Studies in the Life of Christ

LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

i V

Dwight E. Stevenson

Lexington Theological Seminary

1865-1965

THE COLLEGE OF THE BIBLE CENTURY

Printed as a private edition by The Bethany Press, St. Louis, Missouri

MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

THOSE WHO HAVE HELPED IN VARIOUS ways with this history are too numerous to call by name. From among the many, I single out a few whose contribution was so great and so basic that I must give them special attention. First among these is my wife, DeLoris Ray Stevenson. Since the fall of 1958, when we received the assignment from a com• mittee composed of Riley B. Montgomery, Myron T. Hopper and Wilbur H. Cramblet, she has been almost a full-time re• search assistant. She has systematically read all the minutes of trustees and faculty, all the Bulletins, Quarterlies, and Cata• logues of the Seminary, and scouted all references in the Apos• tolic Times, the Apostolic Guide, the Christian Standard, and The Christian-Evangelist magazines. In addition she has tran• scribed numerous tape-recorded interviews and conducted several interviews of her own. All of this material she made available to me on approximately 12,000 index cards, plus many hundreds of typewritten and handwritten pages. To the volume of read• ing which I myself have done she has been a constantly help• ful guide. She has also prepared the trustee and faculty lists in the Appendix. Without such help the present monumental task would have been impossible to me in the midst of my regular duties. The librarian and assistant librarian of Bosworth Memorial Library at The College of the Bible, Roscoe M. Pierson and

5 6 Acknowledgments

Gladys E. Scheer, helped as only interested and competent li• brarians can in making available a variety of little-known docu• ments and unpublished papers. In addition Mr. Pierson read the entire manuscript; and Miss Scheer checked the bibliogra• phy. The help of Curator Claude E. Spencer of the Disciples of Christ Historical Society in Nashville, Tennessee, also proved valuable, as did that of Roemol Henry, librarian of Transyl• vania College, and of Mary Hester Cooper, librarian of the Historical and Educational Archives of the University of Ken• tucky. Numerous alumni and former students have written, many at length, of their own student days in the Seminary; the file of such correspondence is bulky. Roud Shaw, in particular, de• serves mention for his thirty-page letter. Twenty-six persons were interviewed and tape recorded, sev• eral more than once. These interviews, transcribed by typewriter, aggregate about seven hundred pages of manuscript. The twenty- six thus interviewed were: Kenneth B. Bowen, T. Hassell Bowen, William Clayton Bower, Arthur Braden, Homer W. Carpenter, Tilton J. Cassidy, Stephen J. Corey, Herman L. Donovan, Daw• son Dwight Dugan, Frank N. Gardner, Thomas M. Giltner, E. E. Gotherman, Josephine Gross, H. Clay Hobgood, Alice Karr, Jessie May Ledridge, Riley B. Montgomery, Mrs. J. E. Moody, George V. Moore, Roger T. Nooe, David Prewitt, Charles Lynn Pyatt, Ward Russell, Mrs. C. R. Staples, Daniel C. Troxel and C. Herndon Wagers. Numerous interviews with Dean Pyatt, when transcribed, filled 134 typewritten pages. Many of those interviewed died without ever seeing the book which they helped to bring into being. Special thanks are due to J. Edward Moseley, Disciple his• torian, writer, and editor, who undertook the critical reading of the entire manuscript, and who, in his usually careful man• ner, made numerous suggestions for its improvement. President Irvin E. Lunger of Transylvania College; President Riley B. Montgomery, and Professors Roscoe M. Pierson and Paul A. Crow, Jr., of The College of the Bible, rendered a like service. Acknowledgments 7

Secretaries who have helped with the long process of typing and retyping are Frances Rhodus Sharp, Carol Moore McInnis, Marilyn Williams and Mary Ruth Pratt. The final manuscript was typed by Doris L. Kohl and Arris R. Hayes, secretaries to the vice president and president of the Seminary. Although I am indebted to all these and to many others, the writing has been my own and I take full responsibility for it. The writing itself fully occupied four summers—1959, 1960, 1962, and 1963.

DWIGHT E. STEVENSON

Lexington, Kentucky

CONTENTS

PROLOGUE: The College of the Bible Idea 11

I. The First Dozen Years (1865-1877) 23 II. Upheaval in Kentucky 37 III. The New College of the Bible (1877-1878) 60 IV. A National Panorama (1875-1900) 73 V. McGarvey as a Teacher 81 VI. Brick and Mortar, Dollars and Cents (1878-1911) 92 VII. Student Life Between Two Wars (1865-1914) 101 VIII. "The Reign of Law" 110 IX. The Flowering of the McGarvey Era (1895-1911) 118 X. A New Era Begins (1911-1914) 136 XI. Keeping House Together (1912-1918) 152 XII. New Patterns in Seminary Education (1911-1917) 159 XIII. War on Two Fronts (1917) 165 XIV. War and Postwar Developments (1917-1921) 208 XV. A Three-Cornered Crisis (1922-1928) 217 XVI. Learning to Walk Alone (1928-1938) 237 XVII. Elmer Ellsworth Snoddy 254 9 10 Contents

XVIII. Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 258 XIX. The Background of the Montgomery Era (1949-1965) 286 XX. New Campus, New President (1950-1955) 294 XXI. Front and Center—the Library 306 XXII. Field Education 315 XXIII. Stretching Up to a Century (1955-1965) 330 XXIV. The Academic Procession (1950-1965) 343 XXV. "As Pioneers Thy Sons Must Rise!" 353 XXVI. A New Name for a New Century 367

APPENDIXES

I. Beginnings in Ministerial Education, Especially Among Disciples of Christ 376 II. Institutional Relationships: Transylvania, The College of the Bible, The University of Kentucky 389 III. Transylvania University (1780-1865) 394 IV. Bacon College and Kentucky University (1836-1865) 401 V. Tables Showing Enrollment and Financial Growth 416 VI. Trustees of the College of the Bible (1877-1963) 421 VII. Faculty and Administration (1865-1964) 425 REFERENCES 435 BIBLIOGRAPHY 463 INDEX 483*

) Prologue:

THE COLLEGE OF THE BIBLE IDEA

FOR NEARLY HALF A CENTURY, FROM 1865 to 1911, the name of The College of the Bible was all but synon• ymous with that of John W. McGarvey. Although he did not become president of institution until 1895, he emerged almost immediately in 1865 as its leading personality and its most in• fluential teacher. In April of that year, he published a magazine article on "Ministerial Education" which so completely set the tone and outlined the program of the school which was to come into being that the article deserves to be called the Magna Charta of the Seminary.1 McGarvey was reared in a family of nineteen children, three of whom were his own full sisters, the others being stepbrothers and sisters and half brothers and sisters. His stepfather, Dr. G. F. Saltonstall, was a farmer-physician and also a trustee of Beth• any College. During his first ten years McGarvey lived in Hop- kinsville, Kentucky, where he was born on March 1, 1829, but he spent his next years in central Illinois, at Tremont. When it was time for McGarvey to enter Bethany College in the late winter of 1847, his stepfather resolved to make the long journey with him. They took a steamer at Pekin and voyaged down the Illinois and Mississippi Rivers to the mouth of the Ohio and thence up river to Wellsburg, Virginia, and overland by stage• coach to Bethany (now West Virginia), arriving in mid-March, 1847. Generously outfitted by his stepfather at Cincinnati, Mc-

11 12 The College of the Bible Idea

Garvey entered Bethany dressed in swallowtail coat and high silk hat. On his first day as a college student, March 17, 1847, John McGarvey sat in the early-morning chapel looking for the first time upon the faces of four men who were to remain his life• long friends—Professor W. K. Pendleton, and fellow students, Robert Graham, Charles Louis Loos, and Alexander Procter. As late as 1905 McGarvey estimated the influences of these four men when he said that they were like four long threads stitched into the warp of his existence for more than half a century.2 Pendleton was then under thirty years of age. "I was im• mediately impressed by his graceful and engaging manners, and I soon learned to recognize his superior and accurate scholar• ship," McGarvey reported later.3 Overawed by the dignity and fame of Campbell, he was drawn to Pendleton and consulted him often. He took him as his lifelong ideal; Pendleton's kindli• ness, courtesy, and scholarly precision became the marks of his own life. McGarvey admitted, however, that Pendleton was not quite aggressive enough to suit him. Robert Graham, a senior, taught beginning Greek. McGarvey became one of his students. The ties with Alexander Procter of Missouri were so strong that when McGarvey came to his ordination and his marriage a few years later, he called upon Procter to officiate at both ceremonies. Charles Louis Loos, a native of Alsace-Lorraine, became principal of the preparatory department before McGarvey finished his college course, and by 1856 was serving as president of Eureka College in Illinois. McGarvey's connection with Graham and Loos especially was to be long and intimate. Another fellow student was John H. Neville, one of McGar• vey's boyhood playmates both in Hopkinsville and at Tremont. Shortly the two of them responded to the invitation following one of Alexander Campbell's sermons and were baptized at the same service by W. K. Pendleton in the Buffalo Creek flowing past the church. The College of the Bible Idea 13

With Jesse W. Carter, his roommate, McGarvey found a strong bond in their mutual love of playing the flute, a pastime which they often enjoyed together. At Bethany, too, the young McGarvey came to know Thomas Campbell, who was then blind and spent most of his time sitting in a corner of the living room at the Alexander Campbell "man• sion," reciting "hymns and psalms and chapters of Scripture long ago committed to memory and which he desired never to forget. In order to be sure that he remembered every word, he would ask some young person who might be present to hold the book and correct him if he missed a word." On one occasion that young person was John McGarvey.4 McGarvey never ceased to be delighted and inspired by the morning Bible lectures which Alexander Campbell delivered before the whole college every morning at eight o'clock. "As many of the students were wild and careless, some profited little by what they heard," but McGarvey and many others were "deeply impressed by the eloquence of the speaker and [with the] originality of much that he said." There were no assignments, but many took notes, and about once a week students were called alphabetically to answer questions. McGarvey did so well when called upon that Campbell gave him a copy of the New Testament with an inscription commending him for his profi• ciency in knowledge of the Scriptures.5 Of course, McGarvey attended the Bethany Church. The richest services were those in which Alexander Campbell preached and Dr. Robert Richardson gave one of his five- or ten- minute talks at the Lord's Table. McGarvey's description of Campbell as a preacher deserves to be quoted in full: Alexander Campbell was then at the zenith of his power intel• lectually and physically. [In 1847 Campbell would have been 59 years of age.] In face and form he had a most impressive appearance, so much so that one instinctively thought him a taller and larger man than he was. He had a clear, sonorous voice enriched by a de• cided Scotch brogue, and his hearers, whether in a large or a small auditorium, never failed to catch every word that he uttered. He never moved about in the pulpit. His gestures were few, but every 14 The College of the Bible Idea one had a meaning and added vividness to the remark which it em• phasized or to the emotion by which it was prompted. His style was always elevated, never descending to the trivial or common• place, and the hearers felt constantly borne along as upon the wings of a great bird. He never descended below a lofty conversational tone of voice, and never rose into a strain of his vocal organs. His gray eyes flashed out from beneath heavy eyebrows, and he always stood erect except at the opening of his remarks when he would sometimes lean for a few moments upon his right arm resting on the pulpit. So concentrated was the attention which he elicited that no auditor grew weary however long his discourse might be, and every• one drew a long breath when he concluded. He seldom spoke less than a hour.6 It was in such a setting and under such influences that Mc• Garvey decided that he would become a preacher, if he could develop his powers of speaking. He felt that he was too diffident in delivery and that his voice was weak. To obliterate these defects or minimize them, he joined the Neotropian Literary Society and seized eagerly upon every opportunity to speak, pre• paring each talk carefully. When he graduated on July 4, 1850, he shared first honors with Thomas Munnell and gave the Greek oration. But he felt as yet unprepared for the ministry and re• solved to go to Fayette, Missouri, where his relatives were living, there to become a schoolteacher. In the summer of 1850 cholera held several Ohio and Missis• sippi river towns in its grip. Upon his stepfather's advice Mc• Garvey went home by way of the Great Lakes—up stream on the Ohio and Allegheny rivers to Beaver, Pennsylvania, by canal boat to Erie, through the lakes to Chicago, by another canal boat to the Illinois River and downstream to Peoria, and from there by stagecoach, railway train (his first), river boat and stagecoach* again through Hannibal to Fayette. "This itinerary," he later wrote, "is a fair specimen of the modes of travel in this country at that time."7 "By this time," writes McGarvey, "I had fully determined to be a preacher, but felt unprepared for the work. I had insufficient knowledge of the Scriptures [in spite of Campbell's praise], in• sufficient general knowledge, and insufficient experience in public The College of the Bible Idea 15 speaking." At this point he "was solicited by a popular and successful evangelist to travel with him and learn to preach by hearing him and others. Many had learned in that way." He declined. "I believed that this would make me a mere imitator, and deprive me of the study which I needed. Had I received at College the courses of instruction long afterward given by me and others in The College of the Bible I would have taken the field at once."8 Instead, the courteous little man with the round head, the friendly smile and the love of argument took a school for boys in Fayette, and spent his spare hours during the next two years in study. He studied Latin, the Greek New Testament, the whole Bible in English with the aid of commentaries, and also did some general reading. When called upon, he took a part in the social meetings of the Fayette Christian Church. At the end of two years this church formally called him to the ministry, and on September 15, 1852, Alexander Procter and Thomas M. Allen ordained him.9 January, 1853, found him the minister of the Dover Chris• tian Church in Fayette County, and shortly thereafter he was married to Otwayana Frances Hix of Fayette, Alexander Procter officiating. He threw himself into the ministry at Dover. It was while there that he began writing for Benjamin Franklin's Amer• ican Christian Review and Alexander Campbell's Millennial Harbinger; and it was also in this period that he began his career of religious debating.10 These two activities began to develop for him a nationwide reputation within the brotherhood of Dis• ciples of Christ. By 1860 McGarvey was working on his first book, a Com• mentary on Acts. The Civil War came. He determined to take a pacifist role. This, aggravated by the fact that he insisted upon preaching to Negroes, soon made his position at Dover unten• able. He began to look about for a secular job to support his family when in the spring of 1862 a call came from the Main Street Christian Church of Lexington, Kentucky. The former minister, Dr. Winthrop H. Hopson, had resigned because his 16 The College of the Bible Idea warm sympathy for the South was alienating a large number of his members. Governor Beriah Magoffin had struggled to keep Kentucky neutral, and had at first succeeded. The elders of the Lexington church were evidently in sympathy with this stand. At any rate, they assured McGarvey that they would uphold his neutrality. As he began his ministry in Lexington, McGarvey: . . . soon found that the membership was about equally divided be• tween Unionists and Secessionists with a strong tendency to fly apart. Both armies had enlisted some of the sons of members. Every other church in the city except the Catholic and Episcopal had split in two, and it was clear to both me and our elders that our supreme task for the time was to prevent a similar disaster. To this all our energies were directed, and happily we succeeded. Never was New Testament teaching against divisions more earnestly preached, and perhaps its principles were never so strained without breaking. Our reward came, when the war was ended, by such a rush of people to our church that an overflow meeting place had to be provided.11 For three months in 1862 the church building was surrendered as a military hospital and the church met in the Opera House. McGarvey worked steadily through the early years of the war upon his Commentary on Acts, completing it in the fall of 1863. "The composition had occupied all spare time for three years," McGarvey reports. Twice the work had been slightly interrupted by military opera• tions; once by the siege of Lexington, Missouri, when a Federal Brigade . . . was besieged and forced to surrender by the army of General Sterling Price. The cannonading was distinctly heard at my desk, and the excitement such that writing [was] suspended till the struggle was over. . . . The second interruption was in Lexing• ton, Kentucky, when, after the battle at Richmond, the first Con• federate army was seen marching into the city under General Kirby Smith. I was at my desk writing when the roll of drums announced the approach of the victorious army, and I went out to the side• walk to see them march by. Then McGarvey adds a note which for composure and under- emphasis can hardly be equaled anywhere: "Had I been as much The College of the Bible Idea 17 excited over the war as most men, no such work as a sober com• mentary on a sacred book could have been prosecuted."12 McGarvey began at once to serve as a curator of Kentucky University and was also made chairman of the Board of Visitors, from the state convention of Christian Churches. College and university teaching had many attractions for him, but his first love was for the ministry. Alexander Campbell had approached him three times with invitations to join the faculty of Bethany College, and he had two opportunities to teach at Harrodsburg in Kentucky University, but he declined all five of these offers.13 His reaction to the last approach is instructive: I replied that I would not accept any position as a teacher which would seriously interfere with the Biblical studies in which I have so long engaged; but that if in any of our Colleges a way should be opened for me to teach the Scriptures to college students I would be glad to accept it.14 This was in the year 1863. After the main building of Kentucky University burned in 1864, McGarvey was active in the effort of the curators to re• locate the school and to rebuild and enlarge it. It is therefore not surprising that his thoughts turned to the possibility of a college within the university devoted exclusively to the educating of ministers. With something like this in mind he wrote an article entitled "Ministerial Education" which was published in Lard's Quarterly for April, 1865. Though Alexander Campbell had made the Bible the central textbook in Bethany College and had himself given the daily lectures upon it, McGarvey had felt from the start that this was inadequate preparation for young ministers. He now expressed himself upon this point: We were familiar with the Pentateuch; but knew little of the gospels, still less of Acts, and almost nothing of the epistles. As for biblical criticism, it was to us a Terra incognita. All that we have learned about the practical detail of a preacher's life and course of study, we have had to acquire by our own unaided exertions since we left college.15 18 The College of the Bible Idea

Within the limits of a four-year liberal arts curriculum there is simply not enough time to educate ministers, McGarvey argued. Granted that the amount of biblical study might be somewhat enlarged by giving a ministerial student less instruction in mathe• matics and political science, it would still be too little. The im• plication is clear: The young preacher should have a course of instruction, in special preparation for his own work, which would not be appropriate for other young men. This can be accomplished by a separate school, or by a separate department of the same school.16 When he began to outline the course of study for his proposed ministerial college, McGarvey spoke from the presuppositions of nearly all Disciple leaders from Campbell onward: from their distrust of the theological education as then current in the seminaries, from a passion for Protestant reform, and from the confidence that this reform could be achieved only by a radical return to and reliance upon the Bible. The ministerial college which McGarvey proposed, because of the nature of its course, could have only one name: It was to be strictly a College of the Bible: The course of study to be pursued in such a school should be strictly biblical. Only such books as contribute to a complete and practical knowledge of the Scriptures should be put into the student's hands; and all the lectures delivered before him should be of the same character. The apostle's directions to Timothy and Titus about the matter and manner of their teaching should be regarded as the supreme law in this respect. This point should be guarded with constant vigilance and even jealousy; for a departure from this course of instruction would open the way to endless spec• ulation, strifes, and divisions.17 Thus, even in practical subjects like homiletics, church ad• ministration, and pastoral care, said McGarvey, the textbook is still to be the Bible. To be clear, we need to add that the pur• pose of this whole emphasis upon the Bible was not the defense of orthodoxy or the worship of the Bible; it was rather the release of power for the reformation of Protestantism. The College of the Bible Idea 19

Becoming more specific, McGarvey then moved to propose main ends to be served by the curriculum. An ideal education for ministers should include three elements: (1) knowledge of the Bible, (2) moral training, and (3) the liberal arts. Notice each in turn: First of all we place a knowledge of the word of God. Without this, the preacher is the most dangerous character in the community, and the greater his eloquence and learning the greater the danger. The Bible contains the only true light in reference to man's spiritual and eternal relations; and in the absence of this the false lights of human philosophy but lead into deeper darkness, the hapless victim being the more hopelessly lost as he flatters himself that he has found the only way of life.18

In detailing the biblical studies to be included in this plan McGarvey listed history, biography, poetry, prophecy, and bibli• cal teachings on all leading subjects. It is clear that he wanted to emphasize a knowledge of the content of the Bible together with practiced skill in interpreting it. Nor did he overlook the historical dialectic then going on between Disciples of Christ and "the sects." Therefore, the proposed instruction "also in• cludes specific knowledge of all the perversions of Scripture common in the sectarian world, together with the correct method of exposing them; and all the points of infidel assault, together with the means of defense."19 Had he thought of them at the time, there is little doubt that McGarvey would have included other topics such as biblical geography, textual criticism and higher criticism, and the original biblical languages. Moving to the second element of ministerial education in his plan, McGarvey next emphasized moral training. By this he meant two things: consecration to the work of the ministry and mastery of the skills of a good pastor. As already noted McGar• vey believed that much of this training could be derived from a study of biblical examples. The third element in a minister's education, the liberal arts, McGarvey regarded as highly desirable but not indispensable. 20 The College of the Bible Idea

If our object were to make authors, or critics, or professors, this department would be indispensable; but for the man who is going out among people, and make known nothing but the gospel of Jesus Christ, we have already seen that it is not so. In conjunction, how• ever, with sound Scripture knowledge, and proper moral training, it must be a means of greatly increasing the preacher's usefulness.20 One reason for this position, McGarvey frankly confessed, was the urgency of getting more preachers into the field. There were already too few; if six or seven years of college were required of every man going into the ministry, many would not survive the expense or the rigor of the course and the number of young men entering the ministry would be further diminished. Another reason for the position lay in McGarvey's assumption that the liberal arts were wholly instrumental. He did not see such knowledge as valuable in its own right, nor as providing a perspective without which even a thorough knowledge of the Bible might be misleading. In this he did not follow the warning of Alexander Campbell: to beware of the man of one Book. From the start and for many decades thereafter The College of the Bible—in pursuance of McGarvey's ideal—offered two pro• grams simultaneously. One was a Classical Course resting upon the solid foundation of liberal arts with an A.B. degree or its equivalent; this required three years of postgraduate work and included a stiff dose of Hebrew and Greek exegesis. The other was an English Course which required four years. In closely identifying the beginnings of The College of the Bible with John W. McGarvey as has been done in this prologue, it is not suggested that McGarvey originated it or created it all alone. Rather he articulated the thought of the fathers and the need of the times with such clarity and practicality that the ideal passed almost effortlessly into deed. And McGarvey in his own person represented the spirit of The College of the Bible. In his early struggles to overcome his own sense of unpreparedness he had tasted the need which drove him relentlessly in later years to bring specific and detailed help to other young men who stood on the threshold of their careers. He wanted to arm them at the The College of the Bible Idea 21 beginning with a knowledge of the Bible which he had acquired only after fifteen long years of grueling private study. And he wanted to prepare them, as he had not been, for the practical demands of the pastorate. For the next half century The College of the Bible idea was realized, so far as it was humanly possible to realize it. The men of this College were men of the Book; they knew its contents with a kind of staggering thoroughness and massiveness not often matched, even among the most zealous. And with the searching discipline of such study went the accompanying dream: know the Bible and you will release its power. I Chapter I

THE FIRST DOZEN YEARS 1865-1877

ROBERT MILLIGAN WAS FIFTY-ONE YEARS of age when he moved from Harrodsburg to Lexington to take up his duties as first president of The College of the Bible.* Be• hind him he left the ten-acre campus of Bacon College with its charred ruins of the old main building, burned a year and a half before. Behind him, too, were the temporary meeting places of Kentucky University in the basement of the Harrodsburg Chris• tian Church and in the Masonic Hall. Milligan had served as president of Kentucky University since the fall of 1859 through six years, four of them the harsh, grueling years of the war.

President Milligan Before Milligan in Lexington on that opening day, October 2, 1865, stood the new campus. It was the historic campus of Transylvania University. First, stately and white, stood Morrison College with its cascade of wide steps and its tall, fluted columns. Behind Morrison, dwarfed by its Greek grandeur, stood an as• sortment of barracks and dormitories, and a dwelling house which was to serve as his home. In Morrison three colleges of the enlarged university were to open that autumn day. One was the College of Literature, Science and the Arts ("Arts College," for short). This college was really a transplant of the university that had been at Harrodsburg. Next there was the College of

*From 1910 until 1965 the official name of the Seminary was "The College of the Bible," including an initial "The" with a capital "T." For simplicity's sake, the usage through this book will follow that form. See Chapter Twenty-six for a full discussion of minor changes in the name before 1910. 23 24 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Law, a small but honored school, presided over by Madison C. Johnson and ringing with the echoes of Henry Clay and the old Transylvania College of Law which had met in those same halls. Finally there was The College of the Bible. Milligan had at first been slated by the curators to serve as president and teacher of two colleges. The minutes of July 17, 1865, read: "R. Milligan, President of the Ministerial College & Professor therein of Hebrew and N. T. Greek, shall also pre• side over the College of the Arts and Science, giving instruction in the School of the Bible." The salary for this work was set at $1,500.00 per year.1 Milligan, however, prevailed upon the cura• tors to seek a president for the Arts College so he could give him• self wholly to The College of the Bible. The first presiding officer of the Arts College was L. L. Pinkerton, who, after one semester, was succeeded by Robert Graham.2 By then Ireland-born Robert Milligan had taught in four colleges—Washington College in Washington, Pennsylvania; the State University of Indiana in Bloomington, Indiana; Beth• any College in Bethany, Virginia; and Kentucky University in Harrodsburg. He had taught with equal distinction in every de• partment of liberal arts except modern languages. But he had come to prefer subjects connected with religion and the Chris• tian ministry.3 Milligan's religious interests carried back to 1837 when, not yet out of college, he was conducting a classical school at Flat Rock in Bourbon County, Kentucky, and found himself un• equipped to answer the questions of his students about the Bible. Driven by his own private studies of the Bible, he soon found himself casting his lot with the historic church at Cane Ridge,* in Bourbon County, one of whose elders, John Irvine, baptized him. Thereafter, his future was determined by his new Disciple connections. He had intended to finish his college education at Yale University, but he now chose Washington College because it was near Thomas and Alexander Campbell and also near a Disciple church where he could serve on Sundays. Though he was primarily a teacher, from that time he was also a preacher.4 The First Dozen Years (1865-1877) 25

Prior to his coming to Harrodsburg he had served from 1854 not only as the professor of mathematics in Bethany College, but as one of the editors of Alexander Campbell's famed maga• zine, the Millennial Harbinger. In public Robert Milligan was not a commanding personality. He was mild and unassuming in manner and physically frail, even sickly. Since 1842 he had suffered from rheumatic fever. His grey eyes were supersensitive to light, so that he habitually cast his glance downward and often shaded his eyes with his hand. His dark, silken hair and beard were unruly on a pale scholar's face. His dress was careless and was made to appear more so by the old shawl that he draped about his shoulders. But he had a quick, scholarly mind and he was an alert and incisive teacher, and a lucid writer. He had a warm, sympathetic nature; and was "even known to shed a sentimental tear" on occasion. His students loved him. The years stretching just before him were the productive years of his scholarly life. By 1875 he would have completed the writ• ing of seven large books, one of which, The Scheme of Redemp• tion (still in print), came as near to being a definitive theology of Disciples of Christ as any book that was ever written.

Kentucky University This was the man who had just assumed the presidency of The College of the Bible. As he stood facing Morrison College and the duties awaiting him inside, he was aware of the ambitious plans of Regent John B. Bowman to open three additional Col• leges in the University: a Normal College, a College of Medi• cine, and, to fulfill his agreements with the Legislature, an Agri• cultural and Mechanical College. The Normal College never materialized under Bowman's administration. But the College of Medicine, reviving Transylvania's distinguished medical history, was finally opened in 1873. There was also the Commercial College which came into being in 1867. Across town, scarcely two miles distant, stood Ashland, the former home of Henry Clay with its estate of 330 acres; adjoin- 26 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY ing it stood another 113 acres known as the Woodlands. Regent Bowman was planning to buy these two estates as the future campus and experimental farm for the Agricultural and Mechan• ical College. The Kentucky Legislature had appropriated $20,000 toward the expenses of the new college.5 The sale of the land scrip for the 330,000 acres granted by the Morrill Act was being negotiated. In the glutted land market of the period it brought less than fifty cents per acre, only $164,960 alto• gether.6 This became the permanent endowment of the Agricul• tural and Mechanical College, and yielded an annual income of $9,900, which the Legislature "appropriated" to the Univer• sity for its use in the conducting of the College. For the rest, Bowman had bound himself to raise the $150,000 needed to purchase Ashland and the Woodlands and to erect the necessary buildings to get the new college in operation. Thus for a cash out• lay of only $20,000 and a grant of land which had come from the federal government, the state had an Agricultural and Mech- anical College, subject to the control of a Board of Visitors ap• pointed by the governor and ratified by the Senate. The tragedies of state-church tensions so bitterly experienced in Transylvania's past (see Appendix III) were about to repeat themselves in Ken• tucky University. As Robert Milligan entered Morrison College on that first day of the new term in 1865, Ashland and Woodlands were two miles away and the opening of the Agricultural and Mechanical College was one year in the future, but he was destined to have dealings with them—painful and explosive dealings which would rock the Commonwealth of Kentucky and the life of the whole brotherhood. Lexington that autumn day, with its ten thousand citizens and its dual campuses on opposite sides of town, seemed peaceful and serene. Like the whole land, the city was bandaging the wounds of the war, but these were healing because they were the clean wounds of exhausted violence, not yet festering from the greed and vengeance of the carpetbaggers. The frontier spirit stirred again. Lexington was turning its back upon the war The First Dozen Years (1865-1877) 27 as upon a nightmare. There was an aching determination to put it all behind; to stretch out in hope toward a new day. And nothing stood out more clearly as the symbol of that hope than the rising new University.

Faculty And so Robert Milligan climbed the twenty-five steps of Morrison College to the first day of his duties, anticipating his most creative years. He looked forward to the faculty associations, not only with his colleagues John W. McGarvey and W. T. Moore in The College of the Bible, but with many on the other college faculties whom he knew intimately: Robert Graham, who had taught in 1859-60 at Harrodsburg, would head the Arts College in February; and John Augustus Williams, former head of Daughter's College in Harrodsburg, would be the first presiding officer of the Agricultural and Mechanical College. There was also John H. Neville, to whom McGarvey had given his silk hat at Bethany in 1847; he would teach Greek in the Arts College. And there was Joseph D. Pickett with his buttoned- up coat, his black cane, and his military bearing.7 He would teach English literature in the forthcoming Agricultural and Mechan• ical College; and before long would be on the faculty of The College of the Bible. To Robert Graham and John McGarvey especially, Milligan felt drawn by kindred interests. Before many months he was inviting these two men to regular conferences in his classroom to hear and discuss portions of his manuscript of The Scheme of Redemption. McGarvey, at a salary of $750 per year, began in the fall of 1865 to teach two hours a day in his chosen field of Sacred History and Evidences of Christianity. At the end of two years he resigned the pastorate of the Main Street Christian Church in order to teach full time. By that time full professors were drawing $1,750 and presiding officers $2,000.8 Robert Gra• ham did not come to the faculty of The College of the Bible for another decade, but he did remain in close association with Milligan and McGarvey in the interval. First as head of the Arts 28 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

College in Kentucky University and then after 1869 as president of Hocker Female College (later renamed Hamilton College), only half a block away, Graham was always at hand and very much part of the academic and religious community. The ages of the spiritual triumvirate at this time were: Milli• gan, fifty-one; Graham, forty-three; McGarvey, thirty-six. Gra• ham, in contrast with frail Milligan, has been described as a rugged, barrel-like man "almost as broad as he was tall." In his youth he had been an apprenticed carpenter, and by the time he came to Lexington he had the distinction of founding a church and a state college at Fayetteville, Arkansas, and another church in California.9 At the beginning of the first session of The College of the Bible, Milligan and McGarvey were the only teachers. But by the second semester they were joined by a third, W. T. Moore, a graduate of Bethany College and valedictorian of the class of 1858. Moore had served pastorates in Frankfort, Kentucky, and Detroit, Michigan. In February, 1866, he became minister of the Central Christian Church of Cincinnati and commuted to Lexington to teach homiletics and hermeneutics* on a part-time basis. Within the ten-year period under survey Moore built at Cincinnati the most expensive church building which Disciples of Christ had erected up to that time and installed an expensive organ in it. (The building cost $130,000.) And in the same period Moore also helped bring the Foreign Christian Missionary Society into being.10 With these three men—Milligan, McGarvey, and Moore— the first faculty of The College of the Bible was complete. At the end of five years Moore resigned in favor of someone who could give full time. Joseph D. Pickett resigned from the Agricultural and Mechanical College and came to the faculty of The College of the Bible in the fall of 1869; he remained for ten years, through the session of 1876-77. He relieved McGarvey of the courses the latter had been teaching in the Arts College and also

*Homiletics is the art of preaching. Hermeneutics deals with the principles by which Scripture is interpreted. The First Dozen Years (1865-1877) 29 taught his freshman class in sacred history in The College of the Bible. Curriculum The College of the Bible over which Milligan presided had three departments, or "schools" as they were called. When first put into operation, these were: The School of Sacred Literature (including Hebrew and Greek Exegesis); the School of Sacred History (English Bible); and the School of Sacred Didactics.* Renamed and amplified, these three departments reappeared early as: I. School of Sacred Literature and Christian Doctrine II. School of Sacred History and Evidences of Christianity† III. School of Homiletics and Hermeneutics In 1869, with J. D. Pickett teaching, Milligan and his col• leagues added a course in English literature for those deficient in grammar and composition. Called the School of English Liter• ature, it was first offered to ministerial students within the frame• work of the Arts College. At first McGarvey and then Pickett taught duplicate courses in the Arts College and in The College of the Bible, but within about five years, classes in sacred history in The College of the Bible were opened to students in the Arts College, an arrange• ment that prevailed thereafter for many years, not only in this department but in several others. This meant the mixing of stu• dents from two colleges in a single class. It also meant that a given professor often taught in two colleges, and that a given student might attend both simultaneously. Since both colleges met in the same building, it was sometimes hard to tell them apart. Student Life Milligan was close to his students. His interest in them ex• tended not only to their studies and their future careers but to

*Exegesis is the actual process of interpreting Scripture—of drawing out the meaning from a biblical passage. Didactics is Greek lor teachings and would be covered today under the topic of religious education. †Evidences is primarily concerned with the truth and authority of the Bible. 30 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY their personal problems including those of finance. More than once a part of his meager salary landed in the otherwise empty pocket of a needy student. Milligan lived on the same campus in a residence only a little apart from Logan Hall, the brick dormitory assigned for the exclusive use of the students of The College of the Bible. This dormitory consisted of "24 large, well-ventilated rooms" which would "conveniently accommodate 84 students, besides furnish• ing a good kitchen and dining room."11 Students furnished their own rooms, but usually with cheap secondhand furniture which could be sold to the next occupant of the room. And they formed their own cooperative dining society, known as the Adelphian Club. Using the kitchen and dining hall of the dormitory, they were able to keep their in• dividual expenses down to about $1.50 per week, or about $60.00 per year. One student's washing for the year was esti• mated to cost him about $10.00, to which he was required to add $8.00 for fuel and lights, and $5.00 for the janitor. Tuition for other students in the university was $30.00 annually, but ministerial students were admitted tuition free. Thus a prospec• tive minister, exclusive of his costs for clothes and travel, could attend The College of the Bible one year for a total cash outlay of little more than a hundred dollars.12 There was help even here. President Milligan administered the funds of the Kentucky Christian Education Society, which stood ready to "encourage poor and pious young men by making them loans without legal liability, to be paid back much later in small amounts upon the initiative and responsibility of the student when he had become an alumnus." The organization of the Kentucky Christian Education Society preceded the beginning of The College of the Bible by ten years. The Society was formed at Versailles, June 6, 1855, and char• tered by the General Assembly of Kentucky, March 8, 1856. Its only purpose was to provide loans and grants which would en• able young men to pursue their college education in preparation for the Disciple ministry. The initial fund of $40,000 was so- The First Dozen Years (1865-1877) 31 licited by John T. Johnson, Robert Rice, and Zachariah F. Smith in the years between 1855 and 1860. During the first twelve years the president was Z. F. Smith, a prime mover among the solicitors. (At this writing in 1963 the Society is 108 years old; its funds stand at $60,000 and it has given more than $100,000 in scholarships.) The funds of the Kentucky Christian Education Society in 1865 amounted to $40,000. During the eight years of its opera• tion up to that date it had "an average of twelve students con• tinually under its patronage." After 1865 the number of loans increased. During the 1868-70 school year, for example, thirty- one students, or about one fourth of the student body, had re• ceived loans aggregating $2,854.50, which is just over an average of $92.00 per student.13 Such loans were limited to two years, but, if 1870 is typical, during those two years they were sufficient to provide almost total support to those receiving them. The limited means of student Leslie C. Wells is probably typical. He wrote Isaac T. Reneau on February 9, 1870, that he had arrived two weeks before with $43.60 in his pocket; he immediately laid out $31.15 for matriculation, janitor, furniture, fuel, fight, books, club initiation, and two weeks' board, leaving him about $12.00 for board and with which to clothe himself for the rest of the year.14 A little more than a year later he wrote: I confess that I have experienced pretty hard times. I received money from the Education Society, sufficient to pay my board, but I have stood in great need of some other things. Some of them, by transgressing the rules of the Society, I have bought; but as for many of them ... I have done without. I had the promise of money, and had no idea but I should be able to make good the Society fund; but as it is, I am in debt to it about $10.00 or $12.00.15

The students who faced Milligan and his colleagues in the classroom were usually in their middle twenties, though one here and there might be in his teens and not a few were in their late twenties or older. Some of these were ministers of churches who had been limping along on inadequate education and who now came to make up their deficiencies. Others seem to have been 32 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

"shopping around"; some of these did not enter the ministry, but some who did proved unsuited for it. This is evident from an announcement in 1868 that the standards of admission would be raised and that thereafter the endorsement of a Christian church would be required for each student plus a signed state• ment from the student himself declaring his fixed purpose to enter the ministry. Nevertheless, a year later President Milligan cau• tioned elders of the churches that The College of the Bible licensed no man to preach the gospel and that just because a man had been attending its classes was no reason to suppose that he could teach or preach.16 Aside from the dormitories, student life centered in the literary societies and the church. There was a daily chapel exercise in each college which all students were required to attend. Every Sunday afternoon there was a student's prayer meeting in the chapel, and on Sunday morning and evening those who were not preaching in their own country churches were in attendance at the Main Street Christian Church or the Broadway Christian Church.17 Leslie Wells must have been fairly busy, for in another letter he reports, "I have charge of a class in the colored Sunday School. I attend Church regularly, twice every Lord's Day, and prayer meeting every Thursday evening. I also attend Brother McGarvey's singing class at the Broadway Church on Saturday evenings."18 There were two literary societies, the Philothean and the Christomathean, where any student might engage in speaking and debate as well as in parliamentary law and in presiding over meetings. Milligan and his colleagues vigorously encouraged these activities. They provided practice under criticism beyond what little could be done in the classes in homiletics. In a letter to Mattie Myers, his future bride then studying in Daughter's College, Oliver A. Carr discloses some of the life of the Philothean Literary Society and provides other glimpses into student activities. He is preparing an oration on the "True and Good in Man," and solicits her ideas. Later in the year he again The First Dozen Years (1865-1877) 33 asks for her ideas on an oration he is then preparing for the "society exhibitions." His topic is "The Tears of History and the Smiles of Prophecy." This same student was preaching regularly in two churches, at Macedonia and Providence. And he had held several summer meetings and otherwise showed the zeal of a young man keenly anticipating his ministry. "I sometimes think it is almost a sin for us young men who are preparing for the ministry, to stay here conning over dull lessons in mathematics, Latin, and Greek. Like a caged bird, I long to be free of the College-wall cage. I am anxious to go into the world and preach the Gospel."19 Enrollment and Outreach Student enrollment during the first six years of President Milligan's incumbency climbed rapidly not only in The College of the Bible but also in the whole University.20 The College of the Bible opened with thirty-seven students; by 1870 this number had grown to 122. The University opened with a total of 297 students and by 1869 this had grown to 819. The following table will quickly summarize the first six years: 1865-66 1866-67 1867-68 1868-69 1869-70 1870-71 The College of the Bible 37 49 71 108 114 122 The Whole University 297 502 650 767 819 660 During the next six years, however, enrollment dropped sharply both in the University as a whole and in The College of the Bible. There were two main reasons for this. One was the depression of the 1870's which gripped the nation. On September 20, 1873, the Stock Exchange failed to open; it re• mained closed for ten days. Most banks had also closed by this time.21 Through the first dozen years the whole University was run• ning on an annual income of about $30,000 per year. The en• dowment from all sources, including the land grant money, totaled just under $400,000 and Bowman valued the two cam• puses and their buildings at an equal figure. 34 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

The depression of the 1870's was only one factor disturbing Bowman's dream of a great people's university. Another was a controversy which began in 1871 and raged in both church and state for the next seven or eight years. It was over the control of Kentucky University. In this battle the Agricultural and Mechanical College and The College of the Bible occupied the center of the stage. The story of the controversy is reserved for a later chapter, but meantime, notice how sharply enrollments declined in the second six-year period: 1871-72 1872-73 1873-74 1874-75 1875-76 1876-77 The College of the Bible 104 88 49 30 59 51 The Whole University 579 448 406 273 273 299 Certificates and Diplomas, but No Degrees At Milligan's insistence, The College of the Bible granted no degrees. He believed that "a man who is to preach Christ should avoid the ambition which seeks for badges of honor and for distinction among his brethren."22 In consequence, a student could receive a certificate from any or all of the three schools or departments of the ministerial college, but prior to 1869 he could be graduated with diploma only if, in addition to the three certificates, he also had an A.B. degree from the Arts College or its equivalent. After 1869 the policy of two different courses and of two diplomas was inaugurated. By this plan one student might elect to follow the Classical Course, which meant that he would attend the Arts College four years and The College of the Bible three additional years, meanwhile taking courses under Milligan in Hebrew and Greek exegesis. The first diplomas, all of them in the Classical Course, were issued in 1867 to three men: Oliver A. Carr, James C. Keith, and Albert Myles, all of Kentucky. A student could be admitted to the English Course by passing an examination in arithmetic, geography, English grammar, and the outlines of history. To graduate, he was required to pass The First Dozen Years (1865-1877) 35 further examinations on Milligan's Structure of the English Language, rhetoric, the Rules and Principles of English Criticism, logic and elocution—all of which he could study in the Arts Col• lege while attending The College of the Bible. What this meant in practice was a straddled course taken simultaneously in The College of the Bible and in the Arts College, with primary en• rollment in the former. Such a program required four years to complete. Since many students upon presenting themselves for admission were unqualified to pass the entrance examinations, this usually meant that they first enrolled in the Academy of Kentucky University to take what would now be their high school courses. Thus a given student, even in the English Course, would be on campus as many as seven years. And a student for the Classical Course might be on campus as long as nine or ten years. From the day it opened in 1865 The College of the Bible drew students from a wide geographical area, for example, in 1867-68 with only seventy-one students in attendance, twelve states were represented. These were Kentucky, Tennessee, In• diana, Missouri, Texas, Virginia, Nebraska, Illinois, Ohio, Mas• sachusetts, North Carolina, and West Virginia. In 1870-71 there were 123 students from nineteen different states plus one foreign country, Australia. Two years later, there were two from New Zealand. Oliver A. Carr, one of the first graduates, went to Australia and in a few years, together with H. S. Earl of Bethany College who had preceded him, and with others who followed, succeeded in making such an impression that before long men began to come from Australia in considerable numbers. The first Austral• ian to graduate was Herbert Thomas Bates in the class of 1872. Thus the outreach of the new ministerial college, even within the first dozen years, became nationwide and worldwide. Funda• mentally this was due to the quality of its teaching as it was reflected in the writings of the faculty, through magazines and books, and in the obviously good preparation of the sixty-five men who received the diploma between 1867 and 1877. 36 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Through ten tumultuous and busy years of the twelve covered, Robert Milligan presided over faculty meetings, met his classes, counseled with students, wrote his books, preached in the churches at Republican, Providence, and South Elkhorn, fought a losing battle with his failing health, and went on innumerable missions as peacemaker to the strife-ridden Lexington church and University Board of Curators. How he managed to do it all is a secret which the frail, rheumatic body did not know; it came from the spirit. But at last the body could stand it no longer and on March 20, 1875, he died in the midst of strife raging in church and state over the ownership of Kentucky University. Chapter II

UPHEAVAL IN KENTUCKY

VIGOROUS, PERSONABLE, AND SUCCESSFUL, John Bryan Bowman was just forty-one years of age when he brought Kentucky University to Lexington. He had succeeded in raising Bacon College, his alma mater, from the ruins, in re- chartering it as Kentucky University, and in carrying it through the Civil War without losing a week of classes or a dollar of en• dowment. He had brought his University to Lexington, consoli• dated it with Transylvania University, and attached to it the new Agricultural and Mechanical College of the state. [Classes in the A. & M. College began in the fall of 1866.] In the fall of 1865 it seemed to Bowman and to his host of friends that he and the University stood on the threshold of an unlimited future. A grateful Board of Curators, ignoring the charter provisions for a president at the head of the University, created an office just for him. They gave him the title of regent. Under this title Bowman served as treasurer of the University, as chairman of the executive committee of the curators, as financial agent in soliciting new funds, and as chairman of the Senate, which was the name given the combined faculties of the several colleges when they met in joint session. Each college had its own presid• ing officer; but the University as a whole had the regent, who enjoyed the unbounded confidence of the board and of the general public.

