HESPERIA 74 (2OO5) FEMALE DRESS AND i o Pages i-146 "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE

ABSTRACT

an Long considered "index fossil" for the migration of the Slavs to Greece, "Slavic" bow fibulae have never been understood in relation to female dress. con The "exotic" character of their decoration has encouraged speculations cerning the ethnic attribution of these artifacts, but no serious attempt has were been made to analyze the archaeological contexts inwhich they found. It is argued here that bow fibulae were more than just dress accessories, and that they may have been used for negotiating social power. The political and A.D. military situation of the early seventh century in the Balkans, marked by the collapse of the early Byzantine power in the region, may explain the need for new emblemic to styles represent group identity.

Petr Bogatyrev has written that "in order to grasp the social function of we as costumes, must learn to read them signs in the same way we learn to read and understand different languages."1 What Bogatyrev had in mind was the function of the folk costume inMoravian Slovakia, but his remark 83. l.Bogatyrevl971,p. to may well apply archaeological approaches to the meaning of dress. Ar 2. As Hubert Fehr 312 (2001, pp. in chaeologists working the medieval history of Eastern Europe currently 402) shows, by 1930, Tracht had already as costume not as in understand dress (Tracht), In replaced Kleidung German archaeo apparel (Kleidung). doing in follow the German who advocated logical discourse. This shift emphasis so, they archaeologist Joachim Werner, is due to the work of Hans as as as a largely early 1950 the idea of "national costume" key concept for reading the first to use the Zeiss, archaeologist ethnicity in material culture.2 Werner viewed dress accessories found in costume notion of for the study of eth as as female burials "national attributes" and cultural traits particularly useful nicity through material culture. How for the identification of medieval ethnic groups. ever, it was Joachim Werner who im early a The of dress is a form of social where posed the idea of "national costume" meaning knowledge, messages serves in the archaeology of the earlyMiddle become "naturalized" in appearance.3 Because clothing to convey See also Fehr seen as a or a Ages. 2002, pp. 180,189, information, dress may be symbolic "text" "message," visual 196-198. means of communicating ideas and values.4 One important aspect of the 3. Sorensen 1991, p. 122. See also communicative symbolism of dress is its capacity for providing locative DeLong 1987; Blanc 1989. information, either to the individual's location in 4. Pancake 1991, p. 46. See also referring physical space or to his or her within the social network. Dress a Maertens 1978; Bogatyrev 1986; position has distinct Sorensen 124-143. transmits a to a 2000, pp. referent and clear message defined target population about

American School of Classical Studies at Athens is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve, and extend access to Hesperia ® www.jstor.org I02 FLORIN CURTA

as a conscious affiliation and identity. It may be treated form of "emblemic a style," form of nonverbal communication through which doing some a thing in certain way communicates information about relative identity.5 Because itmarks and maintains boundaries, emblemic style should be dis on tinguishable archaeologically the evidence of uniformity within those boundaries' realms of function. Recent anthropological studies have dem at re onstrated that emblemic styles appear the critical junctures in the gional political economy, when changing social relations would impel dis plays of group identity.6 Werner produced the first classification of bow fibulae in Eastern Europe and attached the label "Slavic" to this class of artifacts.7 He di vided his corpus into two classes (I and II), further subdivided on the basis of presumably different terminal lobes, shaped in the form of either a hu man or an on face ("mask") animal head. Werner relied exclusively visual, means mostly intuitive, for the grouping of his large corpus of brooches. The distribution of bow fibulae in Eastern Europe convinced him that the areas as only factor responsible for the spread of this dress accessory in far as was apart Ukraine and Greece the migration of the Slavs. Important were case parts of his theory the ideas that, differently than in the of Ger were worn manic Tracht, Slavic bow fibulae singly, rather than in pairs, and were more that they likely to be found in association with cremations, the supposedly standard burial rite of the early Slavs, than with inhumations.8 A large number ofWerner's "Slavic" bow fibulae had been found prior to World War II in a limited area inMazuria (northeastern Poland), in ar were to rec chaeological assemblages that foreign anything archaeologists as ognized typically "Slavic." Aware that his theory of the Slavic migration not would work with Mazurian brooches, Werner proposed that in this, were as a and only this, case, bow fibulae to be interpreted result of long distance trade between Mazuria and the Lower Danube region, along the so-called Amber Trail.9 In accordance with the widely spread belief that were an mortuary practices indication of status hierarchy, he believed that bow fibulae found inMazurian graves marked the status of the rich "am ber lords" of the North. Werner's ideas have been taken at face value by never many archaeologists and have been seriously questioned. His inter pretation of the "Slavic" bow fibulae is the scholarly standard in many a Eastern European countries in which strong undercurrent of German archaeological tradition is still apparent. I examine, below, the question of whether the presence of "Slavic" can bow fibulae in Greece be explained in terms of migration. The focus on will be the distribution of ornamental patterns and the chronology of the archaeological assemblages in which specimens ofWerner's class I B were manner (Sparta-Linkuhnen) found. The traditional type-variety of material analysis encounters problems when the artifacts discovered do 5. For the notion of "emblemic seeWiessner not exhibit the total expected constellation of attributes. There are, in fact, style," 1983,1989,1990. even 6. 1987;Macdonald no exact of any existing "Slavic" bow fibula, not among speci McLaughlin replicas Earle mens a 1990, p. 53; 1990, pp. 74-75; found together in pairs, circumstance that has considerable impli 1991, p. 12. cations for the of the and distribution of these Byers understanding production 7.Werner 1950,1960. artifacts. some of the recovered are Moreover, specimens fragments, pre 8.Werner 1950, p. 172. a senting only few of the attributes used to define the type. My study 9.Werner 1950, p. 167; 1984b. FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE IO3

a therefore relies on whole brooches and employs simple form of multi variate analysis that offers the great advantage of avoiding assumptions concerning the distribution of variables. By analyzing the presence of these bow fibulae in early medieval cemeteries and their archaeological contexts, a were more I propose new interpretation, arguing that bow fibulae than just dress accessories and that they may have been used for negotiating

social power.

ORNAMENTAL PATTERN LINKAGE

Werner's class I B, which I have examined elsewhere in greater stylistic most detail,10 is the class represented among "Slavic" bow fibulae found in seven Greece. Out of known specimens, four belong to class I B. The "exotic" character of these artifacts, in terms of both ornamental patterns as to and size, has encouraged speculations their ethnic attribution, includ ing "Eastern Slavic," "barbarian," and Byzantine.11 There has been little as discussion of classification, Werner's criteria have been taken for granted. a narrower I have suggested definition of the class (rebaptized "Vejel Cosoveni") to the exclusion of others?such as Dubovac, unknown loca are now tion (Turkey), and Lezh??that included in the corpus.12 Accord common ing to my proposed definition, members of the I B class have in some or a cov all of the following characteristics: semicircular headplate ered with symmetrical, chip-carved scrollwork featuring two horizontal a seven a a S-spirals and central lozenge; headplate knobs; ribbed bow;13 trapezoidal footplate filled with scrollwork decoration in three panels and more or a flanked by less stylized pairs of bird heads; and terminal lobe in a a the form of human mask.141 have subsequently proposed division of the entire class into two variants with distinct ornamental patterns and a distributions.15 Finally, in thorough study ofWerner's classes IA and B, a Christina Katsougiannopoulou has recently proposed division into five one on variants (one of which has only specimen) the basis of general and ornamental shape patterns.16 There is very little, if any, evidence for the physical copying of any more or existing brooch: despite less strong similarities among the brooches no ofWerner's class I B, exact replication of any is known. The suggestion more or that parts of brooches of other classes may have been reproduced new to less closely in creating I B fibulae points the possibility that each as a brooch may have been produced required, for single occasion. This

in his I to in 10. Curta 1994. Werner included class A location Turkey (29), and the spec 11. Slavic:Malingoudis 1986; Stefa gether with the Nea Anchialos brooch imens in the Diergardt (22) and Kof novicov? 353-354. Barbarian: 1997, pp. (13).The Orlea brooch is very differ ler-Truniger collections (26)?also Vida and V?lling 2000, p. 32; Katsou ent, in fact, from the Nea Anchialos have side bows, for which see Curta 1999. Pallas its it giannopoulou Byzantine: fibula, headplate suggesting that 1994, p. 243. a of the 14. 1955; 1981, pp. 309-310. may be specimen Csongr?d Curta 1994, pp. 240-247. ex 12. Curta 1994, p. 239. Also Kett?shalom class (Zaseckaia 1997, 15. Curta 2001, p. 249. cluded from this is the 16. group fragment p. 419). Katsougiannopoulou 1999, from Orlea (Berciu 1939, pp. 232-233, 13. A number of brooches? pp. 14-30. fig. 90;Werner 1950, pi. 27:3), which Cosoveni (2), Dubovac (5), unknown I04 FLORIN CURTA

5E 5F 5G

to 1.Werner's class I brooch view shifts the emphasis from the "class" itself the design elements of Figure B, each particular brooch.17 design parts: headplates (1A-E), bows (4A-E), knobs Werner's class IB contains five variants of headplate (1A-E) and four headplate (5D-G) of footplate (2A-D), with various patterns of ornamentation ranging from or scrollwork to geometric decoration; five ribbed bows with without side bows (4A-E); four variants of headplate knobs (5D-G) in sets of five (5A), seven (5B), or nine (5C); and three variants of terminal lobes in the form a or of human mask, with without beard (3A-C) (Figs. 1,2). Stylistic analysis has traced the origin of these variables to ornamental patterns of or late-fifth-century fibulae buckles.18 Each of these variables is indepen seem to dent of the others, and they have been interchangeable and often exact freely combined, which may explain the absence of replicas. To de scribe such combinations, the corpus entries of the brooches in the Ap an pendix (see below, pp. 134-137) include alphanumeric code represent a no means ing minimal list of variables.19 It should be noted that this is by a novel approach to the classification of fibulae. The rubbish heap found near an enor and below Building Group 3 at Helg? (Sweden) produced mous quantity of fragments of molds used for casting headplate, bow, and footplate elements of relief brooches. The nature ofthat body of evidence

17. with "emic" to artifact see 18. See note above. For problems associated approach typology, 14, in 19. are not classification archaeology and the Cowgill 1982,1990; Read 1982,1989; Alphanumeric codes to move no tendency away from abstract Adams 1988; Minta-Tworzowska 1993, included for 11 and 24, of which to an are types created by archaeologists 1998. reliable illustrations published. FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE IO5

2A 2B 2D

3B

s Figure 2.Werner class I B, brooch a prompted model of classification that emphasizes the conceptual divi parts: (2A-D), design footplates sion of a brooch into elements.20 Two recent brooch classifications, terminal lobes design (3A-C) one are of squareheaded and the other of bow brooches, also based on dividing the designs of individual brooches into compositional elements.21 a was Once matrix built showing the incidences of all variables used in the description of brooches ofWerner's class I B, the classification pre was means a sented in this study produced by of shared near-neighbor clustering analysis using the Jaccard coefficient of similarity (Fig. 3).With on this simple statistical method, category membership is based common to a a ornamental variables. In order join cluster (category), given brooch must a have specified level of similarity with any member of that cluster. to one For two clusters join, any brooch of cluster must have a specified level of similarity with any brooch of the other. Shared near-neighbor clus a tering quantitatively represents the influence of outer points in set of on data the relative similarity of each pair of points, and ismost appropri ate not on cases for data based physical measurement, that is, for inwhich can 20. Lundstr?m 1972. nothing be assumed about underlying probability functions. In theory, 21. Hi?es Zaseckaia 1997. are same 1997; the Jaccard coefficient disregards mismatches: if two brooches the In order to construct classes, Hi?es a in that they both lack certain ornamental variable, that similarity is not quantified similarity between speci counted either as a match or in the total number of ornamental variables. mens to obtain coefficients of agree In the coefficient is obtained the number of ment that he further set out in a practice, however, by dividing to variables common to two brooches the sum of that number and the Robinson matrix produce clusters by a number of into account in (Hines 1997, p. 9). For mathematical mismatches, thereby taking the variation the of the Brainerd-Robinson a aver description number of variables among brooches. As consequence, and since coefficient of see Shennan agreement, age-link analysis employing the Jaccard coefficient of similarity cannot 191-192. 1990,pp. no deal properly with empty occurrences, fragmentary brooch has been 22. For the merits of the average taken into in link consideration the present work.22 analysis using the Jaccard coeffi The here shows the existence of four clus cient, see Shennan 1990, pp. 203-204, analysis presented major 213-214. ters, each defined by different design patterns, and three unique specimens, io6 FLORIN CURTA

Number Shared Near of Neighbors Fibula 4 3 2 10

Ferigile (7) -1 Ellosz?ll?s (6) -1 -' -. Velesnica (30)

Linkuhnen (10) -1-1 Vetel (31) -1 -1

Eastern Europe (19) -1-' -' Eastern Europe? (23) -1 Eastern Europe (22) Eastern Europe (21) - Liuliakovo (12) Istanbul? (26) -' Dion (4) -1 -1 Sparta (17) - Cosovenii de Jos (2) Dubovac (5) -1 Turkey (29) Lezh? (9) -1 - Nea Anchialos (13) - Demetrias (3) - Prahovo (14)

