in one class, they tend to available white teachers should be recruited he younger than their urban counterparts (WPR: p263). Once there are sufficient and therefore less experienced (WPR: teachers available in rural areas, p2K2). Most are also less qualified and ill underqualified and unqualified teachers prepared to cope with the additional can be requested to improve their demands posed by farm school qualifications (WPR: p312). education. All of these recommendations have won If correctly Of rural teachers, 29 percent have no government approval (DET 1987: pl2). more than a standard eight education, while Minister Viljoen has singled out the utilised farm some 84 percent of urban primary school subsidisation of farmers to build houses school facilities teachers have attained standard eight or a for teachers as a 'very important could be used higher level, with a professional recommendation' (Hansard op cit: qualification. Only 54 percent of their rural coll437). Urgent attention is being given to to provide both counterparts have this level of pre- and in-service training of teachers to non-formal qualification (WPR: pl98). Less than one meet the particular needs of farm schools adult education percent of rural teachers have standard — the erection of teacher centres in rural and in-service ten plus a two- or three-year qualification. areas, the establishment of advisory, The quality of education provided in inspection and technical services, and training for rural areas is consequently poorer in management training (ibid: col 1439). teachers general. The working conditions of farm school « quality of facilities teachers are generally characterised by In many instances, there are too few poor housing facilities, dependence on the classrooms to accommodate all pupils, while farmer, lengthy travelling distance and older rural schools are especially high transport costs, little support from neglected (WPR: p21). Many principals do pupils, parents or inspectors, and an not accept responsbility for facilities, nor unfavourable pupil to teacher ratio (WPR: do they have the administrative know how P22). to manage physical infrastructure according to regulations (WPR: p344). Ihe report proposes, inter alia, an aggressive recruitment drive and positive The report recommends positive discrimination to ensure the recruitment of discrimination in finance, personnel and student teachers from rural areas. overcoming backlogs (WPR: pl68). I eacher training facilities (and hostels) Equal standards should apply in the should be established in rural areas, and provision of facilities and teaching aids at trainees should be familiarised with rural and urban schools. The power supply handling problems typical to rural to schools should be subsidised, while education (WPR: p263). Furthermore, mobile media units could be used to bursaries should be linked to teaching in facilitate lending books and teaching aids rural areas (WPR: p312). to schools (WPR: pl70). In response the Department has said that it will Other recommendations concern the continually adapt the subsidy for facilities '"crease in quality, status and service (DET 1987: p7) and give attention to the conditions of rural teachers, as well as establishment of basic sporting facilities the provision of housing in villages and (Hansard op cit: coll439). Nate transport to school (WPR: pp263- "1). Advice services to teachers should be • socio-economic factors extended through establishing more Disparities in the socio-economic status teacher centres, appointing travelling of rural Africans and farm labourers have a INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 59 mmmstawimm The poor negative impact on education, e.g. a low administrative, teaching and learnin.- managerial and and unstable income, no long-term methods at farm schools (The St ir economic security, the often 'feudal' 24/11/87). The report suggests that this administrative dependence on the farmer, inadequate amount should be R6 million a year! training of housing, the lack of adult education principals and facilities and organised community activities, geographic isolation, etc. Many Commentary white farmers parents are illiterate, while children are has had The many recommendations in the report called upon to help with farm work, appear to address most of the problems, r disastrous especially during harvesting, which disrupts rural education. While government Ins practical their education. Although schooling is accepted the content of the report valued, parents often cannot afford it, and consequences implementation will be subject to ' are typically uninvolved with their 'financial, manpower, statutory and noli,-,, for farm schools children's education (WPR: ppl5/19/23). considerations' (DET 1986: p<). It tlnis The report (DET 1987:p29) recommends remains to be seen which recommendations that educational reform must be part of a will receive priority attention, aside from ' total system of reform (good nutrition, those implemented already or existing proper housing, adequate health and departmental policy. transport facilities, water and electricity, It is notable, however, that government etc.). Parents' committees and the white did not comment on suggestions pertaining community should become involved in to the structure of education and. more the management of the farm school and especially, the provision of pre-primary school facilities used for community education. It has also not responded to development also, i.e. both non-formal other issues of utmost importance for adult education and in-service training effective education, e.g. language (WPR: pl70; DET 1986: p53). Minister differences, proper school feeding, the Viljoen has said that statutory provision prevention of child labour, social" While R12 must be made to co-ordinate the conditions of farm labour, etc. No mention involvement of parents, farmer is made of the possible use of the million has associations, community development been earmarked existing facilities of white education for associations and other interest groups in other race groups. over four years existing and new farm schools (Hansard to upgrade farm ibid: colsl436/1437). Furthermore, neither the report nor government responses deal with the school • administrative structures possibility of employing farmers' wives as management Most principals (and many farmers) have an interim measure, to assist with the and teacher had poor managerial and administrative management and adminstration of farm training. The administration of many schools, or even with teaching where skills, the DET possible, on a paid basis. Especially where rural schools is described in the report as report suggests available teachers are unqualified or have being in a state of chaos, with disastrous R6 million standard eight or less, it is likely that practical consequences, e.g. furniture and farmers' wives would be belter equipped should be spent syllabuses are not requested (WPR: to teach and their involvement would each year pp22/341). Principals usually teach on a full- stimulate a greater interest in I arm time basis and have little time to schools. supervise other staff. Inspectors cannot perform properly because of the large Finally, while parental involvement is number of schools under their supervision, supported, nothing is said about the need to while subject advisors are often not improve their social circumstances available to assist under- and unqualified through, for example, the establishment of teachers (WPR: pp342-344). rural farm villages. Such a broad approach would seem to be necessary in The report recommends that more order to provide a more secure existence inspectors should be appointed, in- to rural African families, and to enable service training given to principals, and a parents to develop a vested interest in number of farm schools managed by a the schools. Rural education cannot be seen travelling principal to be appointed by the in isolation from the marginal status ol Department or by a neighbouring public Africans in farming areas. Educational school (WPR: pp341-343). development must be part of a more The principle that the State accepts full comprehensive programme ol upgrading responsibility for the control and these communities. JiMi\ administration of rural education is under consideration (Hansard op cit: coll437). Attention is being given to the administrative recommendations 'in a References greater or lesser degree' (DET 1987: p7), DET. The Provision of Education for Black Pu while the use of 'travelling principals' has A Synthesis Report. Pretoria: 1986. DET. Information document to accompany t of the already been approved. The only specific report of the working party on the provision State financial input so far has been the pupils in rural areas (1986). Cape Town: 27 Dn for black R12 million earmarked for a four-year House of Representatives. Hansard7. 27/7/8/ farm school management and teacher Departement van Onderwys en Opleiding. C 4-1439. virPlattelandse Swari Leerlinge. Verslag van 'oorsiening development project to improve Party's Report): 1986. ses {Working c. mor 1988 Ji/DZJsfloiJ •fj.'Jjliti &o THE INVERTED FUNNEL Peri-Urban Schooling By Adele Gordon, Human Development Division, National Institute for Personnel Research A study conducted on farm schools situated in a peri-urban area of South Africa has been undertaken under the aegis of the HSRC/Work Committee on Rural Education. The researcher involved reviews the report's findings on school and classroom management procedures, and the relationship between school, employment opportunities and community life (Gordon 1987). Also discussed are the possible effects of current upgrading programmes and the DET recommendations on farm school education. ntil recently there has been little interest in rural education and Udebate has focused on the more volatile urban situation. Yet more than 50 percent of the African pupils in South Africa, excluding the self-governing and independent homelands, are educated in rural areas. Of these, 25 to 30 percent attend schools situated on white-owned farms. After publication of the De Lange Report (1981), it was realised that educational planning had neglected the needs of rural pupils. Since then a number of reports have been published and studies implemented that deal specifically with problems emanating from educational provision in South Africa's rural areas (see for example Buckland 1983; Graaff 1987; Lubbe 1986; Gaganakis and Crewe 1987). In addition a rural work committee of the HSRC Education Research Programme was established under the chairmanship of Dr Ken Martshorne, and a DET working group published a report (1986) on farm schools. important factors that prevented the A school All of these studies have condemned the effective functioning of the schools were principal and quality of schooling for black children living found to be: farmer discuss on white-owned farms. ® scarcity of resources, including the the entry requirements for shortage of classroom space; and a labourer's child. 9 employment conditions. Between 25 and De Lange Study An important link in the causal chain 30 percent of rural The peri-urban area investigated by the influencing the provision of resources has African children Rural Work Committee bordered on three been the dual control system that regulates attend schools cities. Industrial ventures located there management of the farm school. This situated on white included small agricultural enterprises, comprises DET officials, the school farms. nurseries, chicken farms and sand manager and an appointee of the farmer quarries. There were nine farm schools for or property owner. The managers are black pupils. The study focused on the entitled to open or close schools; decide relationship between the schools and the on the number of children attending the community, analysing the circumstances schools; whether or not children from leading to the high failure and drop-out rate neighbouring properties should be allowed "('in the schools. The two most to attend the schools; the level of INDICATOR SA lis No2 Summer 1988 61 mmmmmMm New farm education to be offered (although until subsidy system, and one which will not schools have recently permission was not given to easily be rectified, is the shortage of provide secondary education); the hiring classrooms. This played a signiiicunt part in been vetoed by and firing of teachers; and decisions school and classroom management some farmers pertaining to the facilities and services to be procedures. The most obvious problem wn provided, including teachers' the inability of the schools to because they fear accommodate all children of schoo|-goiin> educational accommodation. age in the sample area. Only one in 'our opportunities will The owners of neighbouring properties of the children whose parents resided in the also wield power as they can object to area was at school. lead to an the establishment of a school or refuse to influx of black allow children to cross their properties Table 1 (see data base) illustrates that families when walking to school, which may, in classroom space was not evenly certain instances, prevent children from distributed, as for every ten junior primary attending school. The white community in classes, there were four senior primary the area studied had in fact prevented classes, two junior secondary classes and no the establishment of another school by senior secondary classes. Therefore claiming that additional facilities would attrition must be seen primarily in terms of serve to draw large numbers of black the number and level of classrooms families to the area in search of rather than in terms of failure, the education. 