37 38 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

John Bryan Bowman was born October 16, 1824, of one of the pioneer families who had founded Harrodstown (later renamed Harrodsburg), the first white settlement in Kentucky. One of his granduncles, also named John, had studied law under Henry Clay and was one of the founders of Bacon College. He himself had attended Bacon College, graduating in the class of 1842. Since the age of fifteen he had been a member of the Harrods• burg Christian Church. After graduation he settled down to the fife of a country gentleman on his inherited estate, "Old Forest Farm," between Harrodsburg and Burgin. With a modest for• tune of his own and with slaves to work his farm, he had no need to stir; but sometime in this period he studied law and was ad• mitted to the bar, though he never entered into practice. Thus matters stood until young Bowman rose to meet the challenge of Bacon College.* Though a slave holder, he remained loyal to the Union throughout the war, and afterwards became a Republican. After coming to Lexington, Bowman and his wife, the former Mary Dorcas Williams of Paris, Kentucky, were active in com• munity affairs. They made their home at Ashland, the former mansion of Henry Clay; grateful curators granted them this residence rent free, and the Bowmans brought the famous house added distinction through their celebrated hospitality. In a short time Bowman became one of the founders of the Lexington Street Railway, a trustee and founder of Hocker Female Col• lege, and otherwise showed himself to be an enterprising and public-spirited citizen. His work for the University was a labor of love. Though the curators repeatedly urged it upon him, he steadily refused a salary.1 The new University which Bowman contemplated with such loving eye in these days immediately following the Civil War was regal—as regal as a perfectly symmetrical volcano presiding over a tropical landscape, its wisp of smoke mingling with the troops of clouds that march across its highest slopes. The wisp

*For that story see my monograph The Bacon College Story, 1836-1865. Lexington, The College of the Bible, 1962. Also see Appendix IV in the present volume. Upheaval in Kentucky 39 of smoke, like its mother the volcano, is a thing of beauty. But from it one should take warning that there is a fire deep in the earth; and that, deep down below the surface beauty, subter• ranean forces build up slowly—one year, three years, five years or ten—toward the inevitable explosion.

Explosive Forces Hindsight is omniscient. Looking back from the vantage point of nearly a century, one can now see that explosive forces lurked deep in the fife of Kentucky University from the moment that the Agricultural and Mechanical College was attached to it, and that the upheaval which finally came in the 1870's was in• evitable. Consider some of those forces: 1. There was the name: Kentucky University. The school was a private, church-related institution. Many, following the superficial sound of the name, supposed it to be a public in• stitution, a commonwealth university. 2. There was the Agricultural and Mechanical College. Con• nected with Kentucky University, it was clearly a commonwealth institution. It was not exclusively under University control; its presence, contrary to what many uninformed Kentuckians sup• posed, did not tap the financial resources of the commonwealth for general university use. The Commonwealth of Kentucky en• dowed the Agricultural and Mechanical College with the funds from the sale of the Morrill Act lands. This was just under $165,000. But the Commonwealth Legislature kept this money in its own possession, and then "appropriated" the interest each year toward the running expenses of the college. This interest provided an annual income of only $9,900. In addition, to launch the Agricultural and Mechanical College in its first year, the Legislature had granted Kentucky University a loan of $20,000 to be charged against future appropriations. That was all that the Commonwealth gave as its part of the bargain. Considering that the endowment had come from the sale of federal lands and that the annual "appropriations" were only the interest from these funds, it would be accurate to say that 40 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

the Legislature of Kentucky had an Agricultural and Mechani• cal College without the outlay of a single dollar except for the initial loan of $20,000. For its part of the bargain, Kentucky University pledged it• self, through Regent Bowman, to raise at least $100,000 with which to provide a campus, buildings, and an experimental farm for the use of an Agricultural and Mechanical College. As mat• ters turned out, the campus, buildings, and farm cost nearly $200,000. In addition, the University pledged itself to admit tuition-free up to three students from each of the 100 representa• tive districts of Kentucky, making a possible total of 300 stu• dents who could be admitted free to the University. These stu• dents were further given the privilege of taking classes without tuition in any other college of the University, except the Col• leges of Law and Medicine. It is not surprising that Kentucky University found the operation of the Agricultural and Mechani• cal College more expensive than the annual Commonwealth "appropriation." Meantime the Commonwealth kept its College under the constant, vigilant eye of a committee of visitors and reserved the right to dissolve the connection at any time. From all of this Kentucky University derived only indirect ad• vantages, largely in terms of prestige. Financially it was "a hard bargain." Even the prestige was more than offset by the suspicion, prejudice, and misrepresentation heaped upon the University from various partisans of the Commonwealth and of rival denominations. The lodging of a commonwealth or state college within a private, church-related University was a move foredoomed to trouble. 3. Agricultural colleges were new ventures in America. No• where in the United States was there such precedent to go by. In the Lexington situation, this meant that a lion's share of Regent Bowman's time and a lion's share of the University money were required to get the Agricultural and Mechanical College under way and to keep it going. This meant almost cer- Upheaval in Kentucky 41

tain neglect of the other colleges and a nearly inevitable skimp• ing of their budgets. The College of the Bible, as one of these, felt a pinch from the beginning. 4. The Commonwealth at this time had no vision of public, tax-supported colleges and universities. In this lack of vision had lain the tragedy of old Transylvania University. And from this same lack of vision another tragedy was in the making. To put it bluntly, the Commonwealth Legislature wanted an agricul• tural college that would cost it nothing. 5. Denominational rivalry started with the founding of Bacon College at Georgetown. Baptists and Methodists, and to a lesser extent Presbyterians, trained a suspicious eye upon Disciples. These rivals could not bring themselves to believe that all was honorable and above board. The charter must have been ob• tained by political trickery, they said. Commonwealth funds were surely being misappropriated to sectarian ends. Disciples were accused of "a big grab" from the Commonwealth treasury, and of "sectarianizing" the state College. 6. There was the public press, which not only reported uni• versity strife but also magnified it by dragging the general public into the fuss. Nothing in previous history, short of the Civil War or the bitterest political campaign, was given the newspaper space occupied by "the war against Regent Bowman." There was a general uproar. The whole Commonwealth, including the Legislature, was in upheaval. And a great part of the uproar was manufactured by editorials and letters in the secular and sec• tarian presses. 7. There was the Panic of 1873 and the subsequent nation• wide depression which brought the hitherto thriving Kentucky University to the brink of bankruptcy. Coming just when Bow• man's management of University funds was under attack, the depression administered the coup d' grace to the tormented regent. 8. Finally, there was the basic incompatibility in aim and temperament between Regent John B. Bowman and Professor John W. McGarvey, his chief critic and antagonist within the 42 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

CHART OF INSTITUTIONAL RELATIONSHIPS Note: The College of the Bible was one college in Kentucky University as rechartered in 1865 at Lexington. Other colleges were the College of Arts and Sciences, the College of Law, and the College of Agricultural and Mechanical Arts. Kentucky University as first chartered at Harrodsburg in 1858 had had a School of Biblical Literature and Moral Science, the forerunner of the present Seminary. Upheaval in Kentucky 43

University. Bowman's main concern was the general public, seen in civic terms; and his ambition was to build a great people's university. Though he paid lip service to the church and the ministry, he never gave them large scope in his plans. His was the dream of a public institution, a state university. Mc• Garvey, on the other hand, was interested in the educational needs of ministers for a religious brotherhood, the Christian Church of Kentucky.* While not averse to serving the general public, he believed that the claims of the church should come first; and within the claims of the church none were more urgent than the need for an educated ministry. Therefore, while Bow• man was pressing the demands of the Agricultural and Mechani• cal College, McGarvey pressed with equal zeal the claims of The College of the Bible and the claims of the church in the rest of the University. Given two strong personalities, two men who did not shrink from a fight, in the situation just described, and you have the makings of what has gone done in history as "the Bowman-McGarvey Controversy."

The Bowman-McGarvey Controversy As early as 1867 the Baptists began their newspaper attacks against Kentucky University for "making a State Institution a sectarian one . . . thereby making, what was designed to be a benefit to all a benefit to one sect." The Methodists joined the attack, and, but for the wise counsel of R. J. Breckenridge, the Presbyterians would have done the same. As it was, the din raised by the denominational press was loud enough to reach the halls of the Commonwealth Legislature, who sent an investigating committee late in 1867 to see if the charges had any substance in fact.2 The committee exonerated the University. A like in• vestigation was conducted in 1872 with a like result; this time the committee called the University "a great college which is not only nonsectarian, but broad, catholic, and comprehensive in its spirit and scope."3

*It is interesting to note that the Apostolic Times, a Disciple publication, referred to the churches not in the plural but in the singular as the Christian Church of Kentucky." Upheaval in Kentucky 43

*It is interesting to note that the Apostolic Times, a Disciple publication, referred to the churches not in the plural but in the singular as the Christian Church of Kentucky." 44 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

As early as 1869, or possibly before, McGarvey began to be dissatisfied with Bowman's management of the University. He told the regent so in a private conversation. Apparently this dis• content was shared by Robert Graham, who at this time resigned the presidency of the College of Literature, Science and the Arts and took the presidency of Hocker Female College. Graham and McGarvey joined with Moses E. Lard and L. B. Wilkes in 1869 to publish a weekly newspaper, the Apostolic Times. Both Lard and Wilkes shared McGarvey's discontent, though none of it was allowed to break into the press for another two years. Mc• Garvey's face-to-face criticism of Bowman must have been more than a little disquieting to the latter. At any rate, in 1873 Mc• Garvey stated that Bowman's brother-in-law, Curator John Augustus Williams, had been "in favor of my resignation or my removal for more than four years past."4 Thus it would appeal that the first clash of Bowman and McGarvey occurred not later than 1869.

"The Church Muddle" The point at which the conflict flared into public notice was the Main Street Christian Church of which Bowman was a mem• ber and in which McGarvey and Wilkes were among the elders, This church had grown so much that by January, 1870, an over• flow congregation was meeting in Odd Fellows Hall at Main and Broadway (where Sleepyhead House now stands). In May, having obtained the former meetinghouse of the Presbyterians, the congregation moved into the church building at Second and Broadway. But the Main Street Church kept control of the ser• vices and held title to the Broadway property, the position oi the elders being that Lexington had one Christian Church, meeting in two congregations. Four preachers, who were mem• bers of Main Street, served the Broadway congregation in re• lays: these were McGarvey, Graham, Joseph D. Pickett, and L. B. Wilkes, taking one Sunday per month. Since Wilkes was then the preacher of the Main Street Church, Pickett substi• tuted for him one Sunday a month at Main Street. This arrange- Upheaval in Kentucky 45 ment continued until September when McGarvey was elected sole preacher for the Broadway congregation.5 In the affairs of the Main Street Church, Bowman seems to have been ignored. He was given no recognition, no office. This rankled. Couple this with the fact that Elders McGarvey and Wilkes, the two preachers of the two congregations, were op• posed to Bowman's administration of the University, and it is not difficult to understand why Bowman was not a happy mem• ber of the Main Street Church. Accordingly, Bowman began to raise in private with ten or eleven others the proposal to withdraw from the Main Street Church to form a Second Christian Church of Lexington. Among those consulted were Joseph D. Pickett, and George W. Ranck, also professors in the University. These were joined by John Shackleford, whom the elders of Main Street had refused to receive into membership, and by three men who had been excluded from the South Elkhorn Christian Church. (Shackle- ford was coeditor with L. L. Pinkerton of the Independent Monthly 1869-70, a magazine supporting "open membership" and opposing belief in the inerrancy of the Bible.) The Second Christian Church was organized April 2, 1871, with Bowman, Pickett, Ranck, Shackleford, D. S. Goodloe (a Lexington merchant), and others among its small body of char• ter members. The reasons which they gave for their action, as finally published in a pamphlet6 December 30, 1871, were three in number: 1. "Metropolitan centralization," the control of two churches by one eldership. This Bowman and his friends declared to be unscriptural and to smack of ecclesiastical ambition. 2. The allegedly whispered attack of L. B. Wilkes, preacher of Main Street, upon the character of John B. Bowman. The exact nature of this attack was not disclosed until the summer of 1873, but for clarity's sake we may say here that Bowman had it in his mind that Wilkes was circulating a rumor to the effect that Bowman had used University money to have the Ashland and Woodland estates deeded to himself. For this supposed injury 46 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Bowman demanded a public retraction or a hearing before a meeting of the Board of Curators, Bowman meantime refusing to have any private dealings with Wilkes. 3. "The autocracy of the elders." Since this was a delicate charge, said the pamphlet, the disaffected members had said little about it, but it was very real. Documenting this third charge, the pamphlet cited the refusal of the elders to receive John Shackleford into membership, the unhappiness of many within the church, and the failure of many Disciples in the city to bring their membership to Main Street because they were dis• satisfied with its leadership. The Main Street elders, on their side, lodged three charges against Regent Bowman and his "secessionists."7 1. "Disorderly conduct." Put very simply, this was "privately plotting" to form a second church without openly consulting the elders about it first. 2. "Effecting a schism in the church." 3. Guilt of Bowman in violating Matthew 18:15-17 in rela• tion to the rumors attributed to L. B. Wilkes. Here it is neces• sary to quote the Scripture in question: "If your brother sins against you, go and tell him his fault, be• tween you and him alone. If he listens to you, you have gained your brother. But if he does not listen, take one or two others along with you, that every word may be confirmed by the evidence of two or three witnesses. If he refuses to listen to them, tell it to the church; and if he refuses to listen even to the church, let him be to you as a Gentile and a tax collector." To quote the exact words of the charge: John B. Bowman held that Elder L. B. Wilkes had personally wronged him; and he was charged not only with neglecting to call on him and tell him his fault, but with refusing Wilkes' requests for an interview that he might explain, or if found to have done him any wrong, to make amends. The charge then goes on to excoriate Bowman for his "re• lentless and unforgiving spirit." As for the outcome, on June 25, 1871, the Main Street Church made a hasty concession to the first charge of Bowman Upheaval in Kentucky 47 and friends by releasing the Broadway congregation to organize as a church. They also tried to meet the charge of autocracy of the elders by electing a new board. But for the rest, the Main Street Church refused to recognize the Second Christian Church as a regularly constituted, sister church; and on October 22, 1871, with Moses E. Lard in the chair, withdrew fellowship from the "seceding parties," which meant that these parties were "henceforth to be regarded as excommunicated and with• out status in the Christian brotherhood." (The pamphlet state• ment was that strong.) The repercussions of "the Lexington Church muddle" were immediate and serious. The Louisville Ledger carried an edi• torial November 2, 1871, which said in part "It is understood that an attempt will probably be made by the adherents of the Main Street Church TO DISPLACE REGENT BOWMAN." The Regent, the editorial said, "believes that a factious minority of malcontents, who mistake intolerance for piety and bigotry for devotion . . . have been for some time intriguing to obtain control of Kentucky University." Bowman will resist this, the editorial went on to say: "With large and catholic views and with an unselfish devotion to the cherished object of his life, he is determined to resist all efforts ... to prostitute the funds given by the State, by Transylvania, and by private citizens to subserve the interests of any church or political party."8 Should Bowman fail, said the editorial, Transylvania would resume her trust, the Commonwealth would withdraw the Agri• cultural and Mechanical College with her campus, and take possession of all but one fourth of the endowment and "recon• stitute, on a broad basis, a new Kentucky University which would, ere long, make the old forgotten." An answering article written over the penname of "Justice" [W. T. Withers] appeared in The Louisville Ledger a week later. Denying that the disciplining of thirteen members of the Main Street Church had any bearing whatever on Kentucky University, "Justice" went on to bring the whole University question into the discussion. The Christian Church of Kentucky, 48 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

he said, holds Kentucky University as their own by charter rights, but the Agricultural and Mechanical College is a Com• monwealth institution superficially attached to the University. "No effort has ever been made or can be made to sectarianize the State College. The assumption that such an effort will be made is entirely groundless."9 "Bowman is determined to rule or ruin," "Justice" charged, as he went on to suggest the remedy: Abolish the office of regent, unknown to the charter; obey the charter by electing a presi• dent, who shall be a member of the faculty. "Regent Bowman will then quietly subside into Curator Bowman, and his power for destruction will be at an end."10

Doctor Robert Peter's Article If the publicity about the church difficulty was one point at which the controversy broke into the open, another was an article by Dr. Robert Peter in the Kentucky Gazette in the early fall of 1871. In this article, "Who Owns Kentucky University?" the Agricultural and Mechanical professor said, in part, "No one sect, no one party, can claim exclusive property in it, for no one party contributed one-fourth, and any attempt to appropriate the free contributions of all to the exclusive use of any one party or sect, must be sternly condemned by all honest and just men."11 Dr. Peter's question, "Who Owns Kentucky University?" was fiercely agitated for the next six or seven years, one side con• tending that the Commonwealth and private donors owned everything but the Bible College, the other side contending that the church owned everything but the Agricultural and Mechani• cal College. Legally, the question was clear-cut; by charter rights the curators of Kentucky University, two thirds of whom were required to be members of the Christian Church, did own all of Kentucky University except the Agricultural and Mechanical College and its endowment. The question at issue then was whether the curators were acting as trustees of the Christian Church or of the general public. The debate was bitter and pro• tracted—and it was not conducted in secret. Upheaval in Kentucky 49

Professor Pickett's Protest Still a third point at which the conflict erupted was in the appeal of Professor Joseph D. Pickett for a special hearing before a called meeting of the Board of Curators. As one of the teachers of the Bible College, Pickett had been conducting the chapel exercises of that school each Friday before his exclusion from the Main Street Church. After the exclusion, President Milligan de• clined to call upon him to conduct chapel. When the board met in its protracted three-day session (November 22-24, 1871) just to hear this case, it upheld President Milligan's right to appoint whomever he wished to conduct chapel but censured him for as• signing the church exclusion as the reason. This same meeting gave Bowman a vote of confidence, endorsing his "eminent fi• nancial skill" and his "unflinching integrity."12 With the three detonations outlined above—"the church mud• dle," Dr. Peter's article, and the Pickett hearing by the curators —the tension in the University was thus exploded into public view. Each detonation reverberated through the press for months. James K. Patterson, president of the Agricultural and Me• chanical College, addressed himself to the charge of denomina• tionalism. In an open letter to the Legislature and People of Kentucky in February of 1872 he wrote, "If there is any de• nominationalism in this college, whatever it may be, it is not 'Campbellite.' " He then went on to point out that the nine- member faculty had only two "Campbellites," but three Presby• terians, and that the remaining four were from four other de• nominations—Lutheran, Methodist, Episcopalian, and Congre• gational. The daily chapel services were directly under his charge without any interference. On Sunday, students attended the churches of their own choice; and the afternoon service in the college chapel was conducted on his invitation by the various clergymen of the city, each of whom conducted the service as it pleased him.13 President Patterson could not resist a parting shot at the Legis• lature for the stinginess of their annual "appropriation." In 50 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY the Kentucky University setting, Agricultural and Mechanical matriculates were receiving advantages far in excess of any that could be obtained otherwise from the six percent annual income on an endowment of $165,000. Harvard, Yale, and the Uni• versity of Michigan, he said, have yearly incomes ranging from $100,000 to $300,000. If the Commonwealth pulled its Agri• cultural and Mechanical College out of Kentucky University, the other universities would leave Kentucky far behind if it attempts to constitute a great scientific school on a wretched pittance of $9,900.00 annually. I think the Legislature of Kentucky will consult their own interests by leaving the connection intact, and adding beside an additional $9,900.00 annually to the support of an institution for which it has done so little, and which, with that little, has accomplished so much.14 Investigating Committee Few voices in the controversy were as calm as Patterson's. Charges and countercharges were hurled. Bowman became con• vinced that McGarvey and Wilkes were "plotting" and "manip• ulating" to get him out of the University and that Wilkes was circulating rumors intended to blacken his character. In June, 1872, the curators took the matter in hand by appointing a committee on complaints. The members were: R. M. Bishop, John G. Allen, Andrew Steele, B. B. Groom, and R. R. Sloane. The basic rule laid down by this committee was that all com• plaints should be in writing. Bowman retained five lawyers, in• cluding some of the finest legal talent of Lexington and Louis• ville, to take depositions.15 Wilkes and McGarvey prepared writ• ten statements of defense. Curator George W. Elley also filed a long complaint against Dr. Peter for his vigorous newspaper at• tack. After exhaustive hearings, the committee reported one year later. At one point in the proceedings witnesses Moses E. Lard, Robert Graham, and W. H. Hopson were cross-examined for six hours by Bowman's lawyers.16 The burden of the written complaints alone was staggering. In submitting their report June 13, 1873, the committee told the Board of Curators, "your com• mittee has faithfully, fatiguingly, but patiently waded through Upheaval in Kentucky 51

450 pages of foolscap, closely written, in the investigation of this case." The report fell into three "cases." 1. In the case of Elley versus Peter the committee censured Peter for newspaper articles that were "ill-timed, injudicious, and in their effect detrimental to the institution." But Peter did not stand alone in this. In what he had done he shared the blame with other writers. The committee did not name them. 2. In the case of McGarvey versus Bowman, the former com• plained that Bowman had in the public prints called him "both a conspirator and a liar," and asked the curators "to require the regent either to prove or retract his charges." McGarvey was exonerated on both charges but the regent was not censured. 3. In the case of Bowman versus Wilkes, the committee found that Wilkes had spoken nothing but the truth about the deed to Woodlands, which Bowman had held in his own name until 1869; but, nevertheless, Wilkes had "repeatedly and to different persons" made his statement in such a way as to "create er• roneous impressions." The net result of the year-long investigation was the censur• ing of Dr. Peter, a light rebuke for Wilkes, and the complete exoneration of McGarvey and no censure of Bowman. The com• mittee concluded its report with a word of counsel: There has been a want of harmony in the Board—much that is unpleasant in our meetings—can we not bury the unpleasant mem• ories of the past in the pledge and hope of a better and brighter future? ... Is there anyone who cannot work in peace and harmony with his fellows in the Board? Resignation would do honor to the head and heart of such a man. When the committee on complaints made its report with the above recommendation to the Board of Curators June 13, 1873, Regent Bowman "in order to remove all obstacles in the way so far as he was personally concerned . . . tendered ... his resigna• tion as Regent and Treasurer which however the Board refused to accept and they unanimously requested him to withdraw the same."17 52 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

McGarvey's Dismissal Having made his gesture to resign, Bowman must have felt that it was now McGarvey's turn. At any rate, he gathered the executive committee together shortly thereafter and the commit• tee early in July sent a letter to McGarvey requesting his resigna• tion. McGarvey declined; he had been exonerated; a resignation would look like a confession of guilt. The "peace and harmony resolution" did not apply to him: he was not a curator; besides he was not the one disturbing the peace. The executive com• mittee responded by declaring McGarvey's connection with the University suspended. McGarvey countered by challenging the authority of an executive committee to perform such a judicial act; whereupon the executive committee wrote McGarvey that they were dismissing him. McGarvey again refused their jurisdic• tion and demanded a hearing before the Board of Curators, which, he said, was the only body having the power to dismiss him. Through the initiative of several of McGarvey's friends among the curators, a special meeting of the board was called for September 16, 1873. Meantime, the friends of McGarvey began to rally. By the time of the called meeting, 181 churches and 313 donors who had given a total of $145,000 to the University had petitioned the board to reverse the action of the executive committee. They further petitioned the board: (1) to abolish the office of regent, (2) to make "a distinct avowal" that Kentucky University is the property of the Christian Church of Kentucky, and (3) to re• constitute their own board so as to place the curators in close sympathy with the Christian Church in the Commonwealth.18 Bowman's friends were equally active and vocal. The Louis• ville Commercial spoke for them in an editorial on August 17 when it said, "There are many McGarvey's in the Church of the Disciples, but only one Bowman."19 The McGarvey hearing by the curators occupied three days, September 16-18, 1873. Crowds jammed the corridors of Mor• rison College vainly seeking entrance into the hearing room. The meeting itself was "about as peaceful as a thunderstorm." Mc- Upheaval in Kentucky 53

Garvey's speech of defense, characterized by his customary, un• failing courtesy and relentless logic, was three and one-half hours long. The curators referred the 181 petitions from churches and 313 petitions from donors to a special committee, refusing to be influenced by them. When the vote came at the end of the second day, it was twenty-one to thirteen for dismissal. The next morning President Milligan, tears streaming down his face, sent a message to the board by Curator R. M. Gano: "The Bible Students will leave the university today unless some• thing is done to retain them." The curators, stunned, greeted the announcement with blank expressions. Finally Chairman Rich• ard M. Bishop* found his voice, "Yes, I think so—something ought to be done." But the board did not retract McGarvey's dismissal. The College of the Bible was in an uproar. The students as a body sympathized with McGarvey and condemned the board, but they were divided in what to do about it. They all wanted to leave, but Milligan warned them that if they left, they would kill the Bible College; he advised them to remain. Nevertheless, all but thirty-four students left the Seminary. A letter to Mc• Garvey from one of them, Matthew John Ferguson, reported in October that eighteen men from this exodus enrolled at once in Bethany College.20 One of these eighteen was William Henry Woolery, who became the third president of Bethany College.† A glance at the statistics of enrollment at The College of the Bible in Chapter I reveals the adverse effect of McGarvey's dis• missal upon the size of the seminary student body: Eighty-eight students were enrolled in 1872-73. This figure dropped in 1873- 74 to forty-nine; then to thirty in 1874-75. McGarvey's own response to his dismissal was cast in a bibli• cal metaphor from the Book of Esther: "Mordecai no longer sits at the king's gate refusing to bow down when the great

*Richard M. Bishop, the father-in-law of W. T. Moore, was governor of Ohio 1878-80. †A checking of matriculation lists at Bethany College discloses the names of others known to have been in this exodus: Thomas Loftus Brooks, Elijah Brown, Thomas Harry Capp, John August Fallgatter, Andrew Jackson Garrison, Thomas Leven Green, John William Johnson, William Franklin Parker, and Fielding Whipp Pattie. 54 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Haman goes in and out." But, the implication was that the modern Haman would also be hanged on his own gallows. An• nouncing his future course, McGarvey said he would devote more attention to editing the Apostolic Times, he would con• tinue his preaching and pastoral work for the Broadway Church, he would hold protracted meetings for rural churches, and he would hasten his Commentary on Matthew and Mark through the press. The dismissal of McGarvey in the supposed interest of peace and harmony brought little peace. The controversy was now in the hands of the people.

Repercussions Among the Churches The committee appointed by the curators to answer the peti• tions of 181 churches and 313 donors opposed to McGarvey's dismissal confined itself to the question "Who owns Kentucky University?" which had been so clearly raised by the petitions. The majority of the committee, led by John Augustus Williams, declared that the Board of Curators owns Kentucky University and holds it in the interest of the donors. The Christian Church of Kentucky, on the other hand, is not a corporation and can hold no property whatever. The curators were not appointed agents but free and uninstructed representatives; they were not indifferent to the interests of the Christian Church but they refuse to run the University exclusively in the denominational in• terest. Curator W. T. Withers, a Cynthiana lawyer, ably argued the minority cause and wrote its report, but to no avail. The Apostolic Times rose to the challenge on December 11, 1873. Since the curators had seen fit to ignore the petitions* of 181 churches and 313 donors, said the editorial, nothing re• mained but to petition the Legislature. The Times then sup• plied the full text of a petition to be signed by the churches and sent to the next session of the General Assembly meeting in Janu• ary. This petition provided that the curators be limited to thirty in number, that their self-perpetuating power be taken away and that the Christian Churches of the state through regularly ap- Upheaval in Kentucky 55 pointed delegates should elect a new Board of Curators on the first Monday of May next, and every five years thereafter; and further that no member of the executive committee should ever be eligible for treasurer. "In addition to these amendments of the Charter we further petition that the connection between the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Kentucky and Kentucky University be severed." Though the University had been faith• ful to the state in its trust, the petition said, "its connection with Kentucky University has given great dissatisfaction to other re• ligious denominations, and many good citizens, and has been a source of discord from the beginning. . . ." About 250 churches signed the petition.21 A counterpetition of 281 citizens of Lexington and Fayette County and twenty-four of the forty-one curators was also lodged with the General As• sembly.22 The bill incorporating the provision of the churches' petition passed the House of Representatives by a majority of one vote, but failed in the Senate by four votes. A "peace conference" of ten curators, five from each faction, was called for May 7 in Louisville by W. H. Hopson, the Louis• ville minister. Though the meeting was polite, it could reach no agreement. Next, the Apostolic Times issued a call for an "Education Convention" of delegates from the churches to be held in Louis• ville May 26-27, 1874, to look into the whole matter of church relations in the educational institutions of the state. This con• vention created a Committee of Twenty-one, headed by Isaiah B. Grubbs, to work for legislation to give ownership and control of Kentucky University, the Kentucky Female Orphans' School at Midway, and the Kentucky Christian Education Society into the hands of the churches. The mandate of the committee be• came the issue of a vigorous intrabrotherhood debate which raged for months. In the end, the committee, unable to get the cooperation of the curators of Kentucky University or of the trustees of Kentucky Female Orphans' School, found itself pow• erless to carry out its commission. But its existence was later, in an unforeseen way, to serve a very good cause. 56 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Crisis in the University Bowman had hoped by dismissing McGarvey to remove op• position and silence criticism of his policies. But he had mis• judged both the stature of McGarvey and the temper of the churches. If he had troubles before, he now had the makings of a disaster. Moses E. Lard as early as November, 1871, had ac• curately predicted, "Sundered from his brethren in Christ, Regent Bowman is dead."23 Enrollment in the whole University was falling alarmingly; there was a loss of 150 students in 1873 from the previous year; and another nearly equal loss the following year to bring the total in all colleges of the University to 263 in 1874-75. The College of the Bible, then taught by Professors Milligan and Pickett, had only thirty students.24 Regent Bowman's troubles were greatly magnified by the Panic of 1873 and the depression that followed. The failure of the "Short Line" Railroad and of the Commercial Bank of Ken• tucky swept away a part of the funds of the University.25 The old magic with which Bowman had raised money in the past now left him; he could raise no new funds. The preparatory de• partment of Agricultural and Mechanical College was discon• tinued in 1875.26 Professors received more and more of their salary in promissory notes. By the spring of 1876 the indebted• ness of the University stood at $120,000 of which $35,000 was owing to professors.27 Real estate expenses for Ashland and Woodlands, it now developed, had absorbed some $47,000 of the endowment funds.28 The University found itself involved with its creditors in law suits. The curators ordered radical re• trenchments. The University teetered on the brink of bank• ruptcy. In the face of these troubles the curators began to feel the sting of their differences with the friends of the Bible College. They began passing resolutions and making promises as early as July 9, 1874, trying to conciliate the churches.29 But then Robert Milligan became ill on March 7, 1875, and on March 20 he died. Afterwards, though Milligan's classes were divided Upheaval in Kentucky 57 between Pickett and a new professor, H. W. Everest, there were only fifteen to twenty students in attendance.30 The curators could see that a policy of drift in relation to the Bible College would soon prove fatal and with the failure would go all hope of reconciliation with the churches. In June, 1875, the board, led by Curator Sloane, voted to undertake at once a vigorous drive to endow the Bible College; and it also voted to ask the Kentucky Christian Education Society to nominate two professors whom it promised to support with good salaries.31 Re• ceiving the generous offer of the curators, the Kentucky Chris• tian Education Society referred the matter to the Committee of Twenty-one which met June 24. The committee nominated Robert Graham and J. W. McGarvey to the two professorships of the Bible College but they took pains to tell the curators that they did not thereby abandon their rights in the rest of the Uni• versity, nor did they pledge themselves to raise an endowment fund as long as Bowman was regent. "Many here are not without hope that now at length the troubles in the university are coming to an end," wrote the editor of the Apostolic Times. "We are not as sanguine as some; but we shall hope ever against hope, that those in authority will see how futile it is to attempt to build up a great institution of learning . . . without the cordial support of those who founded it."32 Graham and McGarvey took their chairs. The enrollment of The College of the Bible advanced to fifty-nine. But Kentucky Disciples sat tight on their pocketbooks and waited for develop• ments.

Regent Bowman's Dismissal In the face of his difficulties, Regent Bowman was growing more and more arbitrary. He found himself at war with his ex• ecutive committee who felt called upon to censure him, to order him to turn over his books for audit, and finally to demand in a Christmas meeting of 1876, the abolition of the regency.33 The matter was postponed until spring. Meantime, the executive com- 58 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY mittee found Bowman so uncooperative with the audit ordered by the board that on April 9, 1877, they suspended him until the June meeting of the full board.34 In June, Bowman came before the board to make his defense in "a bold, violent, and ag• gressive document." The board reversed the action of the execu• tive committee, thus continuing the regency for another year; but they did take the treasury from him and place it in the hands of D. S. Goodloe.35 Bowman was reluctant to turn over the ac• counts to Goodloe; in the next session the board ordered him to do so.36 Late in June, 1877, the curators' executive committee in• formed the Kentucky Christian Education Society that, since endowment funds for the Bible College had failed to material• ize, and since University finances were necessitating a general retrenchment, they would have to dismiss President Graham and retain Professor McGarvey half time at a salary of $750.00.37 The Education Society decided that the resultant "mutila• tion" of the Bible College amounted to an abolition of it. It de• termined to pull out of the University and start its own College of the Bible in the basement of the Main Street Christian Church. The story of those new beginnings are reserved for the next chapter. The last stormy year of Bowman's regency was beset by a series of humiliations. On January 28, 1878, an investigating committee of the Commonwealth Legislature composed of five senators and seven representatives sat in the Phoenix Hotel in Lexington taking testimony and examining witnesses. As the hearing proceeded, with the help of the carefully documented financial reports made by the Arts College President, H. *H. White, after his mathematically precise examination of the books, it became clear that the recommendation of the committee would be for severance. Bowman made one last bold attempt to salvage his dream. He entertained the legislators at Ashland for dinner, and in the warm atmosphere of crystal and candlelight made his proposal: Change the name of the institution to University of Kentucky; Upheaval in Kentucky 59

repeal the charter and issue a new one forbidding the majority of curators to be members of any one church; set up an en• dowment of $75,000 for The College of the Bible and place it under its own trustees and its own management; grant at the same time a similar right to its own Bible College to any de• nomination wanting it. To this proposal the committee turned a deaf ear. Its report to the Kentucky Assembly resulted in the act of March 13, 1878, to sever the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Kentucky from Kentucky University and set it up under exclusive Com• monwealth control. The Board of Curators abolished the regency the following June and ordered Bowman to vacate the Ashland mansion. When he died thirteen years later in 1891, his vision in the exact shape in which he had dreamed it had been shattered, but in its place stood a realization far more resplendent: not one insti• tution but three—a thriving church-related college (now Tran• sylvania), a growing state university, and a promising theologi• cal seminary. Forces which at the time had appeared so destructive had been truly creative. Lexington paid belated tribute to John B. Bowman on No• vember 12, 1914, when it unveiled a tall monument erected by bequest from Alexander R. Milligan, long-time professor of Kentucky University, and son of Robert. Six hundred citizens gathered in the Lexington Cemetery for the unveiling. At 11:38 A.M. the electric power in the city was shut off and all Lexing• ton paused for two minutes to pay silent tribute to the man who had wrought far better than he knew.38 Chapter III

THE NEW COLLEGE OF THE BIBLE

1877-1878

BY THE SUMMER OF 1877 THE FUTURE OF The College of the Bible within Kentucky University looked very uncertain. The curators had obviously expected that the churches, after they had been allowed to nominate their own professors in the Bible College, would rally to its financial sup• port and endow it. Because, under the continued regency of Bowman, the churches could not be assured that the University belonged to them, they declined to open their pocketbooks. As a result Graham and McGarvey had received less than a third of their salaries over a two-year period and they became con• vinced that The College of the Bible was about to be suspended. The Kentucky Christian Education Society, meeting July 3, 1877, appointed a committee to ascertain of the curators just what the situation was. When they met again one week later, it was to learn that the executive committee of the curators had decided to dismiss President Graham and retain Professor McGarvey on a half-time basis at a salary of $750.00. Professor Pickett would continue to teach Biblical Literature and Moral Philosophy both in the Arts College and in The College of the Bible, as he had been doing. Such a radical retrenchment, the Society decided, was prac• tically a disorganization of the Bible College. They themselves had no legal right to organize a new college, but they felt the need of it so keenly that they passed the following resolution:

60 The New College of the Bible (1877-1878) 61

Resolved, That we recommend to the Christian Brotherhood in Kentucky to make immediate and adequate provision for sustaining at least two professors in a Bible College, either by a permanent endowment, or by securing temporary pledges from liberal brethren, for that purpose, for five years, or until a permanent endowment can be secured.

After the meeting of the Society adjourned, "a meeting of the brethren was immediately called." With Robert Graham as chairman and E. T. Warner as secretary this meeting then created a temporary committee of three to secure subscrip• tions.* The committee of three deputized to secure subscriptions were E. T. Warner, J. B. Wallace, and C. K. Marshall. They named a temporary board of trustees and drew up a subscrip• tion form which provided that the donors should meet, after $2,000 had been subscribed, to elect permanent trustees and draw up articles of incorporation.† Those named as temporary trustees were: I. B. Grubbs, A. R. Milligan, R. McMichael, John L. Cassell, Levi Prewitt, G. L. Surber, C. A. Farra, F. G. Allen, John C. Walden, T. A. Crenshaw, W. F. Patterson, John T. Frazier, G. W. Yancey, and J. B. Jones.1 In less than a month $1,500 had been subscribed and the provisional trustees decided to announce the new institution to open September 10, with a faculty of three: Robert Graham, president; with J. W. McGarvey and I. B. Grubbs, professors.2 An executive committee of the provisional board was set up to make specific arrangements. This committee, consisting of C. K. Marshall, chairman, Alex R. Milligan, secretary, and mem• bers Levi Prewitt and R. McMichael met with the faculty for the first time on July 30, and frequently thereafter. By August 6 they had arranged to use three rooms in the basement of the Main Street Christian Church as classrooms, their only rent

*Besides the chairman and secretary those present in this first meeting were J. W. McGarvey, W. T. Withers, Oliver Farra, I. Y. Smith, W. E. Rogers, Andrew Steele, V. W. Bush, J. B. Wallace, John Allen and C. K. Marshall. †Votes would be distributed among the donors on the following basis: A subscription $25.00 to $100.00 per year would entitle the subscriber to one vote with an additional vote for every $100.00 per year beyond the first amount. 62 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY being the providing of added insurance and of janitor service for the whole building together with additional stoves and fuel. At the same time they also contracted with Mrs. A. E. Herndon of 81 Upper Street to rent her house as a dormitory; they agreed to pay her $400 per year.3 (Street numbers have changed. The house was on the west side of the street, on an alley halfway between High and Maxwell Streets.) Announcements went out to the newspapers and magazines. The first term would begin Monday, September 10. To enter, a student had to be sixteen years of age, of known Christian character, and was required to have "a fair knowledge" of reading, penmanship, arithmetic, geography, history, and grammar. Expenses, including board, room, washing, and books, were estimated at $125.00 for nine months. Up to $115.00 of this would be furnished to two dozen students by the Kentucky Christian Education Society which now had funds aggregating $48,893.76.4 (In twenty-two years this so• ciety had already helped 199 students with loans totaling $47,703.65.) The course of instruction as laid out in the announcement was arranged in three "chairs": the "Chair of English Litera• ture and Homiletics," occupied by Graham; the "Chair of Sacred History and Evidences of Christianity," occupied by McGarvey; and the "Chair of Sacred Literature and Christian Doctrine," occupied by Grubbs. The newly elected faculty took to the field to raise money.5 A committee of women from Main Street and Broadway Churches (Mrs. I. B. Grubbs, Mrs. W. T. Withers, and Mrs. Hollins) undertook to raise funds and solicit furniture for die dormitory in the Herndon house.6 In a somewhat exultant mood, for the benefit of the readers, the Apostolic Times took a "cursory glance" back over twelve years of operation. The College now numbered among its alumni two college presidents, three professors, four editors of religious weeklies, twenty-eight preachers in Kentucky, thirty- nine in other states, two in Australia, and two in New Zealand.7 The New College of the Bible (1877-1878) 63

The line, which had been momentarily threatened, now prom• ised to march on without break. Among the churches two objections to the new venture be• gan to find voice. Some said that it would be impossible to sustain the new College without an endowment. To this Mc• Garvey replied that a church ran year after year without en• dowment, and expected to do so: "Its endowment is invested in the heart of God's people and its income will be as enduring as the desire of hungry souls for spiritual food. We build our Bible College on the same foundation."8 There was, however, no intention of continuing long without a campaign for perma• nent funds. The second criticism heard in the churches was that a col• lege of the Bible could not be conducted apart from a liberal arts college. To this McGarvey answered that grown men with limited time and means could hardly do better in preparing themselves for the preaching ministry than to devote three years to the study of the Bible and in perfecting themselves in the knowledge and use of the English language. Those, on the other hand, who could go to liberal arts college would do bet• ter to get their A.B. degree before attending The College of the Bible rather than taking the two courses simultaneously as had been done in the past.9 At any rate, plans proceeded. On September 6, 1877, twenty- one subscribers with forty-three votes met in Lexington to elect trustees, to authorize the framing of a charter and by-laws, and to employ a financial agent.* The prospect of a successful college of the Bible independent of Kentucky University was not at all pleasing to Regent Bow• man and the majority of the curators. It could mean the final alienation of the churches from the University and loss of all financial support from this source. Regent Bowman decided to

*The fifteen men who composed the Board of Trustees were:10 T. A. Crenshaw, Versailles; C. K. Marshall, Lexington; R. McMichael, Lexington; W. B. Emmal, Lexing• ton; John L. Cassell, Lexington; J. B. Wallace, Lexington; W. F. Patterson, Midway;

John C. Waldent Cynthiana; J. B. McGinn, Winchester: S. W. Crutcher, Eminence; G. W. Yancey, Louisville; James L. Neal, Harrodsburg; John T. Frazier, Shelbyville; J. B. Jones, Carlisle; A. R. Milligan, Lexington. 64 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY keep the Bible College of the University open if he could at all do so. To accomplish this he needed a man completely ac• ceptable to the churches. He found that man, as he supposed, in Moses E. Lard, the very one who had read him out of the Main Street Church seven years earlier. Lard accepted, but he did so in the belief that he was serving the best interests of the University and the churches. He did not want to see the Uni• versity disintegrate. He did not believe that The College of the Bible could succeed apart from it. And, above all, he had reason to believe that the University would soon be in better hands, as is shown by this contemporary quotation: Mr. Lard was led to accept the Presidency of the Bible College, under pledges made to him by the proper party, that in a short time Mr. Bowman would resign the Regency, and that there would be a complete reversion of the University to the management of the brethren.11

Lard's motives were misread in the churches, where it seemed to a majority that their old champion had joined the enemy. Under date of August 24, 1877, Lard published an open letter in which he reported that his act in accepting the presidency of the Bible College in the University had caused a great com• motion. "One class of my brethren seem to have heard it with profound indignation, and at once to have pronounced me dead." Lard defended himself; his motive was "to save from disintegration and ruin a great denominational interest . . ." And then he lashed out in counterattack: "The sole ground of my condemnation is the new College of the Bible, started by President Graham and Professor Mc• Garvey." His action, said Lard, had been construed as miti• gating against the new institution.

A new College of the Bible was inaugurated. For this college, I repeat there was no necessity whatever. It was born of the passion of the hour, was got up to gratify the personal wishes of President Graham and Professor McGarvey, and in hope that it would de• stroy The College of the Bible in the University. . . .12 The New College of the Bible (1877-1878) 65

When the fall semester opened at Kentucky University, how• ever, only three students matriculated for The College of the Bible under Lard's presidency. These were John Bunyan Green- wade, John Smith Willmott, and James William Rogers.13 Three or four days later, Lard sent his resignation to the execu• tive committee of the curators and in an open letter dated September 12, 1877, outlined four propositions: 1. That we have in this city but one College of the Bible, and that College be in the University. 2. That to this end the Executive Committee of the University at once proceed to elect President Graham to the Presidency of The College of the Bible in the University, and Professors McGarvey and Grubbs to professorships in the same. 3. That these brethren promptly and cordially accept the posi• tions so tendered them, and at once transfer themselves and the young men now under their charge to appropriate rooms in the University buildings. 4. That the brethren who are now sustaining, by their funds, the new College of the Bible, generously agree, in forgetfulness of the past and of the bitterness of the present, to pay the salaries of brethren Graham, McGarvey, and Grubbs until such time as the Board of Curators can relieve them by paying said salaries out of the funds of the University. Finally that no obstacle may be left in the way of this desirable consummation, I have this day placed in the hands of the Executive Committee of the University my resignation of the position I now hold. I gladly retire, that the brethren may go back to former posi• tions of usefulness, and that peace and good will may take the place of excitement and discord.