Level Clusters Elements (Mean) Elements inResidue 3 2 4.7 6 3 3 3.7 9 3. 2 4 3.5 13 Figure Near-neighbor cluster analysis of 20 bow fibulae of Similarity coefficient: Jaccard. Number of neighbors considered: 4. Werner s class I B

on a Demetrias (3), Nea Anchialos (13), and Prahovo (14).When plotting map of Eastern Europe the near-neighbor relationships resulting from this analysis, it becomes clear that two of the four groups consist of design patterns with specific, localized distributions and with little, if any, rela tion to each other (see Figs. 4, 5).23 Fibulae found inTransylvania and the or neighboring regions?Ellosz?ll?s (6), Velesnica (30), Vejel (31)?have namental links with two fibulae from unknown locations in Eastern Eu rope (19, 23), as well as with another from Eastern Prussia (Linkuhnen; more 10). These brooches share many compositional elements with each other than with another group of fibulae from the Balkans (Co^ovenii de a Jos [2], Liuliakovo [12], and probably Istanbul [26]). If specimen from the State Historical Museum in Stockholm (21), with its typical side bows, is indeed of Scandinavian or, at least, northeastern European origin, then as itwill be possible to postulate northern links for the second group well. For the moment, however, the only link of this group outside the northern 23. The two groups with localized Balkans is a brooch from the Diergardt collection in the Roman-Ger distribution: Ellosz?ll?s (6), Ferigile (7), manic Museum in Cologne (22). Linkhunen (10), Velesnica (30), and are no links fibulae found in Greece and those There direct between Ve?el (31); Cosovenii dejos (2), Liul or iakovo and Istanbul from the Balkans, Hungary, Transylvania, Eastern Prussia. A specimen (12), probably (26). FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE 107

Figure 4. Distribution of fibulae of Werner s class I Eastern B, Europe

5. of the nearest Figure Plotting neighbor similarity of 20 brooches of Werner's class I B. = Key: thicker line = four shared neighbors; thinner line two = shared neighbors; dot fragment or nonlinked specimen. io8 FLORIN CURTA

in now 6 Fibulae ofWer found the Middle Dnieper region (11), lost and known only from Figure (opposite). a ners class I B of loan poor sketch by Alexander Spicyn,24 may be linked to the Nea Anchialos (1-4). Courtesy a Stanciu (1). After Nestor and Nicolaescu specimen (13) because of its interconnected headplate knobs, feature Plop^or 1938; Eiwanger 1981; Katsou reminiscent of fibulae ofWerner's class II which is well D, particularly giannopoulou 1997. Scale: 5:7 (2), 2:3 (1,4), 1:2 represented in theMiddle Dnieper region.25 The ornamental links do not (3) seem to confirm the idea that brooches ofWerner's class I B were all pro duced initially in the region of Transylvania and later imitated in Greece, Hungary, and Eastern Prussia.26 While second- or third-rank links exist on between brooches found sites in adjacent areas, most first-rank links are at between specimens opposite ends of Eastern Europe. The fibulae found in Romania (1, 7, 15, 28, and 31) seem to represent some sort of intermediary link, for neither Greek nor Eastern Prussian finds are direct analogies of the gilded specimen with lavish scrollwork decoration (26), to now a said have been found in Istanbul and in private collection in are Switzerland.27 Indeed, color effects (garnet inlay and mercury gilding) typical only for the Balkan variant, while all other fibulae display textural or effects consisting of chip-carving, scrollwork, geometric decoration on both headplate and footplate.

CHRONOLOGY

a It is the Cosoveni fibula, 2 (Fig. 6), specimen of the Balkan variant, that Werner used to date his entire corpus of "Slavic" bow fibulae (for illustra see tions of other IB fibulae, also Figs. 7-10). Because of the animal-style most decoration, in general the typical for the Early Avar period (ca. 560 two 650),28 and the associated artifacts (a silver torque and silver earrings), a Werner proposed general dating to the seventh century. In arguing for was a this date, Werner noted that the Cosoveni torque duplicate of the one at are found Cactavica (Croatia).29 In fact, much closer analogies the torques from the Ukrainian hoards of silver and bronze found at Kozievka

24. Korzukhina 94:3. this context none 1996, pi. that of the three frag Middle (650/660-700), and Late Avar 25. Balakliia: Korzukhina ments found in a 1996, Transylvania is replica (700-800/820). The chronological sys of the brooch. Nor is the tem p. 374, pi. 23:2. BilVk: Prikhodniuk Vejel speci of Avar archaeology in Hungary 6:7. Koloberda: Kor men from 1997, p. 507, fig. Hungary (unknown location) and the neighboring countries is still zukhina 82:5. Koziev identical to that of the on 1996, p. 409, pi. Sparta, despite based Kovrig's phasing of the Alat ka: Korzukhina ornamental on their use 1996, p. 397, pis. 47:2, similar pattern ty?n cemetery, although her of Korzukhina The same is true of the coins 3,48:1-3. Pastyrs'ke: 1996, footplates. for dating the first and second 3. brooches from northern Serbia and was met p. 380, pis. 29:2, 3, 30:2, Sloboda phase with harsh criticism (see Likhachevka: Korzukhina 1996, p. 395, Ferigile. B?lint 1989, p. 149; 1985, pp. 138 43:6. 28. Avar" is a technical term For the pi. Sukhiny: Korzukhina 1996, "Early 139). animal-style decoration 83:2. Unknown locations: to to one p. 368, pi. used refer of the three major (the so-called Tierstil II) of the Early Werner Kor divisions of see 1950, p. 162, pi. 40:40; chronological the archaeo and Middle Avar periods, Haseloff zukhina 83:4. 1996, pis. 82:7, logical evidence from assemblages 1988. 26. Werner 170. See also dated between the late sixth and the 29. Werner 157. 1950, p. 1950, p. The paral term Teodor 1992, p. 124. early ninth century. The goes lel between Cosoveni and Cadavica state a back to Ilona 27. The fragmentary of large Kovrig's analysis of the had already been drawn by Ion Nestor number of brooches a full un and prevents Alatty?n cemetery (Kovrig 1963). Kov (Nestor Nicolaescu-Plop^or 1938, of the network of orna see derstanding rig established three phases for that p. 41). For Cadavica, Fettich 1941 to note in mental links. It is important cemetery: Early (ca. 570-650/660), 1942. FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE IOQ

99MH

13 4 no FLORIN CURTA

10 14

7. Fibulae ofWerner s class 13 Figure I B (5, 7, 9,10,13,14). After Soteriou 1940; Dimitrijevic 1969; B?rzu 1979; Prendi 1979-1980; K?hn 1981; Jankovic 1981. Scale: 1:1 (7,13), 5:6 (10), 4:5 (5, 9,14) FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE III

8. s Figure Fibulae of Werner class I B (12,15, 31). After "?antierul arheo logic More^ti"; Simonova 1970; Mikhailov 1977. Scale: 1:1

12

15

31 112 FLORIN CURTA

Figure 9. Fibulae of Werner's class I B (16-19, 21, 25). After Csalog 1944 1945; Werner 1950; K?hn 1981; Katsou giannopoulou 1997. Scale: 1:1 (18), 5:6 (21), 2:3 (17,19,25), 5:8 (16)

21 16 19 FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE 113

Figure 10. Fibulae ofWerner s class I B (22, 23, 26-30). AfterWerner 1950, 1960; Teodor 1992; MacGregor 1997. Scale: 1:1 (30), 2:3 (23), 3:5 (22,27,29), 5:9 (26), 1:2 (28)

22

27

28 30 114 FLORIN CURTA and Zalesie.30 The Zalesie torque?which, in turn, is similar to, but not identical with, the one found at Cadavica?was associated with a silver an chalice very similar to four chalices found in assemblage at Malo a Pereshchepino (Left Bank Ukraine), presumably burial assemblage, to gether with "light weight" solidi minted in Constantinople for Emperor Constans II between 642 and 647.31Within the Carpathian basin and the neighboring regions, torques first appear at the end of the Early Avar pe riod, that is, in the mid-seventh century.32 on two Werner also laid emphasis the silver earrings, with star-shaped on pendant, associated with the Cosoveni fibula.33 He placed the earrings an evolutionary scale between specimens fromTaormina (Sicily) and Rybe sovice (Slovakia) and dated them to the seventh century. One belongs to to no Cilinsk?'s class II C, the other her class II A.34While good analogies are known for the former,35 the latter is very similar to silver earrings from a at a burial assemblage Gambas (Transylvania),36 which also produced pair of "Slavic" bow fibulae ofWerner's class I C. Equally useful for chro a an nological comparison is fragment of earring of Cilinsk?'s class II A found with the Priseaca hoard of Byzantine silver that included 73 hexagrams of Constantine IV's third series, dated between 674 and 681 a (closing coins).37 There is, therefore, sufficient evidence to support date even for the Cosoveni assemblage within the second half, possibly the last third, of the seventh century. The Cosoveni fibula may well be of slightly more earlier date, given that the animal-style decoration is typical of the Early than of the Middle Avar period. To the Early Avar period may also be dated the fibulae from Lezh? con (9)38 and Ellosz?ll?s (6), although little has been published about the text was at inwhich the latter found. Grave 12 Sz?k?ly-Oreghegy, which a a a produced fragment of brooch ofWerner's class I B (18), might be of a later date: I have initially proposed date for the grave within the first half on a of the seventh century, mainly the basis of the association of 18 with a brooch ofWerner's class I C from grave 12 (Fig. 11, left), which has on nineteen-knob headplate very similar to those brooches of Kuhns M?n

see 30. Kozievka: Korzukhina 1996, p. 506), the Zalesie and Malo Peresh tine IV, Hahn 1981, pp. 66-67. do not seem to have 38. Arrowheads similar to that pp. 397-402, pi. 58:3. Zalesie: Ugrin chepino chalices served for from 36 at Lezh? are known 1987, pp. 11-41, figs. 14:c, 15:c, 17:a-d. any liturgical purpose, they grave to are a in to sets from the fort at Shur Similar these torque found belonged functional including contemporary and and from the vicinity of Kaniv, in theMiddle plates, drinking vessels, washing dhah (Spahiu 1976, pi. 5:4, 5) at an un vessels. See 1995. at Dnieper region, and another Mango grave 2 Corinth (Davidson 1937, in The Corinth arrow known location Ukraine, presumably 32. Vida and V?lling 2000, p. 75. p. 231, fig. 2:G). same 33. head was associated with a belt buckle in the region. See Korzukhina Werner 1950, p. 157. to that 1996, p. 370, pi. 2:3; Vida and V?lling 34. Cilinsk? 1975. of the Bologna class, similar 2000, p. 67, fig. 25:2. 35. However, see Curta 1994, p. 249 found in grave 3 at S amos in associa n. two 31. Werner 1984a, pp. 7-33, with 93. tion with coins minted for Em pis. 7:10-12,10:24,22:2. All 18 of the 36. Horedt 1958, pp. 79, 98, peror Heraclius in 611/2 and 613/4, assem solidi of Constans II from this fig. 15:3. respectively (Samos XVII, pp. 124-125). were as 37. For an illustration of the Such arrowheads are common blage pierced and reused pen earring, relatively see 17. in Avar see Kiss dants. For the identification of these Comsa 1986, fig. For the coins, Early assemblages; see see chro coins, Sokolova 1993. Despite Mitrea 1975, p. 124. For the 1992, p. 52; Varsik 1992, p. 84. claims to the contrary (Elbern 1998, nology of the hexagrams of Constan FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE 115