'attraction' of wage labour, apathv and so on. In other words, scarcity of'space Problems arising from the dual control compelled many children to leave school system have been acknowledged by the or attend school elsewhere (if finances DET in its latest (1986) report, as well as permitted). Family life was severely in past official investigations. The working disrupted when children were sent away, group acknowledges that certain 'crisis particularly if the mother had to situations' have arisen because of the poor accompany the children. facilities and services at farm schools. Farmers pay for These problems have, in the main, been The overcrowded classrooms meant that caused by placing the onus of providing children were often not accepted at school teacher essential facilities on the property owners, until they were nine or ten years old (or accommodation, but at the same time not providing even older), which results in a wide range electricity and sufficient funds for them to do so. Although of age levels in one class. All the schools subsidies to farmers have increased in had multistandard classes. The average transport, while recent years, they cover only 50 percent of number of pupils in a class was 44. and the State the cost of classrooms and a maximum of the range of pupils per class numbered subsidises only R100 towards the costs of ablution facilities. between 23 and 68. These conditions 50 percent of All other facilities have to be provided have made teaching abnormally difficult by the farmer, including teacher and the failure rate is correspondingly classroom costs accommodation, electricity and transport. high (see table 2). For example, only 23 and provides percent of the SSA (substandard A) All school managers interviewed in the R100 for ablution pupils at one school took one \ear to pass Rural Work Committee study (1986) this grade. facilities complained about the inefficiency of the subsidy system. They highlighted a The difficulties experienced with the virtual number of procedural difficulties and also lack of senior secondary educational pointed out that they were expected to facilities for rural pupils will not be provide schooling for children not living on redressed easily because of the high costs their properties without getting involved. The main options envisaged by compensation. In addition, they said they the DET report, namely transport or could not afford to build larger schools hostel facilities, are prohibitively expensive nor to improve facilities for teachers or the and are unlikely to provide a solution for pupils. It was also found that property manypupils. Another confounding factor is owners who ran the school on their own did that the independent and sell-governing not have the resources to run the school homelands may no longer be seen as efficiently, in contrast to schools managed educational outlets for children resident by committee. in 'white' South Africa, as the> may not be prepared to finance the education of Of the nine schools in the peri-urban area, pupils who live elsewhere. only two schools, one controlled by a church committee and one by a community committee, had better facilities than the other schools. These were: Teacher Strategies « secondary school classes Teachers at the various schools in the e lower pupil/teacher ratios peri-urban area had developed different • better facilities in the form of strategies to cope with these pioblcms. It subsidised transport, electricity and good was found that classroom space intluenccd accommodation for the teachers. not only the number of standards at the school, but also the pass rate. At one school the SSA and SSB classes were large, each accommodating approximately Subsidy impact 50 pupils. Because the standard one a nd An important outcome of the inadequate two classes were joined, a maximum ol aiOTsarosKi MMSS 62 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summef Table 1 NUMBER OF CLASSROOMS & PUPIL POPULATION IN SAMPLE PERI-URBAN AREA (1985) Class Percent No of multi- No ol pupils per No of single No of pupils per level classes multi-level class classes single class SSA 25% 6 54- 107 3 58- 68 (2 teachers) SSB 22% 7 51 - 107 3 40- 51 (2 teachers) Std 1 17% 8 16- 107 2 39 (2 teachers) Std 2 , 13% 8 as for Std I 2 40 Std 3 9% 3 31 - 49 2 36 Std 4 6% 2 31 - 43 2 18- 40 Std 5 Wo 0 - 2 18-29 Std 6 3% 0 - 2 23-31 Total number of pupils 1 546 Total number of classrooms 35 Average number of pupils per classroom 44,2 Table 2 PERCENTAGE REPEATERS IN RURAL PRIMARY & SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN SOUTH AFRICA (1986) SSA SSB STD I STD2 STD3 STD4 STD5 STD6 STD7 STD8 STD9 STD10 25 18 20 9 15 8 10 15 14 18 13 14 thirty SSB pupils could be Dependency on the farmer angered the More classrooms, accommodated in standard one. Therefore teachers, particularly because of the poor teaching the pass requirements at the end of the accommodation facilities. The SSB year were extremely stringent at this departmental directive that school funds materials, school, resulting in a large number of were to be controlled by the school equipment and failures. managers also frustrated the teachers, as in-service teacher This high entry and failure rate led to an they were not given any say in how the funds should be spent. It was found that training are 'inverted funnel' effect as only a small prerequisites for percentage of the children admitted to the the monies collected often lay dormant school reached the senior primary in banks while the school was kept short of improving classes. Another option exercised by the resources considered a priority by the teachers. Subjects particularly affected by schooling in rural teachers at other schools was to control areas intake rigorously to cope with classes of the shortage of resources were Science, varying sizes; for example, at one school Gardening and Sewing, all of which require the SSA intake was reduced from 68 pupils fairly expensive materials not provided in 1985 to 23 in 1986 because one by the department. classroom had to be used to accommodate a Classroom observations revealed that the new teacher. main causes of rote learning were the lack The scarcity of resources hampered the of teaching resources and the large teachers considerably. This was not due classes which hampered effective teaching. to obvious difficulties caused by the Therefore more classrooms, materials, cramped classrooms or shortage of equipment and in-service courses are resource material alone — freedom of prerequisites for improving classroom movement was constrained by the lack of management procedures. However, these transport which prevented them from cannot be divorced from the need to getting to a town to buy materials, to increase the teachers' autonomy, deal effectively with directives from the particularly as the schools are often local circuit office and even to attend the isolated from the local circuit offices. night school in the area. Many claimed to Teachers need to be given the power to be tired and unhappy because they make, and carry out, decisions relating to realised their teaching was hampered the ongoing activities at the schools. turther by the large, heterogeneous It appears that the recommendations made classes. by the DET working group, namely that 64 63 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 The proposed the State will take over the schools by from 50c to RIO a day. The work done by junior primary pupils appeared to have State take-over of buying the land or renting the buildings, will lead to an improvement in school had a socialisation role, aimed at existing farm facilities and an increased number of inducting the children into the type of Worb schools could classrooms. Unfortunately, by concentrating done in the area. As one manager increase the on passing the initiative for establishing commented, 'We try to teach them that and running the schools from the property through labour they learn something.' number of owner to the State, the role of the classrooms, teachers as well as that of the community improve facilities has been underplayed; no and provide recommendations are made that aim at the Impact of Proposals creation of structures which would Improved school facilities secondary increase the teachers' autonomy or would These cannot by themselves reduce drop- education lead to greater community involvement. out and absenteeism. Until social and working conditions in peri-urban and rural areas improve, children will be drawn Employment Conditions away from farm schools to help supplement the family income, or be Another issue considered in the Rural exploited by employers to provide cheap Work Committee study was the way in labour. which living and employment conditions influenced schooling. The pivotal factor Upgrading teacher skills here was found to be the general These, and the proposed management powerlessness of farm workers. Workers courses for farm school teachers, may lead and their families expressed antipathy to more efficient classroom management towards living in the sample area. The senior primary school pupils saw strategies but cannot increase the flow of education to be a means of escaping from pupils through the schools. They are the unskilled 'hard' jobs in the area so already filled to capacity and mainly that they could qualify for what they called provide education to the junior primary easy jobs, that is 'jobs that make use of level. Therefore, the recommendation that one's brain and not one's hands'. the State should provide more schools, particularly secondary schools, must be Adolescents who had dropped out of speedily and efficiently implemented. school while in the junior primary school were frustrated at having to enter the Motivation & equipment poorly paid, unskilled labour pool. Many of Motivation to remain at school can be them said they would return to school if expected to be influenced by the and when funds permitted. Education was relationship between job level, salaries perceived to be a long-term process and and educational level. Those pupils who leaving school was not considered to be the reach higher educational levels can lie end of a school career. expected to leave the area in search of The farm workers' lack of tenure influenced better employment opportunities as they the relationship between the parents and will have to contend with unskilled, low- the schools, and only one manager had paid work if they remain. been able to establish a parent/teacher association. Other managers had not been Land tenure able to enlist the parents' help in Land tenure rights for blacks and the improving school facilities as the parents mobilisation of local resources are essential said that they could be evicted at any elements of a reform package, as time. Thus giving workers a stake in the findings pointed to the positive effects of area by granting them tenure and some community involvement in schooling autonomy in their jobs is a basic provision. To conclude, the constraints requirement for increasing parental operating on farm schools illustrate that involvement in the schools and, hence, in a holistic approach is urgently needed lo mobilising community resources. improve farm school education. 'J^J-i Another factor disrupting effective schooling was the inadequate health and References social infrastructure. Children were kept Buckland P. Education Policy & Reform in Southern Africa. Education Policy Unit, University of Cape Town: 1983 home to look after the sick, the elderly, Calitz L P. Finale verslag. Taakgroep: Spektrum & strukturering or the young. Some children attended van die ondenvys. Departement Onderwys & Opleiding: 1986. school for a number of years and then Department of Education & Training. The Provision of Education stayed at home to give a younger sibling a for Black Pupils in Rural Areas: A synthesis report. Pretoria: 1986. Gaganakis M & M Crewe. Farm Schools in South Africa. South chance to go to school. Absenteeism was African Institute of Race Relations. Johannesburg: 1987. exacerbated because parents were often not Gordon A. Another Mealie in the Bag: Opportunities & able to get leave to attend to sick constraints facing the farm schools in a peri-urban area in South members of the family, so that children Africa. Pers.422. Human Sciences Research Council. Pretoria: 1987. Graaff j F de V. 