The Apostolic Times took note of Lard's letter: "We are glad to be able to quiet the fears of our brethren abroad, who have recently been apprehensive of division and strife among the Kentucky brethren in regard to The College of the Bible." Nevertheless, with all due respect to Lard, the sponsors of the new college were not disposed to accept his proposals.14 We do not know what may have happened that year to the three students who matriculated for work under Lard but in the spring the committee on The College of the Bible within 66 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY the University reported to the curators that there had been no classes the previous year.15 In 1878-79, Greenwade, Rogers, and Willmott were among the forty-five students regularly matriculated in the new Col• lege of the Bible. The curators on June 12, 1878, accepted the resignation of President Lard, tendered, as we know, to the executive committee nine months earlier. There is poetic irony in the fact that Lard's own words, applied to Regent Bowman in the fall of 1871, were now so appropriate in his own case: "Separated from his brethren in Christ [Moses Lard] is dead." Lard died of cancer of the liver a year and a half later, a broken and disappointed old man at the age of sixty-two.16 Forty-one students attended the new College of the Bible during that year of 1877-78 in the basement of the Main Street Christian Church. Thirteen of these were graduated the fol• lowing June 11. Faculty, trustees, and friends exulted over the successful year. A charter had been granted by the Common• wealth Legislature and signed by the governor February 19, 1878. The Bowman-McGarvey controversy undoubtedly helped to determine two provisions of the charter: (1) that . . . "no per• son shall be eligible as a Trustee, or shall at any time act as such, who is not a member in good standing of some congre• gation of the Christian Church." (2) that "no president, pro• fessor or tutor shall be employed who is not also a regular mem• ber in good standing of the church of the Disciples." Though the year had been successful, the giving of the brethren was hardly up to the needs. The faculty absorbed the difference. So far as the records of the executive committee show, each of the three teachers received only $550.00 for that year; and the first payment was delayed until December 22.17 The spring of 1878 found the University curators in a very conciliatory mood toward the new College of the Bible. In their June meeting they abolished the regency, made H. H. White president of Kentucky University, returned A. R. Mil• ligan to the faculty, and invited the new College of the Bible, The New College of the Bible (1877-1878) 67 with its separate legal status, to occupy classrooms and dormi• tory on the campus. They also offered a free interchange of students with the College of Arts.18 The trustees of The College of the Bible accepted the offer. The fall semester was announced to open Monday, September 8, and the students were advised to be prompt in securing their dormitory rooms, which, said the announcement, had been neatly furnished, "far more than they have ever been."19 The Catalogue of Kentucky University, explaining the new situation, reported: The College of the Bible, under the charter of Kentucky Univer• sity, is not in operation. Its place is supplied by the new College of the Bible, which though in administration and control entirely independent of the University, is designed to be conducted in close connection with it.20 Just how close this connection was at this time is indicated by the rest of the announcement in the same catalogue: The two institutions occupy the same grounds, their classrooms are in the same building, and their Faculties have some members in common. Students of The College of Arts have access without charge to the classes of The College of the Bible; and, on the other hand, matriculates in the latter can receive, free of cost, instruction in the classes of the former, or in those of the Academy. Experience has clearly shown that both institutions can thus be conducted in perfect harmony, with decided advantage to the students of each. Legally separate, yet working closely together, Kentucky Uni• versity and The College of the Bible addressed themselves to serving a religious body in Kentucky now grown to 595 con• gregations and 79,525 members.21 The new College of the Bible was at work in an old and familiar setting.

"The Sacred Trio" Robert Graham, Isaiah Boone Grubbs, John William Mc• Garvey, the three men who came together to form the faculty of the "New" College of the Bible in the Main Street Chris• tian Church, remained together for several decades. They came to be associated in the minds of students and friends of the 68 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Seminary under the affectionate title of "the Sacred Trio." All three had been Alexander Campbell's students in Bethany Col• lege. For several years they had served together on the editorial board of the Apostolic Times, published in Lexington, Ken• tucky. When they joined forces on the faculty in 1877, Graham was fifty-five years of age; McGarvey was forty-eight; and Grubbs was forty-four. McGarvey was introduced in the Prologue. Brief biographies of the remaining two members of the trio follow.

Robert Graham

Robert's father, William, had been an English sea captain. He brought his family to Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, to live when Robert was nine years of age. At the age of twelve Robert began a five-year apprenticeship in the shop of a Pittsburgh carpenter. While thus employed he worked in the shop by day and went to school by night. And while still working at his carpenter's trade only a few years later he helped erect the first buildings of Bethany College. It was then that the desire to attend the College he was helping to erect became overpowering. And in 1844 with the personal encouragement of Alexander Campbell he laid down his saw and carpenter's rule to take up the Bible and the textbook. He became student pastor of the Dutch Fork Christian Church, eight miles from Bethany; with his salary from this plus earnings as a Greek instructor in his junior and senior years, he was able to complete his work. He graduated as the salutatorian of his class. Following his graduation from Bethany College in 1847, he rode horseback to Fayetteville, Arkansas, where he established the Christian Church and where he also founded Arkansas Col• lege, forerunner of the University of Arkansas. When Bacon College had been revived as Kentucky Uni• versity at Harrodsburg in 1859, Robert Graham joined the The New College of the Bible (1877-1878) 69 faculty as teacher of English and related subjects. But he stayed only one year, then returned to Arkansas. Caught in the emotional tides of the Civil War he was compelled, because of his Union sympathies, to leave Arkansas. First he served as pastor of the Walnut Street Christian Church of Cincinnati from 1862-1864, and then in 1864 moved to California where he became minister of the Santa Rosa Christian Church. He left this church in 1866 to become presiding officer of the Liberal Arts College of Kentucky University, recently re• moved to Lexington. This completed the circle—from Ken• tucky University and return in six years. But, anticipating trouble with Regent John B. Bowman, Graham resigned this University post in 1869 to accept the presidency of Hocker Female College (later called Hamilton College). At the death of President Milligan in 1875, Graham left Hocker College to become presiding officer of the College of the Bible in Ken• tucky University. Graham was later described by his students as "a solid block of a man."22 He had a florid complexion, light blue eyes, and "an orator's mouth,"23 and in later years, "a halo of white hair."24 The dress of the day was a Prince Albert. But later, in the nineties, says Harvey Baker Smith, Graham wore an English walking suit, a standing collar, and a white bow tie. Priding himself on the control of his emotions, he almost never laughed or smiled. President Graham began his teaching at The College of the Bible in the chair of English Literature and Homiletics, but after 1880 he occupied the chair of Mental and Moral Philoso• phy. This covered a wide range of subjects, also required of students in the Arts College of Kentucky University—psy• chology, logic, political science, civics, and economics. As a teacher Graham was methodical and exacting. Though disposed to be kindly, he could be "sharp, even caustic" to• ward slipshod work.25 He was capable of acting out his lessons and took great pains to make things clear. 70 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Robert Graham resigned the presidency June 28, 1895, less than two months before his seventy-third birthday. He con• tinued to teach three years longer, but retired altogether in 1898, at which time, in recognition of a distinguished career, Kentucky University awarded him the LL.D. degree. He died January 20, 1901, at the age of seventy-eight.

Isaiah Boone Grubbs Four years younger than McGarvey and eleven years younger than Graham, Grubbs was, like them, an honor graduate of Bethany College ('57). Reared on a farm near Trenton, Ken• tucky, at the age of nineteen he entered the high school of Montgomery County, Tennessee, and also began to preach— for both of which roles he had prepared himself by home study. He was pastor of churches at Paducah, Eminence, and Louis• ville. From 1864-1868 he taught at Flemingsburg (Kentucky) College. He came to Lexington from Louisville in 1876 to be• come managing editor of the Apostolic Times and was thus conveniently at hand for the beginning of the new College of the Bible a year later. Professor Grubbs held the chair of Sacred Literature and Christian Doctrine, formerly occupied by Robert Milligan. His courses covered a wide range of subjects: biblical Hebrew, hermeneutics, exegesis (English, Hebrew, and Greek), biblical theology, church history, and homiletics. Evidence converges from many sides to indicate that Grubbs was the students' favorite teacher. They revered Graham, ad• mired McGarvey, but they loved Grubbs.26 By temperament he was keenly analytical and logical, but he was also enthusiastic and warmly personal. Physically he was frail and from about 1885 seemed to be walking on the edge of the grave. This caused students to take his courses early lest he should die before they graduated; this went on for twenty years.27 Letters from several of his former students picture Grubbs at work in his teaching. Professor Grubbs had a mobile, ex- The New College of the Bible (1877-1878) 71 pressive face which was always interesting to watch, especially when he was carried away by his enthusiasm for Paul's the• ology. At such times "his statements were top flights of elo• quence, worthy of any occasion."28 His dress was plain and seemed to go with his tousled hair, usually worn long. He was a wiry wisp of a man. Because of sinus difficulty he usually carried a large silk handkerchief in one hand. He sat at his desk in a swivel chair, which he was constantly turning. As he called on students, they came to the front of the room and stood at his desk to recite. He had a playful spirit indicated by incidents like this: In a drowsy class one early afternoon a student fell asleep on a rear seat. Suddenly Professor Grubbs began shouting at the top of his voice: "Awake, O thou that sleepest, and arise from the dead, and Christ shall give thee light." After the first shock of surprise, and after seeing the sleeper leap to life, the students roared with laughter. Then the professor gave biblical chapter and verse for his quotation, used in such an unorthodox man• ner. (It was Ephesians 5:14.) His specialty was exegesis of Paul's Letters. He loved the most abstruse, theological phases of the Apostle's thinking. His interest was in Paul, the theologian. Of the Apostle as a great mystic, the great moralist, or even the great, practical, organizing genius, the missionary, he had little concern. It is doubt• ful whether these phases of the Apostle's life were acutely present to his mind. But for Paul's doctrines, especially that of Justification by Faith and the relation of the Law to the Gospel, he had great enthusiasm. There were times when his shrill tones could be heard out on the campus. At such times someone was apt to remark, "Professor Grubbs must be lecturing on the seventh chapter of Romans."29

Much is known about what and how Professor Grubbs taught; he wrote his own textbooks—one for church history, one for hermeneutics and exegesis, and one for Romans. For Biblical Theology, he used Robert Milligan's The Scheme of Redemption. 72 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

The professor's lectures in church history were all given in one semester. This reflected the slight attention commonly given in earlier days by Disciples of Christ to the history of the church between the Apostolic Age and their own movement in the nineteenth century. In 1893 Grubbs prepared his lectures in printed form under the title Manual of Church History. The book was a light survey of the first fifteen or sixteen centuries of the church, five chapters, 116 pages. Nearly one half of the book was devoted to the third chapter, "History of Doctrine, Schism and Sects," an indication not only of the Disciple em• phasis but also of his own theological interest. A textbook in hermeneutics and exegesis was also published in 1893. It was his Exegetical Analysis of the Epistles. The first part of the book was a long preface containing a complete out• line of hermeneutical principals. The rest of the book was given over to his analysis and interpretation of three Pauline Letters —1 and 2 Corinthians and Galatians.* By 1895 Grubbs's health had failed so seriously that the trustees relieved him of classes in Hebrew and Greek exegesis and homiletics. His offerings for the next ten years, therefore, included Christian doctrine, church polity, church history, her• meneutics and English exegesis. Poor health closed his teach• ing in 1905. He was placed on formal retirement in 1907. He died September 18, 1912, at the age of seventy-nine, after an invalidism lasting seven years. The three men who constituted the faculty of The College of the Bible during its year of exile in the Main Street Christian Church led the return of the Seminary to the campus of Ken• tucky in the autumn of 1878. There they continued through the remaining years of the nineteenth century as "the Sacred Trio," symbol to the whole brotherhood of all that was best in The College of the Bible.

*Note to the nontheological reader: Exegesis is the_ minute study of a passage of scrip• ture to determine precisely the meaning or interpretation of the passage—both for ancient and modern readers. Hermeneutics has to do with the principles that guide such an interpretation. Chapter IV

A NATIONAL PANORAMA

1875-1900

THE LAST QUARTER OF THE NINETEENTH century was marked by territorial and industrial expansion and by social ferment. America, tall and broad shouldered, was com• ing into her giant strength. The panic and depression of the 1870's ended. In Louisiana the last empire of the carpetbaggers collapsed by 1877 and the Civil War became a memory. In industry the "Robber Barons" were at work. Carnegie, Frick, Rockefeller were building huge trusts in steel and oil and piling up great fortunes. It was a period of invention. Thomas A. Edison was never busier or more fruitful. One after another inventions tumbled from his brain: the phonograph, the electric light, motion pic• tures. It was while Robert Graham's presidency was still young that Alexander Graham Bell invented the telephone and put it into general use. And toward the end of the period George Eastman gave the world its first hand-held camera. Burroughs put the countinghouses of banks, stores, and industries forward with his adding machine. And the invention of pneumatic tires put all America on bicycles. As a kind of symbol of the whole era of expansion and conquest, Nelly Bly, in 1889-90, traveled around the world in ninety days. Applied science, that benevo• lent witch brewing elixir in her beakers and her cauldrons, was shrinking the globe, and subduing it. It was also a time of unprecedented social upheaval. European immigrants poured into the Eastern ports by the millions—to dig

73 74 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

the coal and run the steel mills. Labor, abused, browbeaten and exploited by ruthless owners, began to discover itself and find its voice; the Haymarket riot and the Pullman strike were to make infamous history. Eugene V. Debbs spoke eloquently for labor and paid for his eloquence in prison. As the 1880's turned into the 1890's, Jane Addams opened her Hull House in the slums of Chicago. And toward the end of the period, in the midst of the depression that had followed the panic of 1893, Coxey's army of unemployed marched on Washington.

Disciples of Christ The young brotherhood of Christian Churches known as Dis• ciples of Christ was also coming into its virile, unruly manhood. From 1860 to 1875 the membership of this young movement had grown from 191,000 to 400,000; this had been impressive. But the leap of the next period was spectacular: from 1875 to 1900 membership was almost tripled—from 400,000 to 1,120,000.1 All of this came into fitting public recognition when a Disciple, James A. Garfield, was elected to the Presidency, and on September 19, 1881, joined Abraham Lincoln in the im• mortality of martyrdom. In 1882 John B. Bowman, writing from Washington, D. C. with characteristic enterprise, advo• cated the building of a national city Christian Church there.2 Much of this bursting energy was undisciplined. Disciples con• tinued to be argumentative champions for their plea; they chal• lenged members of "the denominations" to public and news• paper debate at the drop of a hat. With the beginnings of the Christian Woman's Board of Mis• sions and the Foreign Christian Missionary Society, Disciples, through their missionaries, began reaching for the world. This era began, curiously enough, with a mission to Europe and neighboring countries. Henry S. Earle, a graduate of The Col• lege of the Bible in 1876, went to Southampton, England, as a "foreign" missionary.* In the same year Dr. A. Hoick under• took a Scandinavian mission, and in 1879 G. N. Shishmanian, an Armenian who had just graduated from The College of the

*The account of his rescue of the drowning McGarvey is given in the next chapter. A National Panorama (1875-1900) 75

Bible, was, on the urgings of J. W. McGarvey, sent as a mission• ary to Turkey. In 1882 the Albert Nortons and G. L. Whartons sailed to India, and the following year found the George T. Smiths and the G. E. Garsts in Japan. A vigorous, expanding Disciples of Christ movement had a world mission.3 Undivided by slavery and the Civil War, Disciples of Christ emerged nevertheless into a period of internal controversies in the postwar era. On the surface the issues were four: the as• sumption of pastoral power by the preachers, the use of the or• gan in public worship, open communion, and missionary or• ganizations. Less prominent but nonetheless emergent in the late 1880's and during the 1890's was the question of open member• ship which was to become a source of bitter contention, and ultimately of division in the first half of the twentieth century. The assumption of pastoral power by the preacher, since he was the only full-time church worker in a local congregation, was a natural evolution from the rule of several elders. This de• velopment advanced so uniformly throughout the movement that it did not become a source of division. But open communion, the use of organs in public worship, and missionary organiza• tions did become divisive questions. This, at the turn of the cen• tury, resulted in the formation of a separate denomination, recognized by the 1906 census as the Church of Christ, but in• formally called "anti-organ" or "Antis" by Disciples. Opposi• tion to organ and organization stood upon the ground of a strictly construed restoration of the exact pattern of the church in the New Testament. The New Testament church, some ar• gued, did not have musical instruments or missionary societies; therefore, these are unscriptural expedients and against the will of God. The ultimate of intolerance over the question of instrumental music was expressed early in the controversy by Moses E. Lard, who wrote in his Quarterly: Let every preacher . . . resolve at once that he will never . . . enter a meeting house belonging to our brethren in which an organ 76 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY stands. . . . Let no brother who takes a letter from one church ever unite with another using an organ. Rather let him live out of the church than go into such a den. Let those brethren who oppose the introduction of an organ ... if an organ is brought in . . . abandon the church.4 McGarvey was convinced that public worship with an organ was unscriptural, and he himself would not belong to a con• gregation in which an organ was used; but he refused to make it a test of fellowship. He would preach in a service where one was used and his funeral was even conducted from such a church. McGarvey was a lover of instrumental and vocal music. He himself played the flute; there was a piano in his house; one of his daughters, Sarah, attended a conservatory of music and later taught music in Hamilton College and toured Europe giving her own concerts. On a given evening, you could find the McGarvey family gathered around the piano, singing the same hymns that they would sing in church. On these occasions McGarvey also played his flute. McGarvey's position was taken strictly upon the letter of the New Testament (more accurately upon the silence of the New Testament) regarding public worship. He knew that the Jews had used instruments in temple and syna• gogue, but he argued that the use of these was discontinued by the early church, which lived under another dispensation. As more and more Christian churches introduced organs, McGarvey became silent. Though not changing his convictions, he appeared loath to enforce them upon others. In the light of this, McGarvey's missionary attitude and that of his colleagues in The College of the Bible is curious. They were as ardently promissionary society as they were antiorgan. They served in various capacities as officers and trustees of these so• cieties and gave large blocks of time and energy to their promo• tion. The letter of the New Testament, it seems, need not be followed in matters not directly connected with worship. In 1864 McGarvey laid down his position to which he held in the future; and we may take this also to be the position of his colleagues: ... All that has been said by advocates of musical instruments A National Panorama (1875-1900) 77 about the silence of the Scriptures in reference to Colleges, Mission• ary Societies, etc., is wide of the mark. We might be excusable for adopting means not mentioned in the Scriptures, for spreading a knowledge of the gospel, and still inexcusable for introducing in our worship of God, an element which he has not authorized.5 Nothing gives a better index of the bursting but undisciplined energy of Disciples then their record of founding and supporting colleges. In 1897 they had five universities, twenty-five colleges, and fifteen institutes, schools, seminaries, and Bible chairs. These forty-five institutions were so inadequately supported that all their endowments taken together totaled only $1,177,000. Seventeen are no longer in existence.6 The truly prolific activity of Dis• ciples in education, and their lack of foresight in undergirding it, are shown by the statistics compiled in 1946 by Claude E. Spencer, curator of the Disciples of Christ Historical Society. His admittedly incomplete list then contained 256 names of "colleges, seminaries, academies and institutes founded or controlled by Disciples of Christ, either as private or church owned institu• tions."7 Chairs, Houses, and Bible Colleges Disciples in addition to colleges and universities developed three kinds of institutions for higher education specially designed for the ministry: the Bible chair, the house, and the seminary or Bible college. The Bible chair was a professorship established in its own building next to a university campus and affiliated with the larger school, usually a state university. The occupant of this chair taught Bible courses for undergraduates; and the work was accredited toward graduation in the university. When first undertaken in the 1890's it was anticipated that several denom• inations would establish such chairs; but this anticipation has not been realized. Hence the Bible chair has remained a distinctive Disciple enterprise. The first two of these were established at the University of Michigan (1893) and the University of Virginia (1896). They are found today at several other state universities.8 The second type of institution, the house, is represented today 78 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY by Disciples Divinity House at The University of Chicago and Disciples Divinity House at Vanderbilt University. The one at Chicago began in 1894. The third type of institution, patterned on The College of the Bible at Lexington, began to spread. At the close of the century such schools were to be found in operation adjacent to the Uni• versities of California, 1894; Oregon, 1895; and Missouri, 1896. Others were soon to follow providing the seminary movement as we now know it; Drake Bible College, 1881 (now Drake Divinity School); Phillips College of the Bible, 1907 (now The Graduate Seminary of Phillips University); Brite College of the Bible in Texas Christian University, 1914 (now Brite Divinity School); Butler School of Religion, 1925 (now Christian Theological Seminary). McGarvey opposed the establishment both of the Disciples Divinity House in Chicago and of the state Bible chairs, perhaps not without some promptings of vested interest. But the reasons which he gave himself and the public were these: He opposed the Ann Arbor project at the University of Michigan, he said, because a secular university did not provide an atmosphere con• ducive to the proper preparation of ministers.9 And he opposed the Chicago project on the grounds that The University of Chicago was a Baptist University and a divinity house at such a place would almost certainly come under Baptist control.10 Before 1900 these three types of institutions were not as dis• tinguishable from each other as they are today. Bible colleges did both graduate and undergraduate work, and, as at Lexington, might offer all the religion taken by an undergraduate of an ad• joining university. A Bible chair did nothing but undergraduate work. And a divinity house did only graduate work. Meanwhile a college, like Bethany, carried on its own undergraduate pro• gram of ministerial training. But in those days, when graduate work was the exception rather than the rule for Disciple ministers and when the majority went into the ministry with an A.B. degree or less, the existence of four different kinds of ministerial education was both competitive and confusing. A National Panorama (1875-1900) 79

Toward the end of the nineteenth century a few Disciple graduates of liberal arts colleges began to move toward the universities for graduate training leading to the B.D. and Ph.D. degrees. They studied at Yale, Harvard, Union, Rochester, Chicago, and Princeton; but when they returned to the main streams of Disciple life they often found themselves living under a cloud of suspicion. They were, it was charged, "inspired by the three evil spirits of evolution, higher criticism, and new the• ology." What they were trying to do was neither dark nor devi• ous; it was simply to lift the educational level of the ministry for Disciples of Christ. Living as a kind of embattled minority, fourteen of these men in 1896 at the National Convention in Springfield, Illinois, formed the Campbell Institute, a society for mutual encourage• ment and discussion. One requirement for membership was a B.D. or Ph.D. degree from a recognized university or seminary. While this requirement brought charges of "intellectual snob• bery" from some quarters, the membership grew and the Institute with its late night meetings at the conventions, and with its own magazine The Scroll, served as an educational leaven. It was one of several evidences of the restless thrust of Disciple ministers to• ward graduate study.11 Their own statement of purpose reads as follows: (1) To encourage and keep alive a scholarly spirit and to enable its members to help each other to a riper scholarship by the free discussion of vital problems. (2) To promote quiet culture and the development of a higher spirituality among the members and among the churches with which they shall come in contact. (3) To encourage positive productive work with a view to mak• ing contributions of a permanent value to the literature and thought of the Disciples of Christ.12 Graduate study had been in the picture at The College of the Bible from its beginning. It eventuated in the Classical Diploma, a strong equivalent of what later came to be recognized as the Bachelor of Divinity degree. And from the beginning it re• quired two to three years beyond the Bachelor of Arts. But 80 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY through the early years most of the work, even toward the Classical Diploma, had been done on the campus at Lexington, there being no rival institutions offering ministerial training of the same intensity. Men did both their college and their seminary work as a continuous whole on the same campus in the two affiliated institutions. However, with the emergence and multiplication of rival schools, Lexington enrollments began to decline. The College of the Bible responded to the dual pressure from rivals and from trends toward more graduate study by proposing an addition to the curriculum. Under the leadership of McGarvey, then presi• dent, the trustees voted June 5, 1899, to institute a number of "Graduate Courses." Hebrew was to be extended to two years; a year was to be devoted to the historical and exegetical study of the prophets; a half year was to be given to the Psalms and related writings; and advanced work was to be offered in Hellen• istic Greek. Plainly, McGarvey was hoping to draw A.B. gradu• ates of other Disciple colleges to Lexington for their graduate work. He was jealous for the primacy of The College of the Bible in biblical education; he proposed to keep this primacy by teach• ing still more of the Bible on a more intensive plan. Moreover, the increased emphasis upon graduate training reflected a na• tional trend. This rapid survey of Disciples' backgrounds during the last quarter of the nineteenth century leads to a clear impression of vitality and growth, albeit in the midst of some disorder. Dis• ciples were infused with pioneering zeal. In education as else• where they felt themselves to be on the threshold of great, un• precedented conquests. They were not then contemplating co• operation or mergers with other religious bodies; they were think• ing of conquering them. Such an attitude explains the following incident: J. W. McGarvey, during a state convention of Dis• ciples at Latonia, Kentucky, was seen watching the construction of a new Roman Catholic Church building near the convention hall. When asked what he was thinking, he replied, "I was think• ing of the day when that will be one of our churches."18 Chapter V

McGARVEY AS A TEACHER

THE COLLEGE OF THE BIBLE WAS J. W. McGarvey's brain child. And from 1865 to his death in October, 1911, he was its leading personality. He began teaching at the age of thirty-six and stopped at eighty-two. It was McGarvey's name, more than that of any other, that drew students from the ends of the earth. At one time there were twenty-three from Australia alone in the annual student body.1 Though McGarvey served as president only during the last sixteen years of his life, his was the guiding spirit during the whole forty-six years of the school's history until his death. McGarvey taught Sacred History, his favorite name for Old Testament and New Testament history. This was the fullest and longest course in the College. It required four complete years of daily recitation, five days a week. McGarvey described his own work in these terms: The design of this department is two-fold, to lay a solid founda• tion in a knowledge of the historical facts of the Bible for all sub• sequent advances in Biblical investigations; and, second, to make the student familiar with a large amount of material suitable for dis• courses and illustrations. Incidentally, his faith is greatly strength• ened by his acquaintance with the actual contents of the Bible.2 He wanted his students to know the contents of the English Bible and to know them thoroughly. His son, James Thomson McGarvey, later commented upon this consuming passion to know the Bible. The Disciple fathers

81 82 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY had undertaken the movement to end schism and promote Chris• tian unity; but they saw a radical return to the Bible as the way to that unity. McGarvey and his associates in the second genera• tion said little and thought little about the goal but concentrated upon the means: The call for union became less distinct while men burrowed deep to build foundations for what seemed to them a more sure success. The scriptures were opened anew, studied and analyzed with a searching zeal. All other things fell away into niches and corners while this renovating search went forward.3

In keeping with this search, McGarvey became a man of one Book. The realms of literature, studied in college, receded into the shadows. The other disciplines of the liberal arts lingered only as he remembered them from his student days. He read the higher critics—in order to answer them—Josephus, for its con• firmation of the biblical record, and the hymnal. But he read and studied the Bible; he pored over it; he absorbed it. Frederick W. Henry (class of '96) reflected the view of thousands of his contemporaries when he wrote, "It was an ac• cepted fact that if by some cataclysm all Bibles were destroyed over night and Brother McGarvey was alive, he would begin writing one in the morning, and it would be an accurate dupli• cate."4 Just a month before his death, however, McGarvey wrote that his memory of the exact language of the Bible had been greatly exaggerated: When it became my daily work to teach the scripture narrative to classes of college students, I adopted a method by which I recited to them the scripture lesson, paragraph by paragraph, announcing questions of each paragraph for the class to study, answering for them such as they could not be expected to answer without help. This required me to memorize daily one chapter or more and oc• cupied the chief portion of my time for preparation.5 To guide the students, McGarvey devised a "syllabus" which divided the biblical books into parts, subsections, and paragraphs. "This method, while enabling the student to see the plan of every McGarvey as a Teacher 83 book, helps him also to remember its contents."6 Under each paragraph heading, McGarvey stated a number of questions, the answers to which required a precise knowledge of the text and of several cross references, as well as no little amount of private interpretation. Until 1893 the teacher wrote the syllabus for the day on the blackboard. "This syllabus was copied by the students, and they made such additional notes on the questions discussed as each thought needful. In the daily examinations they were all required to recite the text, at least in substance, and to answer the questions written. Other questions which may test their knowledge of this are also propounded."7 These "examinations" were recitations by individuals standing at the teacher's desk in front of the class. In this way McGarvey prepared four volumes of class notes, writing them in his neat hand in Morocco bound notebooks. As soon as he had written them he began a careful revision, a note• book to a year, a process repeated seven times, so that in twenty- eight years "every volume had passed seven times under his closest critical scrutiny."8 In 1893 McGarvey published these class notes in four volumes. The syllabus was printed on the left side of the page, leaving the right page blank for the student's answers. Thus the textbook also served as a workbook. (See page 84.) The method could become exceedingly mechanical and did become so in the hands of McGarvey's imitators. But McGarvey kept the classes alive by his own genial bearing and by the con• stant interplay of interpersonal life which he created by meeting each student as a person, often through interchanges of puns and jibes of wit. The oral tradition of the Seminary is filled with anecdotes bearing witness to the vitality and interest of McGar• vey's teaching. During the last twenty-five years of his life McGarvey became increasingly deaf. It became necessary for him to use an ear trumpet which he carried on his coat lapel and used constantly in the classroom. The trumpet was a kind of goosenecked horn about the size of a small teacup to which was attached a flexible IV. 44—XXIX. 29. DEUTERONOMY.

PART SECOND, iv. 44—xxvi. 19.

§ I. NEW HISTORICAL ITEMS IN THE SECOND DISCOURSE.

iv. 44-xxvi 19.

1. Preface to This Discourse, iv. 44-49.

Why the following speech styled "law," "testimonies,"

"statutes" and "judgments"? 44, 45.

2. A Specimen Exhortation, v. 22-88.

3. Reason for the Long Stay in the Wilderness. viii. 2-4.

Is the remark about raiment literal? 4.

4. Why Israel Permitted To Take Canaan, ix. 4, 5.

5. A Disconnected Interpolation, x. 6-9.

6. The Closing Exhortation, xxvi. 16-19.

PART THIRD, xxvii. 1— xxx. 20.

§ I. HISTORICAL ITEMS IN THE THIRD DISCOURSE.

xxvii. i-xxx. 20.

1. A Solemn Ceremonial To Be Observed at Mount Ebal.

xxvii. 1-26.

How much of the law to be written? 8, 10, 15-26. 2 What

class of sins to be denounced? 15-26. 3 Purpose of this ceremonial?

2. The Blessings To Follow Obedience, xxviii. 1-14.

Are they temporal? or spiritual? Why?

8. The Curses To Follow Disobedience. 16-48.

4. Their Captivity Foretold. 49-68.

5. A Covenant Announced, xxix. 1-89.

A sample page from McGarvey's Class Notes on Sacred History (Vol 1, page 96). The facing page was left blank for longhand notes by the student. McGarvey as a Teacher 85

rubber tube about three feet long, which McGarvey inserted into one ear. When called upon to recite, a student came and stood at the teacher's desk. He picked up and held the trumpet to his mouth as he spoke his answers into it. Some students found this embarrassing, and not a few, imitating McGarvey, put their end of the speaking tube to their own ears, causing laughter all around. McGarvey's classes were usually large, numbering fifty to sixty-five members. These members often enlivened the oc• casion by coaching and heckling the reciting students. Since McGarvey was too deaf to hear what they were saying, several men became rather adept at this "offstage" verbal horseplay. This tendency must have been considerably arrested, however, after the following incident. Professor McGarvey called upon Hiram Brown to recite.9 While Mr. Brown was making his way from the back of the large room and around the outside aisle, and while he was still half a room away from the desk, noticing that Mr. McGarvey did not have the hearing tube in his ear, boldly addressed the teacher aloud, "Good morning, John." To this McGarvey with a smile immediately replied, "Good morning, Hiram!" Then the class knew that their deaf teacher could read lips. William Franklin Turner ('94) told this story: One day we studied the story of Jesus passing through Jericho. He [McGarvey] asked a self-confident student whether the incident of the blind man occurred as they entered Jericho; or were passing through; or leaving the city. The student argued with great earnest• ness that it was as they entered. Brother McGarvey argued patiently and at length with him and then finally said, 'I will now read the text,' which said that it was as they were leaving the city, and the student sat down discomfitted while the other students smiled. The teacher was showing that we should stay close to the text.

Mr. Turner continued, "We were required to commit the Four Gospels and Acts verbatim for class recitation. The rest of the New Testament and Old Testament in substance, so we could give the full meaning. . . . We did not study so much about the Bible as the very text itself."10 86 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Professor McGarvey did take up critical questions in the senior year and in the student's final semester. He did this under the title of Evidences of Christianity, a course for which he also pre• pared his own text. He dealt with the integrity of the New Testa• ment text, and with the genuineness, credibility, and inspiration of the New Testament books. While accepting the methods of both higher and lower criticism and upholding the legitimacy of both inquiries, he tended to accept the results of lower criticism while rejecting most of the findings of the leading contemporary higher critics.* McGarvey called the most of them "destructive critics." He drew them to the attention of his students in order to defend the stu• dents against them. In teaching, McGarvey kept these critical questions for seniors. He commented, It is idle, and it is often injurious, to introduce to young men the more recondite questions in either textual or higher criticism, until after they have laid the foundation for such studies in a general knowledge of the whole Bible and in an advanced degree of mental training.11 McGarvey preferred the historical approach to the Bible to that of literature or theology. This led him to de-emphasize and even to slight the nonhistorical books. In his syllabus, some of the prophets come off with less than a page, even with as little as three or four lines. The Book of Psalms was allotted a single page. This predisposition to the historical standpoint prejudiced McGarvey against many of the findings of higher criticism. The Book of Jonah, in his view, lost its value if it were not literal history. And Deuteronomy could not be authentic Scripture if Moses had not written it. This literalistic presupposition was never brought into the light, but it was a seriously limiting factor in McGarvey's teaching, contributing to his own conservatism and to that of the churches which he influenced so profoundly for half a century.

•Lower criticism sifted ancient Hebrew and Greek manuscripts of Scripture, studied variations in wording so as to arrive as nearly as _ possible at the original text. Higher criticism dealt with questions of authorship, historical setting, original purpose, literary sources, and the like. McGarvey as a Teacher 87

McGarvey's Column on "Biblical Criticism" McGarvey was not against higher criticism itself. This is obvious from his own statements: It is scarcely needful to add that higher criticism is a perfectly legitimate branch of study, the disrepute into which it has fallen of late in many minds having grown out of the illegitimate methods which have been adopted by many critics, and the destructive con• clusions to which they have thereby led themselves and their fol• lowers. Its pursuit must lead to the truth concerning the Bible when conducted in accordance with right principles, and when these are applied by sound judgment and competent learning.12 McGarvey, for some years prior to 1893, had been reading the books and journals of the new higher critics, Wellhausen, Graf, Briggs, Bacon, Harper, and others. He dubbed their work "Destructive Criticism," and sought to discredit it: "It has in• fected the minds of thousands of preachers, both old and young, and it threatens to bring about a radical revolution in the public estimate of the Bible."13 He was not alarmed for the Bible "but for the souls that are being led astray." These "destructive critics" were very articulate; conservatives were silent. McGarvey proposed to several conservative scholars that they start a magazine to combat the critics. Though they applauded his venture, they declined to go along. At last Mc• Garvey hit upon the idea of conducting a weekly column in the pages of the Christian Standard. This he did from January 7, 1893, until his death in 1911. He wrote his articles in a popular vein with plenty of sarcasm, epithets, and ridicule; in a word he used the tricks of a skillful debater before a popular audience. Separated from his warm smile and from his courtesy and friendliness in all personal relations, these articles appeared to some readers to have been written by a pen dipped in vitriol. Many of his friends, his colleagues on the faculty, and members of his own family tried to dissuade him from taking such a line; but he believed in his cause and thought his method necessary to insure the wide reading that he thought the cause must have. A few excerpts will provide samples of his method. Regarding 88 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Benjamin Bacon's views of the exodus of the Israelites from Egypt in Genesis of Genesis, he wrote: "We are astonished that after the lapse of more than three thousand years this gentleman, living near Boston, should know so much more about this re• markable event than the man who wrote Exodus."14 On Lyman Abbott and the theory of evolution, he wrote: Perhaps the reader is about to ask, What has all this to do with evolution? Well, nothing at all; for Dr. Abbott is not much in the habit of sticking to his text. He is one of Jude's wandering stars. He has left his orbit, and goes bumping around against everything that lies in the way. . .15 McGarvey's enemies accused him of bad feeling—of "dipping his pen in acid" to write his columns, but this seems a false ac• cusation. What McGarvey really attempted was humor—the humor of the debating platform in a frontier period. McGarvey himself said as much. Under the tide "Criticism and Witticism" he once wrote: I have always been somewhat given to humor; perhaps too much so for a preacher. I have always been disposed to laugh at things which are ludicrous, and the only development in this respect of which I am conscious in connection with Biblical Criticism is this: I find myself disposed to laugh at some things which once made me angry. When I first began to read these destructive critics, I was like Elihu while listening in silence to the sophistical arguments of Job and his friends—my wrath was kindled . . . But now that I see farther into the sophistries and follies of the critics, I laugh at some things which then kindled my wrath. I have experienced a change somewhat like that of the barnyard animals who, after the ass had come clothed with the lion's skin, and had frightened them all, they saw his long ears stick out, and all broke into a roar of laughter...... a good laugh is sometimes more effective than any amount of argument. ... If I were writing a book, I would try to straighten my face and put on my dignity; but as I am only writing for a weekly paper, I can afford to have a little fun.16

McGarvey's Method and his Students If McGarvey's teaching methods seem scarcely adapted to college or seminary, we have to remember the scant academic McGarvey as a Teacher 89 preparation of many of his students. Though he attended The College of the Bible a little later than the McGarvey period, Dawson Dwight Dugan (class of 1918) must have been typical of a large number almost from the beginning: I was groping in the dark—no other way for me. We had lived on a farm out in the country. I joined the church when I was about twelve. I never got much support to go to Sunday school. I don't suppose I went twenty-five times before I was of age. . . . My mother was a member of the Baptist Church. One of my brothers joined the Methodist Church. My father [after my mother's death] joined the Christian Church, so the rest of us went with him. Well, Newt Briney came up there and held a meeting. I got the idea of studying for the ministry back then. Then I was in the Navy four years. Got out and went to The College of the Bible.... I suppose I had about finished the fifth grade [when I came to Lexington]. I had never gone to school more than six months in any one term, and mostly four months. There were more than forty-two entering the preparatory school the year Duggan began. Some of these men were preach• ing. I was twenty-one when I went in. We had one fellow forty-two. There weren't many younger than I. Of that forty-odd, I'd say there were about six under twenty years. Sometimes they would stick and sometimes they wouldn't. A good many of them came out of the mountains.17 Roger T. Nooe (class of '01) attended The College of the Bible after he graduated from Kentucky University, an unusual procedure. Most men who attended Kentucky University did so during or after their College of the Bible course. Mr. Nooe in• dicates that even with his more advanced training, he felt no inadequacy in McGarvey's method: I virtually revered McGarvey. His name was a sort of household word, a word really to conjure with. ... I owe to him a great deal in the study of the Bible. I greatly honored him. In my college days I was really not in the class of people who would adventure in ideas. Some of my fellow students were ventur• ing in new fields of thought at that time, but I didn't know what was going on. I didn't know the language. This came later.18 90 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

It is surprising that McGarvey was able to satisfy his students, almost without exception. They came to him from divergent backgrounds, some with a few grades of schooling in one-room country schoolhouses, some with college degrees. But he held them and he filled their minds with the contents of the Bible, per• haps as no teacher has done before or since. After it was published in 1881, McGarvey's book The Lands of the Bible was required reading in his classes. His visit to Pales• tine was made in 1879. He was gone six months, three months of which were spent in Palestine. In this, as in all things, McGarvey was methodical and painstaking. Before going, he read all the available books—by Robinson, Barclay, Thomson, Lynch, and Baedeker. In a notebook he listed all the places he proposed to visit; under each he noted facts needing verification and left space for new discoveries. His son reports, "While he employed his guide, and carried his Baedeker, he supplemented the figures and statements of both by careful measurements with his own tape line, laboriously climbing over old walls, crawling under shattered arches, and dropping his plummet from the top of ancient towers."19 W. C. Morro observed, "For years following his visit to the Holy Land tourists to Palestine would bring back the story of some guide who remembered him as the man who measured everything with a rule or tape line."20 In the midst of the tour McGarvey and his party paused one Saturday afternoon (June 14, 1879) for a dip in the Mediter• ranean. Caught by strong currents, McGarvey was soon carried beyond his depth. Exhausted, he sank twice, resigned himself to death and lost consciousness. Only by the most heroic efforts of his former student and traveling companion, H. S. Earl, was he rescued. Convalescence at a camp on the spot required three days. Reflecting on his rescue, McGarvey was convinced that his de• liverance was the work of the intercessory prayer of the Broadway Church in Lexington, which before his departure had engaged to pray for him. McGarvey called the incident "my death and restoration." "I had passed through the conscious experience of McGarvey as a Teacher 91 dying, and God drew me back out of the very jaws of death. I feel that the remnant of my days, whatever it shall be, is a special gift of His providence." McGarvey asked why he had been spared. He assumed that it was for a special purpose. For years thereafter he frequently pondered the question. Meanwhile he wrote with his record of the event a request and a resolution. The request: "I desire that my children shall watch the course of my life and that, when I am gone, they shall write at the foot of the page the answer which time shall have then revealed." The resolution: "At present, one answer, and only one, I have been able to find: it is in the days which God has added to me I shall love Him with all my heart, and work for him with all my strength. This, with his heavenly help, I am pledged to do. 'Here at thy feet I leave my vow, and thy rich grace record. Witness you saints who hear me now, If I forsake the Lord.' "21 Chapter VI

BRICK AND MORTAR, DOLLARS AND CENTS 1878-1911

AN EXAMINATION OF THE FINANCIAL RECORD makes it plain that Graham, McGarvey, and Grubbs taught from the sheer love of teaching, and not for financial gain. Their an• nual salaries, as fixed in 1879, were $1,500 each. But they had not been receiving all of it. A special committee of the trustees reported June 1, 1885, that the amount due on back salaries at that date was $8,415.25. This was for three men. "The pro• fessors, being present at the meeting, agreed to receive in full settlement a note to each of them for $2,500 bearing interest at 6% per annum from June 1, 1885, until paid." But the Seminary did not pay up quickly. Minutes of the executive committee as late as the spring of 1895 indicate that the school still owed $2,200 each to Graham and Grubbs. Mc• Garvey, on his part, had turned his note of $2,000 into an an• nuity, as the following letter indicates: Lexington, Kentucky June 10, 1889 Trustees of The College of the Bible: I propose to release you from all obligation to pay the Two Thousand Dollars still due on your note to me for back salary, pro• vided you will continue to me annually one hundred and twenty Dollars, the equivalent of six per cent interest on the same till my death. Fraternally yours, J. W. McGarvey 92 Brick and Mortar, Dollars and Cents (1878-1911) 93

Faculty salaries appear to have advanced but little in the next several years. For example, they stood at $1,750 per year in the spring of 1891. Other expenses of the school were small, two or three dollars per week to two or three students who served as janitors or librarians; and, after October 25, 1884, $200 per year to J. T. Vance for his work as treasurer. He was joint treasurer of Kentucky University and The College of the Bible.