V~\*_5?,

Figure 11. Sz?k?ly-Oreghegy, grave 12: (left) bow fibula and (right) belt mounts (found with 18). After Csalog 1944-1945, pis. XCIII, XCIV

to gersdorf class, dated that period.39 While agreeing with that dating, C. Katsougiannopoulou has criticized my attempt to interpret the broken as a fibula ofWerner's class I B from grave 12 "recycled" artifact.40 Ac to was cording Katsougiannopoulou, because the Sz?k?ly-Oreghegy fibula 39. See Curta 249. For the on 1994, p. found the shoulder of the skeleton and because the missing part see M?ngersdorf class, K?hn 1974, not as a we did affect the functioning of the brooch safety pin, should treat pp. 1106-1112, figs. 38:1,3, 6-9, as the fibula fully operational. This argument, while persuasive, does not pi. 291. bear on the ofWerner's class I B. Moreover, at a closer look, 40. Katsougiannopoulou 1997, chronology the does not seem to fall within p. 318; 1999, pp. 29-30. Sz?k?ly-Oreghegy grave Kovrig's Early 41. two was a set mounts Csalog 1944-1945, p. 296, Avar period. Associated with the brooches of belt Stadler an pl.XCIV:18; 1988-1989, and iron belt buckle. One of these mounts has an attachment ring p. 196. to a or (Fig. 11, right), most likely used for attaching the belt either knife 42. 1988, pp. 152-153, Igar:F?l?p some other and is an of a series most of the 5:5. Ivancsa: B?na object, early specimen typical 158, fig. 1970, lateMiddle and, Late Avar Similar mounts are known pp. 243-244,247,252, figs. 5:6, 8:9. especially, periods.41 from several of the Middle Avar such as assem Vrap: Werner 1986, p. 18, pi. 13:29,30. key assemblages period, Like the from Malo Peresh are assemblage blages from Igar and Ivancsa; best known those from the hoard of Byz chepino and other collections of silver at ca. antine gold and silverware found Vrap (Albania) and dated to 700.42 found outside the plate Byzantine The burial in which the fibula was found the hoard contains a assemblage Sz?k?ly-Oreghegy empire, Vrap fully to not set may thus be dated the second half, if the last third, of the seventh functional of vessels. See Mango As it well have coincided in time with the Cosoveni 1998, pp. 225,228. For a detailed century. such, may description and discussion of the burial. associated belt mounts, see Stadler we a May therefore assume date of the second half or last third of the 1996. seventh century for all other brooches ofWerner's class IB? 43. For see Particularly Aquileia-type brooches, thorny in this respect is the chronology of specimens with scrollwork deco K?hn 1965, pp. 95-101. For the G?va see ration. With no dated contexts to shed Domolospuszta style, Bierbrauer independently archaeological light on this remains tentative to 1991, p. 575. Several belt buckles deco question, the dating and subject revision, pend in rated the G?va-Domolospuszta style ing future discoveries. All brooches with scrollwork decoration have a num also (G?va, Acquasanta, "Aquileia") ber of features in common with metalwork of the late fifth century, such as exhibit human masks hidden within the so fibulae of Kuhns Aquileia class and dress accessories decorated in the ornamental pattern of the complicated called with its No are sim style, typical buckle plate. These masks very Gava-Domolospuszta S-shaped spirals.43 ilar to those the of direct of the "standard" decorating terminal examples copying G?va-Domolospuszta style lobe of brooches ofWerner's class I B. exist among fibulae ofWerner's class I B, and the decorative grammar ii6 FLORIN CURTA

of the class I B fibulae is somewhat different from that of fifth-century brooches.44 Yet, if comparisons of fibulae ofWerner's class IB and those of are the fifth century allowed, they would suggest that fibulae with scroll work ornamentation may have been produced shortly after 500.45 This one conclusion would be compatible with the "recycling" of such brooch a within the burial assemblage from Sz?k?ly-Oreghegy (18), phenomenon as documented for specimens of other classes well.46 It would also explain on why the northernmost outliers the distribution map forWerner's class I B fibulae?Linkuhnen (10) and Sovetsk (16)?exhibit the scrollwork typical of the Balkan and Transylvanian brooches rather than the geomet ric decoration of specimens from Hungary and Greece. Indeed, the stron were gest contacts between the Carpathian basin and northern Europe in a the early 500s, when number of artifacts of Scandinavian origin made their way into Hungarian burial assemblages, while "imports" from "Gepi dia" appear in assemblages from Mazuria, Eastern Prussia, and Lithuania.47 I therefore maintain my earlier conclusion that scrollwork-decorated speci mens ofWerner's class I B should be dated to the sixth, and not to the

seventh century. Let us now turn to the only datable brooch ofWerner's class I B that was was found in Greece. The Nea Anchialos fibula, 13 (Fig. 7), found in a burial chamber together with four skeletons (Fig. 12, left); it is not known one was one with which of them the brooch associated.48 Presumably of the skeletons was that of a female (see below, p. 125 and nn. 98-100), although much of the discussion about this particular fibula has revolved around the presence or absence of Slavic warriors in northern and central Greece. In addition to the brooch, the Nea Anchialos burial chamber pro a duced hinged belt buckle with circle-and-dot decoration (Fig. 12, right). Such buckles are known from several sites in the eastern Mediterranean on on region (Salamis Cyprus, Kastro Tigani Samos, and Apamea in a Syria),49 but also from grave 69, female burial, in the Early and Middle Avar cemetery excavated atAradac (northern Serbia).50 The Aradac buckle was attached to a bronze chain found on the left side of the skeletons

44. mation a The G?va-Domolospuszta style burial, fragment of Werner's 48. Soteriou (1940, pp. 62-63) as was, however, imitated in Crimea, and class I C fibula: Babic 1976, p. 63, mentions the fibula being found on one brooches decorated in that style appear fig. 5. Skalistoe (Crimea, Ukraine), of the four skeletons. The a the in much later burial assemblages, often burial chamber 279, fragment of drawing that accompanies report, I D the of the with clear marks of repair. See Zasec Werner's class fibula: Veimarn and depicting plan chamber and the of the skeletons kaia 1997, pp. 409,411,413,433-434. Aibabin 1993, pp. 51-53, fig. 31:28. position (p. 61, an imitation the Smorodino inhumation bur see does not indicate For example of of (Russia), fig. 11; Fig. 12), of aWerner's II D the of either the fibula or the G?va-Domolospuszta style outside ial, fragment class findspot see fibula: Korzukhina associated buckle. Crimea, the bow fibula (perhaps 1996, p. 402, at 49. a list ofWerner's class I F) found Budy, pi. 60:3. For complete of analogies, see near Kharkiv (Korzukhina 1996, p. 402, 47. See Curta 2001, p. 195. Later Vida and V?lling 2000, p. 28. fig. 59:1). contacts with Mazuria and Eastern 50. Nagy 1959, p. 60, pi. XIL9. are sites in 69 at two 45. Curta 1994, pp. 247,250. Prussia also documented for Grave Aradac also produced eastern and southern Mol silver and a bronze Contra: Katsougiannopoulou 1999, Romania, earrings finger-ring iron context pp. 14,22. dova, and Ukraine, which produced with bezel. For the of the see 46. Lezfie (Albania), grave 32, "Slavic" bow fibulae (Curta 2001, buckle, Nagy 1968, p. 169, fig. 2 a class I C But ofWer it is attributed to fragment of Werner's pp. 269-270). specimens (where wrongly are fibula: Prendi 1979-1980, p. 129, ner's class I B conspicuously absent grave 96). 21:2. Vinicani inhu from these pi. (Macedonia), regions. FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE 117

1 ^ &i Jf i?f^

'ii j% F-H i,

tin t?

^ ~t? /?'' ' **?, -j- :-^-f-V**? .' .'I'"

chest. A similar chain, but with a buckle of a different type, was found in Figure 12. Nea Anchialos, burial the same in which also two silver asso cemetery grave 16, produced earrings chamber: (left) plan and (right) with bead and a end with interlaced ornament in dentil ciated hinged buckle (found with 13). pendant strap pat After Soteriou tern both indications of a date within the Avar 1940, pp. 61, 63, figs. 11,14 (Zahnschnitt), good Early period (ca. 600-650). The ornamental pattern of the strap end is similar to as that covering the footplate of the Cosoveni fibula, and such is certainly a of date within the Early Avar period, inwhich the dentil pattern was in use.51 It is therefore possible that these two graves in the Aradac cemetery to may date the first half of the seventh century. If so, and if the hinged belt buckle and the fibula ofWerner's class I B were indeed associated with one and the same skeleton in the Nea Anchialos burial, then the Nea same Anchialos fibula may date to the period.52 Different dates, then, can be assigned to different members ofWerner's class I B. Despite the lack of securely dated archaeological contexts, the vast majority of fibulae with scrollwork decoration may well be of the sixth century. For a smaller group ofWerner's class IB fibulae, those which have simplified, "geometrical" ornamentation?Demetrias (3), Dion (4), Ell? sz?ll?s (6), Ferigile (7), Prahovo (14), Sparta (17), Hungary (25), and north ern Serbia (27)?a date in the early 600s has been advanced,53 and is now confirmed by the analysis of the archaeological context of the Nea Anchialos brooch (13; see below, p. 126). The fibulae from Dubovac (5) and Lezh? to an (9) may also belong this group. The Cosoveni fibula (2), exceptional terms member ofWerner's class I B in of both size and exquisite decora owes to tion, clearly its decoration the animal style and to the technique of Zahnschnitt ornamentation of the Early Avar period. Yet the archaeologi context was cal inwhich the Cosoveni fibula found points to a date within the second half of the seventh century, later than Avar. All 51. See Fettich 1926. slightly Early to Greek fibulae belong the smaller group ofWerner's class I B, those with 52. See Vida and V?lling 2000, and the p. 28. simplified, "geometrical" ornamentation, understanding meaning attached to these dress accessories the and 53. This date is proposed in Curta depends upon archaeological 248. context 1994, p. historical of early-seventh-century Greece. ii8 FLORIN CURTA

ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT

at Systematic excavations carried out Nea Anchialos by the Greek Archaeo a logical Society since 1924 have uncovered great number of churches both inside and outside the Late Antique walls of Thessalian Thebes. Inside as the walls, both Basilica C (also known the "basilica of the Archpriest Peter") and Basilica F (the "basilica of Martyrios") show evidence of vio some lent destruction by fire at point during the seventh century.54 Basil ica A, known as the "cemetery basilica" for its location next to the largest use Late Antique cemetery of Thebes, in throughout the sixth century, has been assigned dates ranging from the second half of the fifth to the early no seventh century.55 The fact that fewer than five burial chambers (two on one flanking the apse, two the north side, and in the middle of the south aisle) are associated with Basilica A suggests that itwas first built as a a at some martyrion; it became basilica coemeterialis point during the sixth century.56 The burial chamber that produced the "Slavic" bow fibula (see was was Fig. 12) certainly erected while the church still in use, although the skeleton associated with that fibula may have been interred at a later date, during the first half of the seventh century.57 was a The first half of the seventh century period of considerable in on stability in Greece. Barbarian attacks the southern part of the Balkan peninsula had resumed during Heraclius's early regnal years. In distant at Spain, Isidore of Seville noted that, the beginning of Heraclius's reign, the Persians had conquered Syria and Egypt and the Slavs had taken Greece. It is difficult to determine Isidore's source for this observation, but his association of the Slavic occupation of Greece with the loss of Syria and to to Egypt the Persians indicates his attention the entire Mediterranean basin.58 Peter Charanis has insisted that Isidore's notion of Graecia was

vague and that he might have been referring to what had formerly been as to known Illyricum, rather than Greece proper. This usage might in deed be attributable to Isidore, but certainly not to the unknown author in of the second book of the Miracles of St. Demetrius. Writing the late 600s, he recorded that, before attacking Thessalonica, the Slavs had dev astated Thessaly and its islands, the islands of Greece, the Cyclades, Achaia, as as Epirus, and the greater part of Illyricum, well parts of Asia (Miracles

was over re Historia de 54. Basilica F built the seventh century: Soteriou 1940, pp. 71 58. Isid., regibus Gothorum, a structure in Wandalorum et MGHAA mains of fourth-century 72. Suevorum, 11, 431, the date of construction attested 56. For Basilica A as a basilica coeme p. 479. See Charanis 1971; Sz?deczky a mosaic in the see Koder and Hild Marin 1991 by inscription basilica, terialis, 1976, Kardoss 1986, pp. 53-54; 271. Ivanova and, judging from the latest coins p. 1992, pp. 225,228; 1995b, was Contra: In the Continuatio found inside the church, destroyed 57. Werner 1950, p. 171; pp. 356-357. hispana, of 188. Claims written in the raid is dated to Hera during the early regnal years Emper Karayannopoulos 1996, p. 754, or A was no in use but the source Heraclius. Basilica C may have been that Basilica longer clius's fourth regnal year, and was when this burial chamber was built are for this is not Isidore built during Justinian's reign, entry (Sz?deczky burned in late 600s. See based on the lack Kardoss Ivanova apparently the primarily supposed 1986, p. 54; 1995b, of coin finds from Nea Anchialos dat Isidore's use of the term Sclavi Karagiorgou 2001, pp. 189,194. p. 355). of an 55. Second half of the fifth century: ing later than the reign of Heraclius (instead Sclaveni) betrays official, and on unwarranted with source Spiro 1978, p. 354; mid-sixth century: comparison arguably Constantinopolitan, Demetrias. Asimakopoulou-Atzaka 1982, p. 133; (Curta 2001, pp. 45-46). FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE 119