'Rural parents & School Enrolment Rates in Two were kept out of school to do so. Regions in Bophuthatswana: Subjects for reconsideration', in A number of pupils worked in the Perspectives in Education Vol9 No2-. 1987. afternoons or over weekends. On the Lubbe B G. 'n Ondersoek no die Pedagagiese Problematiekvan die Plaasskool in die Departement van Onderwys & Opleiding in die whole the wages earned were low, ranging Republiek van Suid-Afrika, MEd. UNISA: 1986. 64 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 64 Johnnies- a Major Force in Mining LEADERS since 1889 IN TRAILERS H HENRED JTu FRUEHAUF t Johannesburg: P.O. Box 782, Germiston 1400 Telephone: 827-9241 Johannesburg Consolidated Investment Company, Limited Consolidated Building, Cor. Fox and Harrison Street, Johannesburg 2001. P.O. Box 590, Johannesburg 2000. Phone: (011) 373-9111, Telegrams: "Consols" Jhb. Through our wide range of products we serve farming, shipping and industry. Through our resources we serve education culture and numerous charities. Oh yes, and through our pumps we serve petrol. Mobil, serving the needs of the nation. WithM®bi us you are Numbelr One. DM&M C 2353 Wt' ORGANISING IHE PRESIDENTS MEN By Indicator SA Researcher Mark Bennett The strike by 30 000 rail workers in 1987 clearly demonstrated that the public sector was not immune to the militant unionisation and labour action that has occurred in the private sector. In this focus on the State as an employer, Indicator SA researcher Mark Bennett surveys the labour relations codes that govern South Africa's burgeoning public service. While showing that there is great diversity in employment practices, he argues that the State bargaining institutions are often archaic, inflexible and irreconcilable with the demands of the black union movement. iile it is difficult enough to identify precisely who is considered to be a public servant — included which workers fall within the ambit of South are permanent personnel in the South African Police, WAfrica's massive public sector, it is even more Defence Force, Prison Services and the National difficult to specify exactly the legislation that controls Intelligence Service; their wages and conditions of service. The • wages, service benefits and most conditions of distinguishing characteristic of this sector is that all employment are regulated by the Commission for organisations are, in one form or another, ultimately Administration (CA). under direct control and management of the State (Wiehahn et al 1986: pl8). Depending on definition, Although the South African Transport Services (Sats) the broader public service incorporates all employees and the Department of Posts and of cabinet ministries, State commercial services, Telecommunications share some of these features they agricultural control boards and scientific councils, are not regarded as part of the 'core'. Historically through to the large parastatals such as Eskom, Iscor they have evolved their own labour relations forums and Armscor. through separate parliamentary acts. For labour relations purposes, a large number of Until 1984 the composition and powers of the public sector employees are protected by the Commission were governed by various public service application of the Public Service Act No 111 of acts. In terms of these acts the Commission 1984. Although many employees are explicitly designed and supervised the personnel policy of the excluded from provisions of the Labour Relations State in the public sector core only. Primarily Act No 28 of 1956 (LRA), there are some who have because of the creation of two additional parliaments, partial and others who enjoy complete access to its each with its own, race-based public services, the protective mechanisms. Employees in those State duties of the Commission were expanded through the corporations excluded from both the LRA and the CA Act No 65 of 1984 to promote greater control Public Service Act are forced to rely on 'in-house' and uniformity in staffing matters. bargaining mechanisms. Today the Commission defines its role as follows: A useful way to conceptualise the entire public sector, • to establish structures and processes for the effective and thus give a broad outline of how employee execution of government functions and policy; wages and conditions of service are determined, is to view the central civil service as the 'core' (see • to establish sound management practices for diagram). Around this heuristic core, in outwardly government departments and institutions; expanding rings, there are a number of other statal a to ensure optimal utilisation of government bodies — control boards, scientific councils, State personnel; and commercial enterprises (e.g. transport), local • to promote sound personnel relationships in the authorities, parastatals, etc. public sector (CA 1985: pll). Within the 'core', the Commission has direct say in The Core the control of the white-collar component of the Common features of 'core' public service civil service, e.g. clerical and secretarial posts. In the organisations are that: blue-collar component, e.g. forestry and health workers, the Commission determines wage levels but • none exist as autonomous legal entities influences only conditions of service (CA 1984: independent of the State (ibid: pl9); pl6). Although the Commission's primary • most are directly answerable to 'own' and responsibility lies with the public service, it plays an 'general' affairs cabinet ministries; important, 'usually decisive' role in setting salaries of • personnel are contracted to the State in terms of other State employees in the 'inner ring' (see the Public Service Act. Section 7 of the Act defines diagram). It does not regulate other conditions of 64 67 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 service, e.g. annual and sick leave, medical aid, Constitutional reform travel concessions, etc. An important function performed by the In the 'outer ring' the Commission has no formal Commission in the past few years has been to mersec C mandate but many of its broader policy proposals and an overhaul of State bureaucracy. Mass staff decisions exert a 'persuasive' influence. While the transfers, connected both directly and indirectly to Commission has no jurisdiction over the personnel constitutional reforms, have taken place within' all matters of Sats and the GPO it frequently parts of the public sector (see Elias 1986). The ' exchanges information and consults on broad policy Commission has supervised a large number of with their officials (ibid: p!7). interdepartmental manpower transfers and assisted in the placement of personnel in newly categorised "own' and 'general' affairs civil service posts. Business criteria Important changes in the composition of the public Recent policy aimed at the government's own service have resulted from the integration of many bureaucracy stresses that the entire public sector 'core' provincial posts into the first tier. In terms of the should be run along commercial lines. To give Provincial Government Act No 69 of 1986, the four effect to this philosophy the government has decided provincial administrations became public sen ice to privatise certain activities, while attempting to departments for specific geographical areas from 1 run other departments more profitably. The July 1986. Before 1984, 96 percent of all provincial Commission has been given an important role in posts were established in terms of second-tier administering both of these processes. ordinances and thus did not form part of the con- public service. The shuffle resulted in more than Privatisation — the farming out of traditional public 135 000 personnel being transferred upwards into the sector functions to the private sector — could affect jurisdiction of either 'own' or 'general' affairs the employment conditions of many public servants. administrations. Simultaneously, there was a massive The Commission has examined the activities of a overhaul of the white provincial education system number of departments that fall within the civil with 96 149 teachers and educationists transferred to service, and in principle it has approved 26 projects the 'own' affairs education ministry in the House of for privatisation. Sats, over whom the Commission Assembly. has little control, is also contemplating the privatisation of some of its operations. These The Commission has claimed that all personnel projects could be undertaken by transferring some involved in these moves to the 'core' public sector State activities to the private sector, granting the would retain 'certain' conditions of service, while private sector concessions, operating joint projects, others would be 'phased out' (CA 1986: pl3). It etc. (CA 1985: ppl3-16). remains unclear as to what the future status ol the Privatisation could be particularly problematic for civil many provincial staff associations will be. The servants unless the State exacts safeguards from the Commission has stated that they would remain new private sector employers. Many workers in the intact for up to 12 months, whereupon their status overstaffed State bureaucracy could find themselves would be reviewed (ibid: p27). It is also not known retrenched, or employed with poorer remuneration whether staff of the newly formed Regional Ser\ices without the often 'golden' conditions of civil Councils (RSCs) will be located in the public service. Once the State privatises certain functions it is service 'core', thus excluding their employees I mm the unclear whether it will allow these new private LRA. sector employees access to the LRA. The introduction of the tricameral constitution in 1984 Two incipient principles of 'profitability' and prompted the Commission to recognise some black 'efficiency' have been introduced into the public staff associations. Establishing separate 'own' allairs service. Demands to adopt business-like practices administrations for the coloured and Indian groups have been placed on 'core' public service departments. also meant separate, race-based staff associations' lor Measures taken so far to effect savings include a public servants. A similar situation has prevailed for reduction in service bonuses from 8,3 to 5,5 percent of African employees brought into government through annual salary during 1985/86; a 50 percent cut in Black Local Authorities, homeland administrations the number of vacancies in the public service; and a and RSCs. (successful) request from government that all core The Public Service Regulations (amended in I ) departments voluntarily extend their daily working gave the Commission the discretion to decide which hours by half-an-hour (CA 1986: p23). new staff associations to recognise (see directors). Almost contrary in direction, the government also Among the guidelines for recognition, the Commission maintains that pay and service benefits should be had to consider the prospective staff association'-; (particularly for professional workers) competitive with aims, the manner in which it is organised, siiv .uid the private sector (CA 1985: p21) in order to scope of membership, affiliations and the views of retain adequate numbers of motivated staff and other recognised associations towards the applicant maintain quality of the services. Since 1981 (ibid: ppl6/17). professionals employed by the public service have While the entire public service is now expected to generally been given greater, more frequent wage function along business lines, civil servants are still increases and service benefits than lesser skilled excluded from the collective bargaining institutions colleagues. This has been achieved through a and full trade union rights established in the private 'programme of occupational differentiation'; justified sector. The Commission's insistence that it will deal by the Commission on the basis that rates of pay only with race-based staff associations is differ substantially within the free labour market (CA inconsistent with its acknowledgment of workers' 1986: p21). It will be interesting to see how the freedom of association (CA 1985: pl7). The iapii.1 various official staff associations respond to these recognition of black staff associations by the potentially divisive measures. Commission probably stems from the realisation 68 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 The EPw§»i@ Sect©!1 Note The size of the segments bears no relation to the size of the respective personnel corps. Source Commission for Administration. Annual Report. 