Campaigns In the raising of money for operating expenses and for build• ings and endowment, the school customarily worked through financial "agents." These men, serving sometimes on salary and sometimes on percentages, remained at their work of solicitation from one to several years. Between 1877 and 1912 there were eight of them, serving in the following succession: S. H. King, W. H. Daugherty, B. F. Clay, J. S. Shouse, G. L. Surber, J. T. Hawkins, M. D. Clubb and W. T. Donaldson. Quite early it became clear that the Seminary could not long operate successfully without an endowment. And, since it was also evident that no agent had quite the drawing power of Graham, McGarvey, or Grubbs, the determination of the faculty to take to the field was readily understood. In this connection the action of the executive committee on January 28, 1881, is significant: Resolved, That Professor J. W. McGarvey be requested and authorized to suspend his work in the College as soon as practicable and that he solicit a permanent endowment for the Bible College and that the teaching of his classes in his absence be left to his associate professors and that the salaries of all three continue un• changed. McGarvey prepared a circular which he mailed in advance to all whom he intended to visit; he also published a number of articles in the Apostolic Times. Then he began soliciting on March 14, 1881. When he reported on June 6, he had visited about 150 persons, many of them two or three times. Forty-four of these had responded, and most of the others had indicated 94 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY that they would give. He planned to see them all again. He had canvassed Fayette, Scott, and Harrison and part of Madison Counties. The resulting endowment subscriptions were payable, with few exceptions, in five annual installments, the first to fall due when $50,000 was fully subscribed. McGarvey also accepted smaller contributions toward current expenses; these small gifts amounted to $2,897. His traveling expenses during this campaign amounted to only $24.70. As time permitted, other members of the faculty also took to the field. This concerted effort came to a successful fruition in the fall of 1884. The minutes of the executive committee for October 16, 1884, show that only $400 was needed to complete the drive. Thereupon McGarvey and Graham signed a joint note to cover that amount and make the campaign complete. It was understood that the note would be redeemed when money came in above the $50,000 goal. Of the original subscription, by June, 1885, $23,000 had already been paid.1 Once on its way, the endowment fund continued to grow. When McGarvey became president in 1895, it stood at $60,103.92. Under steady pressure, but without spectacular cam• paigns, it mounted gradually. It passed $100,000 in 1905; and at the time of McGarvey's death in 1911 it stood at $175,804.48.2 In 1905 the curators of Kentucky University, smarting under the comparative poverty of their school, requested The College of the Bible to desist from its active campaign and leave the field entirely to them. This was just before the Seminary had ad• vanced its endowment to $100,000. In view of the nearness of the goal, and in view of the extreme old age of McGarvey and Grubbs, whose drawing power accounted in no small measure for the gifts that were being made, the faculty and officers of The College of the Bible declined to withdraw completely. But they did agree that their agent, who was then W. T. Donaldson, should work in cooperation with J. W. Hardy, agent of the University.3 In 1903 McGarvey addressed a circular letter to former students urging them to help lay a "solid and sufficient financial Brick and Mortar, Dollars and Cents (1878-1911) 95 basis" for the college. The record of his presidency in financial matters makes it clear that this was an urgent interest of his throughout his whole term of office. And, including the Garth Education Society (shortly to be discussed) and the $125,000 eventually developed by that fund, McGarvey secured permanent funds amounting to no less than $240,000 during his term of office. In addition, of course, there were the regular current ex• penses for running the school; from the treasurer's reports it is difficult to determine the amount exactly, but it seems to have run in the neighborhood of $25,000 to $31,000 per year. This is an impressive record of financial success. One thing that gave real promise for the future was the initiation of the gift-annuity program, first authorized February 7, 1894. The first annuity to be taken out was by Mrs. Elvira Hardin. She deeded her farm, one third to each of three insti• tutions; Kentucky University, The College of the Bible, Kentucky Female Orphan's School. The annuity payments of The College of the Bible to Mrs. Hardin amounted to $350 annually during the remainder of her life. About 1885, as its endowment funds grew, The College of the Bible entered in earnest into the loan business, mostly on real estate. The College of the Bible professors shared in this, Mc• Garvey most of all, when on March 2, 1888, he requested and got a $6,000 loan to build a new house. His previous home had been destroyed by fire in July, 1887.4

Building Programs (1889-1895) A crowding of facilities lies back of the action of the executive committee of the Board of Trustees in June, 1889. The Uni• versity offered the use of Blythe House as a dormitory, and the privilege of erecting a new building on the campus, provided this building and its site were acceptable to the University curators. The dormitory building formerly occupied by The Col• lege of the Bible was to be retained, and the Seminary was to accept responsibility for insurance and care of all three buildings. B. F. Clay, J. W. McGarvey, President Graham, I. B. Grubbs, I

96 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY and Mark Collis were asked to solicit funds for the new building. It was understood that the money would be used temporarily for the building, but as dormitory rents amortized it the money would go into the education fund. The executive committee finally decided to make a $4,000 addition to the dormitory. September, 1889, found the building in progress. When completed, the two dormitories formed a capital T, the cross bar being the new building, named Craig Hall. The upright member of the capital T was the old dormi• tory, called Logan Hall. The older, Logan Hall, had been erected sometime before 1865; it was a three-story brick building containing twenty-two double rooms and two reception rooms. Craig Hall, the new wing of the dormitory, matched the other structure; it was a three-story brick building containing ten double and two single rooms, plus kitchen, pantries and a dining hall. The dining room was operated by the Adelphian Boarding Club. Blythe House on the campus was renamed Davies Hall some time after 1889—probably in honor of Elisa Davies, a close personal friend of Alexander Campbell and J. W. McGarvey. She is buried in the McGarvey family plot in the Lexington Cemetery. This building had been erected about 1800 and had been used as the residence of James Blythe, acting president of Transylvania University. After 1865 it had been the residence of Robert Milligan, while he was president of The College of the Bible. The house contained eight double and two single rooms. The three buildings, Logan, Craig, and Davies Halls, stood in the general locality now occupied by Ewing Hall on the Transyl• vania campus. Even with this additional dormitory space which about doubled the lodging capacity and gave space for cooking and dining, the school was still crowded. Enrollments in Kentucky University had been climbing along with those of The College of the Bible; "Old Morrison" was simply not large enough. The growing ministerial college needed a building of its own for classrooms and offices. Brick and Mortar, Dollars and Cents (1878-1911) 97

Hence the executive committee on June 5, 1893, appointed a committee to have plans and estimates prepared for a new building. The committee members were J. W. McGarvey, J. G. Allen, and Mark Collis. On December 8, 1893, the building committee submitted three plans. The plan that was evidently drawn by the committee itself was .the one approved. Drawings were then prepared and a sketch of the proposed building was drawn.* These were to be used in soliciting funds. June 13, 1894, the Board of Curators of Kentucky University passed a resolution granting The College of the Bible permission to erect a building on Kentucky University campus. The archi• tect was F. S. Allen of Joliet, Illinois. There was no general contractor. Instead, the executive committee employed M. Geertz as superintendent and let the contract in parts. Though the building was at first to be lighted by gas, electric wiring was also installed. Bookshelves for the library, fire escapes, and water closets were apparent afterthoughts. But by December 6, 1895, the executive committee authorized the treasurer to pay F. S. Allen $100, the balance of his fee, indicating that the building was completed. Plumbing continued to give trouble for the next year or two. The College of the Bible Catalogue for 1895-96 announced: The New College edifice now in course of construction, will con• tain six classrooms, two society halls, a chapel 63 feet in length by 36 in width, and a library and reading room 60 feet by 30. The last will be open throughout the day, and the Librarian will be in con• stant attendance. The whole building will be lighted by gas, and heated by furnaces so constructed as to afford perfect ventilation. The executive committee voted December 16, 1895, to name the chapel the Robert Milligan Memorial Chapel, in honor of the first president of the college. This chapel was located on the second floor, south.

*A sketch of this proposed building may be found on page 34 of the 1894-95 Kentucky University-College of the Bible Catalogue. It is considerably different from the building finally erected; the drawing pictured it as an all-brick structure with Byzantine touches on a basically American Gothic design. Apparently it would have been more expensive than the building finally erected. 98 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Those who recall this building were especially impressed by the enormous central stairwell and wide stairway, and by the high ceilings. Each classroom was supplied with a long narrow faculty office room. J. W. McGarvey, in his Autobiography, states that the internal arrangements of the building were by his design.5 The final cost of the building was $26,012.13. By 1900 only $125.92 of this remained to be paid.6 A more precise description of the building appears in the Christian Standard for June 8, 1895: The building then under construction was to be "92 feet across, 66 front to rear, three stories high, having ten main rooms adapted to the various pur• poses for which they are intended and on the front side there will be a tower 112 feet high and 16 feet square." This building was vacated by The College of the Bible in the spring of 1950. It was then used for nearly ten years by Transyl• vania College for classrooms and offices. In January, 1960, it was razed to make way for the Haupt Humanities Building of Transylvania.

Garth Educational Society A great stride forward in helping students with their expenses was taken with the help of McGarvey's personal friend, Claude L. Garth, a wealthy farmer who was a member of the Newtown (Kentucky) Christian Church. In 1902 he had already given $2,000 to establish the Mary Carrick Garth Scholarship in Ken• tucky University. And in 1903 he approached President Mc• Garvey with the intention of giving $20,000 at once to be kept in trust to provide scholarships for men in The College of the Bible; he also indicated his intention of leaving his estate of nearly $200,000 in trust to his wife with the provision that at her death it would become available as an endowment for ministerial scholarships. Remembering the aid of the Kentucky Christian Education Society, which had antedated The College of the Bible and which is still working as a source of scholarship funds, McGar- Brick and Mortar, Dollars and Cents (1878-1911) 99 vey persuaded Mr. Garth to set up a similar corporation, with the president of The College of the Bible as president ex-officio. The Garth Educational Society was formed August 27, 1903, and on the same date received Garth's initial gift of $20,000. The will was drawn as stipulated. Then on February 10, 1905, Mr. Garth died suddenly at the age of fifty-seven, leaving only his widow and a few nieces and nephews. Mr. Garth's widow expressed a desire to divide the estate at once so the money could go to work for The College of the Bible immediately. Accordingly, on March 16, 1905, the Society agreed to a division in which Mrs. Garth would receive four ninths, and the Garth Educational Society five ninths of the estate. When all business arrangements had been concluded, the amount coming to the Garth Educational Society was $90,851.- 34. With the previous gift of $20,000, this brought the trust funds of the society to more than $110,000. But not for long. At this point, the nieces and nephews brought suit to break the will. After a hung jury and a retrial the plaintiffs agreed to a compromise settlement in which they would receive $20,000. It thus became necessary for the Garth Educational Society to give up $15,000 as its share of the compromise settlement. Mrs. Garth supplied $5,000. There was an additional loss, however, for attorney's fees amounting to $4,000; the Society's share of this fee was $2,222.24. Thus the loss to the Society from the con• test of the will was $17,222.24. This meant that the trust fund— instead of being more than $110,000—ended up at the figure of $93,629.10.8 Through the years the fund has helped hundreds of young men and not a few young women. Many have repaid the kind• ness, with the result that the audit of August 31, 1962 showed a balance in the trust of $124,786.75. A few years ago the president of the the seminary reported that "In fifty-four years through this fund Mr. Garth has invested over $250,000 in the education of ministers. His capital fund of $100,000 remains in trust and will continue to assist in the education of ministers in perpetuity."9 100 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

It may be helpful to review the changing picture of campus and buildings from 1865 until 1912. Except for one year (1877- 78) when The College of the Bible met in the Main Street Christian Church, the school made joint use with Kentucky Uni• versity of the offices and classrooms of Morrison College from 1865 until the fall of 1895—a period of thirty years. (Morrison College was really a hall, not a college; but tradition from the days of Old Transylvania had so denominated it.) After 1895 The College of the Bible occupied its own three-story building, previously described in this chapter. Student housing began in Logan Hall, an old residence hall, on the campus of Old Transylvania, and it continued in this same hall, except for one year, from 1865 until 1911 and a few years beyond. The exceptional year, again, was 1877-78; then the school rented the "Herndon House" on South Upper Street. In 1889 a new wing, called Craig Hall, was added to Logan Hall, and this continued in use through the rest of the period under survey. The same year (1889) Blythe House (renamed Davies Hall) was made available by University authorities and began to serve as a dormitory. These dormitory arrangements continued unchanged until 1914, when Logan, Craig, and Davies Halls were demolished to make way for the new heating and lighting plant and for Ewing Hall—still standing on the campus of Transylvania College. Chapter VII

STUDENT LIFE BETWEEN TWO WARS 1865-1914

A STUDENT COMING TO THE COLLEGE OF the Bible between the Civil War and World War I could take one of two courses. From 1869 he could work toward an English Diploma. This required four years. About a year of that time would be filled by the offerings of the College of Liberal Arts in Kentucky University. The second alternative offered from 1865 was the Classical Diploma. This meant the entire curricu• lum of the College of Arts in Kentucky University, plus the entire curriculum of The College of the Bible. Normally it required seven years, and included the A.B. degree. There were no elective courses; once the desired outcome had been chosen the pattern of courses was prescribed. However, many students who were well on their way to their English Diplomas suddenly caught fire with the desire for a liberal educa• tion. This meant that they started out with a minimum of work in Kentucky University and a maximum in The College of the Bible, then made up their A.B. deficiencies in Kentucky Univer• sity. It was even possible, at the end of seven years in the two schools, to acquire an A.B. degree from Kentucky University and a Classical Diploma from The College of the Bible at the same commencement. It was always possible to complete the A.B. degree in the Uni• versity first and then to go to The College of the Bible for the three-year course leading to the Classical Diploma. In actual

101 102 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY practice, however, not many students did it this way before the turn of the century. From time to time slight variations developed, but for the most part the patterns of the curricula remained the same. The following chart, listing courses by titles used today, quickly presents the relationships between Kentucky University and The College of the Bible for both diplomas and the A.B. degree:

Mathematics Latin Modern Language Greek

A.B. in Kentucky Natural Science (Transylvania) English Language and Literature University (grammar, composition, literature) Mental and Moral Philosophy (psychology, logic, ethics, philosophy, civics, political science) Bible Biblical Criticism

Theology Hermeneutics English Exegesis Church History Homiletics

Hebrew Greek Exegesis* •The Classical Diploma required all the above offerings, the A.B. degree in Kentucky [Transylvania] University, plus all the offerings in The College of the Bible. As time passed, the Seminary also added vocal music and elocution, but upon an elective basis. The courses in Bible ("Sacred History") and biblical criticism required for the A.B. were much briefer and less demanding than those required of students pursuing the English or Classical Diploma. Before the turn of the century high schools and academies were few. Students coming to Lexington for college, though they might be grown men, frequently had to make up all or part of their Student Life Between Two Wars (1865-1914) 103 high school work. Kentucky University conducted an academy for just this purpose. It met for years in "The Kitchen" in Gratz Park, across Third Street from the campus, at other times in Ella Jones Hall and even in Morrison College. Out of the whole American population only a few managed to graduate from high school or academy until well into the twentieth century. In 1900, for .example, only six and four tenths percent of American seven• teen-year-olds graduated from high school or academy. Many of the incoming students, in addition to having little formal schooling, were rural boys with no previous experience of the city. Their early reactions to Lexington, then a city of about 25,000 sprouted such stories as the following published in the Apostolic Guide: J. T. Hawkins (class of '72) and D. R. Pickens entered The College of the Bible together. They arrived in Lexington by train. President Milligan had previously written them, "Come up on the campus when you come to the city, young brethren." As they dis• embarked at the station with their bags and trunks, a drayman asked them where they wanted to go. "To Brother Milligan's." "Then you will want a bus to take you there." "No, we are going on the campus." "The what?" "On the campus, sir. If you don't believe it, we can show you Brother Milligan's letter where he instructs us to come on the col• lege campus."1 That there was a good deal of horseplay at the expense of such "country bumpkins" may not be doubted. The victims al• ways had their revenge the following year. This deficiency in formal schooling meant a long haul for many. It was not unusual for a man to spend as long as ten years on the same campus, completing courses in the Academy, Uni• versity, and Seminary. This explains why the English Diploma held such attractions. A pointer reading on enrollments in the Academy, taken in 1884, shows the preponderance of men from The College of the Bible. Principal William L. Threlkeld then re• ported 163 students, an enrollment analyzed as follows: From 104 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY the Arts College—47; from the College of Commerce—39; from The College of the Bible—77.2

Student Enrollments A survey of student enrollments shows that the 100 mark was passed in 1887. The peak was reached in 1893 when there were 187 students. A sharp dip to 82 and 78 in 1902 and 1903 was probably chargeable to the Spanish American War. And a sec• ond dip in 1908 and 1909 was probably a reflection of the finan• cial depression which followed the Panic of 1907. From the beginning, the geographical distribution of these men was amazingly wide. They were drawn from all parts of the United States and from Canada, Australia, New Zealand, England, Japan, Turkey, and Armenia. G. N. Shishmanian (class of '79), serving as a missionary to Turkey, was a good correspondent. A letter to the Apostolic Guide for February 26, 1882, shows that there were four young men from Turkey in The College of the Bible at the time. In the same year Fukumoto Yonitario from Kobe, Japan, was among the students. He had served Chaplain C. Q. Wright of the United States Navy as a valet. Wright brought him to Lexington where he helped him to gratify his interest in the Bible by enrolling him in the Seminary. Dr. J. A. Stuckey, son-in-law to J. W. McGarvey, helped him with his expenses.3

Dormitory Life Life in the dormitories evidently ran about the same course throughout the period. H. C. Hobgood remembers conditions as they were about 1905: "We used to pay $32.00 a year for our room. That included space and heat. The heat was furnished by a little coal stove in the room; the College stocked the coal in the basement. We went down with our coal buckets and brought up our own coal. We bought our own buckets." Students also purchased their own furniture, sometimes from the previous occupants and sometimes from the secondhand stores. This had been the practice from the beginning. Mr. Hob- Student Life Between Two Wars (1865-1914) 105 good gives us typical prices: "Chairs, for instance, cost usually 25 # apiece. A table would cost about a dollar. We'd get a lamp, kerosene gooseneck type. I suppose it usually cost us around $10.00 to furnish a room."4 There was a boarding club. The men ran it themselves. They hired a manager, treasurer, secretary, a cook, and kitchen staff (usually about three people). The pay of the student officers was free board and a very small amount of cash. The cost of board was $1.75 per week in 1905. Some of the boys worked for their board by waiting on tables, washing dishes, and carrying mail to and from the post office.5 Student hazing and practical jokes of a physical kind provided the usual brand of homemade entertainment. A special form of diversion was the "Kangaroo Courts." Charles Lynn Pyatt, later dean of the Seminary, was a favorite judge in his student days. There would be a prosecuting attorney, defense attorney, jury, witnesses, plaintiff, and prisoner. The whole thing was set up to resemble a court. The defendant was tried on faked charges and sentenced. "The sentence would be some ridiculous requirement. I remember one decision was for a fellow to go around with one side of his face painted with iodine for a day."6 Student life was on the "rough-and-ready" side. Faculty dis• cipline was designed to match the times. Misconduct could draw any one of five different penalties: (1) Reduction of the grade. (2) Public reprimand. (3) Fines, especially for damage to property. (4) Suspension. (5) Expulsion. Smoking was prohibited. Attending theater or dances was for• bidden. No student could be suspended or expelled, however, without a hearing; in case of expulsion this hearing had to be ratified by the executive committee of the trustees.7

Student Fees Student expenses, exclusive of clothing and travel, were esti• mated at $125 in 1878. They gradually rose to $200 per year. In 1910, for example, tuition was $45.00 per year; room rent was $16.00 per year; board, $2.75 per week (with a 25# reduction if 106 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

paid on Tuesday of the week in progress!); books, stationery and laundry, $25.00 per year.

Organizations The Literary Societies reigned over the social life of the period. There were two that persisted: the Philothean and the Phileuse- bian. When The College of the Bible erected its own building, these societies were even provided with their own rooms on the third floor. The members fitted the rooms out with their own permanent furnishings. The societies conducted their meetings in strict parliamentary manner, and gave the members practice in speaking, debating, and declamation. There were even inter- society debates. One year around the turn of the century there was a debate between the two societies on the question "Resolved: That women should have the right to vote." A former student reports: We won the debate, proving that women ought not to vote. Oh, that was before woman suffrage. We won the debate, but I'll have to admit that we had the assistance of a fellow who worked at the library. We "packed the jury." He was so opposed to woman suffrage. He advised us about men to recommend for judges. We had five judges. He called us in and said, "Now, you get Lawyer So-and-So as a judge. He is an opponent of woman suffrage." He didn't hint this to the other side. So the only man who voted against us was Professor Jefferson.8

There was a Student Volunteer Band organized March 20, 1894, by D. Willard Lyon, traveling secretary of the Student Volunteer Movement. By 1897 there was also a Students' Mis• sionary Society, busy holding missionary rallies to which it drew such guest speakers as A. McLean, Victor Rambo, and F. M. Rains. Missionary interest crested in a living link movement within the university, when $700 was pledged in 1905 to support Stella W. Lewis, then under appointment of the Foreign Chris• tian Missionary Society, as a living link missionary. She had just completed her work in Kentucky University and was about to matriculate in The College of the Bible. Student Life Between Two Wars (1865-1914) 107

In 1899 Ward Russell and others organized the Rabbinical Council, later called Aleph Theta Ze, a ministerial fraternity whose name was taken from the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin alphabets. In 1902 a theological section of the YMCA came into being, organized by students preparing for the ministry. There were also such semiserious organizations as the Dixie Club, the Missouri Club, and the Bachelor's Club. Recreation and entertainment between the Civil War and World War I were largely of the self-help variety. Intercollegi• ate athletics came in at the turn of the century. Football was introduced into Kentucky University by President Burris Jenkins, a young man of thirty-two years when he assumed office in 1901. His teams were winning teams, good enough to beat "State Col• lege" (formerly the A&M College, now the University of Ken• tucky) across town. The faculty of The College of the Bible ruled that men matriculated in the Seminary could not play on the team. This aggravated Jenkins: "I was impatient because some of those 'Bibes,' as other students called them, weighed a lot and could run fast." But many, he reported, got around the ruling by registering in Kentucky University and taking their work in the Seminary on the side.9 This chapter is being written in the study of a home built on the former athletic field of Kentucky [Transylvania] University where some of these games were played. H. C. Hobgood recounts a victory parade after a defeat of State College in his senior year: Our fellows staged a nightshirt parade downtown to celebrate. We put nightshirts over our clothes and walked downtown. Prac• tically everyone took the precaution to hide a stick under his night• shirt. There was a local lawyer, 6 feet 4 inches tall and correspond• ingly heavy, who had acted as line coach. When he heard that we were staging this nightshirt parade, he got a very large U. S. flag and met us when we got down to Main Street and marched in front carrying the flag. That saved us a lot of embarrassment and, no doubt, trouble. State fellows were down there in considerable numbers and a good many of them were drunk, but they didn't feel they could attack the flag, so they had to let us go by.10 108 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Student Preaching From the beginning, students had been discouraged from preaching early in their seminary work, and none was encour• aged to preach more than twice a month. Only seniors were excepted from this rule. Beginning with the catalogue of 1902 an announcement was printed to the effect that many students who had experience in preaching received calls from accessible churches with a compensation sufficient for a part of their ex• pense. The next year this was slightly amplified to read, "Some students defray their expenses wholly or in part by preaching to congregations within easy reach of Lexington, by carrying daily papers, or by other employments. The demand for such employ• ments always exceeds their number." Since there were several ministerial students in Kentucky [Transylvania] University at any one time, they, too, were interested in student-preaching op• portunities. By 1910 apparently things were getting somewhat out of hand. At any rate, on March 10 of that year the faculty passed four regulations concerning student preaching: (1) No student could preach without faculty permission; some were to be granted the privilege occasionally, others on a permanent basis, but even then the number of Sundays per month was to be specified by the faculty. (2) Existing arrangements between churches and stu• dents already preaching were not to be broken up; but students were required to make formal application, nonetheless. (3) The colleges were to keep a complete record of all student preachers and of the churches for which they preached; students were pledged to help in keeping this record. (4) Preaching without permission was regarded as insubordination and would call for faculty action. A few days later the faculty of The College of the Bible addressed a memorandum to the faculty of the College of Liberal Arts in Transylvania asking their cooperation in en• forcing the regulations. One inconvenience of student preaching was the time it re• quired to come and go, by train or by horse-and-buggy. Of those preaching in 1910, sixty-five percent were absent from the 8:30 Student Life Between Two Wars (1865-1914) 109 classes on Monday morning, and seventeen percent did not meet any Monday classes; forty-three percent were absent from the 2:30 classes on Saturday afternoons, and ten percent missed all Saturday classes. These Monday and Saturday absences were the subject of faculty concern. Ultimately they led, in a later period, to the establishment of the four-day week and the three- day weekend, an arrangement eminently suited to seminary work, divided as it is between academic study and practical ex• perience in the churches. Chapter VIII

"THE REIGN OF LAW"

THE AUTUMN OF THE YEAR 1900 SAW ONE of those brief, sharp interchanges of opinion which so greatly delighted the age of debate then closing. James Lane Allen, Kentucky novelist, a graduate and former teacher in the Acad• emy of Kentucky University, published a novel, The Reign of Law. As the author of The Choir Invisible, The Kentucky Cardi• nal, and other novels, Allen had achieved celebrity. A book from his pen was an event, especially in Kentucky. Before abandoning his teaching career, and after his years on the faculty in Lexing• ton, he had also taught briefly in Bethany College; but in 1886 he had finally moved to New York City to devote himself ex• clusively to writing.1

The Story The Reign of Law is a simple story about a young man by the name of David (no last name) who attended The College of the Bible shortly after the Civil War and there got caught between the conservatism of his teachers and Charles Darwin's theory of evolution. David himself was greatly excited at the prospects of entering the Bible College of Kentucky University when it opened fol• lowing the Civil War. This was a time full of hope. David lived then on a poor hemp farm in an undesignated but remote sec• tion of the Bluegrass region. For the next two years he worked hard on this farm, saving his money for the great adventure of

110 "The Reign of Law"" 111 entering The College of the Bible. And when, at last, he real• ized his ambition, he was as overwhelmed as any green freshman by the "big" city, Lexington, and by meeting so many apparently sophisticated students from many different backgrounds. But he knew why he had come and he devoted himself to his studies singlemindedly. Almost as important as attendance upon classes was his at• tendance, with other students, in the downtown church of his denomination—morning and evening every Sunday. In one series of Sunday morning sermons the preacher attacked the rival denominations of Protestantism, one after the other. Da• vid's curiosity and sense of fairness prompted him to absent him• self from his own church on the evenings of these attacks, in order to attend the churches in question and sample their hereti• cal theology at first hand. This he did church by church for a number of weeks. The conflicting claims of sectarianism plunged him into confusion. The dogmatism of his preacher reaped in him nothing but doubt. His preacher also attacked the new books of Charles Darwin and other writers representing the new science. Just as he had attended the churches under attack, David felt that he should read these books for himself. The result was even more doubt— doubt of the theology of his teachers and doubt of the Bible itself. David stayed in Lexington through the summer vacation reading, thinking, trying to work his way through the deep gloom of his doubting, but without success. The next session wore on until Christmas with no relaxation of the struggle. He had been in The College of the Bible less than a year and a half (from the fall of 1867 through December, 1868) when he was summoned before the faculty, the preacher being also pres• ent. His teachers and pastor heard him sadly, with full appreci• ation for his studiousness and his moral integrity; but being unable to find a place for his doubt in the scheme of things, they dismissed him from both church and college. David returned home to find that his parents were now ashamed of him and resentful of his return. They had been very 112 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY proud of him for going to college and at the prospect of his be• coming a minister. Under this cloud of disfavor, which included the dark gossip of his former friends and neighbors, David went back to his old manual labor on the farm. Meanwhile he continued his reading at night from the trunkful of books he had brought back from Lexington. He was tremendously excited by the new world of science that he discovered through these books; but, at the same time, he was haunted by feelings of guilt because he could not now see his way clear to enter the ministry. After a while he decided to give up the ministry. He felt much better, but even then he could not see any future for himself beyond the drudgery of the hemp farm and the frowning resentment of his parents. About this time he met Gabriella, the neighborhood school• teacher and a devout Episcopalian. She had a religion much simpler and deeper than theology. They fell in love—and en• gaged in long arguments about science and religion. One cold night, after going out to rescue sheep from a neigh• bor's dog, David contracted pneumonia. As he lay at the point of death, his illness reconciled his mother and father to him. It also resulted in his engagement to Gabriella. After his recovery, David came to Gabriella with a new de• cision. He had turned over the remainder of his savings to his parents for the repair of the farm buildings which had fallen into neglect because of his college expenses. And he planned to go to a northern university to study physical science, which would now be his lifework. Gabriella joined him in this decision and declared that she would marry him at once and that they would go north together, taking her savings from two years of school teaching as a nest egg. So the novel ends.

The Theme There is much in The Reign of Law about the new science, all of it in a rather lyrical vein. In fact, it is practically an ex• pression of the religion of science, a kind of latter-day Comtian positivism. The Reign of Law is Allen's way of expressing the "The Reign of Law" 113 universal principle of cosmic law at work in the universe; he be• lieved that man can approach and understand God not through the old creeds and theologies, nor even through the Bible, but through the reign of universal law in the world of nature. The particular aspect of the reign of law that impressed the author, and his hero, was that manifestation, organic evolution. A few quotations from the novel will show the burden of Allen's main theme: The universe—it is the expression of Law. Our solar system— it has been formed by Law. The sun—the driving force of Law has made it. Our earth—Law has shaped that; brought Life out of it; evolved Life on it from the lowest to the highest; lifted primeval Man to modern Man; out of barbarism developed civili• zation; out of prehistoric religions, historic religions. And this one order-method-purpose, ever running and unfolding through the universe, is all that we know of Him whom we call Creator, God, our Father. So that His reign is the Reign of Law. He, Himself, is the author of the Law that we should seek Him. We obey, and our seekings are our religions.2

On Sunday evening, October 7, 1900, President McGarvey carried the book into the pulpit of Broadway Christian Church and made an address against it. The address was printed in full in the Lexington Leader, and little more than a month later was reprinted in the Lexington Sunday paper (November 11). This same issue of the Leader contained a full article by Allen an• swering McGarvey. The pictures of both men, each two columns wide, appeared on the front page of one section of the paper and their articles devoured the rest of the page and ran over into later pages. Thereafter the debate flared in pulpits and magazines and letters across the land. The Macmillan Company, which had published the novel, was so delighted with the publicity that it issued a special thirty-page pamphlet entitled The Reign of Law by James Lane Allen: A Controversy and Some Opinions Con• cerning It (New York, Macmillan Co., 1900). Among other things the foreword of this pamphlet said, 114 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

The Reign of Law is becoming the pivot of an argument which would deny the possession of religious aspiration by an honest man seeking after truth by the light that is in him; and which cuts at the very principles of art by ascribing to an author the characteristics and beliefs with which he has endowed the creatures of his pen.

In his sermon McGarvey saw the book as an attack upon The College of the Bible and felt called to a detailed answer and defense. For the sake of dialogue, let us alternate between McGarvey's address and Allen's newspaper reply to it: McGarvey: The Faculty of The College of the Bible has never to this day dismissed a student for becoming an infidel. Allen: I never made the statement [that a student of The College of the Bible was dismissed for infidelity] as true in fact, but as convenient in fiction. I merely supposed a case for the sake of argument. ... Is the President prepared to rise in his pulpit and declare the novelists of the world a mendacious class because they have imagined things that are not in history? McGarvey had seen in the novel the charge that teaching at The College of the Bible was responsible for David's infidelity. "To charge their method of teaching the scriptures with having such an effect is a calumny of the most injurious kind." Allen: Again the President is mistaken. Having now finished his attack upon my book, if he will do me the kindness actually to read it, he will discover that I have never said the like of that. On the contrary, what is stated, as clearly as I could state it, time and time again, with every degree of emphasis, is this: That the boy's infidelity began, not in the teachings of his professors at the college, but in the narrow, bigoted, sectarian preachings of his pastor in the town and of other sectarian preachers whom he heard. It began there and the later stages of it were shaped by the scientific and infidel literature of that revolutionary period. So far from there being any arraignment of the professors in the case, they are uniformly spoken of with perfect courtesy and re• spect. They are called good, gracious men, performing their duty as they should. The boy himself regards them as his friends even when they are dismissing him.... "The Reign of Law" 115

McGarvey then takes up the effect of David's dismissal: "The University is . . . said to have been visited afterward with a storm of sectarian strife that 'left it a ruin which will stay a ruin.' In• stead of having become 'a ruin that will remain a ruin,' it is now more extensively patronized, and more widely known, than in any former year of its existence. With its 1,008 students of last year, gathered from all parts of our Union, and from many foreign countries, it is rather a lively ruin." Allen: Here the President is positively correct. I did make that statement. I intended to make it, and it is true. . . . Every man who knows the history of the case knows that this is true. No one claims that the institution as it flourishes today, is in any true sense a university; no one claims that it is unsectarian; no one claims that the Kentuckians themselves look upon it in the relation of the central institution to the other local colleges of the State." The above three charges and their answers are marginal to the main burden of the novel. McGarvey knew this, and he de• voted most of his address to the central theme of the book. There he upheld the uniqueness of Christianity as a revealed religion, came to the defense of miracles, and attacked Mr. Allen's "reign of law": "It is not the nature of law to reign. To reign is an act which can be literally affirmed only of persons. A man may reign, a god may reign, the devil may reign, but the law cannot reign. If law could reign we would have no gambling in Lexington and no open saloons on Sunday. . .. The tide of this book, then, con• tains in itself a false assumption." Upon the theory of evolution, central to the novel, McGarvey poured scorn and ridicule: "Did horses and cows and men and women sprout from seeds in the earth and grow up as bluegrass and dog fennel do? If they did, what law was it that made them sprout? And what law prevented the first frost from nipping them? . . . Again, 'Law lifted primeval man to modern man.5 But to which modern man—the modern man who lives in a New York hotel and writes novels, or to the modern man who lives in the woods and feeds on roots, grub worms, and grass- 116 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

hoppers? If law lifted primeval man up to some modern men it did a poor job of lifting, but if primeval man was what the Bible says he was, the law has lifted him a long way down in• stead of lifting him up. Our forefather Adam knew the God who made him as Mr. Allen does not and he served his God most joyfully until he was led to act on a story which contradicted what God taught him, then he fell and his children have been falling ever since until some of them are unbelievers." At one point in the book the novelist draws a picture of an elderly Bible student which, in some respects could have been his portrait of McGarvey: "Such troubles as David's were not for him; nor science nor doubt. His own age contained him as a green field might hold a rock. Not that this kind, faithful, soul was a lifeless stone; but that he was as unresponsive to the movements of his time as a boulder is to the energies of a field. Alive in his own sublime way he was, and inextricably rooted in one everliving book alone—the Bible."3

David's Real Life Prototype The prototype for David in The Reign of Law was one of James Lane Allen's close personal friends, William Benjamin Smith. A brilliant student, Smith had received his A.B. degree in 1870 and his A.M. in 1871. But he had been in the Arts Col• lege, not in The College of the Bible. From 1871 to 1874 Smith had taught in the Arts College—courses in Old Testament for two years, and natural science the last year. His break with the church came in 1874—not during his student days—as a result of his reading of Charles Darwin and of certain German higher critics, especially Franz Delitzsch. Smith expressed his new*, heretical views in an article, "Are We Christians?" This article produced such a storm of criticism that its author resigned from the faculty of Kentucky University and left Lexington.4 Allen had naturally taken great liberties with Smith's life in fictionalizing it. He had given him a different family back• ground; he had compressed the events of nearly a decade into a single year; and he had changed the setting from the College "The Reign of Law" 117 of Arts to The College of the Bible. But the conflict of the new science and the old orthodoxy was not fiction. The subsequent history of William Benjamin Smith is in• teresting. He was next employed as a teacher of mathematics by St. John's College (Jesuit) in Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin. Thereafter he studied in Germany and became the author, in the German language, of a number of highly technical biblical studies belonging to the radical branch of higher criticism. Re• turning to America, he became professor of mathematics and, later, of philosophy in Tulane University, where he completed a long and distinguished career. These short engagements between evolution and orthodoxy in 1874 and again in 1900 were too brief to involve Kentucky University or The College of the Bible deeply at the time. But they were harbingers of a coming battle of long duration and of fervent heat. Chapter IX

THE FLOWERING OF THE McGARVEY ERA

1895-1911

AT THE END OF THE 1894-95 ACADEMIC year Robert Graham resigned as president of The College of the Bible and J. W. McGarvey was elected to take his place be• ginning July 1. McGarvey was then sixty-six years of age. Even though two other men had held the presidency through the previous thirty years, McGarvey had in many ways been the leading personality of the faculty; it is appropriate, therefore, to speak of the sixteen years from 1895 until McGarvey's death in 1911 as "the flowering of the McGarvey era." These sixteen years perpetuated in both church and state the trends of optimistic expansion begun shortly after the Civil War. At the turn of the century the census recorded 76,994,575 resi• dents in the United States; another census in 1910 indicated growth to a population of 91,972,266. In the meantime, the war with Spain had been fought and won; the United States had come into possession of the Philippines; Hawaii had been annexed as a territory to guard it from Japan. Detroit was manu• facturing automobiles on a mass assembly line. Wireless commu• nication had spanned the Atlantic. Millions responded to the invitation to "Meet Me in St. Louis" and had gone to the fair. The Panama Canal had been dug. The Wrights had flown a machine heavier than air. And, just a few months after the end of this era, on February 14, 1912, Arizona joined the union as our forty-eighth state.

118 The Flowering of the McGarvey Era (1895-1911) 119

There were, of course, a few notes in a minor key. McKinley became the third president of the United States to be martyred. The muckrakers worked in the fetid corruption of the big cities. Labor troubles were increasing. San Francisco was destroyed by an earthquake. And the soaring prosperity was momentarily deflated by the panic of 1907. But these reverses did little to dampen American spirits or abate its enthusiasm for what ap• peared to be an unlimited future. Disciples of Christ partook of this general enthusiasm to which they added their own. With 1,120,000 members at the turn of the century, and growing rapidly, they were planning for the Centennial Convention at Pittsburgh in 1909. By the end of this era, 1911, the denomination had a brotherhood pub• lishing house, had joined as charter members with other de• nominations in forming the Federal Council of Churches, the Foreign Missionary Conference of North America, and the Home Missions Council. Agencies of brotherhood life were mush• rooming and building larger and larger budgets; to bring some order into a chaotic multiplicity of appeals to churches for funds and "special days," the Buffalo Convention in 1906 appointed a calendar committee. Although forces of reaction had split the brotherhood and created the growing antiorgan Churches of Christ, acknowledged as separate in the census of 1906, progressive forces were also at work. The Campbell Institute, as noted earlier, was formed by Disciples ministers who had been educated in the universities and who were struggling to integrate their ministry with the new find• ings of higher criticism. "Congresses" were being held annually. The first organized gathering of that kind, presided over by Editor J. H. Garrison, was held in St. Louis, April 25-27, 1899. The leaven of the new learning was at work in these meetings. J. H. Garrison's son reports, "The congresses were held annually thereafter, characterized by great freedom of utterance and, for several years, attended by all schools of thought."1 The conserva• tives had not yet pulled away; the dialogue was spirited, but it was a dialogue. Men were able to stay together, even though they 120 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY sometimes disagreed deeply. Lexington by the turn of the century had become a city of 30,000. Its state college was growing. And Kentucky University, if one counted the thriving Commercial College which met downtown, boasted a thousand students. Thus in church and state, and in the city of Lexington as well, progress marched and optimism reigned.

Faculty In 1895 Benjamin C. Deweese joined the faculty, not to teach new courses but to take a share of the load carried by other pro• fessors. Robert Graham, having taught three years after resign• ing the presidency, retired altogether in the spring of 1898. James C. Keith (class of '67) was called from his teaching in Bethany College to fill the vacancy; but he continued only until the spring of 1900. Then Samuel M. Jefferson came to occupy the chair of philosophy, a position which he held until his death, February 20, 1914. Whereas the faculty before 1895 had numbered only three— the celebrated triumvirate, Graham, McGarvey, and Grubbs— thereafter it numbered four until 1903-04 when Hall Laurie Calhoun (class of '92 and a recent Ph.D. from Harvard) brought the number to five. W. C. Morro (class of '98) brought the second Ph.D. to the faculty in 1906, increasing the number of that body to six. William Francis Smith (class of '86), when he came as professor of Bible School Pedagogy in 1909, increased the size of the faculty to seven members, its largest number un• der McGarvey's presidency. A word about each of the new faculty members is in order. James C. Keith was one of the three young men in the first graduating class of The College of the Bible in 1867. Prior to joining the faculty at Lexington he had served as professor of Biblical Literature at Bethany College and for many years before that he had been president of Pierce Christian College in Cali• fornia.2 For reasons not given, he resigned at the end of the 1899-1900 session to return to Bethany College. The Flowering of the McGarvey Era (1895-1911) 121

The man elected to take Keith's place was Samuel Mitchell Jefferson. When called he was dean of the Berkeley Bible Semi• nary in California, a post he had held for four years. Before that, from 1893-96, he had been professor of New Testament Greek and Biblical Literature at Bethany College. He had stud• ied at Indiana University, Bethany College, and Columbia Uni• versity, held the A.B., M.A., and LL.D. degrees (the latter from Bethany College). He had traveled in Europe in 1882 and again in 1885, and was altogether a wide ranging, cos• mopolitan personality.3 Professor Jefferson carried great weight with his students, both in Kentucky [Transylvania] University and in The College of the Bible. Whereas the students had called McGarvey, Grubbs, and Graham "Daddy" in their talk among themselves and "Brother" to their faces, they did not so denominate Jefferson; they called him "Professor." One student remembered that he was a decided favorite, though feared—lovingly. . . . During brief inter• vals of silent thought we were sure we could see his brains at work. His talk would usually begin at a normal pitch, slope to almost a whisper and then suddenly explode. . . . He treated students like growing grownups. ... It offended him to try quoting textbooks exactly; he preferred our putting it in our own words.

He could bring students to the verge of tears by the inspiration of some classroom lectures, but he had his humorous side too. In homiletics, which he taught along with philosophy, he might say, "So many of our sermons lack gravy," or "I like to see people at home in foreign languages, but I don't like to see them appear as foreigners in their own language."4 Benjamin Cassell Deweese (class of 1876) had studied at Harvard and at the University of Missouri. Following gradua• tion from The College of the Bible he had taught Latin in the Cadiz, Kentucky, Normal School and had become principal of the high school there. Then he had taught Greek and Latin at Hopkinsville in South Kentucky College, rising to become the president of the College. When he came to Lexington to join 122 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY the Seminary faculty, he had completed six years in the Biblical Department of Eureka (Illinois) College. Some students called him "Benny" among themselves. He was "a man who came from the soil, a logging man in his early days. . . . He was simple and personal in what he did."5 He often injected personal advice into his class sessions. Mrs. J. E. Moody remembers that he was greatly interested in the personal appearance of his young min• isters; he advised them, when blacking their shoes, to black the heels as well as the toes.6 In the same vein, the college annual spoke of him in these terms: A very friendly man, with broad feet, large heart, stubby beard. . . . Class lectures, a strange conglomeration of excellent erudition and passing remarks on matrimony, politics, Archie [a comic strip character], how to train children, foreign missionaries and missions, and A. McLean. Withal an enticing and pleasing personality, and the best friend we have in advice on books.. . .7

Deweese's interest in missions brought him finally to the vice presidency of the Foreign Christian Missionary Society.8 Profes• sor Deweese was the work horse of the faculty, carrying courses formerly belonging to Grubbs and McGarvey in hermeneutics, exegesis, sacred history and biblical criticism. Except for some prolonged sick leaves toward the end, he taught until 1919 and died October 23, 1924. Hall Laurie Calhoun (class of '92) was born in Conyersville, Tennessee, December 11, 1863. He was an honor student at The College of the Bible. After graduation and prior to 1901 he taught school and preached in his native state. As McGarvey grew older and began to think of the chair he shortly would vacate, his mind fixed upon Calhoun as his successor; and on September 12, 1901, he brought him to Lexington and presented him to the executive committee with that recom• mendation. The executive committee asked Calhoun to at• tend Yale or Harvard, possibly both universities, to prepare himself more thoroughly for his teaching. They agreed to help him with his expenses and by June, 1904, had sent him thirty- two monthly checks of $50.00 each. Calhoun was to repay half The Flowering of the McGarvey Era (1895-1911) 123 of the money within two years after he began his teaching at The College of the Bible, but was to accept the other half as a do• nation.9 Calhoun fulfilled his contract punctually. He obtained his Bachelor of Divinity degree from Yale Divinity School in 1902, that is, within one year. He then went on to Harvard, where he received an A.M. in 1903 and a Ph.D. in 1904. His doctoral work was done in textual criticism. Calhoun was engaged as a professor at The College of the Bible in March, 1904, and began his work the following Sep• tember. He set himself to teach McGarvey's courses by learning to imitate him. To that end he sat in McGarvey's classes again, taking careful notes. Students later believed that he memorized the answers. He also taught Hebrew, ancient civil history, and expression. This last subject was privately denominated "hot air" by the students, though Calhoun himself was a gifted preacher, holding his own pulpits at Providence and Arlington, and frequently preaching for revivals. It must have been a severe disappointment to Calhoun when McGarvey passed him up in 1910 to make W. C. Morro the first dean of The College of the Bible. William Charles Morro (class of '93) came as professor of Greek and Christian Doctrine in 1906. He had studied at the University of Missouri (1891-93) and at Kentucky University and The College of the Bible (1893-1898). He had a Ph.D. from Harvard (1906). Born in 1873, he was a native of Aus• tralia. Following his graduation from The College of the Bible he had returned to Australia for a few years. If Calhoun was oriented toward the past, Morro confronted the future. At once Morro was elected and served four years as secretary of the faculty. He was given desk space in McGarvey's office. During the fourth year, at McGarvey's suggestion, the trustees elected him dean of the College. He went to McGarvey for instruction in his duties and was told, "We do not know the difference between dean and bean but we do know that Presi• dent McGarvey is growing old [he was then eighty years old] 124 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY and we are asking you to do everything you can to assist him and to lighten his load."10 Dean Morro left The College of the Bible early in the fall of 1911, having resigned in the spring, to build a program of min• isterial education at Butler University, Indianapolis, Indiana. He had at first refused but under much urging and with the assur• ance that he could build his own program, he finally consented to go. But his work at Butler was a disappointment to him. Con• trary forces pulled against him and the donors in the trustees and the administration, so that he finally transferred his work to the College of Missions in Indianapolis, and then to Texas Christian University where he died in 1941 after a distinguished career as one of the leading liberal spirits of the brotherhood. He wrote the book, Brother McGarvey, in 1940 as a part of the 75th anni• versary celebration of The College of the Bible. William Francis Smith came to the faculty in 1909, having previously served on the Board of Trustees. He was a graduate of the Seminary in the class of 1886. Since he came to occupy the new chair of Bible School Pedagogy, a discussion of his tenure will be deferred until the story of the new department.