2.1.179).59The reference to Illyricum and to Greece attests the absence of confusion. Of the date of the first Slavic attack on Thessalonica, recorded in are Miracles, book 2, we told only that it occurred under the episcopate of John, the author of book 1. The description of the territories which the as Slavs ravaged before turning against Thessalonica is viewed by many fitting into the picture of Heraclius's early regnal years, snapshots of which are given by Isidore of Seville and George of Pisidia. In particular, the fact to canoe that the author of book 2 specifically refers maritime raids by see (2.1.179; also 2.4.253,254) is reminiscent of George of Pisidia's refer ence to the "Sclavene wolves" (Bel/urn Avaricum 197-201).60 Historians agree, therefore, in dating the attack to the first decade of Heraclius's reign.61 Differently than in raids of the 580s, this time the Sclavenes had brought with them their families, for "they had promised to establish them in the city [of Thessalonica] after its conquest" (Miracles 2.1.180). The remark suggests that the raiders approached from the hinterland of the city, for the author of book 2 used "Sclavenes" as an umbrella term for a some multitude of tribes, only of which he knew by name: Drugubites, are Sagudates, Berzetes, Baiunetes, and Belegezites.62 The last further as mentioned in book 2 living in the region of Thebes and Demetrias to area (2.4.254), and, while it is impossible date their establishment in the with precision, it cannot have occurred earlier than the reign of Hera men clius.63 It is hard to believe that the Belegezites and the other tribes were tioned by the author of book 2 responsible for the devastation of the islands of Thessaly and the Cyclades, of most of Illyricum, and of parts of Asia. Book 2 of the Miracles contains two "lists of provinces" said to have been devastated by the Slavs (2.2.197, 2.5.284), the latter of which an source. a betrays administrative It is therefore likely that, in describing 59. For book 2 of the Miracles, see local event?the attack of the Drugubites, Sagudates, Berzetes, Baiunetes, Koder 1986, 530-531. For an un pp. and on Thessalonica?of minor the au to Belegezites relatively significance, convincing attempt show that the not thor of book 2 framed it a broader historical and administrative Slavs could possibly have reached against in their see to make it to be of when all the the Cyclades canoes, Moni background appear greater importance: aros 1995-1996. were other provinces and cities falling, Thessalonica alone, under the pro 60. For the "Sclavene wolves," see was seems tection of St. Demetrius, capable of resistance. This siege to Ivanov 1995, pp. 66-67. no more a have lasted than week.64 The Sclavenes did not, however, give 61. Barisic (1953, pp. 86-95) dated up their idea of themselves inThessalonica. now called the siege to 616, Lemerle (1981, establishing They the Avars for rich to the of the pp. 91-94) to 615. See also Ivanova upon assistance, offering presents qagan 1995a, p. 191. Avars and promising much more, provided that he would help them cap 62. For the multitude of tribes, see were ture the city. These Sclavenes certainly not subjects of the qagan, for 2.1.179. For the location of the various were an as they negotiating alliance with him equals. That other Sclavenes, tribes, see Lemerle 1981, 89-90. pp. were the orders of the Avar ruler is shown the com are not men however, obeying by 63. The Belegezites of the the sent to Thessalonica tioned in the Miracles at any date earlier position army qagan eventually (Miracles than the reign of Heraclius (2.2.210), 2.2.197-198). and in no source that can be was not appear The siege of Thessalonica by Sclavenes and Avars definitely dated earlier than Miracles, book 2. an event of major importance. The author of book 2 was himself aware During the siege o? 677, they supplied that not even the emperor knew about it (2.2.210). The emperor in ques Thessalonica with food {2A.254,268). tion is not but he must have been for the took 64. The Sclavenes attacked on the named, Heraclius, siege not after the one described in the first of book 2. In fourth day (2.1.185) and the decisive place long homily confrontation took that same two place day. deed, years after being offered the alliance of the Sclavene tribes who I20 FLORIN CURTA

had failed to capture Thessalonica, the qagan marched against the city. or This siege must have taken place in 617 618, at the latest,65 and appears over a to have lasted just month. In the end, however, the qagan could not to take the city. Instead, he opened negotiations with the besieged obtain monetary compensation for withdrawing his troops {Miracles 2.2.215). ca. Shortly afterward, in 620, Heraclius moved all troops from the Balkans to the eastern front. This action seems to have allowed the Avars a am wider range of raiding and of control in the Balkans. In 623, they near bushed the emperor himself the Long Wall; three years later, the to Avars laid siege the capital itself.66 Nothing else is known about devel opments in Greece until shortly after the middle of the seventh century. Theophanes' account of Emperor Constans Ils campaign of 656/7 against Sklavinia is confirmed by independent, though much later, Syrian sources.67 was most Despite claims to the contrary,68 the Slavic polity likely located in the hinterland of Constantinople, not in central Greece. However, six or seven on years later, his way to Italy, the emperor did stop in Athens, an perhaps for the winter months, indication of the presence of troops in at least the eastern regions of Greece.69 The general withdrawal of the Roman troops from Greece during the first half of the seventh century, with the exception of key coastal points in the east, is clearly visible in the numismatic evidence. After the early 580s, a there is sharp decline in the number of coins from Greek hoards, and new seem coins appear briefly only after 610. Stray finds to follow a simi lar pattern, but without systematic publication of the coin finds, it is very to difficult draw any firm conclusions. A significant number of hoards of copper and of gold contain closing coins minted during Phocas's reign,70 are but greater in number those from Heraclius's early regnal years.71 Hoard are finds from the first two decades of the seventh century72 therefore in to so sharp contrast those from the remainder of the century. Greece has

65. Miracles 2.2.198: see Lemerle numbers of to Asia 70. from coin Sclavene prisoners E.g., Pellana (the last 1981, pp. 99-100; Pohl 1988, pp. 242 Minor. minted in 608/9) and Vasaras (with ten 68. 243. Settonl950,p.523. solidi minted between 602 and 610). 66. a For detailed discussion of the 69. "Huius temporibus venit Con See Avramea 1983, pp. 64-65. Another see siege of 626, Barisic 1954 and stantinus Augustus de regia urbe per hoard of gold, from Paiania, concludes a Howard-Johnston 1995. For the "Avar litoraria in Athenas et exinde Taranto." with solidus of Maurice minted in see ed. See 108. surprise" of 623, Kaegi 2003, (Liber Pontif calis, T. Mommsen, 602. Metcalf 1988, p. are pp. 118-120,225. [Berlin 1898], p. 186.) Paul theDea 71. No fewer than six hoards 67. con's account of Constans IPs known from this Theophanes Confessor, Chrono campaign period. Findspots is on the of Vita mint of graphia, ed. C. de Boor (Leipzig 1883) based biography Pope (with date and, where known, trans. lian in the Liber As a con last p. 347; C. Mango (Oxford 1997), Pontificalis. the minted coin): Chalkis (615/6, 484. see he too that the p. For the Syrian sources, Dit sequence, claims emper Thessalonica; Metcalf 1962, p. 22), ten 1993, pp. 210-211. For the com or marched overland from Constan Nea Anchialos (615/6, Constantinople; mon source the Lombards used by both Theophanes tinople (History of 5.6). Metcalf 1962, pp. 21-22), Athens of Since communication land between Confessor and Pseudo-Dionysios by (615/6; Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou see was Tell Mahre, Pigulevskaya 1967, Constantinople and Thessalonica 1986, p. 349),Thasos (616/7, Thessa pp. 56-57. See also Graebner 1978, reestablished only under Constantine lonica; Picard 1979, pp. 451-452), So see it is p. 44. For Sklaviniai, Litavrin 1984. IV, unlikely that Constans crossed lomos I (620;Avramea 1983, pp. 58 seem to Mace Such polities have represented through southern Thrace and 59); and Solomos II (with six solidi, a to Athens. See also Stratos three of them minted between 613 serious threat, judging from the fact donia reach was that this successful campaign 1975, p. 171;Yannopoulos 1980, p. 343; and 629; Avramea 1983, p. 58). of 49. 72. Curta 44. accompanied by the transfer large Hunger 1990, p. 1996, p. 221, fig. FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE 121

two one far produced only three hoards, of gold and of copper, that could ca. are be dated after 630.73 All stray finds from the subsequent period of were copper. In the early 600s, hoards of gold still buried in the immediate vicinity of Constantinople (Akalan) and in Greece (Vasaras, Paiania).74 ca. After 630, gold finds disappear from the southern Balkans and copper are rare. coins of the last decades of Heraclius's reign very David Metcalf formerly proposed that the Slavic invasions of Greece were during Heraclius's first regnal years responsible for the significant number of hoards closing in the early 600s. More recently, he has raised doubts about a connection between Slavic invasions and hoards, but has no proposed alternative explanation.75 In fact, small hoards of gold with five to ten solidi, such as those of Vasaras and Solomos II, may represent a form of payment to the army known as a donativum. Under Tiberius II, was the accessional donativum nine solidi; the quinquennial, five solidi. were Donativa surely paid in 578, and the practice of ceremonial payments to the army may have continued through Heraclius's reign.76 Hoards of five to ten solidi may therefore be seen as correlative between mint output on one on and hoarding, the hand, and military preparations, the other. Such hoards indicate the presence of the Roman army, not of Slavic at owners a tacks, and their may have kept their savings in cash in hiding custodiae not ob metum barbarorumP place causa, Though the notable presence of the military in southern Greece is to certainly be associated with the turbulent years at the beginning of as as Heraclius's reign, well with the increasing raiding activity of both as Slavs and Avars attested by such events the two sieges of Thessalonica mentioned above, the hoards themselves are an indication of accumulated wealth, not of destruction. The observation may also hold true for hoards of radiate, despite the relatively small value of each of the six Greek hoards to two dated the first decades of the seventh century. The cluster of closing to dates immediately prior 620 strongly suggests that these small collec were tions of copper left unretrieved because of the general withdrawal of are no Roman armies from the Balkans. With two exceptions, there coins at of Heraclius any Greek site that postdate the withdrawal of troops.78 By a contrast, great number of coins of Emperor Constans II have been found at both Athens and Corinth. At Athens alone, the number of coins of Constans is four times larger than the number struck during the rather longer reign of his father, Heraclius. Of the 817 coins of Constans II from were one the Athenian Agora, 108 struck in Constantinople in just year (657). The unusually large number of coins of Constans at Athens has

see 73. Athens (gold): Svoronos 1904, years is recognizable both in hoards and Metcalf 1976, p. 92. For hoards of isolated finds from Caricin Grad. pp. 153-160; Attica (gold):Vryonis See gold and the presence of the military, 1963; S alamina (copper):Morrisson Popovic 1984a, pp. 80-81; 1984b, see also Poenaru-Bordea and Ochesanu 1998, p. 321. pp. 130-131; Guyon and Cardin 1984, 1983-1985, p. 180; Iurukova 1992b, see 74. For Akalan, Iurukova 1992a. p. 90; Ivanisevic 1990. p. 287. For Vasaras and see are a Paiania, above, 76. Curta 1996, pp. 86,103; 2001, 78. The exceptions coin of n.70. pp. 177-178; Hendy 1985, pp. 188, 631/2 and one of 633/4, found at 75. Cf. Metcalf 1962 and 1991. A 646-647. Athens and Corinth, respectively. See sudden increase in the number of coins 77. For the association between Agora II, p. 70; Corinth VI, p. 131. struck Heraclius's mint during early regnal output and military operations, 122 FLORIN CURTA

in terms been explained of the emperor's visit in 662/3.79 Relatively large numbers of coins of Constans have also been found at Corinth, and iso are lated finds known from various parts of Greece, including Dokos (in the Argolid bay), Isthmia, Nauplion, Perani, and Ayia Triada (near Nea Anchialos).80 The numismatic evidence thus confirms the bleak picture of seventh century Greece sketched on the basis of the shreds of written evidence. Following the general withdrawal of the Roman troops during the reign of area seems to a Emperor Heraclius, the have experienced sharp demo graphic decline. The archaeological evidence clearly points to the aban most donment of sites that produced evidence of sixth-century occupa tion. For example, at the Early Byzantine fort identified on the island of in two one Dokos the Argolid bay, which has phases of occupation, phase ends abruptly in the early 600s. Judging from the numismatic evidence, the site remained unoccupied until the late seventh century.81 Elsewhere, very few indications exist of continuing occupation throughout the first half of the seventh century, and what little evidence there is unmistakably a shows dramatic contraction of site. At Athens, for example, the old col onnade of the Stoa of Attalos lost its original architectural integrity and was rooms at some subdivided into point during the seventh century. In room 6 of the Late Roman house erected alongside the stoa, hundreds of terracotta roof tiles, recovered from the fallen debris of this building's de some were neat rows re struction time in the 630s, piled in for possible use.82 However, such alterations have been dated on numismatic evidence to the reign of Constans II, and thus postdate the period of crisis delin eated by hoard finds. Recent excavations at Isthmia have revealed a group of rooms at the corner ma northwest of the Roman Bath, all built with walls of rough a an sonry. One of them had cooking hearth, another apsidal structure at the south end. The associated querns bespeak the rural character of the rooms was occupation.83 The ceramic material found in these quickly a dubbed "Slavic pottery," but detailed analysis of forms and decoration a has suggested date between the mid- and late seventh century.84 Simi at on larly decorated single-handled pots have been found Isthmia the south side of the Northeast Gate, in association with a coin struck for Emperor Constans II in 655/6.85 The "squatter" occupation at the North one a Bay of the Hexamilion has produced cooking pots, including with as as a handle and obliquely and vertically incised ornament, well belt buckle of the B?ly-Zelovce class. All known analogies for this buckle are Early Avar specimens from Hungarian burial assemblages dated to the first half of the seventh century.86 If, indeed, the buckle is to be associated