1984 RP17/1985. hat the newer black trade unions were entering their Monuments Council, the Regional Councils for the 'old. A similar strategic response in the private Performing Arts and the National Parks Board. .eclor in the mid-1970s saw many employers resisting In 1986, 163 195 African civil servants were employed he emergent labour movement by promoting 'in- in the six self-governing homelands of Gazankulu, hhisc' works, management and liaison committees. KaNgwane, KwaNdebele, KwaZulu, Lebowa and QwaQwa. Of these, approximately 63 000 were labourers, 61 000 educators, 16 000 nurses and 5 000 in service capacities (CA 1986: ppl8/19). Should rhe Inner Ring these ethnic polities opt for independence all these ("lie distinguishing characteristic of the personnel civil servants will be removed from the sphere of •orps in the 'inner ring' of the public sector is that Pretoria's indirect control. licv are not contracted in terms of the Public >er\ice Act. Instead, they are employed under a 'ariety of legislation pertaining to specific State The Outer Ring organisations. Further, their salaries and service fn the 'outer ring' there is a large number of State benefits are wholly or partly financed from the and State-linked organisations, which have separate State Revenue Fund, i.e. money originating from the budgetary arrangements through specific votes in mpiovement of Conditions of Service Vote (Vote parliament. Other bodies are financially self-sufficient because of their daily operation in the market- ncluded in this subsector are employees of various place. The wide variety of this type of organisation is tatutory bodies such as scientific councils, regulatory evident from the blacklist released by the US ind advisory boards, commissions, the self- government (November 1986) under their governing homeland administrations and universities, Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986. 'rominent among the scientific boards is the For labour relations purposes three categories of ^ouncil for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), organisations can be identified — municipalities, iouth African Bureau of Standards (Sabs), Council State commercial enterprises and parastatals. Firstly, or Mineral Technology (Mintek), Human Sciences municipal employees are not excluded from the Research Council (HSRC) and the South African LRA. However, they are precluded from strike action Medical Research Council (MRC). Other well-known and forced to use the compulsory arbitration egulatory and advisory bodies include the National provision in the LRA (S46 — see directory). The staff fflCATORSA Vol 5 Ho 2 Summei 1986 69 complement of many municipalities could change workers; in 1978, 18 975 (of whom 42 percent significantly because they are considering privatising black) and in 1982, 29 000 (Leonard 19cS3: pi38) many operations, such as refuse removal, Although no formal bargaining forum exists in maintenance of parks and recreational facilities, and Armscor, informal consultations take place between security services (Markham 1987: pp89/90). employees and management. In the event of a Employees of the State transport and communications dispute, the above Act makes provision for the enterprises — Sats and the GPO — are excluded appointment of an Advisory Committee comprising from all provisions of the LRA. Through the equal numbers of employee and management Conditions of Employment Act No 16 of 1983 representatives. The Committee forwards (Sats) and the Post Office Service Act No 66 of 1974, recommendations to the Armscor chief who then both organisations regulate their own employment makes a determination. In the event of further practices (see directory). Chaired by Professor employee discontent the Minister of Defence may Wiehahn, a commission of enquiry into collective appoint a Settlement Board which makes a final bargaining within Sats was completed in late 1986. It binding decision (Wiehahn et al: pp23/24). concluded that the LRA should not be extended to Sats, and suggested that in-house structures should be renovated. Earlier the Wiehahn Commission (Part 5) had argued that all public sector employees should be included within the scope of the LRA Conclusion (DOM 1981: pp52-57). While some State employees do have access to industrial relations procedures and mechanisms akin to Parastatals the private sector, most do not. Instead they arc In addition to the more familiar parastatals, such as forced to rely on in-house structures which have been Armscor, Eskom, Iscor, SABC, Sasol, Soekor and unilaterally imposed by government and are racially Ucor, there are a myriad other such organisations, determined and constituted. Many civil servants, each with its own labour relations structure. Three particularly black employees who are not a broad, yet distinct, employment trends can be significant political constituency in government, are observed within these organistions. hamstrung by procedures that allow them no real say in the determination of their wages or conditions All 30 000 Iscor employees are subject to all of service. provisions of the LRA — including the right to strike (New Nation 23/10/86). Indeed, the steel giant is so Ideally, any formalised system of labour relations well integrated into the private sector that it is a should be based on six fundamental labour rights — prominent member of the industry's employer the right to work, to free association, to collective organisation, the Steel, Engineering Industries bargaining, to withholding labour, to protection Federation of South Africa (Seifsa), and the from victimisation, and to career development sector's industrial council. (Wiehahn et al 1986: p2). Although many of these basic rights are not applicable in their entirety to While Eskom employees are not excluded from the South African workers, it is in the public sector LRA they are prohibited from taking strike action. where workers have the least protection. The For collective bargaining, the electricity monopoly International Labour Organisation (ILO) believes has created three colour-blind negotiating forums that public sector employees should be treated no which cater for white-collar, monthly paid blue- differently to private sector workers. ILO collar, and semi- and unskilled workers respectively. Convention 151 (Protection of the Right to Organise Each forum meets biannually with a combination of and Procedure for Determining Conditions of the three 'in-house' and nine 'independent' unions that Employment in the Public Sector) enshrines these six Eskom has recognised. Each forum is divided into labour rights (DOM 1981: p53). two components: a national level where salaries and conditions of service are bargained, and a lower, Years of painstaking organisation by African unions 'strategic unit' level where decisions are implemented in the 1970s involved many costly forms of labour and managed. In the event of one union in a action, but resulted in the inevitable recognition of particular bargaining unit not accepting a proposal, basic trade union rights in the private sector. Unless Eskom will implement the decision on the significant changes are made in South Africa to concurring unions only. The dissenting union then has acknowledge labour rights for all workers — including recourse to compulsory arbitration mechanisms public servants, domestic and agricultural workers (Wiehahn et al: pp24/25). — significant labour conflict could develop in the State's back-yard on the scale of the 1987 railway Armscor employees, on the other hand, are strike. ©4a excluded from all provisions of the LRA because of the strategic and essential nature of the industry. This despite the fact that much of Armscor's Sources production is geared towards export and not aimed Commission for Administration. Annual Reports: 1984 RR17/1985: 1985 RP30/1986: at meeting domestic security needs. For labour 1986 RP33/1987. Elias C M. 'Reform or Transformation? Dismantling the Department of Co-operotion relations purposes the Corporation looks to Section and Development', in Indicator SA Vol4/No2. University of Natal, Durban: 1986. 8 of the Armaments Development and Production Act Golding M. 'Workers in the State Sectors The case for the civil administration', in South No 57 of 1968, which specifies an employment code African Labour Bulletin (SALB) Vol10/No5: March/April 1985. for Armscor and its nine subsidiaries, and requires Leonard R. South Africa at War. AD Donker. Cape Town: 1983. that all personnel associations (which cannot be Markham C. 'Organising local Authority Workers', in SALB Vol12/No4-. May/June 1988. multiracial) must register with the corporation. Wiehahn N, W Coetzee & J Zurich. Commission of Enquiry into the Establishment Workers involved in strikes, overtime bans, go- of a Negotiating Body for the South African Transport Services Relating to Salaries slows or any activity which disrupts production, risk a and Service Conditions. Johannesburg: November 1986. Wiehahn Commission. Report of the Commission of Enquiry into Labour Legislation: fine of R1 000 and/or imprisonment of up to five Part 5. Department of Manpower (Dom): RP27/81. years. In 1968 Armscor directly employed 2 200 Indicator SA press clippings. KMMfQMl ffiMiKS 70 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 Trade Unions Sector by Sector Port Five By Indicator SA Researcher Mark Bennett THE RAILWAYS & POST OFFICE Paid-up Membership employees except those in grades who are allowed to join the multiracial Sats unions. Blatu was formed in April 1981 and has its power base in Natal. It has been described by the Federation of Trade Unions of Sals General Workers Union 'as the Sats personnel department dressed up as a staff association' 23 722 Allison Staff Association (Asa) (Van Niekerk 1986-. p6), but attempts hove been made recently to democratise Blatu's 63 000 Black Trade Union of Sats (Blotu) operations. Running & Operating Staff Union, Group 'C'(Rosu) 6 852 Sats Employees Union (Salseu) 11 181 Emergent Rivals Rivals to the in-house associations could mobilise black worker support over wages, poor Sots Indian Staff Association 1206 working conditions, racially discriminatory practices, hostel conditions, etc. However, Sats's Sots Salaried Staff Association (Salstaff) 29 097 refusal to grant them recognition and the illegality of strike action restrict the tactics at their SA Voetptoafpersoneelvereniging (Sovoet) 8 669 disposal. Instigating strikes in Sals carries a fine of R200 and/or one year's imprisonment. Spoorfaond 6 200 Sarhwu, a former affiliate of the defunct SA Congress of Trade Unions (Sactu), was relaunched Stall Association for Coloured Employees of Sots (southern areas) 8500 Trade Union for Coloured Employees of Sats 2167 in October 1986. Organisers claimed it had 10000 members in the Transvaal and 4000 elsewhere (Green 1986: p31). Between 23 March and 5 June 1987 Sarhwu led the largest and Cosatu most costly labour confrontation in the public sector since the failed Port Elizabeth docker National Federation of Workers: strike of 1982. While the strike trigger was a Sats decision to fire (then changed to fine) a 2163 National Post Office & Allied Workers Union (NPOAWU) worker for a minor irregularity, the work stoppage developed into a fully fledged recognition 34000 SA Railways & Harbour Workers Union (Sarhwu) dispute. Nadu Whether the outcome of the strike — the reinstatement of fired workers with permanent posts African Railway & Harbour Workers Union (Arhwu) 2400 for some black employees — was a victory for Sarhwu, is debatable. Perhaps the union could Bawu have achieved more in the long run, particularly in terms of winning concessions from Sats, if Black Allied Air, Railway & Harbour Workers Union it had not adopted such a hardline approach in negotiations. (Sarhwu is still not officially Unaffiliated recognised by Sats management.) On the other hand, the strike caused a dramatic increase in National Union of Railway Workers (Num) + 5 000 Sarhwu's membership due to moss defections from the in-house Blatu. Postal & Telegraph Association of SA 14 900 The unionisation of public and private sector employees are fundamentally different issues and Post Office Employees Association of SA 1851 Cosatu merger plans for Sarhwu and the Transport & General Workers Union have been Post S Telecommunications Workers Association (Potwa) shelved temporarily. Sarhwu's main independent rival is Nurw, which was launched in Soweto SA Posvereniging 2182 in November 1986 by 600 delegates [SALB 1987: pp24-28). Nurw emerged in the context of founding worker committees, allegedly independently of each