Presidents of Kentucky University Presidents of Kentucky University whose administration was contemporary with that of McGarvey were as follows: 1880-1897 Charles Louis Loos 1897-1900 Reuben L. Cave 1900- 1901 Alexander R. Milligan (acting president) 1901- 1906 Burris A. Jenkins 1906-1908 Thomas B. Macartney, Jr. (acting president) 1908-1921 Richard Henry Crossfield

Charles Louis Loos, one of McGarvey's personal friends from the days of their association at Bethany College, was chosen as president of Kentucky University on McGarvey's recommenda• tion. He had had, even by then, a distinguished educational career. He had served as professor in the primary department of The Flowering of the McGarvey Era (1895-1911) 125

Bethany College, 1846-49; established and conducted his own Collegiate Institute at Somerset, Pennsylvania, 1853-56; served as president of Eureka College, 1857-58; and then had become professor of Ancient Languages and Literature in Bethany Col• lege 1858-1880, combining that position for thirteen years with the pastorate of the Bethany Church. After his resignation as president of Kentucky University (1897) he continued to teach Greek in The College of the Bible until 1904. Loos was a classical scholar of vast erudition. He and Mc• Garvey were congenial spirits and fast, lifelong friends. Students remember his goose-step walk, brought over from his native Alsace-Lorraine, and his rare culture. One says of him, "He was one of the giant minds of the campus. He seemed to be just as much at home walking around in Euripides' Medea or Sopho• cles' Antigone in the original Greek as he would be reading the King James version of the Bible or in a contemporary text• book."11 In the classroom he engaged his students in spirited dia• logue. He wore pince-nez eyeglasses; his students were impressed and fascinated by his mannerism in removing and replacing them as he spoke. He became "Daddy Loos" to them and cap• tured a large place in their affections.

Women Students Women were first admitted to Kentucky University in 1889 by President Loos; but President McGarvey barred them from formal matriculation in The College of the Bible until 1904. Meantime a young woman, with the enthusiastic assistance of Loos, breached the masculine wall at the Seminary in a some• what left-handed manner. As background for our understanding of the unprecedented injection of a woman into an all-male seminary, we must bear in mind that students who were officially matriculated in The College of the Bible had access to classes in Kentucky University; and, vice versa, matriculates of Kentucky University were granted free access to classes in The College of the Bible. In September, 1895, there came to Lexington Gustine Cour- 126 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY son of Illinois bent upon preparing herself as a foreign mission• ary. Upon the advice of her pastor, Marion Stevenson (class of '85), she planned to matriculate in Kentucky University and, relying upon the mutual courtesies of the two institutions, to en• roll in several classes in The College of the Bible. Kentucky University's President Loos received her warmly and with ob• vious enthusiasm enrolled her in McGarvey's class in sacred his• tory. Then he informed her of the difficulties. "You will find Brother McGarvey a bit perplexed about your matriculation papers," he told her. "We have never admitted a woman student to The College of the Bible. The fact is, Brother McGarvey does not wish women students." This caused Miss Courson considerable dismay, and that dis• may increased during the next ten days while the issue was in doubt. She reported, "President Loos could be belligerent" and "Brother McGarvey was noted for being 'set-in-his-ways' not to say 'hardheaded.' " The young lady being by her own admis• sion "anything but a suffragette at heart" pleaded with Presi• dent Loos to drop the whole matter. But Loos was not to be deterred. He wanted the wall breached and he saw this as a providential opportunity. Finally, McGarvey approved, but he imposed a number of qualifications. Miss Courson could attend his class, if . . . ; if she would enter the classroom only after the men had all ar• rived and had got well into their recitations; if she would sit on the back row, next to the door; if she would speak to none of the men; if, at a nod from the professor at the close of each session, she would arise and leave before the class was dismissed. Presi• dent McGarvey further stipulated that on some days. when he judged the text under study to be delicate and embarrassing to female ears, he would place a note on her desk, and she would quietly withdraw.12 Even this qualified victory was a triumph. Miss Courson's ac• count of Loos' reaction is dramatic: With a prophetic and knowing nod he replied, "At last the old line has been broken. It has been done." Then he arose from his The Flowering of the McGarvey Era (1895-1911) 127 chair, and, towering above his desk, threw back his shock of white hair with one hand, while with the other he pointed to the door and in his most Napoleonic voice, while his keen eyes sparkled with kind happiness, he commanded, "Forward, young lady. The doors have been opened to women! Go!"13 McGarvey could see that women would become better Sunday school teachers and better missionaries with training in The College of the Bible. So finally, in 1904, women were allowed to matriculate formally in the Seminary itself. But he did not abate in his opposition to women preachers. In his report to the trustees on June 5, 1905, he said, "Some one remarked, after we have admitted some of these women, that we will soon be turning out female preachers; but I replied, that by the time they study the Scriptures with us they will learn that women are not to be preachers."14 When this happened, it should be noted, McGarvey was seventy-five years of age. But once the women were admitted, no one was more cordial toward them or took a greater personal interest in them than McGarvey himself.

Religious Education—A New Department The first really new course to be added to the curriculum was that of religious education. When first offered in 1909, it was called "Bible School Pedagogy." The new department arose out of the general ferment in Protestantism known as the Sunday school movement. This became vigorous in America in the 1870's. The Kentucky Christian Bible School Association, for example, was organized in Paris, Kentucky, in 1873. Just after the turn of the century, religious education became more edu• cational; in 1903 William Rainey Harper, president of The Uni• versity of Chicago, organized the Religious Education Associa• tion. And as early as 1904 Charles R. Henderson was offering courses in the subject in the University of Chicago as an adjunct to his work in sociology. Bonebrake Theological Seminary in Dayton was doing much the same in 1905 as was Louisville Bap• tist Theological Seminary by 1906 and Eureka College. Drake University followed in 1909. 128 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

The College of the Bible, however, was the first to endow a chair of Religious Education and to make it a full department with its own professor. This came about as a result of the ini• tiative of the Kentucky Christian Bible School Association. At a meeting of the executive committee of this Association on June 5, 1906, Robert M. Hopkins who was then superintendent, pro• posed that $25,000 be raised among Kentucky Sunday schools to endow a chair of Bible School Pedagogy in The College of the Bible. It was voted to carry the suggestion to the trustees for their approval and then to press toward the completion of the drive in time for the centennial of the Declaration and Ad• dress (written by Thomas Campbell in 1809). The project was heartily approved by the trustees. The campaign was launched at the state convention of Disciples in Louisville the same year, 1906, and $12,000 was subscribed before the convention ad• journed. By 1909 the whole amount had been raised. In ascertaining the kind of department to set up, President McGarvey began in 1906 by writing to a number of specialists in Sunday school work and to several sister seminaries. One specialist consulted was Marion Stevenson (class of '85) then Bible school superintendent in the Illinois Christian Missionary Society.15 The result was the Alexander Campbell Hopkins Chair of Bible School Pedagogy, endowed with $25,000 given in honor of Robert M. Hopkins' father. William Francis Smith (class of '86) was the first occupant of this chair; he came in 1909 and continued through 1912. He was succeeded by William Clayton Bower (1912-1926), George Voiers Moore (1926-38), Myron Taggart Hopper (1938-60), and Lester Claude Rampley (1961-). As Professor Bower observed in 1934 when the twenty- fifth anniversary of the founding of the chair was ceremoniously celebrated by a special assembly in Lexington, the movement thus begun spread rapidly. And by the midtwenties there was scarcely a Disciple college anywhere without its chair of Re• ligious Education.16 In addition to departmental offerings in Religious Education, The Flowering of the McGarvey Era (1895-1911) 129

The College of the Bible began in 1909 to offer a special Bible School Course, which, with the expected five hours in Bible school pedagogy, included thirty hours, distributed among Old and New Testaments, English, and music. It is clear that the course was designed for the special needs of Sunday school teach• ers and other workers. It was the forerunner of the Certificate in Religious Education, which in turn was replaced by the ampler program leading to the degree of Master of Religious Education. William Francis Smith occupied the new chair of Bible School Pedagogy. He was really the second choice. The popular man in the field of religious education then was Herbert Mon- inger, who was at that time on the staff of the Christian Standard in Cincinnati. McGarvey had proposed that Moninger be brought down for one or two days a week. The trustees had demurred on the ground that this would hardly fulfill the trust of those who had contributed the $25,000 for the Alexander Campbell Hopkins endowment. The students, meantime, were hoping that Moninger would be secured full time. However, Smith was chosen. He had achieved some reputation in the new field and was thoroughly qualified. He had attended Eminence College, and, of course, The College of the Bible. At the time of his appointment he was a teacher in the college at Morehead, Kentucky, then under the auspices of the Christian Woman's Board of Missions. (The state of Kentucky later took this over; it became Morehead Normal College and then Morehead State College.) Smith had preached at Owenton, Mayfield, Rich• mond, Bellevue, and Morehead in Kentucky, and at Norfolk, Virginia. Gradually he became aware of the dissatisfaction of some stu• dents with his lack of academic degrees—in contrast to the Ph.D. degrees of Calhoun and Morro. He made known to the adminis• tration his desire to withdraw, and after about eighteen months did resign, though he continued for another academic year after that. His resignation was attended by a sharp reversal of student 130 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

opinion. Students suddenly discovered that he was an expert in his field and a gifted teacher and that he had been victimized by their predilection for another man and by their idolization of university degrees. They asked him to withdraw his resignation, but he declined to do this. After resigning, he became pastor of a church in Cincinnati and resumed his post on the Board of Trustees.17 McGarvey's Clash with Burris A. Jenkins Burris A. Jenkins became president of Kentucky University when he was only thirty-two years of age. He was an energetic liberal who had been profoundly influenced by Alexander Procter and his university training at Yale and Harvard to look favorably both upon Darwin's theory of evolution and upon higher criticism of the Bible. Jenkins set himself the task of modernizing the faculty and of lifting academic standards. He himself taught a course in New Testament to which he introduced the methods and findings of higher criticism. On the extra-curricular side, as indicated, he brought in a coach from Yale and started college football. Outwardly he seemed to be on a cordial footing with his pro• fessors, as with the president and teachers of The College of the Bible. He was married while in Lexington; the ceremony was performed by Robert Graham; McGarvey's son, Tom, acted as best man; and McGarvey's daughters and grandsons were among the closest friends he had. He often went to McGarvey's home to talk about the welfare of their allied institutions. For five years the placid exterior remained uncracked. "Then it came, a bolt from the blue, a lightening flash from Zeus that split the rocks." The "bolt from the blue" took the form of a series of Mc• Garvey's articles in his "Biblical Criticism" department of the Christian Standard. The occasion for it was opened by a letter published in the same magazine March 17, 1906, in which Prin• cipal W. C. MacDougall of St. Thomas, Ontario, asked about teaching higher criticism in college. As a college teacher in On• tario he had wanted to justify his own use of the textbooks writ- The Flowering of the McGarvey Era (1895-1911) 131

ten by Charles Foster Kent of Yale. He said he had written to leading Disciple educators and ministers, submitting three ques• tions. These questions, together with the replies of Professor George A. Peckham of Hiram, J. H. Garrison of The Christian- Evangelist, and Burris Jenkins of Kentucky University, formed the basis of McGarvey's "lightening flash from Zeus that split the rocks." The questions were these: 1. What do you think of the textbooks written by Charles Foster Kent of Yale? 2. From personal knowledge and observation, what do you consider the attitude of our leading educators and ministers to the historical method of biblical study? 3. Do you think that historical criticism—the historical method of Bible study—tends to undermine faith in the Bible, in God or in Christ? In answer to the first question all three men—Peckham, Gar• rison and Jenkins—wrote their approval of Kent's textbooks. McGarvey had placed these same books in the classification of "destructive criticism." In the same way, all three men looked favorably upon the his• torical study of the Bible. President Jenkins had written, "I should say that the leaders of our brotherhood, both educators and ministers, have for the most part adopted the modern point of view in the historical study of the New and Old Testament scriptures." To refute this view, McGarvey called the roll of leading edu• cators among Disciples and found only Peckham* of Hiram and the professors at Disciples Divinity House, Chicago, in support. All others, he said opposed Jenkins' conclusions. Besides, asked McGarvey, is President Jenkins qualified to speak either for edu• cators or ministers? He is "a young man with almost no experi• ence as an educator, and who, though a brilliant speaker, is scarcely yet a leading minister."18

•Peckham, a close friend of Higher Critic William Rainey Harper, earned his Ph.D. from The University of Chicago in 1909. 132 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

McGarvey's most vigorous attack was leveled against Jenkins' answer to the third question.19 In that answer the young uni• versity president had made four statements to which McGarvey objected: First, Jenkins had written, "I do not believe that historical study, which, applied to Scriptures, is called historical criticism, can endanger anybody's faith in the Bible, in God, or in Christ." In reply, McGarvey thought it only fair to single out the views of Charles Foster Kent, whose historical study of the Bible was the real case in point. It is of this kind of criticism that he [Jenkins] says he does not believe that it can endanger anybody's faith in the Bible, in God or in Christ. Now, this I must pronounce a most marvelous unbelief. To teach that the Bible's account of creation is not true; that its account of the fall of man is not true; that its account of the flood is not true; that its accounts of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and Joseph are unhistorical . . . and its accounts of a multitude of other events re• corded as sober history are legends, myths or romances—that all this cannot endanger anybody's faith in the Bible, is a proposition too absurd for argument. It needs only to be stated in order to be re• jected. One thing is certain, that a student with common sense under such instruction, who does not lose faith in the Bible, must be compelled to lose faith in his professor. Continued faith in the Bible is as incompatible with the acceptance of such teaching as light with darkness.

Second, Jenkins had written, "Faith that does not bear the closest investigation is not a faith that is likely to be permanent or deeply valuable." To this McGarvey replied that he agreed, if the student doing the investigating is one thoroughly grounded in the Bible. But for the youth coming to college "with no knowledge of the Bible but the little that he has picked up in Sunday school, or gathered from the sermons to which he has listened" such scientific in• vestigation was likely to be completely upsetting. "And what about those students in every college whose faith in the Bible is already trembling with doubts? Is there no danger to them in The Flowering of the McGarvey Era (1895-1911) 133 teaching them that large portions of the Bible are unhistorical? Many a youth has become an infidel by starting with unbelief in the account of Jonah alone." Third, Jenkins had written, "The more light that is thrown on any subject, the firmer the foundation of truth pertaining to that subject." McGarvey agreed, then said, But the more darkness that is thrown on any subject by the teachers of young men, the less firmly do their minds rest on any truth connected with it. So the question is, whether destructive criticism throws light or darkness on the study of the Bible. He, to• gether with Kent and Kent's teachers, affirm the former; I deny it, and affirm the latter. This is the issue that is to be fought out; and, to use an expressive vulgarism, it is going to be fought to the finish. Fourth, Jenkins had written, "I trust, sir, that the spirit of scholarly investigation will continue to characterize your institu• tion in the future as in the past." To this McGarvey said, "This, taken in its connection, expres• ses the wish that in this Ontario college such textbooks as Kent's will continue to be used; and it clearly shows what he would himself do in the institution over which he presides if he has the power." On this, McGarvey predicted, a host of people in Canada and Kentucky would shortly be heard from. The discussion, begun in the Christian Standard on March 17 carried through the issue of May 5, 1906. Having received "the full treatment" from McGarvey's crusading pen, Burris Jenkins felt that he had been denounced "as a higher critic of the deep• est, darkest hue." McGarvey in this way proved to him, Jenkins wrote later, "that though in private conversation and relation• ships he [McGarvey] could be the sweetest old gentleman in the world, when he began to write in what he considered the defense of the faith, he dipped his pen in gall and blotted his paper with asbestos."20 It should be noted that Jenkins consistently mis• spelled McGarvey's name in his book, calling him "McGarvan," and that he also satirized the Christian Standard by naming it The Lance. 134 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Shortly after the clash with McGarvey, Jenkins left Lexing• ton. The immediate cause was the flare-up of an old football injury which gave him trouble throughout his life. When Jenkins resigned the presidency of Kentucky University he was thirty- seven years of age. Homer W. Carpenter draws from memory the figure that the young Jenkins had cut in the Lexington community and on the campus: I shall never forget: He was tall, handsome, the last word in physical build. Those were the days when they wore morning coats, I mean cutaways. He soon donned a white vest, and he had a way of putting his thumb in his vest pocket. In six weeks fifty-nine stu• dents had on white vests and had their thumbs in their left pockets. He was a charming speaker; he was in his prime. He was breaking into new territory and a new order.21

McGarvey's Vision of the Future The president's annual report to the trustees on June 8, 1908, contained his vision of the future. It was his "hope and expecta• tion that The College of the Bible shall eventually become the greatest seat of biblical learning in the world. This may appear to some like an idle dream, but some institution is destined to occupy that high position, and why not ours?" If this dream is to be realized "strenuous effort wisely di• rected" and "ample financial resources" will be required. And it will take superior teaching. I have had a conference with my junior colleagues on this subject, and have charged them each to select a branch of biblical learning in which to make himself a specialist and a master, so that in this no man anywhere shall be his superior. They all are young enough, if a goodly length of life shall be granted them; they all have suffi• cient preparation in a general knowledge of the Bible, and they all have brains enough. . . . Shall not primitive Christianity finally triumph in the world? Then, why may not the institution of learning which shall most truly represent and uphold it, maintain pre-eminence among its ad• vocates? On his eightieth birthday—March 1, 1909—McGarvey wrote his resignation. The Flowering of the McGarvey Era (1895-1911) 135

My general health is good, and I am as strong as as I have been at any time in the last several years; but I know that this cannot long continue, and that even now it may be desirable that the duties and responsibilities of my office as President of the College be trans• ferred to younger hands. ... I do this with the profoundest gratitude to God that in his providence he called me forty-four years ago to a work which at no time in this long period I would have ex• changed for any other in the world. . . .22

The executive committee declined to accept his resignation, and McGarvey continued two and one half years longer, until his death October 6, 1911. For its own part, the executive committee of the Board of Trustees began thinking about the grand old man's successor, and about the program of the future. For example, it requested Dean Morro to "make a statement of the work our College should be doing when it approximates the ideal which Brother McGarvey has set for it." In addition to continuing current of• ferings and amplifying church history, Morro advocated "an en• tirely new creation, a Department of Christian Sociology." This, obviously, was the result of the leaven of Walter Rauschenbusch's teaching and the new "Social Gospel" movement. "I believe," Morro wrote the trustees, "that we are on the eve of a great social change; with other things the church also will be changed. ... It will have for its task not merely the saving of the individ• ual, but the transforming and christianizing of the social fab• ric."23 As the era of John W. McGarvey came to a close in the re- splendant sunset of his own life, new currents were flowing in the Western world which were to affect the church deeply. Dean Morro had seen truly that the world paused "on the eve of a great social change and with other things the church also will be changed." New currents were flowing, but they were destined to flow in the next few years, not across a placid meadow, but through a rocky gorge that would turn the waters into a churn• ing rapids. The story of that hazardous passage will be told in chapters immediately ahead. Chapter X

A NEW ERA BEGINS 1911-1914

IN THE SUMMER AND EARLY FALL OF 1911 The College of the Bible lost both its dean and its president, one by resignation, the other by death. Dean W. C. Morro resigned in June and took his departure for Butler University July l.1 President J. W. McGarvey died October 6, 1911. This situation produced an administrative crisis.

The McGarvey Era Closes The loss of Morro and McGarvey, moreover, reduced the faculty to four professors, Hall L. Calhoun, W. F. Smith, Ben• jamin C. Deweese, and S. M. Jefferson. Smith resigned Decem• ber 26, 1911. Deweese was not well. Indications are that he taught little from the fall of 1912 until the early months of 1917, during most of which time he was on retirement pay.2 Professor Jefferson died February 20, 1914. Thus it came about that the years 1911 to 1914 saw an almost complete loss of teaching personnel, necessitating the selection of an entirely new faculty, with the exception of one member. After February 20, 1914, the sole survivor of the faculty that had taught with Mc• Garvey was Professor Calhoun. To fill the vacancy in the deanship caused by Morro's de• parture, Calhoun was elected dean in August, 1911. And to fill the office made vacant by the death of McGarvey, he was ap• pointed acting president on October 13, 1911. He retained the deanship until the late spring of 1917. But his tenure in the

136 A New Era Begins (1911-1914) 137 president's office lasted only through January 1912, a period of only three and a half months. It soon became evident that Dean Calhoun was presiding over a storm.

Crossfield Becomes President Meantime, events in the sister college on the same campus were converging upon the future of The College of the Bible. By act of the General Assembly of Kentucky, approved March 20, 1908, effective June 12 of the same year, the charter of Kentucky University was so amended as to confer upon the curators of Kentucky University all rights and privileges of the trustees of old Transylvania University and the name of the in• stitution was changed back to Transylvania University,3 the legal name under which it still operates. And in November of that same year Richard Henry Crossfield became president of Transylvania, replacing Thomas B. Macartney, Jr., who had served as acting president since the resignation of Burris Jenkins in 1906.4 Crossfield was returning to his Alma Mater. Gradu• ated from Kentucky University in 1889, he had received the English Diploma from The College of the Bible in 1892. This placed him in the same seminary class with Hall Calhoun, who had received the Classical Diploma. Crossfield held the Ph.D. degree from Wooster University. Though he had taught in Kentucky Normal College at Law- renceburg and had even served as principal of the Classical and English Academy at Harrodsburg,5 he drew the favorable at• tention of the curators of Transylvania by his long and success• ful pastorate at Owensboro, also by his world travels, his book on Palestine, and his Lyceum lectures. The new president brought great administrative vigor to Transylvania. In the years between 1908 and 1911 he raised nearly $200,000 for the en• dowment fund.6 Even so, the pastorate was Crossfield's first love and he longed to return to it. He tried unsuccessfully in 19107 and again in the fall of 1911 to resign to take a church, but his effectiveness as an administrator so commended him that he was drafted to remain. 138 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

His tenure, in Transylvania from 1908 until 1921 and in The College of the Bible from 1912 until 1921, proved to be a stormy one. President Crossfield was hardly established at Transylvania in the fall of 1908 until he clashed with Professor Calhoun. The later began a campaign of criticism against the new president of Transylvania. Although The College of the Bible and Tran• sylvania were separate institutions, they occupied the same campus, and the climate of one affected the other. Calhoun's criticisms hindered Crossfield's work to such an extent that he carried his complaint to the executive committee of the trustees, who intervened to silence the nagging professor.8 Any ambitions Calhoun may have had in 1911 to enlarge his acting presidency of The College of the Bible into the presi• dency were soon dashed. On November 3, shortly after Mc• Garvey's death, Crossfield tendered his resignation at Transyl• vania, to take effect in June, 1912. As reasons he offered his desire to return to the pastorate and the near completion of the University endowment campaign. But perhaps his strongest rea• son he stated as follows, "A vacancy in the presidency of Tran• sylvania would open the way for the election of one executive of Transylvania and The College of the Bible, a thing to be greatly desired."9 The trustees of The College of the Bible con• curred in this view and on December 26, 1911, moved it to be "the sense of the Trustees of The College of the Bible that we agree to cooperate with the Curators of Transylvania University in selecting a man to act as president of both institutions, pro• vided he be elected by each board separately." Urged by the executive committees of both institutions on the grounds of duty to consider this joint presidency himself, Crossfield accepted on January 17 and took office February l.10

Fortune and Bower Join Faculty The most pressing responsibility devolving upon Crossfield as the new president of the Seminary was the rebuilding of the A New Era Begins (1911-1914) 139 faculty. He sought at once to select two new professors, one in church history and New Testament theology, the other in re• ligious education. He proceeded on the assumption that the men chosen should be the best men available—deeply committed Christians, thoroughly educated in the foremost universities, and completely abreast of the times. He arrived at his choices through a conscientious polling of many leading educators, executives, and ministers of the brotherhood. From the nominations re• ceived he compiled a list of the eight leading contenders, and again by means of poll, arrived at the two leaders—Alonzo Wil- lard Fortune and William Clayton Bower. In a third round of letters he inquired into the fitness of each man as to Christian character, personality, and adaptability, native ability and edu• cational equipment, soundness in the faith as held by Disciples, and asked for any other information that would aid toward an accurate estimate of each man under consideration.11 The first man to be selected by this rather exhaustive method was Alonzo Willard Fortune, minister of the Walnut Hills Chris• tian Church of Cincinnati. He was elected April 8, 1912, to teach church history and New Testament theology, the chair vacated by W. C. Morro. The second man, selected three months later, was William Clayton Bower. He was elected July 8, 1912, to the chair of Bible School Pedagogy just vacated by W. F. Smith. Fortune was a graduate of Hiram College, and of Col• gate-Rochester Divinity School. He was due in August, 1912, to receive the Ph.D. degree in New Testament from The Uni• versity of Chicago. Bower had attended Tri-State College and Butler College in Indiana and held an M.A. degree from Colum• bia University. He had also taken work in Union Theological Seminary and sufficient graduate work beyond the M.A. in Columbia that he was able to complete the resident requirements for the Ph.D. degree in four summers, after 1912. Bower had been pastor of churches in Tipton, Indiana, and North Tona- wanda, New York. Since 1910 he had served as pastor of the Wilshire Boulevard Christian Church in Los Angeles.12 140 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

The announcement of Bower's appointment was received without serious opposition. But Fortune's appointment, falling at an earlier date, occasioned violent protest.

Fortune Under Fire Public notice of Fortune's appointment was first made through the Lexington and Cincinnati newspapers. Editor S. S. Lappin of the Christian Standard wrote Crossfield almost immediately, "I see in today's Enquirer that A. W. Fortune has been called to the chair of New Testament Theology. I may say to you pri• vately and personally that I regard this as a great calamity for the school. Fortune is one of the most ardent Campbell Insti• tute* men and his going to the Bible College will not be to its advantage. I have heard some such move was proposed but I had not thought that such a consummation would be possible. ... I would not for the world permit my son to be in his class• rooms."13 In subsequent letters, Lappin pressed his opposition. He had heard rumors of unorthodox statements made by Fortune at a meeting of Cincinnati ministers.14 Opposition emerged from other quarters, some in letters to Crossfield, some in letters sent directly to Fortune. These attacks occasioned a letter from For• tune to Crossfield under date of April 20, 1912, in which he wrote: I hear my coming has horrified some of the conservative brethren. I don't want to do anything that would injure the school. Neither am I anxious to fight. If my coming means I am to be a target for all those who may differ. . ., I do not care to come. I want to be on intimate terms with them. I do not want to come under a misap• prehension and then feel that I have no liberty to teach what I be• lieve is the truth. Neither do I want you to be deceived in me. I have no scheme up my sleeve. . .15

*As previously noted, the Campbell Institute, heading in Disciples Divinity House at The University of Chicago, was an association of Disciple graduates from the divinity and graduate schools of Yale. Chicago, and like universities. The Campbell Institute was variously accused of intellectual snobbery and theological radicalism—labels easily affixed to men in the vanguard of twentieth-century religious thought, and occasioned more by suspicion and "standpatism" than by understanding of the issues. A New Era Begins (1911-1914) 141

Among the protests that came one was from J. B. Briney of Pewee Valley near Louisville,16 a name worth marking because of the part Briney was to play in the "heresy trial" of 1917. He wrote, "I cannot advise men now to come to Transylvania where they are liable to be poisoned by the Chicago virus."

J. T. Brown Enters the Fray The most vigorous opposition that developed, however, was that of a Louisville evangelist, John T. Brown. He first appealed to Crossfield and Fortune in private letters; when these failed, he undertook, through the pages of the Christian Standard, a campaign to get Fortune dismissed from the Seminary. Brown began his private campaign with a letter to Crossfield on May 10, 1912. "I suspect you are at the beginning of a long, drawn-out fight, if it is your policy to put such men in as teachers." Crossfield replied that he had questioned Fortune closely on his views before appointing him, and that Professors Jefferson, Calhoun, and Deweese had also questioned him on matters of orthodoxy and that they were all entirely satisfied. To this Brown answered they had been deceived by their friends. Be• sides, Fortune had said in a meeting of ministers in Cincinnati that he was willing to give up baptism by immersion for the sake of Christian union.17 Crossfield's refutations were offered May 31 but Brown rejected them. Correspondence between Brown and Fortune fared no bet• ter.18 On June 22 Brown wrote Fortune asking for answers to several questions: (1) Wasn't it true that he had said that he was willing to give up immersion for the sake of Christian union? (2) To justify himself had he not cited examples of "the pious unimmersed"? (3) What was his standard of authority— "Christian conscience" or Christ and the Bible? (4) Did the apostles write scripture "out of the inspiration of great lives" or by the infallible direction of the Holy Spirit? (5) Did he not once say to the Cincinnati ministers that ". . . nowhere in the New Testament can we pause and feel that here is finality"? 142 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

(6) Did he believe that the Bible contained contradictions? (7) Did he accept the virgin birth of Christ?19 To this catechetical letter, Fortune made no reply. He was by now convinced that Brown's motive was controversy, and he re• fused to be a part of a newspaper controversy which could do nothing but injure both Seminary and church. The situation stood thus unresolved when Fortune sailed from New York on July 2 to be gone until September 6 on a trip to the Holy Land, the gift of the Walnut Hills Christian Church.20

The Christian Standard When Fortune returned in early September, he discovered that John T. Brown had for five consecutive weeks (beginning with the issue of July 27) been attacking him through the pages of the Christian Standard. And he had scarcely settled in Lexington to begin his teaching when on September 14 the sixth attacking article appeared. Buttonholing witnesses, gathering "evidence," writing in the feverish heat of a righteous crusade, J. T. Brown had been busy. Fortune had been regularly elected by The College of the Bible trustees, but Brown was out to secure his dismissal. In bold headlines Brown's first article startled the readers of the Christian Standard with his challenge: "What Will the Newly Elected Teacher of Theology in The College of the Bible Teach?" Then upon the evidence of "two or three witnesses," he accused Fortune of five heretical beliefs: 1. We would be justified in giving up baptism by immersion for the sake of union. 2. The apostles wrote out of the inspiration of great lives rather than under the infallible direction of the Holy Spirit. 3. Nowhere in the New Testament can we pause and say, here is finality in the matter of faith and doctrine. 4. No Greek scholar can read the Bible without noting ir• reconcilable contradictions. 5. The Bible version of the angels and demons is not true, neither are we to believe in the miracles of the Old Testament.21 A New Era Begins (1911-1914) 143

In a parallel column Brown listed five opposing points for which the Seminary had allegedly stood in the past. He asked, in the light of the above, if Fortune was fit to teach. "What would McGarvey and Graham say about employing a teacher who repudiates what they taught? . . . What has the sainted I. B. Grubbs to say about the selection?" (Grubbs alone of the noted "trio" was still living; he died the same year.) In successive issues of the paper J. T. Brown hammered away on these points until he felt that he had established his case. After the appearance of the first article, President Crossfield sent Edi• tor Lappin a telegram: As you know, A. W. Fortune is now in the Holy Land, sent by the generosity of the Walnut Hills Church, Cincinnati, in apprecia• tion of his faithful services. In his absence, I will say that, after full knowledge of all the rumors published in John T. Brown's com• munication in your issue of July 27, intimate personal conferences with Brother Fortune by myself and also by Prof. Deweese, Calhoun, and Jefferson as well as by H. C. Garrison and J. H. MacNeill of the Ex. Com. together with numerous letters from informed and reliable brethren in Cincinnati and other parts of the country, there was no doubt in the minds of any of us of the eminent fitness in every respect of Bro. Fortune for a professorship in the college. All of us are perfectly satisfied with his ability and loyalty.22

Brown slashed back. He had written statements, not rumors. He did not know the names of those who supported Fortune but he knew many who had written their opposition. But you would only say that you were satisfied and that you could get rid of Fortune if he is not orthodox, but give him a chance. You had just as well say of a rattlesnake, "Turn him loose and give him a chance, if he does not bite any one, then he may go at large; if he does, it is then time enough to put him in a cage." You and scores of others know Fortune is looked upon as being unsound.23 In an open letter to the trustees of The College of the Bible published August 31, Brown finally called for an investigation.24 By this time the successive blows of his attack were registering all over the brotherhood. For the September 7 issue he could write, "There is no question in the mind of the writer that our 144 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

people are being aroused 'over the safety of the plea.' " The fol• lowing issue carried Brown's open letter to the alumni, friends, and supporters of The College of the Bible. Pointing to "attempts at various times to put unsound teachers in our schools" at Berkeley, California, and Butler College, Brown endeavored to arouse public indignation to such a point that Fortune's appoint• ment would have to be rescinded. Before the body of the sainted J. W. McGarvey was cold, he accused, this "effort was made to have a man fill his place who practically repudiates all that he taught."25 To this glaring public attack, Crossfield replied nothing for print except the brief telegram to Lappin on July 27. F. M. Rains and Miner Lee Bates, among others, strongly urged Cross- field and the professors to say nothing, to ride out the storm on the basis of their conviction that they had done the right thing.26 Privately Crossfield was more than a little provoked with Lappin. Professor Calhoun and Trustee Garrison had visited with S. S. Lappin and Russell Errett in the editorial offices in Cincinnati and had come away with the understanding that the paper would not publish the Brown articles. After the attack had run on for some weeks Crossfield wrote Lappin that he was "more than disappointed" with him and with the spirit of the periodi• cal which he conducted. Lappin replied that he had promised not to publish unless they had the facts, that the Christian Stan• dard was an open forum. Except for his brief telegram, Cross- field had not availed himself of this open forum. Why not?27 On his part Crossfield lacked confidence in the good faith of the Christian Standard. He felt that Brown's attack was editorially inspired.28 He himself had come under the lash of the paper in 1910 when he, together with President Miner Lee Bates of Hiram College, had opposed the Christian Standard's attempt to call an Educational Congress at Winona Lake, In• diana. The two college presidents did not relish the prospect of a Board of Higher Education formed and ruled by a "jour• nalistic pope."29 Bates and Crossfield, therefore, organized the A New Era Begins (1911-1914) 145

Board of Higher Education the following year, placing it firmly in control of the colleges themselves.

Adverse Publicity Grows Meanwhile, other reactions were developing. J. B. Briney wrote Crossfield, nothing he had seen published vindicated Fortune, that requests were coming through the mails for him "to take up the Fortune matter in the papers." Unless the matter was ad• justed, he threatened, "I shall be obliged to appeal to the people as the court of final resort." His suggestion for a proper adjust• ment was to refer the question to a committee of five.30 At about the same time President Ashley S. Johnson of John• son Bible College, at Kimberlin Heights, near Knoxville, Tennes• see, sought to capitalize on the misfortune in Lexington to build up the financial support of his own school. Archibald McLean, president of the Foreign Christian Missionary Society, wrote Crossfield September 11: "Have you seen Ashley Johnson's latest appeal for help? He gives the Bible College a hard knock. I think it would be well for you to set him right as to his facts. He wishes to build up at your expense."31 In his circular letter, Johnson had written, It is a fact beyond all dispute, although it is heartbreaking to write it, or even think of it, that a wave of infidelity, lawlessness, and drunkenness, such as has never been known since Christ was crucified, is engulfing the world. Individuals, churches, colleges, universities, and nations are being swept to an awful end. This black blight is falling like a funeral pall upon even our own breth• ren, and men who no longer believe our plea, or tremble at the word of God, are leading the churches to ruin and damning our colleges. The battle is on. Support must be denied those who would get their backing from churches and yet deny the Lord who bought them.

Johnson left no doubt that he had The College of the Bible in mind. He referred to the "employment of a Chicago critic in our oldest and best Bible College, with the blight of infidelity over- 146 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY shadowing the paths of our sainted McGarvey." In the light of all this, he said, "Johnson Bible College is one of the few schools left where Moses and the prophets, Jesus and the Apostles and the Book are still accepted without discount."32 Crossfield attempted a written refutation. Johnson replied, I believe Brown has the proofs. Put Brown to the test. If you can prove that Fortune is not guilty of the things charged against him I will write all my friends to whom I sent my letter and apologize. Your man is under a charge from a prominent man, a graduate of your school. I believe the charges.33

Subsequent developments did not allay Johnson's fears, so in December, Miner Lee Bates undertook to confer with him in person. He wrote Crossfield immediately after the conference that he had been successful in his mission.34 Johnson's letter to Crossfield, written two days later, while mollified, was only half reassuring: "If Bro. Fortune is now right on the fundamentals, I am the last man to refuse to give him a chance. ... I will do what I think is right regardless of where the axe falls."35 By year's end Bates began to have doubts about the success of his visit with Johnson. "I am insisting in a letter to Bro. Johnson," he wrote Crossfield on December 31, "that whatever Prof. Fortune's opinions may be he [Johnson] had no right to publish such a statement about the character and policy of a sister institution without having heard it first hand."36

Brown Meets with Trustees The executive committee finally agreed to call a special meet• ing of trustees to hear Brown's charges in person.37 When the trustees met October 11, 1912, they laid down the following rules of procedure: 1. This meeting is not a heresy trial, or a trial of any sort, but is held specifically to receive and consider certain charges of J. T. Brown against A. W. Fortune. 2. At this meeting the Trustees expect Bro. Brown to prefer all his charges specifically in writing and submit evidence to support them. A New Era Begins (1911-1914) 147

3. Before deciding the case, the committee will hear Bro. Fortune and any witnesses whom he may summon. 4. The Trustees will then at once determine and publish their re• port, but until this is done no statement is to appear in any publica• tion either from J. T. Brown or the Trustees.38 Mr. Brown came to Lexington accompanied by J. B. Briney. The trustees heard in more elaborate detail the charges pre• viously published in the Christian Standard.39 After the meeting, the trustees sent a committee to visit Cincinnati and other places to conduct an investigation of Fortune's record in that city. Then the Board published its findings, in which it said, in part: The Board has made a thorough investigation of the whole matter and has gathered much evidence including statements from Mr. Fortune, Professor Calhoun, dean of the Faculty, and members of the Christian Ministers Association of Cincinnati, who had full op• portunity to hear him for a period of five years, from the official board of the congregation of the Walnut Hills Church, Cincinnati; and from other prominent men who know him and his views. The Board also considered the sermons and papers of Mr. Fortune which were read by him before the Minister's Association of Cincinnati. These covered many points at issue and were written before Mr. Brown's criticisms were made. These sermons and papers not only do not sustain Mr. Brown's criticisms, but plainly contradict them. The Board feels that Mr. Fortune's statements are worthy of full credence because the men who gave statements to Mr. Brown bear strong and unvarying testimony to his purity of character, his can• dor, and his absolute honesty. The Board would call attention to the fact that Mr. Brown presented no record or documentary evidence but only the recollection of several men as to their impressions received at various times from hearing utterances of Mr. Fortune. The uncertainty and unsatisfactory nature of such evidence is easily apparent. After full investigation and mature deliberation, we the Trustees, each speaking his independent opinion, find that Mr. Fortune is not only a profound scholar, an excellent teacher, a man of great natural ability and charming personality, but that he is also a devout, consecrated man of deep spirituality and thorough sound• ness in the fundamentals for which the Disciples of Christ stand, and is in every way worthy to fill the position to which he has been called. We find that none of Mr. Brown's charges has been sustained by the evidence.40 148 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

The Christian Standard gave J. T. Brown nearly three pages in the issue of December 28, 1912, to say his last word. He presented his version of the hearing, and maintained the validity of his original charges. Then he appealed over the heads of the trustees to say that "the alumni should demand the resignation of A. W. Fortune and all others who persist in permitting such a man to teach."41 By now it became clear, as the board had finally indicated, that Mr. Brown would remain unsatisfied with any• thing less than Fortune's resignation.

Aftermath The wound in public confidence inflicted by J. T. Brown's attack never healed completely. Typical of the reasons of many are two letters, one from Louisiana, the other from Georgia: "If Fortune is retained, I am through with The College of the Bible and will turn my influence to Johnson Bible College."42 "Two men here were going to The College of the Bible, but hearing of this unsound teacher, are going to Johnson Bible Col• lege. I shall use my influence against The College of the Bible as long as they keep that man there."43 As will be noted later, the issue raised by Brown's attack on Fortune did not die. Editor Lappin of the Christian Standard visited Lexington in February, 1914, and reported 150 students, a slight increase. He visited several classes, in one of which he heard Fortune deliver "an able lecture on Romans." Although he reported that the work of the school was "classified and har• monized so that a unity of effort never attained before is being put forth," he went on to revive the old doubts about Fortune's soundness. Some further remarks as to the work of Prof. Fortune will be expected. We may say here that we regard Mr. Fortune as a man of conviction. If the views held by him at one time are still held, he must teach them sooner or later; if he has modified these views he ought to have said so frankly so as to place himself on a fair footing in the confidence of his brethren.44 A New Era Begins (1911-1914) 149

The Basic Conflict The issue, of course, was not between fidelity and infidelity, as Brown had thought, but between two opposing sets of assump• tions within Christianity, one conservative, the other progressive; one legalistic and literalistic, the other bent upon an open-minded inquiry into the spirit of the Bible; one closed to the scientific attitude, the other openly welcoming it. Alonzo Willard Fortune represented a new day. His conservative opponents were correct in sensing his departure from the old ways, but they were mis• taken in supposing that he was disloyal to the Bible or a traitor to his brotherhood. They could not see that the real clash was be• tween two sets of assumptions, both within the circle of loyalty. Crossfield, on his part, had chosen both Fortune and Bower because, in addition to their being loyal and committed Chris• tian men, they were equipped to do genuine intellectual pioneer• ing in interpreting the Christian faith and in relating it to the march of progress in the twentieth century. Besides all this, he held to a sound administrative principle: The trustees and faculty of a college and seminary should be credited with good sense and good will and conceded the right to conduct their affairs without outside dictation. "We feel that the faculty of The College of the Bible, the Trustees and the President ought to be given credit for two things," Crossfield wrote to one correspondent, "viz. sufficient intelligence to conduct the affairs of the Institution, and loyalty to our plea. We are not heretics or fools. I hope you will see the wrong done The College of the Bible and Fortune by this libelous and malevolent attack. . . ,"45

Other Faculty Changes Professor Isaiah B. Grubbs, emeritus since 1907, died Septem• ber 20, 1912. The Transylvania year book, The Crimson for 1911, saluted him as "a living illustration of the power of a pious, humble life. He lives on," the editors said, "in the spirituality he has cultivated in the lives of hundreds who have been privi• leged to enjoy his instruction." 150 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

On February 20, 1914, on his way home from an unusually brilliant lecture before his class in Christian ministries, Professor Samuel Mitchell Jefferson suffered a heart attack and died within a few minutes. Since Professor Jefferson also taught philosophy in Transylvania, his death created a vacancy in both institutions. Twenty years a pastor before beginning his teaching career, he had taught three years in Bethany College (West Virginia), four years as dean of Berkeley Bible Seminary (California), and four• teen years on the faculties of Kentucky (Transylvania) Uni• versity and The College of the Bible. Generous of spirit, critical in judgment, widely read and traveled, S. M. Jefferson breathed the air of the twentieth century with ease. Had he lived he might have made the transition from the old to the new at the Seminary less cataclysmic. The man elected almost immediately to take Jefferson's place was Elmer Ellsworth Snoddy.46 He was to divide his time equally between the two institutions, teaching philosophy in one and practical theology in the other. Snoddy and Fortune had been fellow students at Hiram College in the 1890's. When Snoddy came to Lexington in the fall of 1914, he was fifty-one years of age (as against Fortune's forty-one years, and Bower's thirty-six years). For twenty-two years, first as student and then as teacher he had been at Hiram College. At twenty-eight with little formal education he had come from the sod houses and the open plains of the Dakota territory to enter the preparatory department of Hiram. He completed the eight-year course of preparatory school and college in five years. His senior year in the college he had tutored in Greek, and immediately upon graduation he began teaching Greek language and literature, a work that he continued for the next ten years. Then, after a leave of absence to secure his A.M. from Yale, he shifted to the teaching of philosophy. Armed with homely wisdom of the common people, with wit and a quick, germinal mind, E. E. Snoddy was undoubtedly one of the most stimulating teachers ever to come to Lexington.47 Also in 1914 Professor Bower was chosen, along with Stephen J. Corey and R. A. Doan, to become a member of the Foreign A New Era Begins (1911-1914) 151

Christian Missionary Society's Commission to the Orient. This appointment required his absence from Lexington from July, 1914, until January 8, 1915, which occasioned yet another ap• pointment to the faculty. The College of the Bible Quarterly- Bulletin for October, 1914, carried the notice: "During the ab• sence of Professor W. C. Bower on his tour through the Orient in the interest of Missions, his classes in the Departments of Religious Education, Comparative Religion and Missions are being taught by Prof. George W. Hemry." Bower's brother-in- law and for eight years the pastor of a church at South Bend, Indiana, Hemry held the A.B. and M.A. degrees from Butler College, and had nearly completed work for the Ph.D. degree at the University of Chicago. Once established on the faculty at The College of the Bible, he continued until the spring of 1917. With the employment of Professor W. Edward Saxon of the Transylvania faculty part time to teach courses in expression, the faculty of the period was complete.48 Dean Hall L. Calhoun, alone from the older faculty, remained, teaching the courses in sacred history formerly offered by Mc• Garvey. So great was his reverence for his mentor that he taught from McGarvey's printed syllabi in a catechetical manner meant to be an exact imitation. His conservatism and his methods of teaching by indoctrination, as opposed to the liberalism of the new men and their method of teaching through wide reading and open-minded inquiry after the truth, provided the soil for a growing discontent. Chapter XI

KEEPING HOUSE TOGETHER

1912-1918

PRESIDENT CROSSFIELD BEGAN HIS JOINT administration of Transylvania University and The College of the Bible on February 1, 1912. Among the urgent needs crying for immediate solution was student housing. The Seminary oc• cupied three dormitory buildings on the campus—Logan, Craig, and Davies Halls. Logan Hall dated back to the old Transylvania period before the Civil War. Craig had been added by The Col• lege of the Bible as a wing of Logan in 1889-90. Davies was for• merly called the Blythe House and was older than Morrison Col• lege. Heating in the dormitory rooms was by individual coal stoves, which necessitated the daily carrying of coal and ashes by scuttle. Joint Housing As early as 1907 the Seminary began to feel the need of an additional dormitory. In their annual meeting of that year the trustees petitioned the curators of Kentucky (Transylvania*) University for permission to erect an additional dormitory on the campus under the same terms on which they had granted the site for the Seminary edifice in 1895. It is not surprising, therefore, to learn that President Cross- field turned his attention almost at once to this need. It was his plan to provide a new dormitory, to be erected, occupied, and operated jointly by the Seminary and the University, each shar-

152 Keeping House Together (1912-1918) 153 ing equally in the costs. Smith and Bedford were chosen as architects and in July, 1913, the executive committee instructed its building committee, R. H. Crossfield, W. F. Smith, and J. T. Vance to arrange for plans and specifications. Bids were taken in November and the contract was let to Frank Corbin who en• gaged to have the new building ready for occupancy by Septem• ber 1, 1914. Another part of the building program was the provision of central heating and lighting to be connected at once to the new dormitory and later extended to the gymnasium, to Morrison College and to The College of the Bible. Contracts for the new heating and lighting plant were let to Frank Corbin July 13, 1914. To build the new dormitory, to be called Ewing Hall,* it was necessary to wreck Davies Hall. The demolition of Logan and Craig Halls would have followed in course but with the demands of materials for the heating plant, it was decided to wreck these dormitories at once so as to reuse bricks, windows, and doors for the project. The wrecking of three halls and the building of a new heating plant and men's dormitory turned the campus in the summer of 1914 into an ant hill of activity. Ewing Hall with its dining room and single and double rooms accommodating 129 men, was ready for occupancy during the ensuing term. It was formally opened to the public during com• mencement week, 1915. The student year book, The Crimson, exulted in "a modern, up to date hotel with hot and cold water in every room! All one has to do is turn the faucet and the water comes. And the heat, what an improvement." In like vein the editors praised the new 'Licorish lights.' "Yes, sir, two of them in every room, and they aren't turned off at nine o'clock either." In the same exuberant mood The Crimson saluted the heat• ing plant: This is the home of our new department of Combustion and Illumination. ... It will supersede the old course in Thermology, so

•In honor of John M. Ewing of Morgan, Kentucky, a donor. 154 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY long conducted by Professor Hunt with a meager equipment of stoves, coal boxes, and scuttles, which have graced the halls and classrooms of our Alma Mater since the year 1789. . . . Hail to President Crossfield's Monument!