79. An first offered 81. 111. sim to 1 explanation by Kyrou 1995, p. For "similar the Type amphoras from on Metcalf (1976). See alsoHendy 1985, ilar examples the island of Euboia, the Yassi Ada wreck of the mid 7th c." 662. see 367. a to or p. Sampson 1984-1985, esp. p. (p. 155). For mid- late-seventh- even see 80. Dokos: Kyrou 1995, p. 112, 82. Shear 1973, p. 397. eighth-century date, Vida and fig. 5; Isthmia: Gregory 1993, pp. 151 83. Gregory 1993, pp. 156,158. V?lling 2000, p. 19, fig. 4. Avramea 84. 86. 153; Nauplion: 1997, p. 74; Gregory 1993, pp. 151,155. S5.IsthmiaV,p. Perani with were and Ayia Triada: Galani-Krikou Associated this pottery frag 86. Isthmia V, pi. 25:b. Such buckles 151. ments of Late 1 have been at 1998, p. Roman amphoras found P?cs-Gy?rv?ros, FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE 123

we a a with the ceramic assemblage, may have unique indication of level of ca. ca. occupation in Greece to be dated between 600 and 650.87 Due to the recently refined dating of "Byzantine" belt buckles,88 the evidence of early-seventh-century burials in Greece is somewhat richer. All known cases are stone-lined graves with one or more skeletons. Such burials appear more often at Athens89 and Corinth90 than elsewhere in seem to to Greece, and be related pockets of population, perhaps garrisons or es stationed in key coastal points.91 Whether not finds in the interior, see pecially in northern Greece (e.g., Nea Anchialos and Edessa; below, are pp. 126-127), also indicative of concentrations of population remains can no unclear. It is clear, however, that such finds longer be considered isolated nor the remains of "the last Christian Greeks and the first pagan an Slavs."92 Instead, they point to interesting blending of cultural elements, the understanding of which requires further scrutiny of early-seventh-cen tury emblemic styles.

and in and Schewe see n. Zam?rdi, Keszthely-Dobog?; 1993; Ebel-Zepezauer Corinth-type buckles, below, 105. 43 at as well as in Since most found grave B?ly; graves 1994; Riemer 1995; Eger 1996; Proko Corinth-type buckles 510 and 566 at Zalakom?r. See Garam piou 1997; and Garam 2001. at Corinth are iron imitations of bronze 101. For to 2001, p. B?ly-Zelovce buckles, 89. Athens: Graves 10 (with Syra specimens, they may date the middle see 13 or even also Ibler 1992, pp. 143-144; Varsik cuse-type buckle), (with Pergamon the second half of the seventh 86-89. an 1992, pp. type buckle), and 26 (with Bologna century. Corinth also produced iso 87. Evidence a cited for early-sev type buckle) of the cemetery surround lated find of Syracuse-type buckle in enth-century occupation elsewhere ing the Church of St. Dionysios the (CorinthXII, pi. 114:2185). has been shown to be Frantz Greece recently Areopagite: Travlos and 1965, 91. See, e.g., the burial recently found of much later date. the 43:a. buckles at For example, p. 167, pi. Pergamon-type Messene (Anagnostakis and Poulou pottery found in the ruins of Bath A at were found in Lombard cemeteries Papadimitriou 1997, pp. 242-243,250, dated to the late sixth Castel in association Argos, wrongly (e.g., Trosino) figs. 1,2, 4-6, 8, 9; for the dating of the or is in with or mounts to see early seventh century, fact of belt sword sheath dated associated buckle the early 600s, or to late-seventh- early-eighth-century the first half of the seventh century; Uenze 1966, p. 156); grave 13 at Porto see see date; Anagnostakis and Poulou Boube 1983-1984, pp. 290,292; Cheli (Rudolph 1979, p. 320, fig. 14:57; for to Papadimitriou 1997, pp. 269-272; Vida Riemer 1995, p. 783. For dating of the dating of the associated buckle see Samos see and V?lling 2000, p. 23; Curta 2001, Bologna-type buckles, XVII, the early seventh century, the similar 233-234. For a at pp. similar misdating? pp. 120-121,124-125; Varsik 1992, buckle with shield-shaped end found of the pottery found in the ruins of the p. 84. Isolated examples of Syracuse-, Caricin Grad: Mano-Zisi 1958, p. 326, of at Basilica Damokratia Demetrias? Pergamon-, and Corinth-type buckles fig. 46; Curta 2001, pp. 132-133); graves seeMarzloff 1984, p. 295; Vida and have also been found in the Athenian 25, 32,40,42, and 45 atTigani (allwith 15. For the handmade see Setton V?lling 2000, p. Agora; 1950, p. 522. Corinth-type buckles: Drandakis and at see pottery found Pallantio, Anagno 90. Corinth: Two graves within the Gkioles 1982, pp. 250,255,256, pi. 149; and tower on west stakis Poulou-Papadimitriou 1997, ruined the side of Acro Drandakis, Gkioles, and Konstatinidi pp. 283-284; Vida and V?lling 2000, corinth (with Bologna- and Corinth 1983, pp. 249,251, pi. 182). Isolated 24. Such has also been found Davidson Cor p. pottery type buckles, respectively): finds of Syracuse-, Bologna-, and at Vasilios 3. A as well as Ayios Korinthias, appar 1937, pp. 230-232, figs. 2, grave inth-type buckles, of buckles with a coin minted for near G in the Roman Forum with are known ently together Temple shield-shaped end, also that the from several in Emperor Phocas, suggesting (with Corinth-type buckle):Williams, islands the Argolid bay and Fisher early-seventh-century assemblage Macintosh, 1974, p. 11, (Avramea 1997, p. 90, pis. IVa:l, 2, at not be A found Isthmia may unique pi. 2:8. grave within the South Stoa IVc:l, 2, 8, IVd:l). Other isolated finds: after all. See and Poulou with a Anagnostakis (GR.1937.15-19, Corinth-type Olympia (P?cs-type buckle: V?lling Papadimitriou 1997, pp. 252-253. buckle): Ivison 1996, p. 117; Corinth 1992, p. 492, pi. 39:3; for the dating 88. The first to call attention to XII, pi. 114:2195. A grave in the of this type of buckle, see Ibler 1992, these buckles was Werner For a (1955). H?micycle (with Corinth-type p. 137); unknown location in the region recent see Hessen studies, 1974; buckle): Ivison 1996, pp. 112-113, of Thessalonica (Bologna-type buckle: 5:7C. Some of the with mul Kovalevskaia 1979; Gounaris 1984; fig. graves Gounaris 1984, p. 56, fig. 2:e). interments have also Neeft 1988; Aibabin 1990; Teodor tiple produced 92. The expression is found in the 1991; Ibler 1992; Varsik 1992; Haas weapons. For the chronology of the title of V?lling 2001. 124 FLORIN CURTA

PRODUCTION OF "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE AND THE EMBLEMIC STYLE

The plotting of the clustering analysis of the brooches examined in the present study shows that fibulae found in the Lower Danube region have to multiple links brooches from distant areas, including Mazuria and Asia Minor (see Fig. 5). Most of the fibulae are stray finds, and the dissemina tion of ornamental patterns described by this plotting is most difficult to explain in the absence of contextual information. However, the network of links may indicate the extent of social connections between manufactur or wearers. ers, clients, It has long been accepted that linked pieces of are move ornamental metalwork likely to emphasize the extent of the ment of people, and therefore, of contact.93 Theoretically, the dissemina tion of a brooch form or of ornamental details may indicate one of three or or types of movement: of brooches (through gift-giving trade), with without their owners; of models of brooches, including templates for the reproduction of ornamental patterns; and of craftsmen, carrying manufac or tured brooches models.94 Prevailing views about the organization of are on production in the early Middle Ages still based the idea of itinerant or are some specialists carrying durable bronze lead models. There indeed a use examples of bow fibulae which accord with presumed of models,95 are more but there many examples that do not. There is little evidence for some the physical copying of any existing brooch, although minimal units some of decoration may have been reproduced very closely, probably by mechanical such as means, templates. On the other hand, the existing evidence points to local production, case a not itinerant craftsmen. This is certainly the with soapstone mold for bow fibulae, recently found in association with other smelting imple a near ments in sunken-featured building at Bernashivka, Mohyliv Podil no s'kyi (Ukraine).96 There is matching brooch ofWerner's class I B for context are this mold, but the find and its archaeological strong indica was on a one tions that production based technology different from the or implied by the existence of bronze lead-alloy models. Models presup use pose both model- and moldmaking pieces. A stone mold excludes the was to a of models; it designed produce ceroplastic work, later decorated at to yield the end product. Variation this stage of the manufacturing pro cess may explain the lack of any evidence of "mass production" of identical brooches. The model was embedded into a clay bar, which was first dried wax and then fired to melt the and produce the "negative" brooch. Melted was metal then poured into the hollow clay bar.When the metal became cold, the bar was broken and the decoration of the brooch was further

not a 93. This assumption underlies, for British Museum) does have the work of Hines on the back. As a conse example, John catchpin on in (1984) squareheaded brooches quence, Katsougiannopoulou (1997, n. has it Anglo-Saxon England. p. 321 with 22) proposed that 94. See Leigh 1991, p. 117;Hines served as a bronze model. See also 1997, p. 213. Mortimer 1994. 95. The fibula from an unknown 96. Vinokur 1998. now location in Hungary (25; in the FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE 125

or refined gilded. It is the stone mold used in the initial stage that allowed never means the production of another, similar?but identical?brooch, by of the same Decoration seems to have been to each process.97 specific case, use although the ornamental patterns in may have been similar. Since the ornamentation on the work on the cast seems produced ceroplastic or, later, a to be unique for each brooch, although always drawn from common, relatively easily identifiable repertoire of motifs, it is undoubtedly brooch decoration, and not morphology, that carried the variation possibly repre an sentative of emblemic style. exact a as The absence of replication points to vocabulary of style on as on dependent the technical abilities of the manufacturer the stylistic user or wearer. demand of the What exactly did "Slavic" bow fibulae "say" never about their users? It has long been accepted, although demonstrated, that such fibulae were part of female dress. This presumption has been cases substantiated by several inwhich associated skeletons have been prop or erly sexed, reportedly so.98Elsewhere in Europe, outside of Greece, bow are seen as fibulae widely gender-specific artifacts that frequently appear in sixth- to seventh-century burial assemblages. InMazurian graves, bow are fibulae rarely associated with spurs. Eduard Sturms first interpreted as an were usu this dichotomy indication of gender division: bow fibulae ally found in female graves, while spurs may have been male attributes.99 Within theMerovingian world, bow fibulae found with female skeletons, or a usually late adolescents adults between 20 and 40 years of age, suggest access "threshold of acquisition" precisely comparable with to shields and/ or swords men.100 This circumstance indicate among weapon-bearing may representation, in burial, of the age of marriage.101 In other words, bow fibulae, including perhaps the "Slavic" ones, marked married women, at least in death, if not also in life.

97. For a detailed of the description further produced evidence of local of lost-wax technique producing bow production of bow fibulae (Dabrowski fibulae, see Franke 1987. See also 1980). Szmoniewski 2002, pp. 121-122. 100. Strau? 1992, p. 70; Dickinson on 98. Inhumation burials: Kruje, grave 1993, p. 39. Studies based micro wear a 28 (Anamali and Spahiu 1963, pp. 16, analysis suggest that there is di rect 34-35,57-58; 1979-1980, pp. 61-62); correlation between the degree of Kisk?r?s, grave 2 (Horv?th 1935, use and the age of the wearer, which p. 35); Adamclisi (Papuc 1987, pp. 207, may indicate that the same brooches at or were 209-210); D?nceni (Rafalovich 1986, acquired betrothal marriage Cremation worn rest pp. 25-26). burials: Tumi during the of the lifetime. any, grave 46/1970 (Jaskanis and Ka SeeMartin 1987, pp. 278,280; Nieke no. chinski 1981, p. 47, 47). Even in 1993, p. 129. For similar conclusions cases where the associated skeleton regarding other categories of artifacts, to be that of a it seems see 1997. happens child, Distelberger safe to assume that female dress was 101. For the difficulties of "reading" bestowed the in as a upon deceased, perhaps gender burial assemblages direct with the see together corresponding gender reflection of social practice, Harke role: e.g., the child (skeleton 17) buried 2000, pp. 193-196. For the symbolic at in chamber 10 Luchistoe (Crimea) significance of the early medieval two see together with brooches ofWerner's clothing for the dead, Effros 2002, class ID; seeAibabin 1994, p. 135. pp. 13-39. 99. Sturms 1950, p. 21. Mazuria 126 FLORIN CURTA