other, within Sats. The union has approached Cosatu for affiliation but the Federation's executive argues Nurw should merge with Sarhwu first. This outcome seems unlikely as the unions ore bitter rivals. Unions such as Bawu's Baorhwu and the Nactu affiliate Arhwu do not represent significant numbers of rail workers at present. While there are clear differences in tactical approaches to ANALYSIS unionising Sats workers, major political divisions also underscore relationships between the Most public sector employers deal only with those worker associations which have met independent rail unions: Sarhwu is an affiliate of the charterist UDF, Nurw stands accused of particularly selective criteria to win de jure recognition. Neither employees of the South being 'workerist', and Arhwu is in the block consciousness camp. A single united black railway African Transport Services (Sots) nor those of the Department of Posts and Telecommunica- workers union may never emerge. tions are covered by the Labour Relations Act (LRA). In Sals the wages and service conditions The Post Office of all white workers are determined by the Conditions of Employment Act No 16 of 1983 The Department of Posts and Telecommunications has recognised seven personnel associ- (Sats); those of black employees are specified separately and incorporated into their contracts ations, most recently the African Potwa. All of these unions are differentiated on the basis of of service (Wiehahn et al 1986: p42). The service conditions of post office employees are skill grading and racial criteria. In accordance with Act No 66 of 1974, relations between post specified in the Post Office Service Act No 66 of 1974. office employees ond management are governed by the Staff Relations Council. The Council Sats functions much in the same way as industrial councils do in the private sector. The Minister of Transport is empowered to decide with what trade unions Sals management Potwa has shown other new unions operating in the brooder public sector, particularly should negotiate. To date Sats has recognised ten staff associations but has steadfastly refused Sarhwu, that tactical use can be made of bargaining structures that are not necessarily to deal with any other union that might represent its employees. Each of the recognised progressive. However, if Potwa continues to rely on the Staff Relations Council it could be associations organises workers from a number of job grades, and seven of these bargaining undermined by an entrenched white lobby which represents almost twice the total African units are racially segregated. The unions 'bargain' individually or collectively, through the workforce. In August 1985, out of the more than 94 417 people employed by the post office, Federation of Sats Trade Unions, with the Minister of Transport Affairs. 53 036 were white, 29 013 African, 10409 coloured and 1 960 Indian {SA Labour Statistics Three associations are open to white staff only, together representing about 47 000 workers 1986: p56). — Salstaff represents 460 occupational grades, Satseu 277 grades, and Rosu 19 grades. They Over the past 14 months a series of strikes, almost all involving Potwa, has severely disrupted are affiliated to the conservative, white South African Confederation of Labour (Sacol). communication functions in the Transvaal and Eastern Cape. Strike action might enable Potwa Although three of the recognised unions have 'multiracial' constitutions their membership is to consolidate its position and get the Department to revise its archaic labour relations still predominantly white. Savoet, which represents 33 grades of workers, disaffiliated from practices. Potwa intends affiliating to Cosatu; given the small number of potential recruits if Socol in 1975 and joined the Trade Union Council of SA in 1982, but left in 1984. Other may well merge with Cosatu's other public service union, Nehawu. NPOAWU, which operates multiracial unions ore Asa, which represents 205 grades, and the Spoorbond with 315 grades. predominantly in Natal, is also in the Cosatu fold but will add very little membership through The other in-house unions separately represent coloured, Indian and African employees from a merger when Polwo affiliates to Cosatu. Nadu's NUPSW has only a few employees 315 grades. Perhaps the most important of these unions is Blatu, which is open to African organised in Ihe post office. SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer! 71 HE PUBLIC SERVICE il ^ lisp£8lli®f Paid-up Membership Recognised Associations Public Servants Association of SA (PSA) 53 769 Public Servants League of SA (PSL) 27 600 Public Servants Union (PSU) Institute of Public Servants (IPS) Cosatu National Education, Health & Allied Workers Union (Nehawu) 9197 Naclu National Union of Public Service Workers < 15 000 ANALYSIS The Public Service Act No 111 of 1984 and its associated regulations provide for the recognition of staff associations to represent workers in the 'core' public service. Recognition was initially linked to the various skill/grade divisions in which officers were employed — to qualify, a staff association had to ensure that it represented the majority of workers in that division (Commission for Administration 1986: pl7). Formerly, there were six divisions (ad- ministrative, clerical, professional, technical, general A and B), but today only the latter, general categories are utilised. Under the earlier collective bargaining dispensation the all-white PSA was the only staff association recognised by the government's Commission for Administration. Appointed by the State President, this two-man Commission with a secretariat of more than 500 regulates wages and service conditions, mainly in the 'core' public service. However, the inauguration of the new constitution in 1984 emphasised the need for 'all population groups' to participate and be represented in the manning of government. It clearly became unacceptable that black workers in this sector were excluded from dispute-settling mechanisms (ibid). The Associations The most important staff association for civil servants is the PSA, which is not registered as a trade union but as a company under the Companies Act. It has 38 regional branches, six regional committees in remote areas, 45 full-time officials, and is subdivided on the basis of occupational categories [Saldru 1986: pi 65). It is probable that the PSA's membership will grow significantly in the future due to the recent inclusion of most provincial administration employees within the first tier of government. Professional associations such as the Provinsiale Huishoudelike Personeelvereniging, SA Staalsdiens en Provinsiole Werkersvereniging, Vereniging van Provinsiale Amptenare van die OVS, and Provinsiale Medewerkersvereniging could bolster PSA membership. In August 1985 it was estimated that about 129 000 whites were employed by the four provincial administra- tions (5/t Labour Statistics 1986: p61), who are now potential PSA recruits. Three associations represent the interests of coloured (PSL), Indian (PSU) and African (IPS) workers in the public service. The PSL, which claims to be non-racial, has a predominantly coloured membership, albeit with a significant number of African workers on temporary contract. The PSL was recognised in September 1985 and claims a signed-up membership of 30 000, organised into 19 branches. Sections of the PSL membership appear to be more AFRAPIX: Anna Zieminski militant than either workers in the PSA, the PSU or the IPS. Golding claims that during 1983/84 the PSL's membership rejected leadership attempts to jettison African members 'in order to meet the State's racial recognition criteria' (1985: p48). The PSU is designed to represent all Indian employees in all government departments. Tln= bombed shell Although no membership figures are available, it seems likely thai it will gain support from of Cosatu's the burgeoning 'own-affairs' civil service employed by the House of Delegates. The wages and working conditions of public servants are determined by the Public Service Jolunnesburg Joint Advisory Council (PSJAC). The Council consists of 16 members, half of whom come from headquarters — the four official stoff associations, ond the rest from the Commission for Administration. In May 1987. accordance with the spirit of the tricameral system, staff association representation on the Sabotage by PSJAC allows the white PSA five members, and the PSL, PSU and IPS one member each! unknown agents In the event of any deadlock within the Council, the government has indicated that the wo.-> against a resolution of disputes by a third party through arbitration is not acceptable. The Cabinet has backdrop of an all- insisted that it should have the final decision over the allocation of funds for improvements in white election wages and other conditions of service (Commission for Administration 1985: p20). and a mass strike The Independents by black railway The Cosatu initiative in the public service, Nehawu, is weak at present, with most efforts workers. focused on organising unskilled health workers and underquoted teachers. It is unlikely that the Commission or the government will negotiate with Nehawu at this stage. One way in which the union can make some headway, however, would be to somehow win recognition and then make tactical use of the PSJAC platform. Nadu's affiliate in this sector is weaker than its reflected membership, as most members are employed in the municipal and local government sectors. KMMfQMl ffiMiKS 72 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 • LOCAL & MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT • Paid-up Membership of these skills-based unions have experienced a mass influx of black workers. In 1985 the JMEA, out of a total of 6 367 members, had 145 African and 31 coloured recruits. Cosatu A number of municipal workers hove been recruited by industrial unions which operate in SA Municipal Workers Union (Samwu) 30 000 other sectors also. These unions have organised municipal workers whose |ob grades coincide Federation ol Municipal Employees with the union's own industrial demarcations. For example, several unions have recruited Durban Municipal Employees Society (DMES) 4 000 (mainly white) skilled municipal employees and artisans — the Amalgamated Engineering Johannesburg Municipal Employees Association (JMEA) 6 367 Union of SA; the Amalgamated Society of Woodworkers of SA; the Amalgamated Union of SA Association of Municipal Employees — Non-political (Saame) 49 384 Building Trade Workers; the Iron Moulders Society of SA; and the SA Engine Drivers, Firemen and Operators Association [Saldru 1986). Nadu National Union of Public Service Workers (NUPSW) < 15 000 Unskilled Workers A plethora of disparate unions have recruited unskilled municipal workers. Most are divided Bawu along racial lines and, in many coses, three racially based unions representing the same Black Allied Municipality Workers Union 611 categories of workers exist within one municipality. Unaffiliated Sabmawu is a major union that predominantly recruits African workers. Originally Sabmawu Development Boards & Black Local Authorities Employees Union (DBBLAEU) 680 formed part of the Black Johannesburg Municipality Workers Union (BJMWU), which was Durban Integrated Municipal Employees Society (Dimes) 4 817 established in 1980 in response to a Johannesburg City Council (JCC) attempt to create an in- Durban Municipal Professional Staff Association 251 house union for African employees. The initiative culminated in a costly strike involving the Durban Municipal Workers Union 1 400 BJMWU. In 1983 the BJMWU split on ideological grounds — the new Municipal & General Johannesburg Municipal Combined Employees Union 1 020 Workers Union of SA affiliated to the UDF, while the new Sabmawu joined Cusa. Johannesburg Municipal Workers Union 113 Sabmawu recruits workers from all sections of the public service, but has tended to concen- Port Elizabeth Municipal Employees Association (PEMEA) 3200 trate on organising Transvaal local authority employees, excluding the JCC. An unregistered SA Black Municipality & Allied Workers Union (Sabmawu) < 35 000 union, Sabmawu lost a substantial number of members, including important branches in Union of Johannesburg Municipal Workers — Natal and Port Elizabeth, when it subsequently disaffiliated from Cusa in 1985. However, it Union of Pretoria Municipal Workers — has rapidly gained new members in the past two years, increasing from 13 000 (1985) to West Rand Development Board Personnel Association 1 200 35 000 (January 1987) ofter a series of strikes affecting BLAs on the Wilwatersrand. The Western Cape Development Board Workers Union 1 338 union's current strategy is to organise surrounding white municipalities and BLAs in order to consolidate a