The work of extending the heating system to Morrison, the gymnasium, and The College of the Bible buildings was author• ized in August, 1915. Housing for women was not provided until 1919 when Lyons Hall and Annex, two houses across North Broadway from the campus, became the "girl's dormitories" for Transylvania and The College of the Bible.

College and Seminary Cooperate With a joint president, joint student housing, and joint heat• ing and lighting of their buildings, the College and Seminary quite naturally cooperated in other matters. The faculties of the two schools began meeting together. These joint meetings seem to have begun March 27, 1912. It soon be• came the practice for the faculties of the two schools to meet to• gether once a month and once a month separately.1 The chapel services of the two schools were also combined into one, which met three times a week in Morrison College. The Friday chapel period was given over to student interests, and the chapel hour on Saturdays was designated for YMCA and YWCA meetings.2 As early as February, 1911, The College of the Bible faculty had been granted a representative on the Athletic Council of Transylvania. And from the beginning in 1865 the faculty of The College of the Bible had shared in the instruction of the Arts College. This arrangement continued. Professors Jefferson, For• tune, Snoddy, and Saxon served on both faculties. And the two schools had a joint librarian, Mrs. Charles F. Norton, and a joint treasurer, J. T. Vance. The libraries of the two colleges eventu• ally came to occupy the second floor of The College of the Bible building. Keeping House Together (1912-1918) 155

Overlapping enrollment of students followed the same pat• tern. Taking the spring of 1917 as representative, 119 students were taking classes exclusively in Transylvania; twenty-seven were taking work exclusively in The College of the Bible; but at the same time 132 students were taking work in both schools.3 In the light of such a large number of joint programs and over• lapping activities, it is not at all surprising that the public came to think of The College of the Bible and Transylvania Uni• versity as a single institution, under the name of "Transylvania and The College of the Bible." Although President Crossfield kept them administratively distinct, and the faculties of the two schools understood their separate character, for those not on the inside, lines of distinction were easily blurred. In a later admin• istration these lines all but vanished.

Finances Even before the death of McGarvey, The College of the Bible rallied to the financial aid of Transylvania. In a letter dated October 25, 1910, Treasurer J. T. Vance wrote to the executive committee of The College of the Bible asking for the creation of a joint committee of the two colleges to help solve a financial "embarrassment" then developing in Transylvania. The College of the Bible cooperated by underwriting Transyl• vania salaries in various departments to the amount of $2,700 per year "for the 1910-11 session and as long as it may deem necessary and proper." This was paid for two years, then dis• continued when the Transylvania campaign for endowment was successful. In the first year of his joint administration, having just com• pleted an endowment campaign of $240,000 for Transylvania, Crossfield launched a joint campaign for $300,000 for the two colleges. Of this amount $100,000 was to go for the new dormi• tory, heating and lighting plant, and campus improvements. The remaining $200,000 was to be divided equally between the en• dowments of the two schools. Following so closely on the heels of the previous campaign, this new appeal for money lagged. For 156 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

the first time in years The College of the Bible began to develop an operating deficit, mostly occasioned by expenditures for the new buildings. In July, 1915, the executive committee executed a note to the Endowment Fund to the amount of $39,500 to cover the deficit of that date. In the end, the campaign appears to have met with near suc• cess. At any rate, by the fall of 1918 President Crossfield an• nounced that the endowment of Transylvania had been increased from $218,889.79 to $419,426.23; and that the endowment of The College of the Bible had grown from $179,804.48 to $255, 599.99.4 But there were continuing problems. For example, Ewing Dining Hall in 1917-1918 ran a deficit of $1,258, half of which was chargeable to The College of the Bible. Two other factors entered into the financial picture: the organization of the Board of Higher Education with its special offerings on Education Day, and the Men and Millions Move• ment. A forerunner of the Board of Higher Education appeared in 1901 with the organization of the American Christian Education Society. By 1903 this Society had elected a full-time secretary and had inaugurated the third Sunday in January as Education Day. Although the secretaryship lapsed for lack of funds and the Society died, Education Day proved a permanent gain.5 In 1910 the Christian Standard attempted to revive the em• phasis of the Education Society by calling an Education Congress at Winona Lake, Indiana. Presidents Bates of Hiram and Cross- field of Transylvania objected to this proposed Congress, with the result that the college presidents themselves countered by forming * the Association of Colleges of the Disciples of Christ, with R. H. Crossfield as president. In 1914 the name was changed to the Board of Education. Today, it is known as the Board of Higher Education of Disciples of Christ.6 Crossfield began at once to strengthen the observance of Edu• cation Day, regarding it as an important source of regular contri• butions to the current expense budgets of the member colleges Keeping House Together (1912-1918) 157 in the new Association. The Lexington institutions derived a little more than $2,500 annually from this source.7 The Men and Millions Movement was a drive by Disciples of Christ to recruit 1,000 men and women for service at home and abroad and $6,000,000 for missions and colleges. It emerged officially at the Toronto Convention in 1913.8 However, the movement had its beginning in the China Mission. Alexander Paul, while convalescing from an illness, planted the idea of raising $200,000 in five years to meet the great needs of China. F. M. Rains visited China and caught Paul's vision. A. E. Cory, then a missionary in China, was called home to lead a drive which started in the Louisville Convention of 1912 to aim for a goal of $2,000,000. R. A. Long, wealthy Kansas City lumberman and best known to Disciples as donor of the Christian Board of Publication to the brotherhood, went to Toronto in 1913 intending to give $150,000 toward the goal of two million. Cory, meantime, wrestled with the idea of asking Long for a million. "I don't know how much you have," Cory said to Long in the conference that ensued. Long said, "I know I owe one million dollars." Cory then proposed that a man who owed a million could give a million, and there had the audacity to ask Long to borrow a million for God. Then came the proposal that the brotherhood would match Long's million with $5,300,000 on its own.9 Inter• rupted by the war, the campaign succeeded immediately there• after. The goal was oversubscribed, and finally completely paid. R. H. Crossfield was a member of the executive committee of the Men and Millions Movement. Transylvania and The College of the Bible were scheduled to receive as their share of the money $350,000. Before the campaign was completed in 1917 and 1918, however, loud protests arose against Crossfield and his two col• leges. There was, in fact, a determined effort in some quarters to sabotage all giving that might benefit the two Lexington in• stitutions^—all because of accusations of heresy leveled in the spring of 1917. More of that in a later chapter. 158 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

While still in course, and long before any moneys were divided among the participating agencies, the campaign was costing Transylvania and The College of the Bible $175 per month. For these and other reasons it was not possible for Crossfield to increase the salaries of his professors as rapidly as he would have liked. In 1912 he reported, "The salaries paid professors are meager, and should be increased to $1,800 within the next two years. [They were then $1,600] and to $2,000 within five years. "I should like to say just here that it is not good policy for the college to make it necessary for these men to accept regular pastorates in connection with their professional duties. All of their time should be free to devote to scholarly pursuits and authorship, and to representing the college whenever and wher• ever its interest may be conserved."10 By the end of his tenure in 1921 Crossfield had succeeded in raising professorial salaries to $2,500.00 per year, but, to piece out an adequate income, the men continued to hold pastorates. Costs in the inflationary postwar period were mounting. In spite of impressive financial gains made under Crossfield, Transyl• vania was about to face a financial crisis which would involve The College of the Bible and threaten its very existence. Chapter XII

NEW PATTERNS IN SEMINARY EDUCATION

1911-1922

IN THE CLASSROOMS THE COMING OF Fortune, Bower, and Snoddy soon worked a transformation. While Dean Calhoun clung to McGarvey's textbooks with their questions and answers "to be repeated as nearly verbatim as possible,"1 the new professors introduced a wide range of col• lateral readings. While Calhoun sought to indoctrinate his stu• dents with a single opinion, the new professors freely exposed their students to differing points of view. While Calhoun silenced discussion, the new professors encouraged it. The result, in the classrooms of Fortune, Bower, and Snoddy was an atmosphere of intellectual adventure and free inquiry, in harmony with the best traditions of a liberal education.

Free Inquiry The new professors believed themselves to be following Alex• ander Campbell, who had written in 1828, "Truth has nothing to fear from investigation. It dreads not the light of science, nor shuns the scrutiny of the most prying inquiry. ... it challenges the fullest, the ablest, and the boldest examination."2 Graham, McGarvey, and Grubbs had not meant to dampen free inquiry, but the poor educational background of most stu• dents entering The College of the Bible in earlier days ill pre• pared them for it. McGarvey had reserved the discussion of

159 160 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY critical questions for the senior year; and meantime bent his energies to a thorough grounding of the students in a knowledge of the content of the Bible. That McGarvey's spirit was free, that he was no intellectual dictator, is amply attested by W. C. Morro, who knew McGar• vey both as student and colleague—and who was chosen by Mc• Garvey to become the first dean of the Seminary. Morro wrote, "But did not McGarvey's method and system of teaching bind the student to his own rigid views and deprive him of independ• ent thinking? I am aware that many said that it did, but I am not one of this number."3 Professor Morro then went on in the same book to show President McGarvey administering the school "as a senior among equals." If in the minority, he yielded graciously to the majority. I have seen him yield a settled conviction of years and change the policy of the College because a majority of his faculty expressed by vote a judgment that differed from his. The faculty on at least one occasion asked the privilege of reversing its vote that it might not seem to stand in opposition to him, but he declined to accept such a reversal.4

To cite a case in point, Morro, wanting to change from Mil- ligan's Scheme of Redemption to Stevens' New Testament The• ology, found himself at first opposed by McGarvey and then sup• ported when Professors Deweese and Jefferson advocated the change. McGarvey yielded, then continued his support of Mor- ro's choice in the face of student criticism: The next year a group of students, disposed by inclination to cause trouble, carried the book to President McGarvey with some marked sentences that they regarded as objectionable. He himself told me the answer that he gave them. It was crisp and to the point. "The faculty," he said, "has approved of the textbook. Any sentence or detail about it that is objectionable will be taken care of by the teacher of the course. I wish to hear nothing further about the matter."5

If more proof were needed it could not come better than from Vernon Stauffer, another graduate of the Seminary who later New Patterns in Seminary Education (1911-1917) 161 came to the faculty. Although he did not join the faculty until 1922, he was first invited by McGarvey in 1909. A personal letter to R. H. Crossfield in 1917 contains several important passages: Having been called to Lexington to confer with a committee of trustees of The College of the Bible concerning the matter of as• suming a place on the faculty of that institution, it was my privilege to ask for a joint conference between the committee appointed by the trustees, the faculty and myself. Mr. Shouse, Mr. Collis, Mr. Smith, President McGarvey and Professor Calhoun, Professor De- weese and Professor Jefferson, all were present. . . . There were many earnest questions . . . and so far as I know no concealments. I shall not forget two of my own questions: (1) Suppose it should prove true that in pursuit and advocacy of the truth a teacher should find himself driven to take a position which should put him to that extent out of line with the traditions of the institution: what course would be pursued? (2) Granted that the man was reverent and sincerely Christian in the spirit of his life, would his freedom as a teacher be limited by considerations over and above the power of his influence to com• mand the sympathy of his fellow teachers and the trust and loyalty of his students? I may say that those questions were prompted by a consideration which seemed very patient: that in the nature of things, with President McGarvey's career so obviously near its close, The College of the Bible was clearly destined to pass through a more or less necessary period of adjustment. The response which came to me that day was as heartening as any word could be. None spoke more generously than that splendid Christian gentleman, President Mc• Garvey. His words remain with me. "Brother Stauffer," he said, "we do not all think alike here. We do not all see the same angle. But we respect each other, and we accord to each other freedom to express the truth as he sees it." I recall, too, how having declared my unwillingness to become involved in the fortunes of an institution wherein a reverent and open-minded spirit did not steadily entitle one to loyal fellowship and confidence, President McGarvey, having inquired my age (I was then 33), fixed his trumpet to his ear, and then said very sweetly, "Brother Stauffer, you need have no fear. Come! And let me assure you for myself that we want you to be with us for the next 67 years!"8 162 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Curricula Changes Other evidences began to manifest the new order. The old numerical grades gave way to letter grades. The wives of stu• dents were given "guest privileges" in the classes of their hus• bands. The Department of Bible School Pedagogy acquired the more modern name, the Department of Religious Education. There was a steady pressure to raise academic standards. Requirements for the Classical Diploma had always been exact• ing. Now entrance requirements for the program were raised. A student could qualify to enter this course only subsequent to his qualifying as a junior in Transylvania; he could then com• plete his undergraduate work in Transylvania and take his A.B. degree, while working simultaneously on his graduate studies in The College of the Bible. This usually meant a total of six years; sometimes it took seven years to complete both College and Seminary. The Bachelor of Divinity degree was offered for the first time in 1914-1915. Consideration of such a degree had begun as early as November 10, 1909, when a faculty committee was appointed to look into the matter. And at various times since then the faculty had taken it up, only to delay the final decision. But in March, 1914, it was formally adopted. Academic prerequisites for pursuing this degree were even higher than those for the Classical Diploma. A student could enter upon his B.D. studies only after he had received his A.B. degree from Transylvania or another college. The B.D. program was three years of seminary work. But the seven-year program was frequently telescoped into six through the option of thirty semester hours of work in The College of the Bible, which could be elected by the student while he was still in Transylvania during his junior and senior years as an undergraduate. Other seminaries followed a similar practice for a number of years. The B.D. also carried the requirement of a thesis. The Classical Diploma was offered for the last time in 1918. This meant that the Classical Diploma and the B.D. degree New Patterns in Seminary Education (1911-1917) 163

were offered simultaneously during a period of four years, a time of transition. The English Diploma had stood beside the Classical Diploma since 1869; it represented four years of work, but in 1912 was reduced to three years in the Seminary with the prerequisite of one year of liberal arts. Though this diploma persisted until the session of 1922-23, it was gradually shoved aside by the degree programs. On February 1, 1915, President Crossfield memorialized the faculty on the advisability of offering a course of study, four years in length and based on college entrance requirements, which would lead to a baccalaureate degree. Its purpose would be to prepare young men for rural churches. In subsequent ses• sions the faculty devised the Bachelor of Practical Theology degree. At first it required a freshman year in Transylvania plus three years in The College of the Bible. Then in 1921-22 it required two years in The College of the Bible built upon the freshman and sophomore years in Transylvania. In all these programs there was one discernible trend—to make certain that a student would move from foundational work in liberal arts to professional education in Seminary. Formerly the movement of students had gone in both directions. Not in• frequently a young man entered The College of the Bible directly after completing his work in the Academy (high school) or even before. Then, with the taste of education in his mouth, he went on to undertake, belatedly, his courses in liberal arts. Such a reversal of Seminary and College courses was now brought to an end. Henceforth, students moved in one direction—from under• graduate college into Seminary. Beginning in 1909 a one- and two-year Bible School Course was offered. These courses led to one- or two-year Religious Education Certificates. They were for Sunday school workers. But not until 1922-23 did the degree of Master of Religious Education appear. It has remained across the years a two-year degree beyond the A.B. Elective courses made their first appearance in the session of 164 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

1915-16. They brought with them the right to specialize in any one of three functional areas. Required courses accounted for about two thirds of the student's curriculum; elective courses made up the remaining third. All courses were specifically desig• nated "prescribed" or "elective."* Those preparing for service in rural communities could, in the same way, enlarge the offerings of groups one or two with work in the rural church plus a course in Zoology and another in elementary Botany, this addendum being listed as Group V. The pattern of "prescribed courses," on the other hand, pro• vided for fourteen hours of Old Testament, ten hours of New Testament, four of religious education, two of missions, six of church history, four of practical theology, eight of Hebrew, and six of Greek Exegesis. Those pursuing the B.P.Th. degree could substitute modern language for Hebrew, and English exegesis for Greek exegesis, plus a modern language. Otherwise the pat• tern held for all. It came about, therefore, that in the transitional period be• tween 1914 and 1922 the textbook yielded place to the library, indoctrination to free investigation and discussion, diplomas to degrees. Entrance requirements were stiffened. The attractiveness of work beyond the A.B. degree was considerably increased. Electives, so arranged as to provide what today is called a func• tional major, came bringing freedom to a rigidly prescribed cur• riculum. And religious education, taking its first sure steps, moved confidently toward a graduate program and its own graduate degree. Such strides toward freedom and maturity were welcome to an overwhelming majority of students, and to all faculty mem• bers of The College of the Bible, save one.

*Elective courses, as indicated, were grouped functionally in the following areas: Group I. Group of Electives for Students Preparing for Regular Ministry. (These in• clude a wide range of offerings in_ Bible, practical theology, religious education, sociology, philosophy, psychology, biology, history and English literature.) Group II. Group of Electives for Students Preparing for an Educational Ministry, for Service as Directors of Religious Education, or for Sunday school field work. (These courses cluster largely around the field of religious education, philosophy, church history, and sociology.) Group III. Group of Electives for Students Preparing for the Mission Field. (These courses cover a wide range comparable to group one. In addition, medical missionary candidates could add certain courses in chemistry and biology, designated as Group IV.) Chapter XIII

WAR ON TWO FRONTS

1917

WORLD WAR I WAS RAGING. THE VICTORIAN age was perishing in flames. Gone were the Gibson girl and the placid social exterior of the colonial era. Gone was the bucolic isolation of America, buffered against the rest of the world by two oceans. Gone were the last vestiges of pre-Copernican, pre-Dar- winian mentality as a new scientific world view surged in. The dawn of the new age came up like thunder. It came on wings, taught to fly by the Wright brothers. It came on conveyor belts and assembly lines of huge factories spewing forth automobiles, airplanes, and machine guns. It came in "flapper" skirts, singing jazz and dancing the fox trot. It came in test tubes, boiling over and spilling out of laboratory doors into the streets and alleys of the common life. It came in procession through the night, shrouded in white sheets and hoods of the Ku Klux Klan. It came through the air on invisible radio waves. An air age, an age of science and industry, an age of social revolution—it crashed in like a tidal wave demolishing all dikes. There was no stopping it. As always, there were those who hurled themselves desperately against the new and clung stubbornly to the old. In a mood of near hysteria, stampeded by nostalgia for the old and by terror of the unknown in the emerging new world, they reached blindly for weapons and groped frantically in the fog and the dark for the

165 166 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY evil men and demonic forces that had brought this thing upon them. In the church this hysterical effort to turn back the clock found its symbol in an inerrant Bible, verbally inspired, and its cham• pion in William Jennings Bryan. Thinking to take their stand on "the rock of Scripture," reactionary conservatives were in fact standing upon the quicksand of their own opinions and preconceptions about the Scripture. From such a stance they viewed scientifically oriented biblical scholars as "destructive critics," and identified their "modernism" and "radicalism" as religious subversion directly inspired by German Kultur with its attempt to conquer and enslave the world. They identified their enemies as Darwinism, "destructive criticism," and "German rationalism," and found evil antagonists in men like Harry Emer• son Fosdick. The result in the religious world is what came to be known as the "fundamentalist-modernist controversy." This controversy did not break into public view in most reli• gious bodies until the 1920's, but it struck The College of the Bible much earlier. There had been a preliminary tremor in 1912, when J. T. Brown opposed the appointment of A. W. Fortune to the Seminary faculty. But the real earthquake at The College of the Bible occurred in 1917, while World War I was still raging.

Prelude to Battle Dean Hall Laurie Calhoun had come out of a conservative background and was in temperament a conservative. But he had received his graduate training in a liberal atmosphere. His B.D. was taken at Yale and his Ph.D. at Harvard just after the turn of the century. To qualify for these degrees it was necessary for him to master both "lower" (textual) and "higher" criticism (the historical and literary analysis of the Bible). His doctoral dissertation was in the field of "lower criticism," with which he was in hearty sympathy. With his Harvard professors, who in• cluded the celebrated Old Testament scholar, George Foote War on Two Fronts (1917) 167

Moore, he left the impression that he also accepted the findings of modern biblical scholarship usually identified by the tag of "higher criticism." But Calhoun himself later explained that it was one thing to know the modern position, quite another to accept it.1 At any rate, Calhoun's record at Harvard and the impression he* left with the faculty were favorable enough that he was in• vited to give the alumni address at the centennial celebration of Harvard Divinity School on October 5, 1916. In this address he attempted a rapprochement between conservatives and lib• erals. In a most cordial vein he thanked the faculty of Harvard for their open-armed acceptance of him when he had first ap• peared on the campus as a died-in-the-wool conservative, and paid tribute to their Christian hospitality and integrity. He then concluded in a rhetorical flourish: Does it really matter whether Jesus is Divine Human or Human Divine, just so he is Divine? Does it really matter whether the Bible is miraculously inspired or naturally inspired, just so it is inspired? Does it really matter whether the teaching of that Bible be con• ceived as absolutely perfect or only materially so, just so it is materi• ally so? Does it really matter whether religion be conceived of as statically complete or progressively complete, just so it is com• plete? Does it really matter whether the church be conceived of as an institution whose chief function is to prepare men for the life to come or for the life that is now, provided that the course of prepa• ration be just the same? Does it really matter if men do differ about theological questions if their characters are equally good, just so they are equally good?2

It is impossible to determine the state of Dean Calhoun's mind as he passed through the transitional period at The College of the Bible in the years between 1912 and 1917, but the view of William Clayton Bower, who was his faculty colleague during this period, deserves a good deal of credence: As a result of this exposure to liberal religious thought against the background of his fundamentalist up-bringing and college educa• tion, there developed within him a deep intellectual and emotional 168 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY conflict. The result was a split personality, in which his intelligence reached out toward a rationally supported position while his loy• alties and emotions remained firmly attached to his conservative past. In such an imbalance his disappointed hopes, his failure as a teacher, and the intervention of the Christian Standard caused him to shift permanently to an extremely conservative position, with a sense of mission to save The College of the Bible for the faith.3

Students flocked into the classes of Fortune, Bower, and Snoddy, and avoided those of Calhoun. In addition they began to be outspokenly critical of the latter's teaching. They even called an indignation meeting to see what could be done, and ended by appointing a representative committee of fourteen who met with President Crossfield to lodge a protest, and to get the president to use his influence "to have Professor Calhoun alter his course of study and method of teaching."4 The result was a conservative counter reaction. A small group of students loyal to Calhoun rallied around him. They began to look for heretical statements in the lectures of the popular pro• fessors and to take notes in their classes with a view to document• ing charges of theological deviation. This led, in the spring of 1916, to Calhoun's request that the executive committee investi• gate the soundness of Professors Fortune, Bower, and Snoddy. The executive committee looked into the matter during July and August of that year. President Crossfield reported the final session: "At the conclusion of the last session of the investigation with the accused and Professor Calhoun present, the members of the Executive Committee and Professor Calhoun said they were perfectly satisfied with the men, Professor Calhoun using strong expressions of approval, and promising not to suspect his colleagues any more."5

The Attack Then on March 12, 1917, lightening struck. Ben F. Batten- field, an older student, sent out 300 copies of a letter printed on a single sheet of paper eight by twelve and three-fourths inches and containing about 1,200 words. It opened: War on Two Fronts (1917) 169

Dear Friend: I address you as one who has the interests of The College of the Bible at heart to ask you that you do all you can to take it out of the control of destructive critics. It is commonly acknowledged by the students that President Crossfield and the four professors he has been instrumental in placing on the faculty hold advanced critical views and stand opposed to Professors Calhoun and Deweese, who hold to the old principles of the college. Perhaps more than three- fourths of the students accept the new doctrines.

Battenfield then went on to quote various heretical statements allegedly made by Snoddy, Bower, Fortune, and Crossfield. These he followed with quotations from eight students, two of whom ratified his accusation, and six of whom were represented as having made daring heretical statements. He also quoted Pro• fessor Ernest W. Delcamp, of Transylvania, to substantiate his claim that a real digression from the past teachings of the Col• lege had set in. Battenfield further charged: "McGarvey's Class Notes on Sacred History No. 3, and Acts of Apostles, have long since been discarded for Kent's and McGifford's destructive critical books." Moreover, he alleged, the faculty recently had met February 27, after securing the absence of Professor Deweese, and in this meet• ing "the majority insisted that McGarvey's books be discarded from the Old Testament history courses after this year." Battenfield brought his indictment to a close with an alleged report on a secret meeting of students called "to secure the re• moval of Dean Calhoun from the faculty," or, at any rate, to "remedy the fault [in Calhoun's teaching] if possible." Battenfield then summarized his accusations: This strongly indicates that plans have been formed to convert The College of the Bible into a destructive critical seminary. Are you willing that this should be done? A number of students are today presenting a petition to the Executive Committee of the Board of Trustees. Will you join with us in demanding the removal of divisive teachers? Mark Collis, Lexington, is Chairman of the Board. Write him. 170 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

The petition, referred to above, was signed by Ben F. Batten- field and nine other students. Five of these withdrew their names before March 17, and of the four who remained one had been in college only six weeks and another only six months.6 The four who did not remove their signatures were J. G. Hurst, J. Thur- man Pugh, R. G. Birge, and Peyton H. Canary, Jr. President Crossfield immediately prepared to counter-attack in the form of a printed document five pages long and contain• ing four exhibits in refutation of Battenfield's accusations. In the meantime, imagination will supply a picture of the agitated stu• dent and faculty life on the campus. There is some evidence that Dean Calhoun was torn in two directions and that he momentar• ily contemplated a repudiation of the Battenfield letter. Accord• ing to Homer W. Carpenter, who was at the time chancellor of the two schools, on March 16 (the day before Crossfield's circular was to go into the mails) Calhoun requested John Wil• liam Hardy and Homer W. Carpenter to accompany him to the president's office where he would write and sign a statement of repudiation. Once in the office, Calhoun wrote the letter, but delayed signing it. He said he would like his wife to see the state• ment. Hardy agreed to call at the Calhoun home that evening. When he appeared at eight o'clock that evening Calhoun said, "I've changed my mind. I do not see how I can make any state• ment reflecting on Battenfield. He is my friend. I would die be• fore I would desert him."7 Crossfield and his friends strongly suspected that Calhoun and Battenfield had been in collusion with each other and with the manager and editor of the Christian Standard. This, all accused parties just as strongly denied. Crossfield's circular, mailed March 17, only five days after Battenfield's letter, contained four exhibits. Exhibit A contained Battenfield's letter and the petition to the trustees signed by ten students, together with an editorial note of Crossfield's explaining that five of the students had repudiated the petition and two others were incompetent to sign it. War on Two Fronts (1917) 171

Exhibit B was a letter from the five accused, Crossfield, Bower, Snoddy, Fortune, and Hemry. This letter reads: Dear Brother in Christ: We desire to state that the letter published by Mr. Ben F. Batten• field under date of March 12, 1917, is in the main, a false and mis• leading statement which does not represent our positions. In many cases statements have been lifted out of their context in such a way as to give a content they do not contain and entirely pervert their meaning, and, in others, to express exactly the oppo• site of their intended meaning and to contradict the fundamental positions held by us. Furthermore, the document contains several absolute falsehoods. Consequently, we feel called upon, in the interests of truth, and the cause we represent, to stigmatize the document as in part false, in a still greater degree misleading, and as a whole calculated to destroy the interest of loyal but free Christian education and the fundamental and historic principles of the Disciples of Christ to which our institution and its administration and faculty are com• mitted. In the presence of such an attack upon the integrity of the ad• ministrative policy of The College of the Bible and the Christian faith and devotion of the greater part of the faculty, we take oc• casion to affirm our fidelity to the fundamental truth of Christianity as revealed in the Bible, and to the historic principles of the Dis• ciples of Christ, which we believe would be wholly subverted were the purposes of this letter and its sponsors to prevail. Exhibit C contained a letter from the six students who had been accused by the Battenfield letter of heretical statements. The import of this letter was like that of the faculty. The six men further denied any attempt to eliminate Dean Calhoun from the faculty, then went on to express their absolute confidence in Crossfield and the accused professors: "We feel that the influ• ence of their leadership and teaching is thoroughly constructive and makes for the highest Christian faith and character." Exhibit C also contained two other letters, denying Battenfield's charges. Exhibit D contained two statements. The first was an en• dorsement, signed by 146 students of Transylvania and The Col• lege of the Bible (eighty-seven percent of those studying in The College of the Bible). This endorsement challenged the accuracy 172 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY and the spirit of the Battenfield letter and expressed confidence in and admiration for the five men who were accused. The second statement in Exhibit D was a letter signed by Pro• fessor Deweese. In view of Battenfield's charge which seemed to align Deweese in sympathy with Calhoun and which alleged a conspiracy on the part of the faculty to change Deweese's text• books in his absence, it is helpful to see the whole of Deweese's letter: Mr. Battenfield's statement appearing elsewhere, mentions my name in connection with the situation in The College of the Bible. I knew nothing of the statement until I had learned that it had been sent out to hundreds of people. I wish in justice to President Crossfield and for my own self-respect to state that his mention of a meeting of The College of the Bible faculty was solely a courtesy to me and in entire good faith. The question of shortening of work of Professor Calhoun's course in Old Testament had been disposed of before the faculty meeting referred to was called. There was no plan then to keep me from attending. Mr. Battenfield further says that "President Crossfield, Professors Fortune, Hemry, Bower and Snoddy stand opposed to Professors Calhoun and Deweese, who hold to the old principles of the col• lege." This has been interpreted to mean that there is a state of hostility that occasions a disagreeable situation. I speak for myself, that every one of the five has extended to me sympathy, apprecia• tion, and every courtesy a Christian should expect. They know my views and respect my convictions. These views are in line with those emphasized by the founders of the college, and when called upon to state them I am free to do so without any hindrance.

With his circular of March 17, President Crossfield sent a covering letter, in which he said, in part, The future of these institutions, which have been enjoying one of the most prosperous periods in all their history, is imperiled. Par• tially to counteract this pernicious influence, we are sending the enclosed statements to a number of our friends. Not only are Transylvania and The College of the Bible jeopardized by this insidious attack, but all our institutions, and our common Christianity, as represented by Disciples of Christ, are endangered. A meeting of the Board of Trustees will undoubtedly be held in War on Two Fronts (1917) 173 the near future, and if you would like to say a word in behalf of our Schools, a letter addressed to me will be turned over to the proper persons. What is done must be done at once.

In response to the appeal in the last paragraph of Crossfield's letter, quoted above, hundreds of letters poured in, overwhelm• ingly deploring Battenfield's attack and pledging confidence and support to the accused men. Several men who replied were not among the three hundred originally circularized by Batten• field. A few replied in some bewilderment. Up to this point nothing had reached the press. Had the con• troversy remained at this stage—one of letters and private con• ferences—perhaps it could have been contained within the regular channels and brought to a conclusion "within the family" by administration and trustees. But once the militant press of the Christian Standard took up the attack there was no containing it. It then became the battle of the brotherhood.

The Christian Standard Enters the Fray On March 31, 1917, the Christian Standard, under the title "The College of the Bible in the Limelight Again" published Crossfield's entire circular of March 17 with all its exhibits, and then appended a copy of Crossfield's letter, plus one long reply, that of C. R. L. Vawter, of Eaton, Indiana, dated March 21. Vawter's letter may be summarized in the following brief quotations: "There may be incidental inaccuracies, but are the main charges true?" "Even such a radically destructive critic as C. C. Morrison [editor of The Christian Century] of Chicago has the effrontery to claim that he is true to the fundamental truths of Christianity as revealed in the Bible and to the historical principles of the 'Disciples of Christ.' " "In all that you have submitted to me there is not a single word to indicate that your views are other than those of destructive critics."8 On an editorial page of this same issue the following words, in boldface type stood at the head of an editorial: 174 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

DEAN CALHOUN SPEAKS Lexington, Ky., March 24,1917. In response to certain inquiries which have come to me, I feel that candor compels me to state that for more than a year I have been fully convinced that de• structive criticism was being taught in the College of the Bible. (Signed) HALL L. CALHOUN The editorial which followed carried Calhoun's picture, and went on to say that criticism of certain professors in Lexington had been rife for years, that the trustees had conducted one or two investigations. Up to now "It has been asserted by some who are in control of the college that these attacks have been made by parties who were not in possession of inside facts. But this defense is now impossible." Calhoun is on the inside, the editorial pointed out; moreover, he is the dean. The editors then called for a barrage of mail to Mark Collis, chairman of the Board of Trustees, demanding an impartial investigation. Furthermore, as this is a vital matter in which the entire brother• hood is deeply interested, it would seem appropriate that the in• vestigation be conducted by a committee composed of men in no• wise officially connected with either Transylvania University or The College of the Bible—nor do we think it would be wise for repre• sentatives of any of our colleges to participate in the investigation. Let there be no whitewash!9 Editor George P. Rudedge and Manager Russell Errett of the Christian Standard sent out their own circular pressing their demand for an investigation by a committee in no way con• nected with Transylvania or The College of the Bible.10 When the April 7 issue of the paper went to press it carried a full page in small print, reproducing sections from the letters reaped by this circular. The page bore a banner headline, "IN FAVOR OF THE PROPOSED IMPARTIAL INVESTIGATION," with a subheading, "COMMUNICATIONS ON THE LEX• INGTON SITUATION ARE POURING IN FROM EVERY SECTION OF THE COUNTRY. THE FOLLOWING EX• PRESSIONS ARE ONLY A FEW HASTILY PICKED War on Two Fronts (1917) 175

FROM THE GROWING STACK OF LETTERS AND CARDS." Less than a third of the page reproduced excerpts from letters "NOT IN FAVOR OF THE PROPOSED IN• VESTIGATION, OR IN DOUBT ABOUT IT."11 An editorial in the same issue gave "THREE REASONS FOR THE PROPOSED INVESTIGATION." These were: (1) The College of the Bible graduates will be leading ministers and educators in the next quarter century; if converts to the "new theology," they will wreck the cause. (2) As a brotherhood school, The College of the Bible "exists to teach the Bible as the Restoration movement, as a whole, teaches it." (3) If the charges are true, Transylvania and The College of the Bible will be getting $350,000 of the Men and Millions money under false pretenses.12 Still in the same issue there were two other articles pressing the attack. One was an editorial covering the letter from Ben F. Battenfield in which he disclaimed collusion with Calhoun or the Christian Standard in sending out his circular letter of March 12. The other was one and one third columns from the pen of J. B. Briney of Pewee Valley, Kentucky, stigmatizing the Board of Trustees for its handling of the charges of J. T. Brown against A. W. Fortune in 1912, reaffirming his suspicions of Fortune's unsoundness held since then, and calling for an investigation by a committee outside university and college control.13 In the April 14 issue Editor Rutledge marched into the fray with a phalanx of articles. There was "A Lexington Student's Affidavit" of nearly five columns from Peyton H. Canary, Jr., one of the signers of the Battenfield letter. There was an article "In Transylvania Newspaperdom" charging that while articles favorable to the accused members of the faculty are permitted in the Crimson Rambler, an editorial for The Transylvanian favorable to Calhoun had been suppressed by the College Press Association. J. F. Williams wrote an article, "A Witness in the Fortune Investigation Speaks," reviving old suspicions. There were seven pages and a column of letters in small print appear• ing under the banner headline, "IN FAVOR OF THE PRO- 176 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

POSED IMPARTIAL INVESTIGATION OF THE COL• LEGE OF THE BIBLE," concluding with two thirds of a page of letters "NOT IN FAVOR OF THE PROPOSED IN• VESTIGATION, OR IN DOUBT ABOUT IT." In addition to these articles and letters, there were no less than six editorials pressing the case. Even the entrance of the United States into the war rated only one half column. One of the six editorials focused on Lexington reads, "The Standard is Not Attacking The College of the Bible." The following week, April 21, the Standard printed two more pages of letters, an article "Itching Ears" by J. B. Briney, "De• structive Criticism" by W. G. Johnston, and three editorials, all bearing upon the Lexington situation. The pressure was continued in the April 28 issue as well. Again two pages of letters appeared, and four more articles and editorials. One was an open letter of W. M. Rogers and Samuel Clay under the title "Men and Millions Contributors Protest." They wanted to deny money to the "heretical" professors. In this issue, the last before the hearing of the Board of Trustees in Lexington, the Standard rested its case with an editorial, "Our Task Performed." Meantime The Christian Century, editorializing on the ac• cusations under the headline "Let Us Have It Out," saw three points at issue: 1. The question of academic freedom in general. 2. In particular, the question whether or not instruction based upon such modern concepts as evolution, historical criticism, etc., is unacceptable in a college of the Disciples of Christ. 3. And, finally, the question of the competence and trustworthi• ness of the board of trustees to administer the affairs of the college without dictation from without.

"In all the sorry history of self-appointed heresy-hunters," The Christian Century went on to say, "there has never been a more astonishing and pathetic spectacle than this of a graduate of Harvard Divinity School bringing charges of 'destructive criti• cism' against the teaching of his colleagues."14 War on Two Fronts (1917) 177

If the accused professors welcomed the support of The Chris• tian Century, in the eyes of the Christian Standard that act would in itself constitute an admission of guilt. The Stan• dard's contempt for The Christian Century and for the Camp• bell Institute spilled out in acid comment. The Century may have done the accused professors "a great injustice by springing tor their rescue."15 A snide allusion to the Campbell Institute ap• peared as early as April 7 in the call for an investigation at Lex• ington : "If [men are] sent forth bearing the 'new theology' ban• ner, the cause in their hands will fail—as it is failing now under the ministry of the 'new theologues' among us, men noted for their 'better educated than thou' attitude toward their breth• ren . . ."16 The Battenfield letter and the Standard attack threw the Lex• ington campus into turmoil. More than six weeks elapsed from the first appearance of the accusation until the meeting of the Board of Trustees. During that time students on both sides were not idle. These included Calhoun's loyal few who continued their note taking and gathering of ammunition. Of this the Crimson Rambler humorously took note in the issue of April 12: "We suggest the adoption by the Board of Trustees of a resolution arming the professors of the institutions with bean shooters, to break the pencil points of critical note takers." When the Board of Trustees did meet May 1, 1917, thou• sands of people in Lexington and all over the United States and Canada stood on mental tiptoe to watch the outcome.

Trustees Meet to Investigate

The Board of Trustees called a special meeting to investigate the Calhoun-Battenfield charges. This hearing required seventeen sessions on six meeting days, May 1-3 (Tuesday through Thurs• day), and May 7-9, (Monday through Wednesday). A deeply troubled group of men kept at their serious business morning, afternoon, and evening, Thursday evening, May 3, excepted.17 178 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Editor George P. Rutledge of the Christian Standard had come to Lexington to attend the proceedings and to lend the accusers his aid and encouragement.18 Dean Calhoun engaged a lawyer, W. S. Irvine; and arranged with twelve "friends" to sit with as many "friends" of the ac• cused in what he hoped would be an open hearing. Among these friends were several members of the Providence Christian Church, of which he was minister. Meeting at first in executive session, the board decided it had rightful jurisdiction in this case. The first morning, in which the bewildered and troubled men sought to get their bearings, they reviewed their call and read the Charter. But in the next ses• sion—that afternoon—they called Dean Calhoun before them and asked him to state and explain his charges. When the dean appeared, he said that he had a written statement at his home [about four blocks away] and begged leave to go and get it. Returning, he read his prepared statement, but declined to name any of the accused until the investigation should have begun on a formal basis. The dean was prepared to state the rules for an investigation that would satisfy him. He later reported his requirements in these words: That the investigation be open to the public or, if this was not acceptable, that each side in the investigation be allowed to name at least ten men not connected in any way with the college, who should be present to listen to the entire proceedings, and who would thus be able to state whether or not the investigation had been properly conducted. I further asked that each side be allowed to name an assistant to the leader of each side, which assistant might do anything the leader wished him to do in helping with the investigation. I also asked that a stenographic report of all the proceedings be made, and that a certified copy of the same be left in the hands of the board, and that another certified copy of the same be presented to each side, to do with as that side might please. I further asked that each side be allowed to introduce any and all witnesses which it desired, and that these witnesses be subject to examination and cross-examination in the usual way.19 War on Two Fronts (1917) 179

Repeated efforts on the part of trustees in this second session failed to elicit the names of the accused. Nor could the dean be prevailed upon to file his prepared statement with the board. That evening, the board called before it President Crossfield and the four professors, Bower, Fortune, Snoddy, and Hemry. Re• quested to make a statement, the accused asked, "What are the charges?" The trustees confessed that the dean had refused to file his charges or name names, but, feeling that fairness required a disclosure of his accusations, they produced an oral report of the afternoon session with Calhoun. Asked about procedural matters, President Crossfield and the four professors objected to examination and cross-examination of professors by professors; but consented to a searching exami• nation by members of the board. Wednesday morning (the fourth session) the board voted to go ahead with the investigation "without delay or technical ob• structions," and in the afternoon (the fifth session) the inquiry began in earnest. The eyewitness account of William Clayton Bower, one of the accused, depicts the scene: The first session was held in a room in Transylvania College [Morrison Hall]. There was a long table in the center. On one side sat Reverend Mark Collis, pastor of Broadway Church and Presi• dent of the Board. On the opposite side sat the accuser, Dean Cal• houn, and an attorney [W. S. Irvine] with a large bag of law books. Seated at the end was a stenographer. Seated along the south wall were the accused and around the other walls were the Trustees. [The minutes would indicate that the twenty-four "friends" were either in the room or waiting for admission in the hall.] After prayer, Mr. Collis turned to Dean Calhoun and indicated that he should proceed with the presentation of the charges and the sup• porting evidence.20 Dean Calhoun began, "I want to say that I love these brethren, I just love them, but I must do my duty." Then although they had already had the invocation, Dean Calhoun said, "I suggest that Dr. Snoddy lead us in prayer." Dr. Snoddy had a little growth on his bald head which he always agitated when he was emotionally disturbed. His hand found its way to the bald spot and after a 180 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY moment's hesitation he replied, "We've already been to prayer. No sir, Mr. Chairman, I won't lead in prayer. I won't do it."21

Dr. Bower continues, I arose and addressed the chair. I said, "Mr. Chairman, I should like the Board of Trustees to look at the configuration of this room. The judge, the attorney, the accused, the stenographer, the jury. If this isn't an ecclesiastical set up for a heresy trial I don't know what it is." And then I said, "As for myself, gentlemen, I'm a Disciple and according to Disciple beliefs and tradition, a heresy trial is impossible. So, as a Disciple, I wish now to take my stand. If my services are not acceptable to The College of the Bible, I recognize the authority of this board to request my resignation at any moment, and I will gladly accede; but as a Disciple, I refuse to be tried for heresy." There was a murmuring among the trustees; some of them said, "Why, we don't want a heresy trial and that's what this is." And so, after a bit, someone moved that they adjourn to think over this and pray over it. One trustee is reported to have spent the entire night in prayer. When they came back the next morn• ing, they said, "There will be no heresy trial."22 The result was the dismissal of the attorney and of the stenographer and the barring of the hearing to the public [including the twenty-four friends].