Absence of brooches or other dress-fasteners from many other female that access to brooches was also graves suggests, however, dependent upon seems case social status. This conclusion to be particularly evident in the of the Nea Anchialos brooch (13), found in a burial chamber built next to the martyrion outside the city walls (see pp. 116-118, above). Several Late are re Roman burial chambers known from Greece and the neighboring are gions, but the latest of sixth-, not seventh-century date.102 Few burial assemblages securely dated to the early seventh century may be compared a to the Nea Anchialos chamber.103 Grave 25 at Tigani, female burial, contained two gold earrings with star-shaped pendants, two glass jugs, a was ex and Corinth-type buckle.104 The grave found inside the church cavated at that site, which may indicate a burial ad sanctos similar in that respect to the Nea Anchialos burial chamber. The associated artifacts, es a pecially the gold earrings and the iron buckle, suggest date in the seventh no century, possibly within its first half.105The Tigani grave produced fibu to a lae, and the associated buckle and earrings point unmistakably model of "aristocratic" female burial different from that at Nea Anchialos but

common in the Mediterranean area.106

Two other female burials, from Greece and Albania, respectively, may us guide in understanding the meaning of the Nea Anchialos brooch. a a One of the graves, from small cemetery excavated at Edessa, produced

in a 102. Found sixth-century 1971, pp. 10-11, fig. 1, pis. E, F). At 104. Drandakis and Gkioles 1982, at a a chamber Nea Anchialos (Soteriou Stamata, gold pendant found in pp. 250,255,256, pi. 148:e, r?. burial in a built 105. The of 1961, pp. 113-115, figs. 1, 3, pis. 40, "privileged" chamber dating Corinth-type a next to a buckles is based on found in 41), silver earring with grape-shaped basilica (Gini-Tsophopoulou specimens in sixth has its closest in a with Avar assem pendant has good analogies 1995) analogy spec Hungary Early burial a buckle is made of century burial assemblages, e.g., grave imen from rich sixth-century hoard blages. The Tigani at a imitation of such B 133 Piatra Freca?ei (Romania; of gold found within the Early Byzan iron, cheap exquisite Petre 1987, p. 71, pis. 128,129) and tine fort atMal?k Preslavec (Bulgaria; specimens in gold as that bought by the grave 59 atGradina (Bosnia;Miletic see Ovcharov and Vaklinova 1978, Ariadne Galleries inNew York in 1988 more For see or not it 1978, p. 149, pi. 3:59). A precise pi. 121). "privileged burials," (see Riemer 1995). Whether dating, within the last third of the sixth Young 1986; Effros 2002, pp. 151-156. could be dated later than the other the A burial chamber at of the the century, may be provided by three Slatina (Mace specimens class, Tigani Babic which an is nevertheless an of the earrings with star-shaped pendants also donia; 1980), produced buckle artifact not as found in the Nea Anchialos chamber associated earring with basket-shaped seventh century, of the eighth (Soteriou 1961, pi. 41), allwith good pendant (for the dating of which see, wrongly assumed by Sanders (1995, in 9 at Riemer is to be This is confirmed the analogies finds from grave Bitola now, 1992, p. 126), p. 456). dating by to (Macedonia; Maneva 1985-1986, dated the late sixth century. Finally, analysis of the pair of gold earrings on pp. 164,172, fig. 16) and from grave E two burial chambers the west side from grave 25, the best analogies for at are the with 143 at Piatra Frec?tei (Petre 1987, of the Roman Forum Corinth, which earrings star-shaped one a a a p. 79, fig. 239:c, pi. 145). Grave E 143 of which had dromos and tile pendants from small Early Avar a cast fibulae covered ceramic hoard of also produced pair of with floor, produced only (or, possibly, assemblage grave to no exact at bent stem, almost identical those material with chronology goods) found Halic (Slovakia;Garam the and and Fisher found with Bracigovo Koprivec (Williams, Macintosh, 1980, p. 172, fig. 7) and from the early in hoards that conclude with coins struck 1974, pp. 8-10, fig. 1, pis. 1,2). seventh-century Europos cemetery see are for Emperor Justin II (565-578): 103. To my knowledge, there Greek Macedonia (Sawopoulou 1997, no in is about Uenze 1974; 1992, p. 156; Jankovic contemporary chambers the p. 389, pi. 114:?). Little known at as 1980, p. 173; Curta 1992, p. 84. The Balkans with steps the entrance, the Tigani basilica, currently dated be at a at Nea Anchialos. For similar cases in tween the seventh and ninth ossuarium found Athens produced century see great number of coins, the latest of Crimea, Veimarn and Aibabin (Avramea 1997, p. 102). were 106. See 1997. which five solidi of Emperor 1993, pp. 5, 7, fig. 2;Aibabin 1994, Mani?re-L?v?que Maurice (582-602) (Threpsiades pp. 132-134. IN FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE GREECE 12J

I a belt and a pair of "Slavic" bow fibulae ofWerner's class D, buckle, most knife.107 The buckle is Syracuse-type, typical for circum-Mediterra nean assemblages of the first half of the seventh century.108 The Edessa burial may thus be seen as contemporary to the burial with "Slavic" brooch assem ofWerner's class I B at Nea Anchialos. A slightly later but similar at The female blage is grave 28 of the north Albanian cemetery Kruje. two of class I C burial produced "Slavic" bow brooches Werner's (each a A anal with two pairs of bird heads) and Corinth-type buckle.109 good at ogy for the two brooches is the pair of fibulae from grave 3 Gambas with (Transylvania) found together with four pewter earrings star-shaped to the Priseaca hoard that pendant, very similar those from produced hexagrams of Emperor Constantine IV110 What differentiates the Nea Anchialos, Edessa, and Kruje assemblages, as at on the one hand, from contemporary female burials such grave 25 on of and buckle that is other Tigani, the other, is the association brooch was wise rare in the southern Balkans.111 By contrast, this combination A.D. in and Mazu relatively popular, around 600, Crimea,112 Hungary113 ria.114The three burials with "Slavic" bow fibulae may thus be viewed as the southernmost known examples of the early-seventh-century female burial fashion. In all three cases, "Slavic" bow fibulae are associated with most in the circum-Medi "Byzantine" belt buckles typical for assemblages terranean area. Particularly interesting is the Nea Anchialos assemblage, because of its unusual association of a "Slavic" bow fibula with a kind of to a so in the eastern buckle normally attached chain, far attested primarily are Mediterranean region. Although imitations of such buckles also known were not from sites in the northern Balkans (e.g., Aradac), these associ buckles never ated with fibulae. Similarly, Corinth- and Syracuse-type

197:1-6. In the 107. Petsas 1970, p. 307, fig. 320. 110. Teodor 1992, pp. 137,143, l?ny 1961, p. 215, pi. of skel no. 2:1. For discussions of the Middle Danube of No anthropological sexing the 3, fig. region present-day see n. above. and the combination eton has been carried out, encouraging hoard, 37, Hungary Serbia, that this is a male burial. 111. The other is was also in the 500s. speculation only example popular 14 in which 114. 84 fibula See Pallas 1981, p. 306. grave the Kruje cemetery, Mietkie, grave (bow an iron buckle and a disc ofWerner's class I buckle with rec 108. Haas and Schewe 1993, p. 256; produced C; in fibula and Kulakov Eger 1996, p. 345. A date the early shaped (Anamali Spahiu tangular plate): 1989, pp. 180, is 8:6. burial b 600s for Greek specimens secured by 1963, p. 14). 224, fig. Leleszki, (bow one 112. Chufut 21 fibula ofWerner's class I buckle the association of Syracuse-type Kale, grave (silver E; Kulakov buckle with two coins minted for Em sheet brooch; buckle with rectangular with rectangular plate): 1989, of peror Heraclius, in 611/2 and 613/4, plate): Kropotkin 1958, pp. 210,214, p. 186. Kielary, graves 74 (bow fibula at see amos 3:3. Suuk 32 Werner's class I iron and 85 found in grave 3 S amos; S fig. Su, grave (bow brooch; C; buckle) fibula ofWerner's class I iron XVII, pp. 124-125. For other Greek Syracuse-type buckle): Repnikov 1906, (bow D; see nn. 89-91. 9-10. burial chamber 279 K?hn 182-183. Tu specimens, above, pp. Skalistoe, buckle): 1981, pp. For buckles in of a bow fibula ofWerner's 20 fibula ofWer Syracuse-type Early (fragment miany, graves (bow in class I buckle with ner's class I buckle with Avar burial assemblages Hungary D; cross-decorated, F; rectangular assem Veimarn and Aiba 56 fibula ofWerner's class and in early-seventh-century rectangular plate): plate), (bow in see Garam bin 51-53. buckle with 68 blages Crimea, 2001, 1993, pp. IJ; rectangular plate), fibula ofWerner's class I iron p. 95; Gavritukhin and Oblomskii 113. Szatym?z-Feh?rt?, cemetery A, (bow C; ofWerner's class 93 of 1996, p. 68. grave 375 (bow fibula buckle), and (bow fibula Werner's 109. Anamali and Spahiu 1963, I C; iron buckle):Madaras 1981, p. 50, class IG; iron buckle): Kulakov 1989, fibula of pp. 16,34-35,57-58, fig. 13, pi. 6:375. Tiszabura (bow pp. 188,191,192,194. Werner's class II iron Csal pl.XII:2. C; buckle): 128 FLORIN CURTA

appear in association with bow fibulae or any other kind of brooch: in the are Balkans, Crimea, and the neighboring regions, such buckles more often found with male than with female burials.115 The three burials at seem Nea Anchialos, Edessa, and Kruje therefore to combine, in unique ways, elements of different burial traditions pointing to different areas of early medieval Europe. as a Could they possibly be interpreted examples of "Slavic" Tracht} In answer a my opinion, the must be in the negative, for variety of reasons. First, and if the cultural-historical line of reasoning is to be followed with any consistency, it is very clear that analogies for these bow fibulae point to regions of Eastern Europe other than those associated with the presence on of the early Slavs the basis of written sources.116 The ornamental pat terns on displayed fibulae from Greece?the Nea Anchialos specimen (13) included?are in fact not linked to members ofWerner's class I B with

scrollwork decoration from the northern Balkans, despite the apparent as morphological similarities with such Romanian brooches Ferigile (7).117 are The Greek fibulae most likely local products and, with the exception seem of the specimens from Dion (4) and Sparta (17), do not to share ornamental features themselves. the many among Moreover, archaeologi cal contexts in which some of these "Slavic" brooches were found? or inhumations in burial chambers in stone-lined graves?is radically dif ferent from those of the sixth- and seventh-century Lower Danube region.118 Finally, analogies for the buckles associated with the Nea Anchia area los, Edessa, and Kruje brooches point to the Mediterranean and to Early Avar burial assemblages.

115. buckles: 191 the for the Corinth-type Brkac, Suuk Su, graves 29 and (Repnikov closest analogy Kruje 8 a grave (Marusic 1985, pp. 21-22, 1906, p. 9, pi. X:19; 1909, p. 105); B?ly, brooches is the pair of fibulae from pi. 11:1);Corinth (Williams, Macin grave 21 (Papp 1962, pp. 185-186, Middle Avar burial atGambas (Tran and Fisher In a number tosh, 1974, p. 11, pi. 2:8); fig. 17). of cases, Syracuse sylvania). See Curta 2001, pp. 255,258, burial chambers 284a and buckles are also with Skalistoe, type associated figs. 43,46. a in is 625 (Veimarn andAibabin 1993, flint steels and weapons, possible 117. The Nea Anchialos brooch of pp. 54-56,139-140, figs. 34:23, dication male burials: Skalistoe, bur also different from other members of 103:11). A number of other cases with ial chamber 331 (Veimarn andAibabin Werner's class I B because of its inter out of the a any anthropological analysis 1993, pp. 73, 75, fig. 50:20); Luchistoe, connected knobs, feature perhaps human be sus associated bones may burial chamber 10, skeleton 11 (Aiba shared only by the Litvinec specimen as due to the to pected male burials pres bin 1994, pp. 132-136,150, fig. 6:4); (11). In fact, the closest parallel this ence of either or flint steels: 3 on weapons Mangup, burial chamber (Sidorenko peculiar headplate ornamentation is a not to Corinth, grave III (Ivison 1996, p. 117; 1984, pp. 329-330, fig. 1:3); Kenchreai fibula that does belong Wer Corinth XII, pi. 114:2195); Lezh?, (Pallas 1981, pp. 298-299, fig. 5:b). ner's class I B, from an unknown loca a grave 11 (Prendi 1979-1980, p. 127, Unlike Corinth-type buckles, however, tion in Hungary (now in private col 16 buckles pi. XXL6); Veli Mlun, grave (Maru Syracuse-type occasionally lection in Budapest: Csall?ny 1961, sic in female burials in In its 1967, p. 337, pi. VL9); Mejica, grave appear Hungary p. 247, pi. 215:6). morphology, 48 (Torcellan 1986, p. 67, pi. 17:4); (K?lked, grave 325: Kiss 1996, p. 207), this fibula is fundamentally different its Skalistoe, burial chamber 767 (Vei Crimea (Suuk Su, grave 85: Repnikov from specimens of the I B group, marn in andAibabin 1993, pp. 158-160, 1906, p. 25, pi. 1:9), and Germany basic ornamental scheme directly two burial in St. Emmeram Church at fig. 119:3); Uzen-Bash, (burial spired by late-fifth- and early-sixth chambers (Repnikov 1909, pp. 113 Regensburg: Riemer 1995, p. 779). century brooches of the so-called 115;Aibabina 1993, pis. 11:2, 3, V:l). 116. The ornamental patterns of the Csongrad-Kett?shalom class (Za are to a Syracuse-type buckles: Aradac, Edessa brooches linked fibula seckaia 1997, p. 419). 1 from while 118. See Curta grave (Nagy 1959, p. 55, pi. 1:5); Tylkowo (Eastern Prussia), 2001, pp. 227-310. FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE 129