power base (Markham 1987: p98). Nactu's NUPSW recruits workers in municipalities in the Transvaal and in hospitals around South Africa. NUPSW was created by remnants of Sabmawu ofter it left the Cusa fold. It is ANALYSIS particularly difficult to obtain any reliable statistics on the strength of general unions operat- Formal unionisation of the municipal sector is possible as workers are able to take advantage ing in the sector. The Inkatha-aligned United Workers Union of SA has probably managed to of provisions of the Labour Relations Act (LRA), except for those concerning legal strikes. recruit workers within Natal's local authorities. Similarly, the Orange-Vaal General Workers Theoretically, all disputes in the sector have to be settled through compulsory arbitration (LRA Union has recruited a number of municipal workers. S46) as the work of municipal employees is considered to be an 'essential' service. A variety of worker organisations exist in this sector and it is difficult to distinguish between Cosatu Initiative Cosatu has identified the local and municipal government sector as a separate subsector within staff associations, benefit societies and trade unions. Both large and small municipalities have the public sector. Consequently, it has decided to establish a single, national industrial union been hostile to the organising efforts of the black union movement. The Municipal Employers for municipal workers. In October 1987 five Cosotu affiliates formed Samwu in Cape Town. Organisation (MEO) — to which many of the smaller municipalities belong — encourages Parties to the merger were the Cape Town Municipal Workers Association (CTMWA), the members not to deal with any union which is unregistered or which organises non-municipal Municipal Workers Union of SA (Mwusa), the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU), workers as well. The MEO opposes decentralised bargaining at the local level and prefers the General Workers Union ol SA (Gwusa) and the South African Allied Workers Union. The municipal industrial councils (Business Day 22/10/87). major contributors were the CTMWA, the JCC based Mwusa and the Natal-centred TGWU Unionisation which has surrendered only its municipal labourers and retained bus drivers employed by Of the 236 300 persons employed by local authorities in South Africa, 138 000 are African, municipalities. 62 800 white, 29 000 coloured and 6 500 Indian (S4 Labour Statistics 1986: p61). Virtually A broad geographical spread and longstanding sectarian affiliations within the union could every city, town, development board, Black Local Authority (BLA), etc., has one body or more make it difficult for Samwu to become a viable national force. Samwu general secretary John that represent employee interests along skill and/or racial lines. (The directory must therefore Erntzen has claimed that the union will talk to other unions outside the Cosatu fold with a be regarded as selective.) However, it is difficult to assess the exact percentage of unionised view to forging greater unity in the sector (Business Do/22/10/87). This could be problematic, workers. as Mwusa and Sabmawu are longstanding rivals. Mwusa (then known as the Municipal The Federation of Municipal Employees is the largest coalition of unions representing skilled General Workers Union of SA) was the other half of the union that split from the BJMWU in and semi-skilled workers. The exclusively white Saame, the country's biggest municipal union, 1983. claims to have more than 231 branches in all provinces and is party to numerous industrial Priorities for Samwu will be to break the many closed-shop agreements between older 'in- councils for local authorities. Although Saame claims to have 'no closed-shop agreements', its house' unions and municipalities, to recruit from the vast pool of unorganised workers, and to strength is derived from the compulsory membership provisions that many local authorities join industrial councils. TGWU general secretary Jane Barratt argues that the creation of a have specified in conditions of service contracts (Saldru pi 81). single sectoral union will overcome the MEO's refusal to deal with any union which organises The DMES and the JMEA were originally all-white unions, but both have amended their non-municipal workers. Acceptance by the MEO would allow Samwu to gain seats on munici- constitutions to allow for black membership in the past five years. To date, however, neither pal industrial councils and give Samwu a more effective voice (Business Day 22/10/87). Sources Notes *' P. 'Sots Workers on the Track', In South (Man lobm Btilelin (SMB) VolMol: Nwember/Decembet 1986. ® No membership figures are available for some of the above unions. Kofeke C, IA Levy, !l iJUe Z G Young. Oferfcwy of Souffi Mtkon Ttade I'nmz. Soktcu. UswessitY ol Cope Tcrwv. W34 • Membership figures are for 1985 except ill the last sector where Bawu membership Was C. 'Organising local tetmti Workers', in SA1B Vdl2/No4: May/June 1987. is for 1982; Samwu and Sabmawu are for 1984. ^ UI2/Ho2. 'HUM lounch': Jonuaiy/Fetary 1987. • The symbol < (less than) denotes that a union has recruited workers in a number of HI®. OfSdol Tmde Utrnittiectmy & Industrial Kehtim Hmhoot l9Si/S7. Trade Union Council of South Urn. industries, but that the exact membership figure is not determinable for a particular Wisk-hn N, W Coefzee & J Zurich. Cmmssm of fnqwy into the fslobHstmnl of 0 Negotiating Bed/ hi tfie Saith Afixon fimspoitsector or industry. krvxes fetoj to 5obiies 2 Some (ornHlim. Sots, lotormesburg: Hcrfember 1986. lnd By Theo Heffer, Human Resources Director, Premier Group Holdings A detained he need to curtail freedom where directly affected by the detention of their persons have been convicted and employee's own employees, and many more are imprisoned by a proper court, for indirectly affected by the detention of absence is surely T instance, or where some limitations upon trade union officials. Delays and disruptions beyond his/her freedom are necessary in the interest of an in industry wage negotiations haw been control and hardly acceptable societal value such as public reported in the mining, metal and food health, is recognised by all states — in this sectors. Statements abound by managers a reason for respect South Africa is no exception. regarding the adverse effect detentions are dismissal — the However, civilised nations recognise the having on industrial relations in their most severe form of right not to deprive individuals of their companies. How should employers liberty by arbitrary means without 'due disciplinary action respond? process of law'. Union demands on job tenure arc naturally It is in this respect that 'South Africa that no employer should dismiss a differs fundamentally from those countries detained employee. This is not only because with which she shares a common legal the union's prime function is to protect tradition' (Dugard 1978). Under common its members' economic interests -• it is also law an arrested person is entitled to ask based on the assumption that detained the court to be released, and the court is union members are innocent until proven bound to grant the request unless there guilty. Employers who believe that is some lawful cause for the person's dismissal is warranted, rely on the common detention. This remedy against unlawful law principle that the employee's absence interference with personal liberty has given constitutes a breach of a vital term of the way in South Africa to a 'formidable employment contract. However, tliev array of statutes' (ibid), the majority of would be well advised to look at criteria which form part of the ordinary law of applied in a number of court cases in Employers of the land. These stand apart from the formal deciding whether there has in lact been detained workers state of emergency in operation since such a breach. should assist their June 1986. Ih his study 'Basic Employment Law' dependants, make What are the implications of detentions, (1987) Riekert summarises the lollowing representations, and more specifically those of trade union questions posed by the courts in general officials and members, for industrial cases of dismissal because of absence: offer legal relations in South Africa? « What is the nature of the employee's assistance and work (i.e. to what extent did the consult with the employee's absence inhibit the normal worker's trade Detentions & Dismissals business activities of the employer)? union Trade unionists have been among those 9 What was the duration of the absence? most severely affected by the emergency, 9 How long has the employee been in with the detention, often in mass arrests, of that employer's service? hundreds of officials and thousands of 9 What was the reason for the absence? members, including many shop stewards. Of course, these factors do not stand in Two major trade union federations, Cosatu isolation and need to be considered and the then Cusa — which now forms part together. Also, the tests should be applied of the National Council of Trade Unions with great sensitivity in cases of (Nactu) — met with the FCI and Assocom detention. Firstly, the fact that an in the early days of the emergency. employee's presence is vital to the Discussions included the issues of job employer's business will not mean that he security and payment for detained can automatically be dismissed, but it employees. may well be a factor in the employer's Many companies are known to have been decision to take on a replacement. wmm$mm3$m 74 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summei 1988 • Secondly, the duration of absence in the yet undecided in the Industrial Court, and case of detention is problematic, not only the industrial relations implications, because it may be for several days and which should in fact override all else. often for much longer, but because of Can a detainee fairly and reasonably the uncertainty and difficulty in determining expect his/her job to be held open until this likelihood in advance. his/her release? If a comparison is made Thirdly, detention can affect newer with the re-engagement of an employee employees as easily as long-service returning from maternity leave, there employees. It is difficult to see how this would be a greater obligation to re-employ general criterion can be applied in the a worker who was one of several persons case of a detained employee. But surely doing the same job (say one of 25 machine there is an even greater obligation on the operators in a clothing factory) than part of the employer to make there would be if the worker was the only representations on behalf of an employee person employed in a particular job who is detained, and to retain that essential to the company's operation. There employee on the payroll, if the employee would also be a lesser obligation where has had long service? (And for management the employer was unable to recruit a to concern itself directly with the plight replacement on a temporary basis of the detained employee's family.) because of scarcity or the skills involved (e.g. in the case of a computer Lastly, the reason for a detained programmer). employee's absence is surely beyond his control and hardly a valid reason for the Other factors that would affect fairness most severe form of disciplinary action. Of are the efforts made by the company to course, if the employer is focusing on assist the employee's dependants, legality only, he may elect to treat the representations made on the employee's contract as terminated by the behalf, legal assistance provided and, supervening impossibility of performance. most important of all, consultation with the The nature of the employment and the trade union, especially if the employee is duration of the absence might be factors in known to be a shop steward or an active deciding how reasonable such an action trade union member. There can be no would be. better way of handling the situation than making it a matter of joint concern through meaningful consultation with the trade union concerned. And real joint Railway workers meet concern must lead to joint or agreed action. during the 1987 Sats Fairness Factors dispute. Many [n everything stated so far one is really There is still only a small number of workers were considering issues of legality or contractual companies adopting a policy of full payment detained for long aspects only. Two more important of wages to detained workers. Most periods, then released considerations remain — the potential companies feel justified in relying on the without being unfairness of a dismissal of a detainee, as common law principle that an employee charged. INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 75 mmmms&mMsm When the black who does not tender service will not be Political Role labour