Under the circumstances, with his cherished legal procedures set aside, Dean Calhoun declined to continue. On the afternoon of May 3 (the eighth session) he requested an executive session of the board in order to tender his resignation. This he did orally, then withdrew. The board voted to postpone action on the resig• nation until the next session, Monday morning, May 7, enjoin• ing the members meantime to "give out no information con• cerning the resignation or any action in executive sessions." A committee of three, W. S. Smith, R. M. Hopkins and J. D. Armistead, was appointed to formulate and have typewrit• ten a method of procedure to submit the following Monday. The board adjourned for the long weekend. On Monday morning, May 7 (the ninth session) the board voted to refuse Calhoun's resignation unless he insisted upon it in writing. Then they adopted the amended report of the com• mittee on procedure. It reads as follows: War on Two Fronts (1917) 181

1. Resolved that the Board of Trustees of The College of the Bible is competent to conduct the investigation of the conditions in the college. [This, of course, repudiated the contention of Calhoun and the Christian Standard, that "the trial" should be conducted by or in the presence of an outside committee.] 2. That we request Dean H. L. Calhoun to appear before the Board and present his charges against the members of the faculty of The College in their presence. 3. That all parties shall be given full opportunity to present all testimony in support and defense of the charges. 4. That all members of the Board may interrogate all parties to their satisfaction; and that the members of the Board may call for any witnesses or students for examination as to the charges. 5. That the chairman of the Board shall rule on the relevancy of all questions with right of appeal to the Board. 6. That all questions put to the members of the Faculty shall be put by members of the Board, but all parties may interrogate any other witnesses. 7. That the Board in executive session shall then come to its con• clusions and formulate its report.

In the afternoon of May 7 (tenth session) it was a very dis- grunded dean who consented to continue the investigation. I am frank to say that my judgment told me to go no further; that I could not expect fair treatment from men who would im• pose such unfair terms; but my strong desire to justify my convic• tion before the board and the brotherhood—that destructive criti• cism was being taught in The College of the Bible—again over• ruled my judgment, and, though I felt that I was entering the in• vestigation with my hands tied and my mouth locked, I presented my first witness. . . ,23

That first (and only) witness was Irvin Taylor Green, later to attend Bethany College and The University of Chicago Di• vinity School before joining the faculty of Bethany College. Calhoun's examination of Green, by his own account, occupied about twenty-five minutes. Then the cross-examination began. Calhoun was offended; he said, "Every rule of fairness in con• ducting a cross-examination was violated over and over again." (Plainly, Calhoun was still thinking in terms of the legal pro• cedures of a civil trial.) Fortune and Bower, he said, contra- 182 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY dieted the witness, and sought to "trap" him. "Professor Bower held the witness under cross-examination for an hour and a half. . . ,"24 The stormy afternoon session closed with the cross- examination of Green unfinished. The eleventh session convened that evening (May 7). Cal• houn requested an executive session in which he objected to the procedure, renewed his demand for the format he had originally advocated, and, when this was denied, renewed his resignation and stated that he would appeal to the general public. He with• drew. By this time Calhoun's altercations with the board had been so numerous and so judgmental, that the board accepted his resignation, requesting him to submit it in writing. Only two of the ten student petitioners would consent to appear before the Board. These were Ben F. Battenfield and Peyton H. Canary, Jr. They appeared in the twelfth session (on the morning of Tuesday, May 8), but refused to testify unless Dean Calhoun were placed in charge of the investigation. Tuesday afternoon (the thirteenth session) Professor Snoddy appeared, made a statement and was questioned at great length by Alfred Fairhurst, professor emeritus of Biology in Transyl• vania, who was at odds with Crossfield over the terms of his pension. Years before Professor Fairhurst had written a book, Organic Evolution Considered. The subject of the afternoon's cross-examination was evolution. The fourteenth session (Tuesday evening, May 8) was largely occupied by six students who testified that "their faith in God and his Son had been strengthened under the teaching of Pro• fessors Snoddy, Bower, and Fortune." The six are listed in the minutes as Brethren Lykins, Bowen, Finnell, Arnett, Hudspeth*, and Sund. Of the six, four had been named as student heretics in Battenfield's letter. These were W. B. Lykins, J. L. Finnell, W. R. Hudspeth, and Kenneth B. Bowen (later to become the president of The College of the Bible). The next morning, May 9 (in the fifteenth session) Bower and Fortune read their statements and were questioned at length by the board. Crossfield then appeared to read a number of reso- War on Two Fronts (1917) 183 lutions from the official boards of the various churches of which the accused were members or ministers. The next two sessions of the board were devoted to shaping the final report, to be released to the newspapers. This report, after denying that the investigation had been a heresy trial, and after outlining its basic procedure, and recounting in general the taking of testimony, concluded, in part, as follows: The Board has found no teaching in this College by any mem• ber of the faculty that is out of harmony with the fundamental conceptions and convictions of our brotherhood which relate to the inspiration of the Bible as the divine word of God, divinely given, and of divine authority, or to the divinity of Jesus Christ or to the plea of our people. The Board has found no student whose faith in any of these things has been shaken, but has had evidence that the faith of many students has been strengthened. The Board believes that the disposition to preserve the good of the past, combined with the ability to improve the task of the present should be the underlying principle of its trusteeship of this institution. The Board further believes that it is impossible to have agree• ment among members of the faculty on all points relating to the in• terpretation and application of Scripture and to God's methods of working, nor is it important that there should be such agreement. The Board prayed most earnestly for the guidance of our heav• enly Father in its investigation and conclusions, and believes that He has answered these prayers and gives Him the praise and looks to Him to bless with his leadership this institution which is so dear to the hearts of our people.25

One incident connected with "the trial" (the thirteenth ses• sion) became a campus tradition. Professor Fairhurst's question• ing of Professor Snoddy developed into a somewhat lengthy argument over evolution. After some time Professor Snoddy said that, anticipating that something like this might happen, he had gone to the pains of writing out some statements concerning evolution which, if Professor Fairhurst were willing, he would like to read and ask Professor Fairhurst wherein he could not accept them. After Professor Snoddy had finished read• ing, Professor Fairhurst said he could not accept such statements 184 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY without serious modification, and launched upon a somewhat lengthy discourse pointing out the specific points of his objections. Whereupon Professor Snoddy said, "The statements I have just read are verbatim excerpts from your own book!" The Board broke into applause, and Professor Fairhurst sank into his chair in devastating confusion. If there was any vestige of an investigation remaining, this episode ended it.26

Calhoun Appeals the Verdict Calhoun, however, was by no means satisfied. And in that dis• satisfaction Editor George P. Rutledge of the Christian Standard was happy to encourage him. On Monday evening, May 7, im• mediately following Calhoun's resignation but two days before the conclusion of the hearings, Rutledge sent a telegram to his magazine which appeared on the editorial page in bold type:

A TELEGRAM FROM LEXINGTON Lexington, Ky., May 7,1917 The Trustees of the College of the Bible have completed the fourth day of the sessions called to investigate charges that certain professors had taught destructive criticism. Dean Calhoun origi• nally demanded an open investigation, direct examination of the accused professors, and a stenographic record of the proceedings to be made public. But, for the sake of harmony and good will, urged by members of the Board, he yielded all the above-named points and consented to an informal investigation behind closed doors. He now authorizes me to say that the first sitting upon the case has convinced him that a spirit of unfairness prevails, and that, having withdrawn from the case and resigned as a member of the Faculty, he will present his charges and evidence to the public through the columns of the "Standard." The first installment of this story will appear in next week's issue. Geo. P. Rudedge27

To Lexington reporters Calhoun charged that "the trial" had been a "prearranged whitewash." He also claimed that he had more than twenty witnesses who would be glad to testify when• ever fair terms were offered.28 War on Two Fronts (1917) 185

Thereafter, with the gleeful assistance of Rutledge, Calhoun prepared to turn the pages of the Christian Standard into a court of appeals. On May 19, 1917, he began what was to be a regu• lar department of the Standard for the next several months. It appeared under the banner headline, "DEAN CALHOUN APPEALS TO THE BROTHERHOOD."

Calhoun's Appeal Given prominence in each issue, "Dean Calhoun Appeals to the Brotherhood" was a feature in each number except three of the Christian Standard to come from the press from May 19 through September 15. (The exceptions were the patriotic num• ber of June 30 and the two education numbers of August 25 and September 1). Into this newspaper court of appeals prose• cuting attorney summoned seventeen student witnesses, plus Ralph L. Records, Transylvania professor, and Alfred Fairhurst, Transylvania trustee who was also professor emeritus of biology. He also took the stand himself.29 The Christian Standard, to the casual reader, conveyed the impression of giving a hearing to both sides: It published state• ments from the accused professors and gave space to the report of the Board of Trustees. But neither Crossfield nor the board submitted anything for publication to the Standard. Upon action of the board the Seminary did publish in The College of the Bible Quarterly Bulletin (Volume 8, No. 2) for May, 1917, the "Report of Board of Trustees of The College of the Bible on Charges of Destructive Criticism." This Bulletin, also on action of the final session of the investigation of the board, May 9, car• ried brief statements from Crossfield, Snoddy, Bower, Fortune, and Hemry. It was these statements that the Christian Standard published. But the real state of affairs is revealed in two state• ments, one from President Crossfield, the other from the Stan• dard at a later date. Crossfield's statement appears in The College of the Bible Quarterly Bulletin (Volume 9, No. 2) for January, 1918. The president first reported that the trustees had enjoined silence after 186 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY the May, 1917, Bulletin; but upon reviewing the harmful printed publicity against the Seminary since then, they had voted Janu• ary 3, 1918, for "a campaign of positive, constructive pub• licity. . . ." Such a program would be undertaken, Crossfield re• ported, but "For reasons perfectly obvious, none of the state• ments to be issued will appear, with our sanction, in the organ through whose columns the attack has been made." The Christian Standard verified this, belatedly, in its issue of February 4, 1922: As a matter of fact, no teacher or trustee of The College of the Bible sent a statement. The only one in behalf of The College of the Bible that appeared in the Christian Standard was made in a speech at Newtown, Kentucky, by Professor Bower. How did we get that speech? We sent a stenographer to take it. We paid $30.00 to secure that speech.30

In the education numbers of the paper (August 25 and Sep• tember 1, 1917) Transylvania and The College of the Bible were conspicuously absent. In actual fact, these education numbers produced a good deal of backstage drama. Crossfield wrote Presi• dent Bates of Hiram College that the Lexington colleges had been denied advertising space in the Standard and had not been asked to write for the education issues. Bates then wrote the col• lege presidents to see if they would be willing to stand with Crossfield by withholding reports from their colleges. One presi• dent replied to Bates, "It seems to me, an effort is being made to line us up in such a way as to array us with the Christian Standard against Transylvania."31 Another president wrote in much the same vein: I cannot but believe that the Christian Standard's chief purpose is to use us against Transylvania and that if our statement cannot be so used they will prove so unsatisfactory as to provoke attack. The Christian Standard knows how we stand and they will simply feel contempt for those of us who dread to come in and yet come. She will play with us as a cat with a mouse and later hold us up as having equivocated in the use of terms if she has occasion to at• tack us.32 War on Two Fronts (1917) 187

Nevertheless, so great was the power of the Standard press, the college presidents did come in—mostly against their better judg• ment—and left Transylvania and The College of the Bible standing alone. During the long months when Calhoun leveled his big guns against the Lexington Seminary, the Christian Standard in other pages of the same issues brought up a supporting artillery bar• rage. From entrenched-gun positions in editorials, letters, and ar• ticles the magazine fired salvo after salvo upon Lexington. Even after Calhoun had wrapped up his appeal, the Standard continued its bombardment. One of the most vicious lines of fire was an attempt to identify the Lexington professors and others of like mind with America's wartime enemies. They were lampooned as teachers of "German rationalism," and "German Kultur." "Behind the chair of innumerable teachers we have seen the shadow of the spiked helmet," the editors alleged.33 And teaching at The College of the Bible, they further charged, ought to bear the brand, "Made in Germany."34 A Standard cartoonist created a Dr. Eigendinkel, garbed in robe and mortarboard. Under the label "KULTUR" which marked his cap, with pince-nez on large nose over receding chin, Dr. Eigendinkel made his appearance in a number of issues, from January 19 through April 13, 1918. For example, the issue of the paper for February 16, 1918, carried a large cartoon in the midst of a sermon by R. E. Elmore, "Is Germany the Final Refutation of Rationalism?" This car• toon, in an upper panel, showed the bland professor preaching, his "Kultur" mortarboard resting on the pulpit, himself stand• ing in front of it addressing a small, scattered, sleeping congre• gation. He was saying, There are no special divine revelations. There never were any miracles and the Bible account of creation is a myth. The Bible is a collection of literary productions that have survived—nothing more. As a teacher Jesus ranks with Socrates and Plato. The Bible is not the source of authority in religion—the source is the inner consciousness. . . ." 188 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

The upper panel bore the legend: "While the Eigendinkels of America are busily expounding Kultur—" The bottom panel continues the legend: "—The fruits of Kultur are ripening in a war-stricken Europe." The lower panel showed a spike-helmeted "Superman," with a book "KULTUR" in one hand and a dripping sword in the other, standing before a smoking ruins, war victims sprawled on its steps, the broken door post bearing the placard "Fur den Deutschen Gott und Kaiser."35 To mention another example, the cartooned "KULTUR" ap• peared again April 13, 1918. In one cartoon he was bowing prostrate, his Bible discarded, before an obese old German with two caps on his knotty head—a spiked helmet and an academic mortarboard. In his hands the old German held a test tube and a beaker. He sat upon the pedestal of "German Philosophy" and he was himself labeled, "KULTUR—Higher Criticism, As• sured Results of Scholarship, etc., etc." In a second cartoon Dr. Eigendinkel stood at the door of a School for Higher Critics extending his inverted cap "KULTUR," like an offering plate for financial support, to a dignified Christian layman with money in one hand who sternly rejected the appeal with the other hand.36 This intrusion of finances into the controversy was, in fact, a major part of the Standard's offensive. It will be con• sidered more closely. Meantime, the Christian Standard kept up other lines of at• tack, not the least of which was the regular feature, "Briney's Column," conducted by J. B. Briney, the head of the Christian Bible College League. (This will be treated later under the sub• ject of the League.) The attack upon The College of the Bible affected nearly all the colleges adversely; the insinuations of German sympathy were much like similar insinuations of "red" and "pink" before and after World War II. As time wore on, the Standard transferred its attack to the International Convention of Disciples of Christ (formed from the National Convention in 1917), and to The United Christian Missionary Society (formed out of constituent boards and societies in 1919). In each case the Standard tied the old heresy charges at Lexington into the War on Two Fronts (1917) 189 new attack and identified The College of the Bible with the "new evils."

Attempts to Choke Off Financial Support From the beginning, in all channels of the attack, efforts were made to starve The College of the Bible into submission by de• nying it a financial livelihood. Former donors were appealed to; let them request the refunding of their gifts. Congregations were appealed to; let them give no more to current expenses. Pros• pective donors were warned away. There can be no doubt that this concerted pressure succeeded to a remarkable degree in alien• ating the Seminary constituency. It cost the Seminary thousands upon thousands of dollars in potential endowments and opera• tional support. One effort at alienation of funds which failed in the end but caused alarm in the meantime was directed at the Men and Millions Movement. This was a movement of some years' stand• ing, born of the needs in China and the missionary vision of Alexander Paul and others, to recruit 1,000 men and $6,300,000 for missions and the ministry of Disciples of Christ. More than half of this money—$3,500,000—was earmarked for the col• leges. The Transylvania-College of the Bible share was $350,000. Crossfield was on the executive committee of Men and Mil• lions; like all college presidents he was active in the campaign. Even without Crossfield's active identification with the move• ment, there would have been objection. Many critics of Lexing• ton policy were aroused to demand that Transylvania and The College of the Bible be deprived of their share of the money. People continued to clamor for "an impartial investigation" of the Lexington schools by an outside committee. And they continued to crusade through the Standard and the Christian Bible College League, not only for this, but for the shutting off of all funds, including those of Men and Millions. When the campaign was within $1,500,000 of its goal, the International Convention met in Kansas City, Missouri, late in October, 1917. The leaders of the drive determined to complete 190 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY the campaign by July 1, 1918; they sought to turn the Conven• tion into a springboard for this accomplishment. R. A. Long, a Kansas City layman of large wealth, had made the largest gift, a million dollars. An early feature of the Convention program was the Sunday communion service, a tradition of these gather• ings, and the best-attended service of the Convention. Among a few leaders, it was agreed that Long would address the Con• vention after the conclusion of this service, speaking in support of the slogan, "A Million and a Half Dollars by July 1, 1918." A complicating factor, unknown to those who granted the permission to Long for a speech at such an unprecedented point in the program, had arisen in Long's conversations with another large giver. W. G. Irwin of Columbus, Indiana, had agreed to give $125,000 but came to Long before the Convention express• ing doubts about giving it if any of it was to go to Transylvania and The College of the Bible. Long himself had faith in the Lexington schools and felt certain that they would be justified. His concern to achieve this justification as speedily as possible led him somewhat hastily to make a proposal in his speech which stunned the friends of Transylvania and The College of the Bible, and gave unsolicited dynamite to their enemies. In this speech Long, supporting the slogan for the successful wind-up of the campaign, sought to clear away some objections and obstacles: (1) The prosecution of World War I, then in progress, (2) increased taxes occasioned by the war, (3) Red Cross and Liberty Bond drives, etc., and (4) the objection of some to including Transylvania and The College of the Bible in the division of money, so long as the Lexington schools remained under a cloud. Mr. Long spoke at greatest length about the fourth objection. To his certain knowledge, a man ready to give $125,000 was in doubt because of the Lexington situation. Thinking that the Christian Standard had exaggerated the situation and distorted the facts, and that a true publication of facts would clear the air, Long then proposed an impartial investigation by a committee War on Two Fronts (1917) 191 of three or five. He concluded his speech by offering to give the final $100,000 to close the campaign. To The Christian Century (to the consternation of its editors) and to the Christian Standard (to the delight of its editors) it seemed that Long was throwing the weight of his personal prestige and great wealth on the side of a heresy trial by an out• side court. The Century cried "Blackmail!" The Standard chortled in glee. After a conference with several trustees of The College of the Bible and after a sound drubbing by The Christian Century, Mr. Long dropped his suggestion of an outside investigating commit• tee. In an open letter to The Christian Century Long made it abundantly clear that he favored no heresy trial, nor did he seek to interfere with religious or academic liberty. Mr. Long's meet• ing with the trustees (at the Kansas City convention) was ami• cable. Let President Crossfield report it:

After Mr. Long's statement at the communion service, the col• lege authorities asked Mr. Long to come to Lexington and investi• gate for himself. He did so through B. A. Abbott, editor of the Christian-Evangelist. Mr. Abbott visited Lexington twice, remain• ing in the city four days, visited the Christian Standard, Bethany College, and Columbus, Indiana. He concluded his report to Mr. Long with these words: "After my investigation, my belief is that the accused professors are not guilty of false teaching, in substance, nor using a method, nor possessed of a spirit calculated in any way to do harm to either the content of one's faith or to lessen his moral earnestness or spiri• tual passion. On the other hand, I believe their teaching to be con• structive, sincere and as nearly satisfactory as we may hope to find in human beings."37

The Men and Millions Movement succeeded, with the Lex• ington College and Seminary included. But in other respects these schools suffered severe penalization. For these, in addition to the Christian Standard, the Christian Bible College League was chiefly responsible. 192 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

The Christian Bible College League The Kentucky State Convention of Christian Churches for 1917 was held at Campbellsville. It was there, in a rump session called by J. B. Briney of Pewee Valley, that the Christian Bible College League was formed—September 18, 1917. Oratorical pyrotechnics marked the occasion. Briney was then seventy-eight years of age and had behind him a lifetime of ardent advocacy for the restorationist cause; he had been at his prime in the age of debating, an approach to religious thought that he still cherished. In all the arts and tricks of platform debate he was a skillful master. A man of blameless moral rectitude, he saw theo• logical issues in terms of stark black and white, and marched into almost any religious gathering like a Christian soldier going forth to war. The Campbellsville meeting contemplated an organization of national, perhaps international scope, with 100,000 members. The stated purpose was threefold: First, to recover The College of the Bible at Lexington, Kentucky, from the control of destructive critics and restore it to its original purposes. Second, to exercise an advisory guardianship over all our educa• tional institutions having in view the preparation of young men and women for Christian work. Third, to keep our brotherhood advised as to the conditions and work in our educational institutions.38

J. B. Briney himself was elected president and made a long, impassioned speech accepting the office. He closed with these words, "Sink or swim; live or die; survive or perish; I give my head, my hands, and my heart to this cause." (At the same time dramatically striking his head, extending his hands and striking his heart. Long, loud, and continued applause greeted this state• ment.) Other officers were Ira M. Boswell of Georgetown, Ken• tucky, J. W. Morrison, Lexington; and W. N. Briney of Louis• ville.39 The initial report listed forty-three but claimed seventy-five charter members. The League at once issued a call for members War on Two Fronts (1917) 193 and contributions. "Neutrality is now absurd. There is, in this crisis of the Restoration movement—and it is a crisis in the his• tory of Christendom, as well—no place for the pacifist. There will be no peace, there can be no peace, until the issue shall have been fought to a finish—settled, and settled right."40 The Christian Standard, while disclaiming any part in orga• nizing the League, pledged cooperation with it. This pledge the editors began at once to fulfill. A regular feature of the magazine was "Briney's Column." As can be imagined, this column was devoted principally to the League and its crusade to wrest The College of the Bible from those who remained after Calhoun's resignation. A quick tally shows that Briney devoted to this cause not less than twenty-one articles in 1917 and thirty-one the fol• lowing year, in 1918. These dropped in number to four in 1919, four in 1920 and trickled away to one in 1921, but the issue was kept alive through a period of five years, with the aged warrior leading the fight. In addition to its campaign by letters and through the pages of the Standard, the League published at least six Bulletins under the motto, "Turn on the Light." These were broadcast. In these articles, letters, and bulletins several lines of attack were followed: Individuals were asked to enroll in the League and contribute to it. Churches as corporate bodies were asked to pass resolutions and publish them. Donors were asked to with• hold their gifts from the Seminary. Pressure was to be brought to bear to secure a heresy trial by a committee outside the Semi• nary, to obtain the dismissal of Crossfield and his professors, to close the school for a year until it could be reorganized. And elders in churches were warned against calling as ministers any young men who were recent graduates of The College of the Bible. The Christian Bible College League, it must be admitted, was a highly efficient wrecking crew. Contributions to the Seminary fell away alarmingly. Scores of churches were alienated. Gradu• ates found it difficult to obtain pulpits. For example, T. Hassell Bowen (later to serve a distinguished pastorate of twenty-nine 194 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY years at Harrodsburg and also as professor of Systematic Theol• ogy in the Seminary) felt the power of the League when he came out of school. After his graduation from The College of the Bible he went on for further work at Union Theological Semi• nary in New York. He came out of the two schools armed with recommendations from R. H. Crossfield and Harry Emerson Fosdick. "Why," he reported, "I might as well have been recom• mended by the devil." Churches had been taught to be suspi• cious; and had learned to find all products of the "new theology" guilty until proved innocent. The positive outcome of the League's activities was the forma• tion of McGarvey Bible College in Louisville, in 1923, and of the Cincinnati Bible Institute the same year. The following year these two schools combined to form the Cincinnati Bible Semi• nary. Since then twenty-eight Bible colleges have been established. Educationally unaccredited, fundamentalist and suspicious of liberal arts, nearly all of these Independent colleges have per• petuated the spirit of the 1917 controversy. Encouraged by the Christian Standard, these schools have led the attack upon col• leges and seminaries belonging to the Board of Higher Educa• tion of Disciples of Christ, against The United Christian Mission• ary Society, against the Christian Board of Publication, and against the International Convention of Disciples of Christ. The result has been, as church historian A. T. DeGroot characterizes it, "Church of Christ Number Two."41

Mark Collis Joins Attack One very important convert to the Christian Bible College League, won largely by Dean Calhoun's Appeal in the Standard, was Mark Collis, minister of the Broadway Christian Church in Lexington, and chairman of the Board of Trustees of The Col• lege of the Bible. Collis was also a member of the Board of Cura• tors of Transylvania College. While the "heresy trial" was in progress, the Broadway church was in the midst of a building program. The congregation was meeting on Sundays in Morrison College. Crossfield, a member War on Two Fronts (1917) 195 of the Broadway church, had clashed with Collis over the build• ing site; Crossfield had wanted to locate the new church edifice at the corner of Third Avenue and Mill Streets, across from the campus. Collis had contended for the old location at Second and Broadway. This conflict had generated some heat which un• doubtedly entered into what developed on January 3, 1918. At that time the curators of Transylvania and the trustees of The College of the Bible met in joint session, over Collis' pro• test, to pass resolutions supporting Bower, Snoddy, Fortune, and Hemry. Chairman Collis took the floor of this meeting and spoke for two hours against Crossfield's administration. When the trustees of the Seminary gathered for the annual meeting on May 24, Chairman Collis read a statement align• ing himself with Calhoun and J. B. Briney. In this statement he made two alternate suggestions: "1. That we take a year to reorganize the college; 2. That a thorough and impartial investigation be made."42 Collis' term of office as a trustee expired May 25, 1918. He was not reelected.*

The Voice of The Christian Evangelist Editorial leadership of the progressive cause among Disciples of Christ fell from the shoulders of Alexander Campbell upon Isaac Errett, founder and liberal editor of the Christian Stan• dard. The next in the succession of forward-looking editors was J. H. Garrison, editor of The Christian-Evangelist published in St. Louis. This is a great succession: Alexander Campbell, {Millennial Harbinger), Isaac Errett (Christian Standard) and J. H. Garrison (The Christian-Evangelist). It is therefore of special interest to review the role of The Christian-Evangelist in relation to the Lexington "heresy trial."

*Mark Collis was graduated from The College of the Bible in 1878 from the Main Street Christian Church, during the "year of exile."The success of Graham, Grubbs, and McGarvey in 1877-78 in wresting control of the Seminary from Regent Bowman may have helped Collis imagine that control of The College of the Bible could now be wrested from President Crossfield and his four progressive professors. When the trustees refused to go along with him in this, he moved his loyalties to the Christian Bible College League, hoping for the creation of a new College of the Bible—a repetition of the events of 1877. 196 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

J. H. Garrison, as editor-emeritus, lived in California and con• tributed a column, "The Editor's Easy Chair." The new editor was B. A. Abbott. Abbott's editorial stand on the Battenfield-Calhoun charges was not a strong one. At no time during 1917 did he speak out stridently in opposition to the Standard attack. Nonetheless, he was mildly in favor of Crossfield and his colleagues. Articles carried by the magazine in 1917 made a far stronger case than Abbott's editorials. Frank Tyrrell wrote on "Intellec• tual Freedom."43 E. L. Powell, the noted liberal preacher of Louisville, contributed two articles: "The Source of Authority" (an open letter to The College of the Bible Trustees),44 and "Liberty and Learning" (his address delivered at the Campbells• ville state convention),45 W. T. Moore, the venerated liberal who had served with McGarvey on the first faculty of The Col• lege of the Bible, wrote "How It Looks to an Octogenarian," in which he supported the cause of academic freedom. And W. C. Bower's address at the alumni banquet of The College of the Bible at the Kansas City meeting of the National Convention on October 26, 1917—"What a College of the Bible Among Dis• ciples of Christ Should Stand for and Teach"46 was also pub• lished. The publication of Hall L. Calhoun's Harvard address (de• livered October 5, 1916) registered strongly against its author when it appeared after the "trial" and in the light of his charges. An editorial picked up one sentence of Calhoun with approval: "Is it not true that there is so much of knowledge in the most ignorant of us, and so much of ignorance in the most learned of us, that it really becomes each one of us to be kind and con• siderate to all the others of us?"47 Calhoun's attempted refutation of the liberal impressions arising from his Harvard speech was published later. His argument was so strained as to appear absurd.48 The editorial policy of The Christian-Evangelist was mild up to midsummer, when J. H. Garrison began to deal with the "heresy trial" in "The Editor's Easy Chair." The Christian War on Two Fronts (1917) 197

Standard sarcastically inquired, "Does J. H. Garrison represent the attitude of The Christian-Evangelist? Up to the present time, The Christian-Evangelist, although in a couple of issues it apparently sought to put Dean Calhoun in a bad light, has not descended from the center rail of the fence."49 There was no fence sitting in Garrison's statements, which began with the issue of June 21, 1917. The seventy-five-year-old Garrison challenged the Bible Col• lege League: The trouble is, they do not seem to discriminate between hostile and friendly criticism of the Bible. Like many other good people they appear to regard "criticism" as fault-finding. Brother Mc• Garvey was a higher critic, who differed from other higher critics. Dr. F. D. Kershner is a higher critic of the Driver School of Criti• cism, considerably more advanced or radical; but Driver is not con• sidered a "destructive critic" by Bible scholars, although I have not been able to accept all his conclusions. But why make these differing conclusions concerning historical questions that do not affect our faith in Christ, occasions for strife and division?50 J. H. Garrison was similarly accurate in pointing out: "There has never been any division among us on 'higher criticism,' though there has been too much feeling at times and not enough patient inquiry."51 The aged editor-emeritus recalled the lecture he had delivered on the Texas Christian Lectureship in December, 1894. It was on "Higher Criticism: What it is and What Should be our Attitude Toward It." He had, he said, no occasion to change it.52 In this address Garrison had defined higher criticism as "inquiry into the literary and historical character of any book or document." "All who inquire into the literary and historical character of the books of the Bible are higher critics."53 "There is no halfway position between the old Romanish idea that faith prospers best in ignorance, and the fullest welcome to reverent and rational criticism as an instrument for attaining a better understanding of the Bible."54 Distinguishing four possible attitudes toward higher criticism, Garrison recommended only the fourth: 198 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

(1) Indifference; (2) Indiscriminate hostility; (3) Indiscrimi• nate acceptance of everything suggested by higher criticism; (4) A hearty recognition of the legitimacy of higher criticism, as an in• strument for ascertaining the truth concerning the Bible, with the reserved right of accepting or rejecting its conclusions, according as they may commend themselves to our judgment after giving them an honest and fearless examination. . . . The fourth attitude is alone worthy of enlightened and loyal Christians, freed from the bondage of opinionism, and standing fast in the liberty where• with Christ hath made them free.55 Garrison's was a clear and strident voice, lifted in favor of free inquiry and modern scholarship. In his statements he echoed the broadmindedness of Alexander Campbell who had spoken against intolerance more than once: "This plan of making our own nest and fluttering over our own brood: of building our own tent and of confining all goodness and grace to our noble selves and the elect few who are like us, is the quintessence of sublimated pharisaism."56 Allegations of "unsoundness," "infidelity," and "destructive criticism" are easy to make and hard, if not impossible, to dis• prove. In such attacks the psychological advantage always lies with the accuser, however flimsy his cause. That being the case, even the powerful, statesmanlike voice of J. H. Garrison was not strong enough to silence the indignant cries of the Christian Bible College League and the Christian Standard. Truth needed time for its vindication—and cooler heads.

Calhoun Goes to Bethany Professor Calhoun's course after the "heresy trial" is a matter of interest. Rumors began to fly in Lexington as early as May 10, 1917, "that a movement was on foot to establish a new Bible col• lege in Lexington with Professor Calhoun as its head."57 Later word was that there were seven cities and communities which offered facilities to the proposed new Bible college; one of these was the Providence church, where Calhoun had served as min• ister for a number of years.58 Whether rumor or fact cannot now be ascertained, but War on Two Fronts (1917) 199

President Crossfield held the belief that shortly before Batten• field launched his attack on March 12 there had been a meeting in Cincinnati attended by Russell Errett, George Rutledge, Pro• fessor Calhoun, President T. E. Cramblet of Bethany, and a representative from Columbus, Indiana. The plan arranged contemplated the ousting of the president and faculty of The College of the Bible, and the making of Pro• fessor Calhoun president, Professor Records dean, and Professor Fairhurst a teacher. In case this plan should fail, it was agreed that Professor Calhoun and perhaps other professors who might oppose the college, would be taken over to Bethany College.59

Crossfield also held that Calhoun had applied unsuccessfully first to Johnson Bible College and then to Milligan College.60 As a matter of fact, Calhoun went to Bethany College. Pres• ident T. E. Cramblet reported in the Christian Standard for August 25, 1917, The trustees of Bethany, at the annual meeting, May 31, unani• mously voted to establish, in connection with the college, a high- grade, standardized Graduate School of Religion, offering post• graduate courses leading to the A. M. and B. D. degrees. The board has put itself on record as determined to assemble a faculty of the best trained and most efficient men available for this work in the brotherhood. ... A number of generous friends have agreed to provide the support for this Graduate School of Religion until it can be permanently endowed. To the four men now teaching in the Bible Department of Beth• any,61 the Board of Trustees decided to at once add five others. Four of this number—J. Walter Carpenter, A. M., B. D., of Drake; Hall L. Calhoun, B. D., Ph. D., and R. L. Records, A. M., of The College of the Bible, Lexington, and Wilbur H. Cramblet, A. M., Ph. D., of Phillips University have been elected and have ac• cepted.62 It is hoped that the fifth man may soon be found. The program adopted calls for the election of additional members to the Faculty, as rapidly as the needs require and the necessary funds can be obtained.63

Among the "generous friends" who were to support the cost of the new program, it was understood that Russell Errett of the Christian Standard undertook to pay Professor Calhoun's sal- 200 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY ary.64 The dean of the school at Bethany was not Calhoun, how• ever, but J. Walter Carpenter. Some of Professor Calhoun's students followed him to Bethany. These included Irvin T. Green and Peyton H. Canary, Jr. But the graduate aspect of the program never flourished; although it did produce a few B.D. degree graduates, it was shortly aban• doned. After the death of T. E. Cramblet in 1919 the entire religion faculty with the exception of Miller, Carpenter, and Calhoun retired or were let out. Calhoun continued until the spring of 1925, when he went to Tennessee to join the Church of Christ, the conservative anti-organ group that had broken away from the Disciples in 1906. He served for a year as associate president of Freed-Hardeman College at Henderson. He then went to Nashville where he became radio preacher for the Cen• tral Church of Christ. Before his death in 1935 he had also preached for various churches and even served a term of two years on the faculty of David Lipscomb College.65

Rebuilding Confidence The College of the Bible Quarterly Bulletin for May 1917 carried the "Report of the Board of Trustees of The College of the Bible on Charge of Destructive Criticism" plus five state• ments—by Crossfield, Snoddy, Bower, Fortune, and Hemry— authorized by the board. Thereafter, until January 3, 1918, a policy of silence prevailed. But the hope of the board that the matter would die of its own weight had not been realized. Con• sequently, in a joint session of the curators of Transylvania and of the trustees of The College of the Bible January 3, 1918, it was decided that the administration and the accused professors would enter upon a program of positive publicity designed to rebuild confidence. Several Quarterly Bulletins thereafter were devoted to this cause: The January, 1918 issue (Volume 9, No. 2) bore the title "The College of the Bible and its Critics." It contained a brief statement by President Crossfield and an extended state• ment by Professor Fortune. In April (Volume 9, No. 3) the War on Two Fronts (1917) 201

Bulletin contained a number of testimonials from Lexington citi• zens, and a resolution of support from the Twentieth Century Bible Class of Central Christian Church, a class taught on Wednesday evenings by Professor Snoddy for a number of years. This issue bore the title: "Leading Citizens of Lexington Pay Tribute to Professor E. E. Snoddy of The College of the Bible." The December Bulletin was principally concerned with the Christian Bible College League and also carried various short articles, including one by Fortune, "What is Orthodoxy?" in which he said, "Orthodoxy has an ever changing content, but the purpose which it seeks to accomplish is ever the same. It is the essence of sectarianism and its aim is to prevent progress. Ortho• doxy, fully developed, identifies religion with a creed from which there is no departure; it carries with it the spirit of persecution." The last of the Quarterly Bulletins appeared in October, 1919. Thereafter the policy of directly answering critics in print was abandoned for a policy of educational enrichment which would lay the foundations for an understanding and appreciation of the liberal point of view of the Lexington scholars. As a voice for this new and positive policy a magazine was created—The College of the Bible Quarterly, much larger and more scholarly than the Bulletin. The first issue (December, 1920) contained an editorial and six articles developing "The Christian Apologetic for the Modern World." In launching this new publication, the first editorial said, in part: The period through which the last generation passed and our own is now passing has been and still is a period of reconstruction. True as this is in the field of science, philosophy, economics, and politics, it is no less true in the field of religion. These changes have been wrought not alone by the vast and rapid increase of knowl• edge, but by the internal changes that have gradually transformed our whole social structure. The war, which was but an incident in history, was not so much a cause of these changes as a revelation of them . . . In any event, we are living in a new world, with a new point of view, a new outlook upon life, a new set of values, and a new method of approach. . . . Methods that were once adequate for 202 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY dealing with these problems are no longer sufficient in the light of the new knowledge and the new demands . . . The Quarterly, like the college that it represents, is neither re• actionary nor radical in its views. It sees no hope in an attempt to return to the past for the solution of these problems. . . . Neither is it willing to break with the sacred past out of which the present has come. It protests against being classified and labeled. ... It believes that the interests of the truth will best be served by the non-partisan, open mindedness that admits to its cordial fellow• ship all who hold to a fundamental faith in Jesus Christ while at the same time according to all the right to differ with the utmost freedom in matters of interpretation and intellectual opinion. . . . After 1925, as a measure of economy, the Quarterly was dis• continued; it was resurrected in January, 1938, and has con• tinued to the present as an important voice of the Seminary. The volume of mail pouring into President Crossfield's office, mail occasioned by the controversy, grew from hundreds into thousands of letters. A part of the program of rebuilding confi• dence included the patient and courteous answering of all these letters. Another part of this program was a plan by which members of the faculty sought to gain admittance as speakers to as many churches as possible. In this connection, Professor Bower's description of his own work will illustrate what all of them were undertaking: I spent my week-ends visiting those churches throughout the state that were willing to admit me to their pulpits. In conference with my colleagues I decided upon the plan of interpreting the college from the pulpit and inviting boards and church members to a conference in which I offered to answer any and all questions. At the time the latter seemed like a bold and somewhat dangerous venture, since theological questions are controversial and likely to lead to even greater confusion. We had decided to be frank and open, and above all honest. Bower went on to relate what happened in one church: . . . after the morning service the minister invited the Board and myself to dinner at his home. The atmosphere was typical of Ken• tucky hospitality and amenities. But when we adjourned to the parlor the atmosphere changed. I was besieged by all manner of War on Two Fronts (1917) 203 questions on the most crucial points at issue. I was beginning to feel that it would have been better for the college if I had remained at home, when unexpectedly the chairman of the Board arose and extending his hand said, "I don't agree with much of what you have said. But you have been open, frank, and honest. This church will double its subscription to the college!66

Friends who were willing to undertake a like defense also rallied to the cause. For these Crossfield prepared a typewritten document of six and a half pages, single spaced, containing questions and answers about all the factors involved in the "heresy trial" and its origins. To this document he gave the title, "Longer Catechism on the Attack on the College." He ex• plained to the friends of the College and Seminary to whom he sent it that the document as such was not for publication but that it was intended as a resource for those undertaking to answer critics in private conversation or in public speeches. "We have the proof for everything in the 'Catechism,' " Crossfield said; "use it as widely and effectively as you can." The Christian Century had rallied to the Seminary from the start, but this journal, associated in the minds of "the brethren" with Disciples Divinity House at The University of Chicago and with the Campbell Institute, was regarded as hopelessly "destruc• tive" and "unsound." So this endorsement, while ultimately beneficial, was immediately injurious to public understanding; it only served to prove in the minds of Briney and his League that the Lexington scholars were "destructive critics": like those allegedly on the staff of the Century. Crossfield's program of positive publicity did much to win back the College and Seminary constituency, but it was only partially successful. The prolonged and bitter campaign against the Seminary had turned many old friends into new enemies. This division was never healed. Independent Bible colleges arose. The Christian Standard pulled away from the International Convention and The United Christian Missionary Society, lend• ing its support to Restoration Congresses and the North American Christian Convention. The Christian Restoration Association 204 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY was born. And, in short, a counter denomination developed (re• fusing to call itself a denomination) informally known as "The Independents." In the city of Lexington the division was decisive and complete. The Broadway Christian Church, under the min• istry of Mark Collis, severed ties with the Seminary, Convention and Missionary Society. It even expelled a missionary circle con• tinuing allegiance to The United Christian Missionary Society. Today this church leads a group of about a dozen congregations in and near Lexington. Meantime, within the Seminary the teachers and students have enjoyed and continue to enjoy a heritage of freedom. The pursuit of theological learning goes forward, as the words of the Alma Mater signify: "With free and open minds, With glad, expectant hearts . . ."

And the mistaken notion that would have substituted indoctrina• tion for education has fallen, giving place to the creative en• counter of inquiring minds.