Is it, then, possible to associate such brooches with Avar fashions? To be sure, all "Slavic" bow fibulae found inHungary and in the neighboring as a regions have promptly been interpreted indications of Slavic presence were within the Avar qaganate.119 The assumption that such fibulae part never of female dress has been disputed. As in the Balkans, these bow more fibulae appear in inhumation burials, sometimes in pairs, often sin out gly. Six of twelve Hungarian burial assemblages with "Slavic" bow fib ulae produced pairs of earrings with bead pendant, either gold speci mens or or of the T?szeg class120 its imitations in silver in copper alloy. Two of them also had pairs of iron bracelets; two others, iron buckles.121 Several produced glass beads with eye-shaped inlays, most typical for Early Avar burial assemblages.122 The evidence strongly suggests the exis a a tence of pattern, namely, specific combination of artifacts of which were one "Slavic" bow fibulae just component. The combination may well represent female dress in fashion in the early seventh century. Judging seems by the existing evidence, the dress to have been associated pri were marily with rich female burials, whose displays imitated in cheaper versions.123 no In the absence of both earrings and beads, such imitation seems to have taken place with the Nea Anchialos and Edessa burials, despite the fact that ornamental patterns on Greek brooches ofWerner's class I B? more Demetrias (3), Dion (4), Nea Anchialos (13), and Sparta (17)?have parallels in the Middle Danube region of Hungary than anywhere else in on Eastern Europe. The X-shaped pattern in three panels appears the Dion as as on an and Sparta brooches, well the fragment from unknown loca tion inHungary (25). A good analogy for the much simplified decoration on an the footplate of the Nea Anchialos brooch is the fragment from unknown location in northern Serbia (27), itself reminiscent of the footplate of the Ferigile brooch (7).124To the extent that such ornamental pattern more linkage reflects than just aesthetic preference, the Greek brooches as an use thus appear "citing" from ornamental repertoire in in the south ern region of the Avar qaganate.

women 119.Most egregiously by Fiedler 1995, p. 159. available to high-status within (1996, pp. 202-206), who believes that 121. Bracelets: Szatym?z-Feh?rt?, the Avar qaganate (Tomka 1995). Re of II were cent specimens Werner's group grave 375 (Madaras 1981, p. 50, studies have shown that both Byz not worn by Slavs, but by "Germanin pi. 6:375); Kisk?r?s, grave 2 (Horv?th antine and Frankish fashions reached nen oder anderer im the were Mitglieder nord 1935, p. 35, pi. XXIIL5). Buckles: Sza Middle Danube region and Raum Ethnika" 375 imitated. For pontischen ans?ssigen tym?z-Feh?rt?, grave (Madaras promptly Byzantine see (p. 206). 1981, p. 50, pi. 6:375); Budapest, Pan fashions, Garam 1991,2000, and see 120. Earrings: Szatym?z-Feh?rt?, nonhalma Street (Nagy 1998, pp. 93, 2001. For Frankish fashions, Vida graves 33 and 375 (Csall?ny 1961, 95, pis. 82:4,158:4). 1996,1999-2000. see also n. 122. Glass beads: Pan p. 22%, pi. 259:3; above, 113); Budapest, 124. The footplate of the Demetrias seen as a more Kisk?r?s, grave 2 (Horv?th 1935, nonhalma Street; Tiszabura; Sziget brooch (3) may be ad p. 35, pi. XXIIL3); Szigetszentmikl?s szentmikl?s-H?ros, grave 14; V?rpa vanced simplification of this decora 14 tion. the same H?ros, grave (Nagy 1998, p. 150, lota, grave 212; ?f?lde?k. Csall?ny By token, the best anal pis. 102:9,171:5); Tiszabura (see above, 1961, p. 138, pis. 191:16,259:1. ogy for the Lezh? brooch (9) is the n. a 113); V?rpalota, grave 212 (Erd?lyi 123. This dress cannot, however, be Dubovac fibula (5), which has head as an ethnic to and N?meth 1969, p. 191, pi. XXIL6). interpreted (Avar) Tracht, plate very similar that of the Prahovo For see since dress were T?szeg-type earrings, Orm?ndy many other options brooch (14). i3o FLORIN CURTA

not The analogies for most, if all, of the grave goods found at Corinth same with the so-called "wandering soldier" point in this direction.125 The was as a or an grave quickly interpreted that of Slavic mercenary126 of Avar in the service of Emperor Constans II,127 but the burial assemblage has never context been properly studied in the of the early medieval archaeol case at ogy of Eastern Europe. As is the for the burial assemblages Nea at Anchialos, Edessa, and Kruje, that Corinth combines elements of dif ferent cultural origins in amost surprising way. The associated belt buckle a an at has good analogy in Early Avar female burial assemblage Nagy a hars?ny, which included also late-sixth-century, silver, disc-shaped brooch an with image of St. George.128 By contrast, analogies for the bronze trin an ket with lozenge-shaped pendants from the Corinth assemblage, equally are female piece of jewelry, known only from seventh-century barrows as as in Latvia and Lithuania, well in the Smolensk region of Russia.129 to near Despite claims the contrary, the handmade pot found the right foot of the Corinth skeleton has nothing to do with Slavic pottery of the a a so-called Prague type. Instead, it is specimen of typically Early Avar pot with funnel-shaped neck, which has good analogies in Hungary and also in Siberia and central Asia.130 The exotic nature of this burial as

semblage is further underlined by the associated two-edged sword with assem crossbar, very similar to swords found in late Early Avar burial as at blages such grave 85 Aradac.131 Such swords appear only in high as as status male burials, do single amber beads such that from the "wan an dering soldier" grave.132 The very presence of amber bead is notable, for no are or such artifacts otherwise known from seventh- eighth-century Balkan assemblages. How, then, is the "wandering soldier" grave to be interpreted? Most not likely in direct connection with the Early Avar assemblages in Hun or gary the neighboring regions, in which stone-lined graves with weap ons are unknown.133 The stone lining of the "wandering soldier" grave has

129. at near Iarcevo in Ukraine 125. Weinberg 1974. E.g., Khotyn, assemblages (Smilenko 126. See Ivison (1996, p. 118), who (Smolensk region): Sedov 1974, 1965, pi. Vl:2; Kazanski and Sodini the 37. See also attributes "wandering soldier" grave, pi. 25:28, Szymanski 1987, p. 78). See Ambroz 1986, p. 63; as as in and well burials the Olympia 1968, pp. 205-206. Simon 1991, p. 307; 1995, p. 117; Ioannina cemeteries, to "Slavic mem 130. Vida and V?lling 2000, p. 18. Garam 2001, pp. 158-159. For the as see 132. amber beads for bers" of military garrisons. The "wan Corinth pot "Slavic," Single appear, to in at Kun dering soldier" has nothing do, Kilian 1980, p. 282. example, "princely graves" are however, with the cremation burials 131. For the Corinth and Aradac b?bony and B?csa. They relatively at nor much see Kiss 194-195. common in much female Olympia, with the later swords, 1987, pp. poorer graves, on Avar and Ioannina cemetery. See also Avramea Similar crossbars also appear single however, of the late Early as 1997, p. 97. edged swords, such those from grave Middle Avar period. See T?th and 127. Rashev 2000, p. 73. See also 529 at K?lked (Kiss 1996, pp. 230,232) Horv?th 1992, pp. 205-206. Stefanovicov? 1977, p. 126. Judging by and grave 10 atTarnam?ra (Szab? 133. To be sure, several Middle and horseman burials have stone the associated artifacts, the "wandering 1965, pp. 47-48, pi. VIII:l-3), both Late Avar was to sev similar to those of soldier" buried before the begin dated the second third of the "lids" contemporary the enth Such crossbars are docu burials in central see Simon 1993. ning of reign of Constans II. century. Asia; mented for Middle Avar swords of the Stone-lined the 128. For the disc-shaped brooch, graves are, by contrast, see form of inhumation in sixth Papp 1963, pp. 131-132, pi. XI:8; second half of that century (F?l?p preferred cemeteries of Balkan cities and Garam 1993, pp. 101-102, fig. 1:3. For 1988, p. 183;Garam and Kiss 1992, century see no. forts and in the Mediterranean area buckles of the Nagyhars?ny class, p. 56, 58;M?ller 1996, p. 411) and Ibler 1992, p. 143. for swords from contemporary burial during the 600s. In the sixth-century FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE 131

much more in common with contemporary burial assemblages in Greece than do its associated grave goods. In short, the "wandering soldier" grave as burials with "Slavic" stands out?as prominently the presumably female or bow fibulae from Nea Anchialos and Edessa?among burials with with some to out weapons that can be dated with degree of accuracy the early seventh century. In all these cases, the extraordinary status of the deceased or location. is emphasized either by exceptional grave goods by privileged In all three cases, the message encoded in burial dress combines cultural to a elements of very different origins inwhat amounts nothing less than most statement about relative identity. The resulting emblemic style likely more or had to do with the less imagined position of the deceased within the social network. The Edessa, Nea Anchialos, and "wandering soldier" means of a graves reflect preoccupation with marking the exceptional by as few artifacts that may be viewed "quoting" fashions known from other artifacts be in regions of early medieval Europe. Can these interpreted as as the terms of migration? The small number of cases, well stylistic a a arguments in favor of local production of "Slavic" bow fibulae, require different explanation. over in brooches were Though still in debate the specific way which to to the out worn,134 archaeologists tend agree that bow fibulae belonged were the most ermost layer of clothing. Thus they easily visible, probably a sort visible of all dress accessories, particular of badge. "Slavic" bow fibu an in lae may have played important communicative role particularly pub contexts of social or not lic, "beyond-the-households" action.135Whether or were the Nea Anchialos and Edessa brooches were worn in life only attached to the dress during burial, the ornamental patterns displayed by such artifacts cannot have escaped notice. move Bow fibulae may indeed indicate movement of people. This was not a in the true sense of the word. Net ment, however, migration works of linked fibulae may testify to a different form of mobility, that of or women to in of alli gifts of married distant groups the process forging reasons ances. There are two for favoring this interpretation. First, the stone or lin move Balkans, graves with tile movement of ornamental patterns is not that of a unidirectional are known both on the Adriatic a some forms have trav ings ment of people, but two-way transfer: brooch may coast 1995) and in the interior (Uglesic eled in a north-south direction, others from east (or southeast) to west (or (Jeremic 1994-1995; 1986). Paprenica and these movements often have occurred at about the with northwest), may Seventh-century graves lined stone and same time. there is no ornamental to be ascribed to roughly shaped slabs having Second, pattern any occur one horizontal stone lids in Istrian region alone, in spite of the cluster of finds in the Lower Danube cemeteries soon as a new (Torcellan 1986, p. 42; region and inTransylvania. As group emerged, linked speci as Evans 1989, pp. 301-302, 307) well over a mens spread rapidly wide distances, phenomenon which could hardly as Sardinian (Spanu 1998, pp. 85,126). be means of itinerant or transmission 134. See Clauss 1987;Martin 1991; explained by migration, specialists, there is no chain of communication between the Khairedinova 1997. Brooches found of models. Moreover, on one shoulder or under the main areas of dissemination: the close resemblance between the singly Vefel (31) a or chin may have fastened cloak and the Linkuhnen (10) brooches is not filtered through any intermediary adorned a with stitched shoul garment finds. In some instances, no links exist between fibulae found in adjacent ders For eth (K?hn 1965, pp. 50-54). such as from Greece and see territories, specimens Bulgaria. nographic examples, Benfoughal "Slavic" bow fibulae may have been exotic to pro 1987, pp. 181,191, fig. 1. Initially, sufficiently duce Soon a transferred "model" was in less 135. The phrase "beyond-the prestige. thereafter, copied, to an households" is that of Conkey (1991). sophisticated forms, apparently in response exclusively local demand. 132 FLORIN CURTA