movement is entitled to receive any wages. The unions are naturally demanding, though not always Some large corporations have eome out arbitrarily convicted obtaining, full pay for the period of strongly on the detention o| unionists through detentions detention. The most valid reason to back calling for them to be charted or ' ' this demand is the overwhelmingly large released. Commendable as this stance is It the very basis of is essential that public statements he proportion of detained workers who are sound industrial backed up by awareness trainim; sessions subsequently released without any for line managers if espoused policies are relations is also charges brought against them. One must to become operational on the factory floor placed at risk assume that they re-enter society with a It does seem, however, that there is'still ' clear record. They have then suffered the a majority view among employers that double burden of incarceration and loss security action against unionists is of income — worse still when the possible justified and not linked with their trade loss of employment is added. union activities. The quasi-political role This leads us, perhaps, to the real of the unions must be stamped out, it is challenge. Detention of unionists on the said. scale experienced in South Africa must erode labour reforms and undo much of The foolishness of this thinking is not only the good that has resulted from that it is often merely based (in management/labour agreements — the disagreement with the unions' adopted or good that flows from regulated relationships perceived political stance. lioth parties in the workplace and from real, are entitled to their views. Hut lo try to negotiated change. Are we compelled to deprive the majority of the people in the keep on blindly assuming that 'where country from any political expression at all there's smoke there's fire'? Cosatu put it unless it coincides with our own. is plainly in their Open Letter to impossible to achieve in the long run. Employers (May 1987): 'Do you wish to Cosatu (ibid) states that '... the Trade unions have stand for a free society where differences determination and organisation of millions played a crucial are allowed, where democracy is practised? of workers, youth and unemployed struggling for their human rights and part in mediating Or do you wish to remain silent and watch Cosatu convicted?' dignity' cannot simply be suppressed. industrial conflict — These, undoubtedly, are the sentiments of demands that their Will employers choose to remain silent and watch the independent trade union the whole independent trade union quasi-political role movement arbitrarily convicted? They movement. General Secretary Phiroshaw must be stamped dare not stand aloof and watch the basis for Camay's press advertisement (May 19X7) on behalf of Nactu, expressing solidarity out are foolish sound industrial relations destroyed. If employers allow this, industry will not only with Cosatu, is evidence enough. 'I hose become more difficult to govern — this companies who had in the past kept Nactu is already being experienced — it will affiliates at bay and now court them or eventually become ungovernable. others in order to keep Cosatu alfiliates out, are not only guilty of bad industrial Both the Minister of Law and Order and relations; they are playing with people's the Commissioner of Police have denied lives in the process. Employers ha\e that any trade unionists have been detained signed thousands of agreements with Cosatu purely for labour activities. In the affiliates and other independent trade lengthy Pietermaritzburg treason trial (April unions. These unions have played a crucial 1985 to June 1986) all charges against part in mediating industrial conflict. They twelve of the accused were withdrawn do play a meaningful part in negotiating eventually; only four trade unionists change as employers deal with their remained on trial. An admission under oath elected representatives daily. by a major in the Security Police clearly showed the security police's extensive The workplace is the one area where involvement in trying to counter legitimate blacks and whites negotiate on anything trade union activities and in trying to resembling an equal basis. It is the one destroy a legitimate trade union. sphere where democratically elected representatives negotiate to give black So clear was this interference that the South Africans a meaningful say in eminent and respected Judge Milne asked, determining their own lives to some 'Isn't there an unsatisfactory element in extent. Employers dare not let this one representing to the outside world that you avenue be closed or blocked in any way, have freedom of association for all We must heed the call to use our power unions, black and white, while at the same and influence concertedly to secure and time working through an official organ of protect freedom of association and freedom State to prevent one particular organisation of speech. ifeM from having any influence in that field?' 'That will be unfair, M'Lord,' concedes Major Olivier, who also admitted several Sources Dugard J. Human Rights & the South African Legal Order. times to advising management in industrial Princeton University Press; 1978. relations matters. The four unionists Riekert J. Basic Employment Law. Juta & Co Ltd, Cape Town: were acquitted after a 13-month trial and all 1987. Heffer T. 'Trade Unions: Threat or challenge?', in Indicator SA charges against them were dropped by Vol2/Nol Industrial Monitor. University of Natal, Durban: March the State. 1984. KMMfQMl ffiMiKS 76 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 BAND-AID and the SELF-MANAGED FIRM By Prof Eddie Webster, Sociology of Work Programme, University of the Witwatersrand In an effort to absorb some of the growing unemployment caused by retrenchments and dismissals, the black labour movement has established co-operatives managed and staffed by workers themselves. While some of these projects provide only temporary relief to workers until they find other jobs, others are now attempting to become permanent worker- controlled enterprises which may come to compete in the capitalist economy. Industrial sociologist Eddie Webster argues that, in the long term, self-managed firms could allow working people to have greater control over their lives and provide them with a modest income on a sustained basis. Workers want real gains. They want to be the workplace (see box). Alec Nove's Cosafu is able i<> see concrete improvements in wages, study, The Economics of Feasible committed to in working conditions and in transport. Socialism (1983), explores a state of affairs Hi-h ii, the emergency many were caught up which could exist without having to make promoting worker in the idea of liberation. It seemed as though or accept implausible or far-fetched co-operatives for in* u ere on the move at last. Now all of that assumptions about society, human beings retrenched and has t hanged. We must return to tangible and the economy. In this context, are SMFs dismissed workers gains. Workers can't be kept going on ideas simply 'band-aids' where social welfare alone. aims are primary, or can they become (Union organiser, Cohen & Cobbett: 1987.) viable alternatives to the traditional firm? tactical retreat could be one important effect of the State onslaught on the trade union Direct Challenge A Over the last 12 months SMFs have been movement in South Africa. In some senses such an option would be prudent — real promoted actively in a number of quarters. gains have been made by the unions in the Cosatu, for example, has resolved to posi-Wiehahn period through placing an 'give full support to efforts by retrenched emphasis on building shop-floor structures. and dismissed workers to establish co-ops 1 he u-tention and consolidation of these based on the principles of Cosatu'. The sliiK Uires are central to the future of the Sarmcol Workers' Co-operative (Sawco) union movement. was set up in Howick, Natal, by dismissed Metal and Allied Workers Union I'olitkal repression and the economic (Mawu) workers in 1985 and it produces T- u-cc^Mon make such an option difficult to shirts, buttons and vegetables for sale. lolluvv in practice unless certain key The union's newspaper, South African demands can be met within the foreseeable Metal Worker, argues that Sawco's future. Yet many of these demands can principles are significant because they be met only once a non-racial democracy offer a direct challenge to the way the has been established in South Africa. capitalist bosses organise workers to What real gains can be made by workers produce goods for profit.'... workers in co- under present circumstances? ops are forced to organise themselves One of the current debates on a transition and plan democractically for future towards an alternative economy and directions the co-op may take. This society focuses at the micro-level on the allows workers to plan and gain experience idea of co-operatives or 'self-managed in processes which are at the centre of firms' (SMFs) — which could be a democractic socialism: democratic workable, feasible form of democracy in production and planning' (Voll/No5 1986). WGOTiSd Vol 5 No 2 Swim 198$ 77 m&mmmwMsm In a capitalist economy self- WHAT II A SELF-MANAGED FIRM? managed firms The main differences between the traditional firm (TF) and the self-managed firm (SMF) can be presented (SMFs) can provide in 'ideal' terms as follows: only a fraction of the jobs required to TRADITIONAL FIRM SELF-MANAGED FIRM meet the social Ownership goal of full Control is based on ownership determined through the number Control is exercised by those who work in the firm. Holding employment of shares owned. The firm's owners appoint the managers. equity does not give any control over decision making in the firm. Decision Making Top down decision making structure. Managers are responsible Collective decision making. Managers are accountable either to the owners. directly to a general assembly or indirectly to a workers' council. Goals All other goals are ultimately subordinated to profit Multiple goals — income for members: wider social 'good', maximisation. Market regulation. such as community, education in participation. Social regulation! Consequences for Workers Workers are treated as wage labourers — a commodity to be Workers are treated as members of a community and develop a hired and fired. Relationships characterised by low trust and high commitment to the firm. Motivation is derived in part from alienation. Managers decide on wages and wage differentials in the belief that work is undertaken for some positive collective TPs may be as high as 50:1. The profits go to owners. and higher objective. High trust levels. Participation over wages and average differential is 3:1, with surplus shared among members, community and non-voting shareholders. Full skill potential of members is enhanced. Consequences for Community Outward-looking orientation for better investment opportunities. Inward-looking orientation, responsible to the local community. Workers in SMFs Firm reflects no specific loyalty to the local community. Firm employs local people and participates in community activities. Community is also involved in decision making in the will have to decide firm. Surplus is used to benefit the community. .whether the assets of the enterprise In general there are certain obvious individually. Collective 'ownership' could be should be owned disclaimers about SMFs that need to be in the hands of the State, as occurs in a collectively or emphasised at the outset. Firstly, under centrally planned economy, or it could the present economic system, SMFs could reside with a group of representatives individually not provide more than a small fraction of elected by the workers and the community the total number of jobs required to meet who manage the firm, as is the case in the social goal of full employment. To be Yugoslavia. There are a few examples in effective on a large scale SMFs require a South Africa of collective ownership, but protected market that can only be these are small-scale enterprises, usually provided by an interventionist state held by a trust, e.g. Ravan Press. concerned to promote the interests of Alternatively, individual ownership of an labour. SMF could be partially in the hands of Secondly, SMFs cannot lead the struggle worker-members, as in the case of The for an alternative economy and society. A Weekly Mail locally, or wholly, as in the strong private enterprise sector will case of Mondragon, a successful co- continue to play a major role for some time operative in Spain. In the former case, to come in post-apartheid South Africa. worker-members have the option of It is difficult to imagine how South Africa becoming shareholders after