not This is particularly true for specimens found inGreece, which do have any links to fibulae found outside the Balkan peninsula. Brooch forms were now borrowed from other cultural settings authenticated culturally, an and there emerged emblemic style, which existed only in the repeti tions and contrasts created by the replication of ornamental patterns and forms. The social meaning attached to these dress accessories may have also been fixed in time. If the chronology proposed here is correct, there seems some to have been demand in early-seventh-century Greece for markers of sharper social differentiation. If, indeed, bow fibulae, including were worn "Slavic" ones, primarily by married women, then the social dif was ference in question not just of rank, but also of gender. It has recently been noted that the sharp differentiation and conspicuous display of gen in that characterizes most me der, especially mortuary assemblages, early as a dieval societies has been too hastily interpreted direct reflection of gender roles in society. In fact, itmay well be that, with fluctuating identi an ties and ever-changing roles, such societies projected ideal image of were gender roles through mortuary displays, which certainly linked to, were no means a but by mirror of, the representation of gender roles in life.136'This remark is particularly useful for the discussion of early-sev enth-century bow fibulae from Greece. a The "wandering soldier" in the Corinth burial may well have been one to prominent Avar warrior, of those who had defected the Romans in 136. Harke 2000, 194-195. For 602 the of the Avar against the Antes.137 pp. during campaign general Apsich on similar remarks seventh-century Or he may have been one of the Turks in the Persian army who were sent Albanian cemeteries, see Bowden 2003, in 591 to the Romans, on their foreheads the of the cross having symbol p. 71. tattooed in an officer of the K?kTurk that 8.6. black; or, finally, troops Yabghu 137. Theophylact Simocatta see Xa'kan left with Heraclius in 627 after the siege of Tiflis.138 Those who For this campaign, Litavrin 1999, not to too pp. 568-578. buried him at Corinth, however, certainly did want make strong Confessor, Chro a statement about his barbarian otherness. Interred in a stone-lined grave, 138.Theophanes trans. C. nographia, Mango (Oxford like many others in Greece and the surrounding Mediterranean regions at 1997), pp. 389, 446-448. See Kaegi the a belt buckle more often associated with time, wearing "Byzantine" 2003, pp. 144-145. con female burials, the "wandering soldier" looks very different from his 139. The findspot of the Kruje fe or male burial was not within the boun temporaries buried in the Middle Danube region in the steppes north were women? daries of the small cemetery excavated of the Black Sea. Similarly, the women?if, indeed, they on a hill next to the medieval fortifica who were buried in the chamber built next to Basilica A at Nea Anchialos, an near tion, but in isolated position in a stone-lined grave at or in a grave at Edessa may well Kruje, simple pit the present-day Skanderbeg memorial even have been barbarian wives of men in Byzantine service. They may monument in the downtown area. This to a have been former members of the Slavic tribes that had settled in the re location may well point privileged or status woman burial. See Anamali and 1963, gion in the 620s 630s. The privileged of the Nea Anchialos Spahiu was access to a p. 16. rendered visible by Christian burial site, whereas, much like 140. For the novel (imperial decree) the burial of the soldier," those of the Edessa and women "wandering Kruje no. 105, issued in the year 537, which a combination of more often associ wives of consuls display peculiar "Byzantine" buckles, stipulated that enjoyed the emblemic same as their ated with male burials, and "Slavic" bow fibulae.139 As such, the privileges husbands, con see for exam dress of the Nea Anchialos, Edessa, and Kruje high-status females Beaucamp 1990, p. 271; of aristo a ples from Egyptian papyri veys the idea of mirroring of the social position and privi femme-reflet, cratic wives the rank and of her an idea that has shown to enjoying priv lege husband, Jo?lle Beaucamp brilliantly see ileges of their husbands, Beaucamp have and social "Slavic" underpinned sixth-century legislation practice.140 1992, pp. 133-134. For the phrase bow fibulae in Greece are therefore more to alliances with see likely signal femme-reflet, Beaucamp 1990, more or less distant barbarians than their destructive presence. p. 261. FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE 133

CONCLUSION

Not all "Slavic" bow fibulae ofWerner's class I B should be dated to the as once same time within the seventh century, Werner thought. Some speci mens may have been in fashion in the early 500s. The dissemination of contacts bow fibulae into Greece is likely to indicate long-distance be tween communities and to signal the rise of individuals having the ability both to entertain such contacts and to employ craftspeople sufficiently to Instead of experienced replicate ornamental patterns and brooch forms. as treating "Slavic" bow fibulae index fossils for the migration of the Slavs, we as an should therefore regard this emblemic style of brooch indication were of contacts established by such individuals. Fibulae primarily female dress accessories, and it is likely that high-status female burials mirrored the construction of the social identity of their husbands. The kind of iden a matter on tity symbolized is dependent the interpretation of "Slavic" a bow fibulae. Wearing fibula with scrollwork decoration and cabochons wearer a may have given the social locus associated with images of power. a a no a Wearing local reproduction of such fibula was, doubt, very differ to status. ent statement, though still related Beyond emulation, therefore, "Slavic" bow fibulae, especially cruder specimens without complicated scroll a to work ornaments, may have conveyed message pertaining group iden to a to tity. Adherence brooch style helped integrate isolated individuals? or a whether within the same region widely scattered?into group whose social boundaries crisscrossed those of local communities. "Slavic" bow were a fibulae neither phenotypic expressions of preformed ethnic identity nor passports for immigrants from the Lower Danube region. During the at early 600s, however, the time of the general collapse of the Byzantine access administration in the Balkans, to and manipulation of such artifacts a new sense may have been strategies for creating of identity for local elites. APPENDIX FIBULAE OF WERNER'S CLASS I B A CORPUS

1 Apntis. (Mures district, Romania) Fig. 6 cm. Fragment. L. 8.25 Stray find. Copper alloy. 2A3A4A. I. Stanciu (pers. comm.).

2 Cosovenii de Jos (Dolj district, Romania) Fig. 6 L. 19.6 cm. Burial find? (found together with two silver earrings with star-shaped pen dant and a silver torque). Gilt silver. 1A2A3C4D5C5F. Nestor and Nicolaescu-Plopsor 1938, pp. 33-35, pi. 7; Berciu 1939, pp. 231 232, fig. 288;Werner 1950, p. 152, pi. 28:14; Teodor 1992, pp. 137, 142, no. 1, fig. 1:5 (L. 19.5 cm).

3 Demetrias (Thessaly, Greece) Fig. 6 L. 10 cm. Stray find. Copper alloy. 1B2B3A4B5A5E. Aupert 1976, pp. 646, 652, fig. 144; Eiwanger 1981, p. 13, pi. 1.

4 Dion (Thessaly, Greece) Fig. 6 L. 10 cm. Stray find. Copper alloy. 1A2C3B4B5B5E. Gounaris 1984, pp. 53,56, fig. l:e; Katsougiannopoulou 1991; 1997, pp. 315 316, fig. 2.

5 Dubovac (Bela Crkva district, Serbia) Fig. 7 L. 8.1 cm. Stray find. Copper alloy. 1B2D3C4E5B5G. Werner 1950, p. 152, pi. 28:13; Korosec 1954, p. 10, fig. 2; Vinski 1958, p. 28, pi. 17:7; Csall?ny 1961, p. 195, pi. 172:4; Dimitrijevic 1969, p. 88, fig. 1.

6 Ellosz?ll?s (Fej?r district, Hungary) L. not reported. Burial find. FEMALE DRESS AND "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE IN GREECE 135

Copper alloy? 1A2B3A4A5B5E. Sos 1963, pp. 314-315, fig. 5:b.

7 Ferigile (V?lcea district, Romania) Fig. 7 L. 10 cm. Stray find. Copper alloy. 1A2B3B4A5B5E. Petre-Govora and Stoica 1976, fig. lia; B?rzu 1979, p. 66, fig. 13:4; Teodor 1992, pp. 137,142, no. 2, fig. 1:4 (L. 9.9 cm).

8 Iambol (Bulgaria) L. 4.9 cm. Fragment. Stray find. Copper alloy. 2A3A. Werner 1950, p. 152, pi. 28:10 (L. 6 cm);Mikhailov 1961, pp. 41,43, fig. 3:2.

9 Lezh? (Albania) Fig. 7 L. 7.7 cm. Grave 36, destroyed stone-lined burial (found together with a silver earring and an arrowhead). Gilt copper alloy. 1B2D3C4E5B5G. Prendi 1979-1980, pp. 129,166, pi. 20:3.

10 Linkuhnen (now in Kaliningrad, Russia) Fig. 7 L. 10 cm. Stray find. Copper alloy? 1A2A3B4C5B5E. Werner 1950, pp. 151-152, pi. 27:8 (L. 11.3 cm); K?hn 1981, p. 209, no. 319, pi. 50:319.

11 Litvinec (Kaniv district, Ukraine)

L. not reported. Stray find (now lost). Copper alloy. Korzukhina 1996, p. 355, pi. 94:3.

12 Liuliakovo (Burgas district, Bulgaria) Fig. 8 L. 14.5 cm. Stray find. Gilt copper alloy. 1A2A3A4D5B5G. Mikhailov 1977, pp. 317-318, pi. 7.

13 Nea Anchialos (Thessaly, Greece) Fig. 7 L. 8.5 cm.

Burial chamber near the of Basilica A with four skel apse (found together etons a and copper-alloy double-sided buckle). Copper alloy? 1C2B3C4A5D. Soteriou 1940, pp. 62-63, fig. 12;Werner 1950, p. 150, pi. 27:1.

14 Prahovo (Negotin district, Serbia) Fig. 7 L. 8.1 cm. Stray find. Copper alloy. 1B2C3B4C5A5G. Jankovic 1981, p. 250, pi. XVL12. 136 FLORIN CURTA

15 R?zboieni-Feldioara (Alba district, Romania) Fig. 8 cm. Fragment. L. 8 Stray find. Pewter. 1A2A3A4C. "?antierul arheologic Moresti," pp. 672, 675, fig. 15:5; Horedt 1986, p. 93, fig. 44:5; Teodor 1992, pp. 137,142, no. 4, fig. 1:6.

16 Sovetsk (former Schreitlauken, Kaliningrad district, Russia) Fig. 9 L. 7.1 cm. Stray find. Copper alloy. 2A3A. Werner 1950, p. 152, pi. 28:9; K?hn 1981, p. 317, no. 502, pi. 75:502.

17 Sparta (Lakonia, Greece) Fig. 9 L. 9.5 cm. Stray find. Copper alloy? 1D2C3B4B5B5E. no. 27:4. Werner 1950, p. 151, 4, pi.

18 Sz?k?ly-Oreghegy (Tolna district, Hungary) Fig. 9 cm. Fragment. L. 8.5 Grave 12 (found together with a bow fibula ofWerner's class I C, a bronze bead, and a belt mount with hanging ring; see Fig. 11). Copper alloy. 1A2A4C5B5E. Csalog 1944-1945, p. 296, pi. XCIIL23; Werner 1950, p. 151, pi. 28:6a.

19 Unknown location (Eastern Europe) Fig. 9 L. 13.3 cm. Gilt copper alloy. 1A2A3A4C5B5E. Werner 1950, p. 151, pi. 27:6 (L. 12.8 cm);Werner 1961, p. 33, pi. 35:133a.

20 Unknown location (Eastern Europe) L. 13.3 cm. Gilt copper alloy. 1A2A3A4C5B5E. Werner 1950, p. 151; 1961, p. 33, pi. 35:133b.

21 Unknown location (Eastern Europe) Fig. 9 L. 12.2 cm. Gilt copper alloy. 1A2A3A4D5B5G. Werner 1950, p. 151, fig. 1.

22 Unknown location (Eastern Europe) Fig. 10 L. 10.4 cm.

Copper alloy. 1A2A3C4E5B5G. Werner 1950, p. 152, pi. 28:11.

23 Unknown location (Eastern Europe?) Fig. 10 L. 10.2 cm. Copper alloy. 1A2A3A4C5B5E. MacGregor 1997, pp. 249-250, fig. 132:1.

24 Unknown location (Eastern Europe)

Copper alloy. 85. Katsougiannopoulou 1999, p. AND IN FEMALE DRESS "SLAVIC" BOW FIBULAE GREECE 137

25 Unknown location (Hungary) Fig. 9 L. 8 cm. Fragment. Copper alloy. 2C3A4C. Werner 1950, p. 151, pi. 27:5.

26 Unknown location (probably Istanbul, Turkey) Fig. 10 L. 12.8 cm. Gilt copper alloy. 1A2A3A4D5B5G. Werner 1960, p. 119, pi. 2.

27 Unknown location (northern Serbia) Fig. 10 L. 6.7 cm. Fragment. Copper alloy. 2B3C4C. Werner 1950, p. 151, no. 2, pi. 27:2; Vinski 1958, p. 28, pi. 18:2; Csall?ny 1961, pi. 272:3.

28 Unknown location (Transylvania, Romania) Fig. 10 L. cm. Fragment. 6.8 Copper alloy. 2A3B. Horedt 1958, pp. 91, 93, fig. 28:5; Csall?ny 1961, p. 209; Horedt 1986, p. 93, fig. 44:6; Teodor 1992, pp. 137,142, no. 5, fig. 1:3.

29 Unknown location (Turkey) Fig. 10 L. 8.1 cm. Gilt copper alloy. 1B2D3A4E5B5G. Werner 1950, p. 152, pi. 28:12.

30 Velesnica, in Kladovo (Negotin district, Serbia) Fig. 10 L. 13 cm. Stray find. Copper alloy. 1A2A3A4A5B5E. Werner 1950, pp. 151, 152, fig. 2; Korosec 1954, p. 10, fig. 1;Vinski 1958, p. 28, pi. 18:1; Corovic-Ljubinkovic 1972, p. 47, fig. 1:1;Marjanovic-Vujovic 1988, p. 155, fig. 2.

31 Ve?el, inDeva (Hunedoara district, Romania) Fig. 8 L. 12.1 cm. Stray find. Pewter. 1A2A3B4C5B5E. Salin 1935, p. 130, fig. 349; Nestor and Nicolaescu-Plopsor 1938, pp. 33-34, pi. 9:3;Werner 1950, p. 151, pi. 27:7 (L. 12 cm); Horedt 1956, pp. 107-108, fig. 3; 1958, pp. 107-108, fig. 3; Simonova 1970, pp. 75, 76, fig. 1 (L. 11.5 cm); Horedt 1986, p. 93, fig. 44:7; Teodor 1992, pp. 137,142, fig. 1:1. 138 FLORIN CURTA

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Florin Curta

University of Florida

department of history

p.o. box ii732o florida gainesville, 3261i-732o

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