working at can be delinked from global economic the firm for a year. In Mondragon all co- processes if Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, operative shares are owned by the Hong Kong, Brazil, Mexico, and even workers and every worker must be a China, have been unable and, it seems, shareholder — there are no employees. unwilling to do so (Harris 1986). The maximum salary differential is 3:1. and salaries are apportioned according to a Two central theoretical problems have been formula approved by the workers' assembly identified by Pillay (1987) in attempting based on job responsibility and individual to implement SMFs: performance. All surplus profits at Mondragon are Ownership divided three ways — ten percent for a The most contentious and complicated social service fund, at least 20 percent point is whether the assets of the enterprise for general company reserves, and the should be owned collectively or remainder for the workers' individual UKMSiMlfiE WMM3 78 MTOttSU VolS Ho 2 Swmw'988 capital accounts. These interest-bearing must become accountable to the Line management workforce (what he calls the feasible accounts must be kept within the in an SMF should company and monies can be withdrawn democracts). Pillay concluded that, only when the worker leaves. The 'experience of actual enterprises suggests be more like than amount of profit distributed to each that SMFs should attempt to maintain unlike management separate management functions rather than worker's capital account varies with in a traditional firm, his/her salary grade, within a 3:1 ratio. opt for enterprises without specific When money is needed for corporate management roles. A failure to perceive the with similar powers losses, deductions are made from individual importance of separate management to discipline accounts in similar proportions. In functions in an SMF has often proved workers support of the idea of worker-members as disastrous.' The Chitseke Report (1986) owners, Oakeshott (1978) argues that on co-operatives in Zimbabwe reached a worker commitment to the success of an similar conclusion. enterprise is strengthened by actual Pillay suggests that where an enterprise is ownership in the firm/ ultimately controlled by its workforce, it Yugoslavia remains the leading example needs particularly strong management, if of worker self-management and its only to counteract anarchical tendencies. experience of self-management Management in an SMF should, he dominates the debate on industrial proposes, be more like than unlike democracy. There is, however, management in a traditional firm. The widespread belief in Yugoslavia that the challenge facing management will be to system as it functions today cannot adapt to the philosophy and style of a continue. Its functioning depends on the system based on collective decision market, yet a variety of improvised making that allows for greater job controls add up to a 'bundle of autonomy. In Yugoslavia, for example, contradictions'. While this provides all students studying in the Department of important lessons in 'market socialism', it is Economics (the equivalent of the inappropriate to draw too many business school in a capitalist society) are inferences from the system of social required to do a compulsory course in ownership in Yugoslavia to that of a worker self-management. capitalist economy such as South Africa. Mondragon, by way of contrast, has been criticised as a form of worker Practical Problems capitalism or corporatism. It owes its In addition to these theoretical problems, success to the intervention of the Spanish a number of practical problems arise when Many SMFs fail government in the operation of capital and an attempt is made to implement an labour markets, together with a wide SMF. For instance, members of an SMF because they array of legislation specifically aimed to may resist any leadership as they neglect to train promote a vigorously democratic co- associate this with arbitrary authority and managers, lack operative sector (Fairclough 1987). control from above. A solution to this problem lies in the difference between adequate finance If it is assumed that SMFs have become authoritarian and democratic leadership. and workers often self-sufficient, a further issue arises when Authoritarian leadership may operate on an capital is required for expansion of the do not link together informal or a formal level. But where in a mutually firm. Does the SMF attempt to get a loan leaders derive their authority from the on fixed interest or does it attempt to general assembly of the workforce a supportive project sell non-voting shares on the money different kind of leadership emerges. market? Both options are problematic. Investors are unlikely to be interested in An elected leadership can delegate equity that does not give the investor any specific tasks to those who have a particular control of the firm, or the right to realise skill in that area. This division of labour the net worth of the firm on possible becomes particularly important where the liquidation. In South Africa The Weekly firm consists of more than 20 people. All Mail overcame this problem by obtaining the members of the firm do not have to the support of 'sympathetic' investors to set participate in all decisions. Decisions are up the firm initially in 1985. delegated to the individual where there is no need for the group as a whole to get Some 'equity-type' finance will probably be involved. needed by SMFs. This means that the risk which the investor accepts in making When management is subordinated to an such an investment will have to be elected body (such as a works council), rewarded by the prospect of at least a share management still needs the freedom to in the surplus earnings from the investor implement the agreed policy. To do this (Pillay op cit). efficiently they must be able to discipline and have at their disposal the ultimate Decision making sanction of dismissal. Importantly, members must have a grievance procedure Two broad positions have been identified to resolve disputes. by Pillay — those who argue that it is possible to dispense with management According to Oakeshott SMFs tend to fail (what he calls the Utopian democracts), and because they neglect to train good those who argue that though the function managers, they lack adequate finance, of management is still necessary, managers those who work in them do not own them, IHMCATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 79 MsmmmMMs® Productivity is and they neglect to link together in Unlike traditional firms, SMFs have increased by mutually supportive groups. Mondragon has multiple goals. They have to generate a overcome these problems, however. surplus in order to become self-sufficient, greater democratic They have attracted good managers by but they have also been set up to serve the involvement within setting up their own management trainee community and to facilitate democratic the workplace, courses. They resolved the problem of citizenship. The dilemma facing SMFs is to finance by setting up their own credit make these multiple objectives provided that union to provide accessible loans. They compatible. worker participation created a system whereby the workers To become feasible experiments in is correctly became the owners. These different democracy in the workplace that provide structured organisations were then formed into workable alternatives to capitalism, mutually supportive groups. SMFs must break their dependence on Fairclough, in a recent research report foreign funding and become self- debunking achievements at Mondragon, has sufficient. To achieve this goal three argued that Oakeshott underestimates the conditions are necessary: role played by the Spanish government in • Adequate finance — this can be best aiding this co-operative's development. done through a credit union. It may be The politics of the co-operative are possible to use the offer of capital from ambiguous, he says, and depend upon departing foreign companies as a form of specific political and economic conditions at 'primitive capital accumulation' to launch a different times. Under the current credit union. The crucial point about economic recession, as well as less finance is who controls it, rather than its protectionism since Spain joined the source of origin. EEC in 1985, Mondragon has begun to show classic signs of degeneration in the • Systematic management training — face of intensified market competition. business schools need to begin a process of restructuring and exploring the extent to SMFs are more likely to succeed where which they can become resources for a they have grown out of the struggles of different style of management education. workers — such as the struggle to save • Protected markets—this may well be the To become feasible workers' jobs — than when they have been most difficult condition to achieve in the imposed on workers. It appears that a alternatives to absence of State protection. However, the homogenous membership, coming from the wider alliance of unions and the popular capitalist firms, same community with close ties of movement provides the potential for such a SMFs must break friendship, as in the case of Mondragon, market, illustrated by the decision by can also be crucial determinant in the their dependence Mawu to buy their T-shirts from Sawco. success of an SMF. on foreign funding If systematic research reveals that these and become self- conditions cannot be met in South Africa at present, then SMFs must be understood sufficient not as alternatives to traditional firms but Three Conditions rather as 'band-aids' in the period of The notion of an SMF has met with transition towards an alternative society. In considerable sceptism and criticism from short, they become more flexible and traditional managers as well as orthodox relaxed alternative working environments to social scientists. But reading the literature the factory floor. They provide members on worker participation, one is struck by with the opportunity to learn new skills and the persistent conclusion that productivity is to achieve a small income and flexible increased by greater involvement and working hours, so that they can have plenty democracy within the workplace, provided of time to spend on other activities such that involvement is correctly structured. as household duties. But they cease to Empirical studies, furthermore, indicate provide feasible alternative models of that workplace participation generates work organisation for the future. Q®35\ general attitudes of political efficacy necessary to animate democratic Sources Foirciough M. 'Mondragon in Context', in Research Report Not. citizenship; attitudes which have not been Department of Sociology, University of Bristol: March 1987. sufficiently developed by parliamentary Jaffee G. 'Women Commuter Workers of the Thusonang Sewing democracy alone (Pateman 1970). Project: Their identity, households & consciousness', presented lo the History Workshop, University of Witwatersrand. Johannesburg: SMFs are worth considering seriously February 1987. because they have the potential, if correctly Harris N. The End of the Third World. Tauris. London: 1986. Lambert R & E Webster. 'The Re-emergence of Political Unionism structured, to provide modest but real in Contemporary South Africa?', in Cohen R & Cobbett W (eds). gains for working people. SMFs can also Popular Struggles in South Africa. (Forthcoming). serve to strengthen the emerging alliance Nove A. The Economics of Feasible Socialism. George Allen & at the base — in terms of what could be Unwin. London: 1983. Oakeshott R. The Case for Workers' Co-ops. Routledge&Kegan Paul. called social movement unionism — London: 1978. between organised labour and those sectors Pateman C. Participation & Democratic Theory. Cambridge University outside of the formal proletariat, by Press: 1970. building a relationship between employed Pillay P. Worker Control of Enterprises: Some theoretical considerations. School of Economics, University of Cape Town: workers and the communities they live 1987. in. Lastly, they enable working people to Acknowledgment regain some control over their lives and I hara ditrwn heavily from HBay's unpublished ottide in my orKjerstomfmg of the two theoretical problems become part of a wider struggle. indentified in this paper. I wouPd l:te to (honk ism for permission to quote from ftss paper. 80 INDICATOR SA Vol 5 No 2 Summer 1988 64 INDICATOR PROJECT SOUTH AFRICA Ccntii. tor Suci.il & Development Studies University of Njt.il. King (icorge V Ave • Durh.in . 4i ioi • Suurh Afiaca • tb\. 816 2525 or 816 2369 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution - Noncommercial - NoDerivs 3.0 Licence. 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