The Larger Scene The "heresy trial" at Lexington was a part of a larger move• ment that swept across the Protestant world following World War I. Both evolution and higher criticism had emerged before 1900 in most denominations as points of controversy. There had been a few dismissals of seminary teachers, but for the most part theological debate was remarkably free of personalities in that early period; and seldom did it cause those who differed to break fellowship with each other. The College of the Bible had shared in those earlier skirmishes; J. W. McGarvey had entered spiritedly into the fray against the findings of the more radical of the higher critics, but he did not stigmatize higher criticism itself. In fact, he himself was a higher critic; he freely advocated the application of the canons of historical and literary judgment (criticism) to the Bible, and himself applied them. McGarvey had also spoken his piece against evolution, in the brief clash War on Two Fronts (1917) 205 with James Lane Allen over the latter's novel, The Reign of Law. Nevertheless, the acrimony and heresy hunting of the funda• mentalist controversy of the 1920's must not be read back into the earlier debates over evolution and higher criticism in the nineteenth century. There was some bad feeling, of course, but it did not compare with the virulence of the post-World-War period. The fundamentalist-modernist controversy of the 1920's was in great part a manifestation of war hysteria. It had its social and political concomitant in Ku Klux Klan violence. For those driven by nameless fears, a cool and dispassionate survey of facts was unthinkable; rational discussion was impossible. Self- styled "defenders of the faith" envisioned themselves in night• marish position, surrounded by "Huns" and "Bolsheviki"; theirs not to reason, but to sound the call to arms. By a kind of unspoken consent, Harry Emerson Fosdick of New York City became the spokesman of the "modernists." The storm broke upon the public view after he delivered his sermon in May, 1922, "Shall the Fundamentalists Win?"* In public imagination, the fundamentalist cause came to be identified with "The Great Commoner," William Jennings Bryan, who was then near the end of his long political career. Although he waged war both against higher criticism and against the theory of evolution, he is best known for his antievolution fight, climaxing in the celebrated Scopes Trial of 1925 in Dayton, Tennessee. It is an irony of history that technical questions of exact science and of ancient historical documents should have been debated before the world by a criminal lawyer and a politician. But such are the ironies of history. In the cause of Anti-Darwinism, Bryan stumped the nation between 1920 and 1925. He addressed state legislatures, uni• versities, colleges, and denominational assemblies. On two oc• casions he spoke to national conventions of Disciples of Christ. At Winona Lake on September 17, 1921, a whisper began to run

'Anyone wanting to sense the high drama of this conflict from the side of a liberal should read Chapter 7, "The Fundamentalist Controversy" in Fosdick's autobiography, The Living of These Days (Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc., 1956). 206 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY around the convention hall, "Bryan will speak tonight." His name was not on the program, nor did he appear on the platform that evening. The session wore on to the benediction; still no Bryan. Then, when the benediction had been said, it was an• nounced that for any who cared to stay William Jennings Bryan was present and would speak. By this time it was 10:20 P.M. "The Great Commoner" spoke till midnight. He announced his theme as "Enemies of the Bible." About twenty minutes of his time he devoted to higher criticism, saying that while not all evolutionists are higher critics, all higher critics are evolutionists. The major portion of his address he devoted to evolution. A man with undoubted oratorical gifts, able to oversimplify complex issues into starkly contrasting black and white, Bryan carried his audience away on a sea of emotion.67 He also spoke at the New Testament Congress of Disciples of Christ in St. Louis, October 20, 1922. This time his name was on the program and his pres• ence was well advertised in advance as the great attraction of the Congress.68 It was with justifiable irony that the New York Times edi• torialized on January 22, 1922, that William Jennings Bryan "has been delivering his anti-evolutionary lecture across the land, as if he had received some revelation not yet made to geologist, biologist, or astronomer as to the method which the Creator followed." Bryan carried his crusade to the Kentucky Legislature. The first agitation for a state law had begun in 1917, and in 1921 J. W. Porter, a Baptist minister, had waged an intensive cam• paign for it. Then in January, 1922, Bryan appeared, stumped the state, then delivered his address to the Assembly.69 In a short while Senator J. R. Rash presented a bill: It shall be unlawful in any school or college or institution of learning maintained in whole or in part, in this State, by funds raised by taxation, for any one to teach any theory of evolution that derives man from the brute, or any other form of life, or that eliminates God as the Creator of man by a direct creative act. No text-book containing any such teaching shall be adopted for use War on Two Fronts (1917) 207

in any school or college or institution of learning maintained in whole or in part of funds raised by taxation in this State. Any per• son violating any of the provisions of this section shall be fined not less than $50.00 nor more than $1,000.00.70

Representative George W. Ellis had earlier introduced an even harsher bill in the House. 'Ministers carried the fight into their pulpits. Mark Collis delivered a sermon from the pulpit of Broadway church in sup• port of the proposed legislation. E. L. Powell in Louisville, T. Hassell Bowen in Glasgow, and Roger T. Nooe in Frankfort (among other Christian ministers) spoke roundly against it. President Frank L. McVey of the University of Kentucky— dependent upon the Legislature for the funds to bring about a much cherished expansion of the University—placed his program and his position in jeopardy to campaign for academic freedom. On the Sunday night before the "monkey-bill" was put to the vote, Roger T. Nooe (a graduate of The College of the Bible under McGarvey and minister of the Frankfort Christian Church), preached a sermon, "Can a Christian Be an Evolution• ist?" Before a large and attentive audience he upheld the affirma• tive. A great many of his auditors were legislators. The bill lost by one vote, and tradition has it in Frankfort that that single vote was decided on that Sunday night by Nooe's sermon.71 A heritage of freedom is a precious gift. It is important to remember that academic freedom was not easily won, and that without vigilance it is easily lost. The College of the Bible by the decisive action of its president, faculty, and trustees in 1917 and of its alumni in 1922 came down hard on the side of freedom. Chapter XIV

WAR AND POSTWAR DEVELOPMENTS

1917-1921

THE UNITED STATES DECLARED WAR ON Germany April 6, 1917. This new American war was, therefore, less than a month old when the "heresy trial" took place. In December (1917) President Crossfield reported, "Men in the classrooms in April are now in France." Fifty-six men had left the Lexington campus in the spring. They constituted one third of the men in the student body. As the months of the conflict wore on, other students continued to leave for the training camps.1

Changes in Student Life Campus life itself was deeply affected. Both faculty and stu• dents engaged in the "Liberty Bond" drives with their flags, parades, patriotic speeches, and buying of bonds. A service flag was unveiled before Christmas, and on its blue field displayed a growing number of stars, some of them gold. A knitting club was busy knitting sox and sweaters for the men in the trenches. The YMCA raised a large war fund; students of the College and Seminary contributed $2,000. A number of men who had been accepted for hospital units continued in classes, waiting to be called up to their assignments at the front.2 To the carnage of the war, death by disease added millions as the influenza epidemic of 1918 took its toll of lives in nearly every hamlet and city around the world. The International Con• vention scheduled for St. Louis that autumn was cancelled at the last minute by order of the health authorities. The conservatives

208 War and Postwar Developments (1917-1921) 209 had planned a great offensive at this gathering; the cancellation provided a lull in doctrinal hostilities, much welcomed by Lex• ington. Student life emerged from the war never to be quite the same again. The emancipation of women exchanged the long-skirted Gibson girl for the short-skirted flapper. The drive for woman suffrage moved on to inevitable victory. Men who had been taught to smoke in the trenches did not unlearn the tobacco habit once they had returned to the campus. And whereas it had been the practice up until 1922 to deny scholarship aid to Seminary men who smoked, and even to expel them from the dormitory, after that date the smoking clause was repealed. Similarly, before the war a Seminary student who married in course lost his scholarship. But in September, 1918, the faculty reversed that stand: "Moved that in view of conditions arising from the war, the present regulation prohibiting scholarship aid to ministerial students who marry during studentship [sic] in The College of the Bible, be suspended for the period of the war." The patterns of organized student life also changed. In olden days the Philothean and Phileusebian Literary Societies had flourished. Like lodges, they even occupied their own rooms with their own furnishings on the third floor of the Seminary building. A decline in the literary societies had set in before the war. After the war this decline terminated in their death. Finally, in the autumn of 1919, the furnishings were moved out and the rooms taken over for classes. The YMCA and YWCA, which had their birth before the war, flourished afterwards. They continued their practice of meeting on Saturday mornings, at the regular chapel hour. The Student Volunteer Movement, its motto, "The World for Christ in this Generation," focused campus interest upon the worldwide missionary cause. For a number of years missionary interest on the campus had run strong; the students and faculties of the two schools supported their own living link, a medical missionary on the staff of the University of Nanking hospital.3 210 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

The social awakening which had preceded the war was ac• celerated by it. Psychology, sociology and religious education had emerged as great white hopes for the permanent improvement of human society, and the betterment of human nature. In the post• war period these grew. John Dewey's emphasis upon pupil- centered, problem-solving education for a social democracy had deeply influenced the religious education movement. The annual school of methods, conducted under the sponsorship of the Religious Education Department, continued and grew. When Central Christian Church in Lexington had built its new three- story education building in 1914, it was Professor W. C. Bower who set up and directed its new program of religious education. In the same way, after the war, it was Professor Bower who represented Disciples of Christ on the Sunday School Council of Evangelical Churches, an organization comprising thirty denomi• nations [to become the International Council of Religious Educa• tion]. Professor Bower was also a member of the International Lesson Committee.4

Student Field Work Student preaching in the rural churches of Kentucky con• tinued to be an important part of the financial and educational program of students. Placement fell naturally under the super• vision of the dean. The need for more supervision had shown itself in 1910, as indicated previously in this history. That need again asserted itself in 1915 when the faculty summoned before it a number of representative students to set up a conference that would result in the formation of a Ministerial Association, which, among other things, would regularly receive reports from its preaching members and take note also of churches needing ministers, preachers wanting churches, and the changing of pastorates. In addition to this semiadministrative oversight, the association met for the fellowship of all ministerial students and for the discussion of topics of professional interest. After the war these beginnings in a field-work program upon action of the faculty advanced a step. "Professors Brown and War and Postwar Developments (1917-1921) 211

Snoddy were appointed as a committee to report on a feasible plan for bringing churches without preachers and preachers with• out churches together in the territory adjacent to The College of the Bible." When this committee reported February 6, 1919, it recommended, under the supervision of the dean, the keeping of an index of churches of the area which were potential pastor• ates for students and professors, and a like index of student preachers. A field work program was beginning to emerge.

Faculty Changes Professor George W. Hemry, after serving on the faculty three years, resigned in May, 1917, to go overseas with the YMCA. After the war he became pastor of the First Christian Church in Paris, Illinois.5 The departure of Hall L. Calhoun in June of 1917 left vacan• cies in Old Testament chair and the deanship. The first was filled by electing a missionary, George William Brown, a graduate of Hiram College who held the Ph.D. degree from Johns Hopkins University. In 1917 he was forty-seven years of age. He had founded the Christian Bible College at Jubbulpore, India, in 1902, and had served as president of that College in the mean• time. A translator of the Old Testament into Hindi, editor of the weekly newspaper, Christian Sahayak, author of several books, and member of the American Oriental Society, Doctor Brown brought competence, prestige, and experience to the chair of Old Testament in The College of the Bible. He was home from India because of his wife's illness. The length of his tenure in The College of the Bible, he said, might last only a year, depend• ing upon his wife's recovery; it was their desire to return to India. Brown's stepson, John Clark Archer, was later to distinguish him• self as the celebrated Yale scholar of Comparative Religions and Missions. The elephant-eared Brown was described as spare in build, delicate in mold, fine in fiber and without a trace of vanity or ostentation, a warm human being, with a genius for friendship and the capacity to draw and inspire people.6 It did not take long 212 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY for the Christian Standard to brand him as a radical. As a teacher of Old Testament George William Brown lived up to expectations. He continued four years. Then, although his wife's health did not permit a return to India, an opportunity to resume his missionary activity did arise. This came in the form of an appointment to The College of Missions in Indianapolis; and at the end of the 1920-21 school year, he left Lexington.7 Charles Lynn Pyatt, a graduate of Transylvania and The Col• lege of the Bible who had gone to Yale for his B.D. and to Har• vard for his Th.D., returned to Lexington in 1920. He served as professor of New Testament until the resignation of Brown then moved to Old Testament, the position he held until his retirement thirty-three years later.8 Following his work at Har• vard University in 1916, Pyatt had taken a pastorate at Gary, Indiana. This he left to go overseas as a YMCA secretary with the armed forces. He returned from the war to become pastor of the Centenary Christian Church of Indianapolis, the position he left to return to Lexington.9 The vacancy in the deanship created by Calhoun's departure in June, 1917, was promptly filled by the appointment of A. W. Fortune to that office. He held it until December 31, 1921. At that time he left the academic world to become pastor of Central Christian Church in Lexington. The lure back to the pastorate proved too great to resist. He had served as professor of church history and New Testament nine and a half years, and as dean four and one-half years.10 Later he would return as part-time professor of practical theology and teach until the end of his active career. In the pulpit of Central Christian Church from 1921 until 1943 Doctor Fortune proved himself as the Harry Emerson Fosdick of Disciples. From the eminence achieved in this position he was elected president of the International Con• vention of Disciples of Christ in 1936. But his course after 1922 was not without the heat of the old battles he had borne. When he became minister of Central, three families left because of prejudice stirred up against him in 1912 and 1917.11 And the printed attacks of the restorationist conservatives continued War and Postwar Developments (1917-1921) 213 through 1946, after he had become blind and was living in retire• ment. While still dean of The College of the Bible, Fortune had published his first book, The Conception of Authority in the Pauline Writings (Chicago, University of Chicago Libraries, 1918). He was to publish many more books in years to come. „ The autumn of 1921 Rodney L. McQuary, minister of the First Christian Church of South Bend, Indiana, joined the faculty. Educated at Cotner College and Yale Divinity School, he held the A.B. and B.D. degrees and had some credits toward his Ph.D. degree. Leaving Yale he had joined the faculty of Eureka College but with the coming of the war had resigned to go overseas as a chaplain. He was elected at first as Brown's suc• cessor in Old Testament, but with the resignation of Fortune shifted to church history and New Testament.12

A Postwar Defeat The war imparted a great impetus to interdenominational work, and lent great urgency to Christian evangelism, education, and missions. For in the war Christendom read a judgment upon the churches, which now must bestir themselves to a task of worldwide dimensions. One result was the inauguration of the Inter-Church World Movement, a five-year program aiming at a worldwide sociological survey to determine educational, religious, sociological, and economic needs preliminary to a massive assault by Christian forces. It was to be a world war against ignorance, disease, tyranny, poverty, and crime. Fourteen denominations pledged their support; Disciples of Christ were in• cluded. The movement launched a threefold survey: (1) A sur• vey of 3,000 colleges to determine the role of religion and moral• ity in secondary education. (2) A fourfold survey of home mis• sions: (a) county by county, a report on schools, roads, public institutions, (b) a like review of trade and commerce, (c) the same for the churches, (d) a house-to-house canvass, county by county, city by city. All of this was to result in a composite map of every locality in America (made in New York) to be re- 214 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY turned to each community as the basis of the concerted attack by the churches. (3) A complete world survey of non-Christian lands. The February, 1920, number of The College of the Bible Quarterly Bulletin carried a boxed announcement in large type: "Every Preacher of the Christian Church in Kentucky should attend the Inter-Church World Movement Pastors' Conference, First Christian Church, Louisville, Kentucky March 17-19. Railroad fare provided." It was a grandiose design, to be financed by private donations from men of great wealth. But it had to be underwritten to the amount of over six million dollars by the participating religious bodies. The Disciples Board of Higher Education and The United Christian Missionary Society underwrote it to the extent of $600,000. The leaders of the movement had given assurances that the underwritings would never have to be paid because the money would be raised from private sources. But private givers did not respond as expected. The reason for the failure is darkly indicated in one of J. H. Garrison's editorials in "The Editor's Easy Chair." Garrison quoted a contemporary: The Inter-Church World Movement unearthed the inequities of the U. S. Steel Corporation in its dealing with its men and its servile newspapers, and the Inter-Church paid the price of its honest exposures. What does the Federal Council of Churches have to say about the extraordinary charge of a corrupt business array• ing itself against a religious organization and putting an end to its existence?13

At any rate, the Inter-Church World Movement failed,* and. the churches set themselves December 12, 1920, to raise the money through a special offering. It was with small enthusiasm but grim determination that Disciples of Christ undertook it. Other religious bodies were even more severely hit—the Metho• dist Episcopal Church for $1,230,000, the Presbyterians for

*But with one impressive result: It brought the twelve-hour day to an end in the steel industry. War and Postwar Developments (1917-1921) 215

$1,000,000. Sixty-one boards and agencies had underwritten and now paid the amount of $6,561,261.73. The expansive postwar mood suddenly collapsed.

Professor Bower's Growing Influence Meantime, Professor William Clayton Bower was extending his influence considerably beyond his classroom. He was begin• ning to take his place in the first rank of America's religious edu• cators. As early as 1917 he wrote an article for the magazine, Religious Education, calling for a thorough revision of the cur• riculum in the church on the basis of John Dewey's methods.14 In this article he presented the curriculum as "enriched and con• trolled experience." As summarized in his autobiography, Bower's view was com• pressed into the following statement: The thesis of this experience-centered approach was that re• ligious education is concerned primarily, not with the transmission of knowledge about the Bible, or the Christian tradition, but with the growth of persons into Christ-like personalities in social rela• tions; that the content of the curriculum consists of the experiences of growing persons in responding in Christian ways to real life situations; that the Bible and other forms of the Christian heritage are resources for helping the growing person to interpret his ex• perience and judge its possible outcomes; to make choices and com• mitments; and to carry these commitments through beyond verbali• zation to action.15

In this same volume Bower explains that later distortions of his views into support of a "child-centered" approach misrepre• sented him. He says that he did not believe in "an education that is based solely or primarily upon the immature interest of chil• dren and young people." In my view education has a much larger dimension than the individual, important as he is. Education, as I believe, is also fundamentally concerned with the ongoing culture. As I see it, it is at the point where the experience of the growing person and the experience of the race meet and interact with each other that edu• cation in its deepest sense takes place. Education is thus bi-polar; 216 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY the growing culture, on the one hand, the growing child on the other.16

No later than 1920 Bower was receiving his opportunity to put his theories into operation on a broad scale. In the Inter• national Council of Religious Education it was he who was lead• ing in that year in the development of an "International Cur• riculum of Religious Education." The laboratory experience upon which he erected this work in the Council had been conducted by Hazel A. Lewis under his guidance at The College of the Bible. The outline of the curriculum thus developed came to have a pivotal influence upon the curricula materials of many denominations.17 President Crossfield Resigns In the spring of 1921 President R. H. Crossfield resigned, his resignation to take effect at the end of the term. He left to be• come Comptroller of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America, with offices in New York. He served for ten months, but found the job little to his taste; he was always raising money and never had an opportunity to preach. On May 1, 1922, he became president of William Woods College in Missouri.18 Crossfield's presidency, a strenuous ten years at The College of the Bible (and thirteen at Transylvania), had been a stormy passage from the Victorian to the modern age. He chose for the faculty teachers who were in tune with the new age, and when reactionary advocates of the old order waged war against them, he did not desert them. An alumnus both of Transylvania [Kentucky] University and of The College of the Bible, Crossfield was loyal to both. As an administrator, though he presided over both, he never con• fused the two. But the close association of the two schools on the same campus and the interlacing of their work, which interlocked in so many respects, could easily raise administrative problems of the first magnitude. It could pose the problems of institutional identity and even threaten separate survival. That it did so in the next administration may not be surprising. Chapter XV

A THREE-CORNERED CRISIS

1922-1928

DURING ITS FIRST DOZEN YEARS—FROM 1865 to 1877—The College of the Bible was one of several colleges in Kentucky University. But after the autumn of 1877 the Seminary pulled away and became legally separate, meeting that first year as the "New College of the Bible" in the basement of the Main Street Christian Church. Thereafter, separately chartered, The College of the Bible returned to the campus of Kentucky Uni• versity, resumed recitations in the classrooms of Morrison College (rooms on the first and second floors of the east wing), and re- occupied Logan Hall as a dormitory. Further affiliations with Kentucky University in 1889-90 involved the acquiring of the Blythe House (renamed Davies Hall) and the erection of a new wing, Craig Hall, to Logan Hall for additional dormitory space. Not until 1895 did The College of the Bible erect its own class• room and administration building, but even then it was built on land owned by the University. Prior to that, for thirty years with the exception of the single year in the Main Street Church, the Seminary used the classrooms of the University. Living on the same campus and occupying the same building did not exhaust the affiliation of the two schools. The faculties overlapped; for example, Robert Graham and after him Keith, Jefferson, and Snoddy taught philosophy in Kentucky [Transyl• vania] University; and Charles Louis Loos and after him Thomas Benton Macartney, Jr. and E. W. Delcamp taught Greek in The

217 218 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

College of the Bible. There were other overlappings among the two faculties. In the Crossfield administration these two faculties began meeting together and serving jointly on the same commit• tees. The students of one school had free access to classes in the other. For a number of years the majority of students in the Seminary took some classes in the liberal arts college of the Uni• versity simultaneously with their work in The College of the Bible. Under Crossfield the two schools conducted joint chapel exer• cises three days a week. They held a joint commencement each spring. And they undertook joint financial campaigns. From the days of Burris A. Jenkins until intercollegiate ath• letics came under stricter control, Seminary men played on the University football team. Small wonder that the catalogues beginning in 1915 carried on their title page the words "Affiliated with Transylvania Col• lege."1 The joint administration of the two schools had begun in 1912 with the election of President Crossfield. This was the crowning act of affiliation; added to the seven or eight intercon• nections already enumerated, it drew the College and Seminary still more closely together. This affiliation was so close, in fact, that the public, even in the Bluegrass, formed the habit of refer• ring to both under the single name of Transylvania. And many residents of Lexington and Fayette County who knew the presi• dent and professors personally were never able to understand the distinction. The legal remarriage of the two schools had been proposed more than once. For example, on June 6, 1899, the curators of the University and the trustees of the Seminary appointed a joint committee "to consider and report upon the desirability and practicability of incorporating The College of the Bible as a Col• lege of Kentucky University." Nothing ever came of this explora• tion; the schools remained legally distinct. A Three-Cornered Crisis (1922-1928) 219

Joint Presidency Continued The joint presidency of Crossfield had proved so eminently satisfactory that neither board entertained the notion of discon• tinuing the arrangement. Accordingly Thomas B. Macartney, Jr., professor of Greek and dean of Transylvania, was made act• ing president in 1921 until a new administrator could be found. The man elected president March 4, 1922, was Andrew D. Harmon, for the previous six years president of Cotner College in Bethany, Nebraska. He was rapidly coming into public notice. The year before, The Christian-Evangelist had reported the editor's reaction to Harmon's addresses as guest speaker at the Ohio State Convention of Christian Churches: "Many of us had never heard A. D. Harmon, but for breadth of view, clear• ness and decisiveness of utterance and soundness of position his two addresses established him not only as a leader of marked distinction but a coming man among our people."2 When he came to Lexington July 15, 1922, to take up his duties, Harmon was fifty-one years of age. He was at the time the president of the national Board of Education of Disciples of Christ. Before his six-year presidency of Cotner College he had served fourteen years as minister of the First Christian Church of St. Paul, Minnesota, and had also been minister of the First Christian Church of Omaha, Nebraska.3 Harmon's joint presidency was further complicated by the fact that it included Hamilton College, an all-girl high school and junior college, located half a block north of the Transyl• vania campus. Therefore, his was a tricollege presidency.

Hamilton College To show how Hamilton College belonged in the picture, it is necessary to go back to 1869, when James M. Hocker, at a cost of $100,000, established Hocker Female College and built a com• modious home on a six-acre campus between Fourth and Fifth Streets on North Broadway in Lexington. Robert Graham served as the first president, an office he held until 1875 when he re• signed to become presiding officer of The College of the Bible. 220 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

In 1877 Mr. Hocker sold the college and grounds to a board of trustees for $50,000. The trustees, endeavoring to raise the money, in 1878 received a gift of $10,000 from William Ham• ilton of Woodford County, which they accepted on his condition that the school should be renamed Hamilton College. To secure the rest of the needed capital the trustees turned the college into a stock company and sold shares at $50 per share. Coeducation came to Kentucky University in 1889, but Hamilton College, having developed great prestige, continued as a thriving school for girls. Students came not only from Lex• ington and the Bluegrass region but from great distances, as far away as Texas. By 1903, largely through bequests, Kentucky University had acquired the majority of the stock in Hamilton College; and at that time the trustees of Hamilton leased the College to the curators of Kentucky University. The trustees of Hamilton then became quiescent. When Harmon became president, Hamilton, with the help of some courses in Transylvania, was operating its own program on its own campus. It conducted its own chapel and ran its own classes, principally in music, home economics, languages, sci• ence, history, painting and literature. It bore the rank of a junior college, and also conducted a complete high school. But, besides a great past and the sentimental attachments of a host of alumnae, the woman's College had few assets. The stock guaranteed ownership of nothing but the building and campus; there was no endowment; tuition fees fell short of supporting the school by about $10,000 per year. Financially Hamilton Col• lege was a serious liability to Transylvania. The lease of the Col• lege to Transylvania for the previous nineteen years was liter• ally a lease on life; without Transylvania's support Hamilton would have collapsed several years before. Mrs. Harmon, the president's wife, was made dean of Hamilton College.

Financial Troubles In addition to Hamilton's operating deficit, Transylvania had developed a like difficulty of its own. The College of the Bible, A Three-Cornered Crisis (1922-1928) 221 though in debt from Ewing Hall and the heating plant, was fi• nancially stronger than Transylvania. This showed in a remark• able way when The College of the Bible in 1924 borrowed $20,000 from a bank and $10,000 from endowment funds in order to lend Transylvania $30,000.4 Transylvania's growing deficit occasioned alarm in Harmon's mind. He began working at once to meet it by devising an ambi• tious campaign for half a million dollars: $140,000 was needed to pay the existing deficit and to pay the expense of the cam• paign; $160,000 was needed for endowment of Transylvania to provide an income which would obviate further deficits; $100,000 was asked to endow Hamilton; and $100,000 was to erect a fireproof library. The Rockefeller Foundation promised a contribution of $80,000 if Transylvania was able first to wipe out the deficit and obtain the desired endowment. Publicity for this campaign began November 7, 1923; the campaign itself was kicked off December 2, 1923, at a large banquet in Lexing• ton. The College of the Bible was not included in this campaign. President Harmon's hope that this financial campaign would solve the problem of interinstitutional relations was short-lived. Even when the goal of half a million was increased to a million and a quarter dollars, available money continued to run short of expenses. In the booming postwar economy on its way to the "bust" of 1929, costs were mounting faster than new gifts could be found to match them. The new president began to cast about for other means of solving the problem. His quest for solutions eventuated in two plans for reorganizing and combining the three colleges—one plan after the other; reaction to these plans plunged the schools in • crisis, and before it was terminated, brought his administration to a stormy end. More about that later.

Faculty Changes The resignation of Dean Fortune, to accept the pastorate of the Central Christian Church, Lexington, occasioned the elec• tion of W. C. Bower as dean. The fall of 1922 brought a new teacher of New Testament. This was Vernon Stauffer, a gradu- 222 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY ate of The College of the Bible who had been invited by Mc• Garvey in 1909 to join the faculty, but who at that time had declined. Stauffer held a Ph.D. degree from Columbia Uni• versity. He had for a number of years served as dean of Hiram College, and for the past year as dean of California Christian College.5 He was a member of the Royal Historical Society of England, a recognition for his eminence as a church historian. A vigorous and effective teacher, he also served as minister of the Providence Christian Church. After teaching at The College of the Bible only three years, he died suddenly and unexpectedly July 15, 1925. He was not yet fifty years of age. Rodney L. McQuary became professor of church history and pastoral theology in the autumn of 1922 and continued until the end of January, 1927. He was a graduate of Cotner College and Yale Divinity School who had taught biblical literature in Eureka College. In Kentucky he combined his teaching with the pastorate of the Newtown Christian Church, when that church was relinquished by Dean Bower. McQuary was an amateur artist in oil painting; through the years since his ministry until the time of this writing two large canvases painted by him have hung in the sanctuary of the Newtown church. From The Col• lege of the Bible, McQuary went to Anderson, Indiana, to return to the pastorate.6 The Seminary faculty with whom Harmon began his work was, therefore, composed of the following five men: Dean W. C. Bower and Professors E. E. Snoddy, Charles Lynn Pyatt, Vernon Stauffer, and Rodney L. McQuary.

Field Work Supervision Prior to the Harmon administration student preaching had come under some faculty supervision, as already noted; but early in his regime Harmon proposed to the faculty a closer "labo• ratory supervision of student pastors."7 Thereafter a faculty committee, usually one man, was assigned to oversight of stu• dents and churches. Professor Stauffer was the first to be ap- A Three-Cornered Crisis (1922-1928) 223 pointed to this task and he held it until his death. During the first semester of the 1925-26 academic year, McQuary held the appointment. Next it fell to Pyatt, who carried the responsibility briefly until George V. Moore, a new member of the faculty, took it up in 1927. A graduate of Transylvania College in 1918 and of The College of the Bible in 1921, Moore had served since 1921 with the Kentucky Christian Bible School Association, first as associate superintendent and then as superintendent. This work, which required travel to all parts of the state and direct contact with the churches, prepared him admirably for the work of placing and supervision of student pastors. By May of 1929 there were thirty-nine student pastors reporting to his office; thirty- five preached every Sunday, four part time. Except for a brief interlude for graduate study at the University of Chicago in 1930-31 and another to serve as dean of Transylvania from 1938 to 1941, Moore carried this work continuously until Janu• ary, 1962. By that time he was supervising from 110 to 150 stu• dents working regularly in churches as pastors, assistant pastors, directors of religious education, and interns. This program of placement and field work, which was to loom so large in the fu• ture of the Seminary, received a strong impetus under Harmon.8

Curricula Developments The hand of educational theorist, W. C. Bower, showed itself in a brief statement of "Principles Underlying the Course of Study" in the catalogue of 1923-24. There were six such prin• ciples : 1. "A course based upon a concrete study of needs" among the churches. This principle pointed to "four rather distinct types of theological training": (a) A scholarly ministry with graduate training; (b) religious educators for local churches, field admin• istration and curriculum writing; (c) "For ministers who require a fundamental general cultural training combined with specializa• tion in theology." [Really, undergraduate.] (d) For older ministers with insufficient academic preparation for college, who yet want to do a more effective work in their churches. 224 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

2. A combination of prescription with free election, election to be used for purposes of specializing. 3. "Fundamentals of the content of the course." A knowledge of: Church History and the History of Religions; the Bible; funda• mental Doctrines of Christianity; Church Administration and Re• ligious Education; the needs and conditions of the non-Christian world in missionary lands. 4. "The combination of theory and practice." Since this prin• ciple has a bearing on the program of field work just discussed, it is quoted in full: "Wherever possible the student is given oppor• tunity to work out his theoretical training in actual practice. In Pastoral Theology he prepares and delivers sermons under criti• cism. The students who preach have stated periods for conference where the concrete problems arising in the administration of their churches are discussed under faculty supervision. Students in Re• ligious Education are given experience in the actual conduct of re• ligious education in its various aspects in the local church and in the community." 5. "Complete segregation of the several types of students on the basis of academic preparation." 6. A balanced program in which attention is given to the several types of training offered without sacrificing the rigid standards of graduate training, on the one hand, or without neglecting the un• prepared student whose needs the Seminary should serve.

Principle number five, above, bears special attention. J. W. McGarvey had never been able to bring himself to turn away men who arrived at college late in life with inadequate prepara• tion. This had meant the presence in the same classes of at least four types of men: (1) graduate students who already held the A.B. degree, (2) students working simultaneously in the Semi• nary and the College of Liberal Arts, (3) students working ex• clusively in the Seminary but who had not as yet attended the College of Liberal Arts, (4) students without a high school (or academy) diploma who were working simultaneously in the Academy and the Seminary. (Toward the end of his career, McGarvey had begun to stress graduate work and had offered a few special courses open only to college graduates. Thus the four• fold overlapping described above did not apply in all classes.) A Three-Cornered Crisis (1922-1928) 225

Under Crossfield this situation had been considerably im• proved. All students except those working for an English Di• ploma had been required to take their work in the liberal arts college as a prerequisite. And to help those working toward the English Diploma, an instructor had been employed to make up high school deficiencies. But unprepared students now called "sub-freshmen" were still enrolled with college juniors and seniors and even with college graduates in the same classes. Beginning with the academic year 1923-24 the next step in upgrading the standards was taken. English Bible students— "sub-freshmen"—were separated from the others and instructed in their own classes. The number of such students was never large; one year it was sixteen. They were mostly older men who had gone into the ministry without a formal education. To teach the English Bible Course a special instructor was secured. This was Ward Russell, a graduate of the Seminary in 1895, who was given the rank of an assistant professor. He served from 1923 until the spring of 1926. Enrollment in the course thereafter steadily declined, and instruction passed into the hands of brilliant graduate students or student wives who were assigned to teaching fellowships. Thus it came about that The College of the Bible took another step toward graduate status.

Curtailing Expenses The continuing headache of administering the three colleges derived from the excess of expense over income in Hamilton and Transylvania. Having failed to raise the necessary new money to expand the budget to the size of the needs, President Harmon next turned his attention to ways of effecting economies. He tried to cut expenses to fit income. One casualty of this trimming of costs was The College of the Bible Quarterly. It was discontinued at the end of 1925.9 A pruning of the budgets within the existing structure of the three colleges as then operating did not appeal to Harmon as a workable situation. Only by a radical recentering of the three 226 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY colleges, pooling their resources in a single budget, and integrat• ing their administrations and their curricula could he see his way clear to live within available income.

Harmon's First Plan With the approval of President Harmon, Dean F. W. Reeves of Transylvania's Department of Education made a financial survey of the three colleges preliminary to a plan for reorganiza• tion. This was done during the academic year 1924-25. Reeves concluded that the three colleges could not survive on their pres• ent financing, and was so convinced by his own report that he immediately resigned without prospects of another job. But he had made a few other college surveys, and this work drew him to the attention of the North Central Association of Schools and Colleges, which called him as the secretary of its commission on costs and financial standards. In this position he began at once to survey colleges, and by spring of 1928 had conducted 121 such surveys.10 On the basis of Reeves's recommendations, Harmon, in July, 1925, submitted a nine-page typewritten plan of reorganiza• tion. He compared the prevailing situation to "a triple track or• ganization under one director. In operating, the tracks cross and re-cross so frequently that too much of the time and energy of employees and machinery is used in stopping and starting, flag• ging and resting on side tracks." There were three boards, each with its own officers and meeting times, three faculties, three ad• ministrations, three budgets, three bookkeeping systems, three student bodies, four deans. To remedy this overlapping of personnel and expense and to harmonize the multiplicity, Harmon proposed a single executive committee, a unified budget, one treasurer, one registrar, one promotional department, one faculty, and one dean. The three schools would maintain their separate legal identity and the bud• gets, while unified, would remain "always separable." To the new unified curriculum Hamilton College would con• tribute courses in home economics and music, The College of A Three-Cornered Crisis (1922-1928) 227 the Bible in religion, and Transylvania in the remaining subjects to make a strong Liberal Arts college with a graduate depart• ment. In effect the plan amounted to the subordination of Hamilton College and The College of the Bible to Transylvania. Harmon announced that he expected an annual saving of $12,500 a year from such a reorganization. He further antici• pated that, when the current campaign for endowment was com• pleted in the following spring of 1926, the "combined institutions will then have productive endowment amounting to $1,060,534 —$715,534 for Transylvania College and $345,000 for The Col• lege of the Bible." To implement his program, the president recommended that the reorganization start with the declared principle that every person in the employ of the institution is subject to recall. In other words, the resignation of every administrative officer from the presi• dent down, the resignation of every faculty member from the deans down, the resignation of every employee are called for and will from this time be considered in the hands of the reorganization committee, that it may be unembarrassed in effecting a new op• erating plan.

President Harmon then placed his own resignation in the hands of the board. Study and planning continued through the next year. Dean W. C. Bower traveled to New York to consult with the educa• tional staff of Columbia University. He evolved a new pattern for the curriculum which he presented in the spring of 1926. The alumnae of Hamilton College were consulted about the proposal and were invited to attend an open meeting to discuss it. They showed up in considerable numbers at the March 1, 1926, meeting of the joint boards to protest the reorganization and to plead for the continuance of Hamilton's separate identity. As a result, the trustees of The College of the Bible and the curators of Transylvania voted to proceed with the reorgani• zation without fully integrating Hamilton College for the time being. 228 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Thus it came about that a new organization of courses for Transylvania College and The College of the Bible produced a new, unified curriculum. The complete plan of this organiza• tion, as published in the joint Catalogue of 1926-27, appears on the page facing this one. It will be noticed that the new curriculum divided the under• graduate years into upper and lower divisions—the freshman and sophomore years to be given to general culture, the junior and senior years to specialized majors. Candidates for the A.B. degree could specialize in one of four "nonprofessional majors": literature, natural science, social science, or philosophy and psychology. Or they could specialize in one of six "professional majors": Christian ministry, education (public, or religious), medicine and health, business and law, journalism, and home economics. Two of these "professional majors" could be used as basis for a fifth year of study which led to the A.M. degree. These were Christian ministry, and education. The College of the Bible came into the plan at the graduate level to offer what came to be called the Master of Arts in Re• ligion. At the undergraduate level, The College of the Bible was scheduled to teach all the junior and senior courses in religion. This meant the elimination of the degree of Bachelor of Practi• cal Theology, but since this had been an undergraduate degree offered at the end of two years in The College of the Bible rest• ing upon the freshman and sophomore years in Transylvania, there was no loss, only a change in name of the degree. But the reorganization also meant the elimination of two graduate de• grees: Master of Religious Education (requiring two years); and the Bachelor of Divinity (requiring three years). Through the telescopic plan then followed it had been possible to acquire these degrees in one and two years beyond the A.B., respec• tively. But the new plan cut down all graduate work to a single year, a loss to some students of one year, to others of two years. Rumbling sounds of discontent among students in The Col• lege of the Bible began to be heard while the plan was in the formative stage. On March 30, 1926, a committee of five stu- A Three-Cornered Crisis (1922-1928) 229

ORGANIZATION OF THE COURSES OF STUDY IN TRANSYLVANIA COLLEGE AND THE COLLEGE OF THE BIBLE

Nonprofessional Majors Professional Majors 1

230 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY dents waited upon the executive committee. The minutes read, in part: "This conference was sought by the students because of rumors that had been circulated by some person or persons that the curriculum of the College was to be shortened, that the faculty was to be lessened [sic] of anticipated injury to the high• est interest of the College." The trustees explained that financial conditions dictated the change, but that no lowering of academic standards or loss of prestige to the Seminary was contemplated. It soon became evident that the reorganization if long con• tinued, would effect a serious blow to The College of the Bible by subordinating it to Transylvania. What the trustees had done was undertaken out of sympathy for Transylvania which, ac• cording to their belief, could not survive without their financial support. And they had undertaken it as a desperate measure of last resort. The first rumbling of protest among the students of the Semi• nary grew and spread. On the faculty, Professor Pyatt had been opposed to the plan from the start and he did not keep his dis• approval to himself. Alumni and friends, upon hearing of it, voiced their disapproval. A decisive voice was that of Sarah Mc• Garvey, daughter of J. W. McGarvey. According to Professor Daniel C. Troxel, who joined the faculty shortly thereafter, "Miss Sarah McGarvey, perhaps, turned the tide with an open letter in which she voiced the ideals of her father for the Col• lege, and appealed in his name for a reversal of the plan."11 Miss McGarvey's letter, dated March 24, 1926, filled two closely typed pages. She said, in part: I feel that the very life of this institution is involved. The faculty is to be reduced, the course of study is to be shortened, the B. D. degree is to be abandoned, and the status of the institution to a mere department in Transylvania. One feature even contemplates the surrender and control of the income from the endowment fund of The College of the Bible into the hands of joint operating com• mittees or holding corporations. Dangers are inherent in the pro• posed plan. No matter how such a program may be prepared on paper, the fact remains that dangers are real and imminent...... A Three-Cornered Crisis (1922-1928) 231

Is it wise to endanger the future of The College of the Bible for the doubtful advantage of Transylvania College? If The Col• lege of the Bible goes backward will it not be an inevitable loss to Transylvania College? Doesn't this contemplated step endanger both institutions?

The students of The College of the Bible circularized the members of the joint boards (the trustees of The College of the Bible and the curators of Transylvania University). In response to a vote lacking only one student to make it unanimous the men of the Seminary entered a vigorous protest. The two paragraphs that follow are excerpted from a statement running to nearly a thousand words: We are told that the proposed change is a temporary policy and that the B. D. will eventually be restored. But since its relinquish• ment does not solve the annual deficit, and since it would alienate loyalties, and forfeit the growing prestige of our present faculty, and would surrender our position as a truly graduate (B. D.) col• lege in our brotherhood, and would turn Disciple students else• where, it would seem almost an irretrievable move...... We must say also that the attitude of the present men students of the College of the Bible is very unfavorable; that many are now planning to remove to other colleges next fall if the present pro• gram is pursued. Furthermore, of a group of these men, thirteen said they would not have come here for instruction if they had been presented with a program as is now proposed.. . .12

As a result of this widespread disapproval, President Harmon recommended to the executive committee in January, 1927, that the B.D. degree be restored. The faculty took action February 4, 1927, to discontinue the M.A. and restore the B.D. "after this year." Those who had entered the M.A. program under the 1926-27 catalogue were permitted to complete it and receive their degrees. This meant that the M.A. in Religion was con• ferred upon several graduates in 1927 and 1928, but not there• after. The new integrated curriculum held only one year. President Harmon's first plan lay in ruins, broken upon the loyalty of Hamilton College alumnae, and the determination of 232 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY the students, faculty, and friends of The College of the Bible to continue as a Seminary and grow toward graduate status. Ac• tually, the battle for identity was only begun; the finances of the two schools had yet to be untangled. The achievement of that victory was delayed until 1930.

More Faculty Changes At this juncture there were a number of faculty changes. As we have seen, Vernon Stauffer died in the summer of 1925. The following summer Dean Bower received an invitation to join the faculty of the Divinity School of the University of Chicago. Four• teen years of work at The College of the Bible and among re• ligious educators in America had thrust him into prominence as one of the foremost men in his field. His book, The Curriculum of Religious Education, published in 1925, (Charles Scribner's Sons) became the classic on the subject. Bower had acted during the year 1925-26 as dean both of Transylvania and The College of the Bible; he was slated to continue in this position on a per• manent basis. When Bower resigned August 2, 1926, to accept the post in Chicago, the executive committee accepted his resig• nation with deep regret and lauded him as "an educational prophet." In his new position Professor Bower achieved great eminence. In December, 1926, Professor McQuary resigned, effective at the end of the first semester, a matter of weeks away. His resig• nation brought to three the number of faculty vacancies in this period. And of the "Great Three" who had figured in the "heresy trial"—Fortune, Bower and Snoddy—only Snoddy was left. To take the Alexander Campbell Hopkins Chair of Religious Education vacated by Bower, George Voiers Moore was called. President Harmon also made him chairman of The College of the Bible faculty, a position that he occupied until the fall of 1928, when Charles Lynn Pyatt became chairman. (The tide of dean, dropped with Bower's departure, was not restored until 1939.) A Three-Cornered Crisis (1922-1928) 233

Daniel Curtis Troxel had been working toward his Ph.D. de• gree at The University of Chicago during 1925-27 when Har• mon tapped him for the chair of church history and New Testa• ment at The College of the Bible. He was elected by the executive committee January 10, 1927, and began teaching January 31, at the beginning of the second semester. Troxel was a graduate of Cotner College and of Yale Divinity School. Between his B.D. studies at Yale and his Ph.D. studies at Chicago, he had served as minister of the Hiram, Ohio, Christian Church at the seat of Hiram College. As it turned out, Troxel replaced both Stauffer and McQuary. This made him responsible for church history, New Testament, and pastoral theology—as he said, "not a chair, but a settee." McQuary had been teaching a course on the Apostolic Age that ran through the year; Troxel stepped in to take up the continuity at the beginning of the second se• mester. The instructions he received were brief: "You begin at Acts 18:22."13 With these changes the faculty of the Seminary stood at four men: Snoddy, Pyatt, Moore and Troxel.

Hamilton College Secedes The financial crisis of Hamilton College kept deepening. President Harmon reported to the joint executive committee on December 5, 1927, that the anticipated deficit of the women's College for the current year would probably be $8,000 and that this would bring the total debt of Hamilton to $83,000 by June. To relieve the pressure temporarily, The College of the Bible had in the previous June (1926) bought from Transylvania 414T/2 shares of Hamilton stock, under a guaranteed repurchase contract, for $77,000.14 (See Chapter Sixteen for further de• tails. ) The alumnae of Hamilton were aroused enough to protest the absorption of their alma mater into Transylvania but not enough to insure its success by undergirding it financially. A series of con• ferences took place in the early months of 1928 to attempt a solution. Because Hamilton had been leased to Transylvania in 234 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

1903, the alumnae and trustees of Hamilton were unwilling to assume responsibility for the debt; in their view, that had been of Transylvania's making. Their solution was to propose a new lease. Unwilling to accept the conditions proposed, and seeing no hope in further negotiations, the joint executive committee of Transylvania and The College of the Bible voted March 5, 1928, not to renew its lease with Hamilton College. The Rambler, student publication for April 19, 1928, carried the news that "the overlordship of Transylvania" had been removed and that Hamilton would operate next year under its own trustees; but classes for Hamilton girls in Transylvania would continue. The conclusion of the Hamilton story carried beyond the Harmon regime and involved Transylvania once again. Unable to operate separately without incurring a crippling debt, Ham• ilton once again appealed to Transylvania, and in June, 1932, the latter took over the operation of the Junior College of Ham• ilton and agreed to use the building as a dormitory for Tran• sylvania girls. The Transylvania mortgage on Hamilton by this time had grown to $140,000. As Mary E. Hughes, promotional director of Hamilton College, admitted in a general letter, had it not been for the connection with Transylvania, the doors of the once-celebrated school for women and girls would have closed years before. "Had this mortgage been acquired by a dis• interested party it would doubtless have been foreclosed." Tran• sylvania gave Hamilton a five-year option to redeem the prop• erty. This option ran out, and the Hamilton story came to an end.16 Harmon's Second Plan Meantime, the fate of The College of the Bible and of Tran• sylvania College remained a pressing question. His plan for subordinating The College of the Bible to Transylvania having run into strong disapproval, President Harmon now turned to an alternative plan. Like the first, this plan was based upon an acute awareness of Transylvania's financial distress: A Three-Cornered Crisis (1922-1928) 235

I have carefully surveyed and charted Transylvania's ability to raise money over the past 28 years. This period covers the time of advancing cost of education due to standardization of the colleges and increased costs of living. [There had been several financial campaigns, but because of mounting costs of operation] when the ready money acquired from each campaign has been exhausted the current expenses of the college create a deficit larger than that existing before the campaign, although the endowment has been greatly increased. . . . The cost of education increases faster than the college's ability to assemble money.17 [In fact, the prospective deficit for next year would run between twenty-one and twenty- five thousand dollars.] The problem, Harmon felt, was complicated by the fact that within a radius of fifty miles of Lexington there were ten col• leges. Even more pressing was the existence of the University of Kentucky in the same city: "A person who thinks in terms of service must candidly raise the question as to the justification and advisability of trying to duplicate in the same community such a compelling program as the State University now promotes." The solution that Harmon offered was "a recentering of the program that did not duplicate the work of the University of Kentucky." Transylvania would cease to offer courses in pre• law, premedicine, prejournalism, etc., and recenter its work in those academic subjects that give the preliminary training for leadership in religion. At the end of this training The College of the Bible could give the specific graduate training in religion. Both Transylvania and The College of the Bible would continue to func• tion, grant degrees and not orphan the alumni. This proposal, made tentatively to the curators of Transyl• vania in executive session, leaked out and provoked a furor among students, alumni, and faculty. Two hundred students of Transylvania College signed a petition giving nine reasons why the president should resign. The faculty added a petition (April 4, 1928) protesting that the proposed recentering of the two colleges would mean the death of Transylvania College first, and not much later of The College of the Bible.18 Aroused alumni on April 9 added their petition. 236 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

President Harmon presented his resignation to a joint execu• tive committee meeting April 9. It was offered to take effect July 14, 1928, and thus to terminate six years of service. But, such was the storm unleashed by the proposed subordination of Transylvania to The College of the Bible, Harmon soon found himself in the midst of a hurricane of disapproval. He therefore re-presented his resignation to a joint meeting of the curators of Transylvania College and of the trustees of The College of the Bible called for the purpose April 27, 1928. And he requested an immediate leave of absence from the campus: "Should you hesitate to accept my resignation today, it would continue to subject me to unwarranted, unpleasant and harmful personali• ties." The resignation was accepted. Harmon departed the same day for Louisville where he took a room in a hotel and rested until he had collected his shattered nerves.19 On Friday afternoon, April 27, 1928, the trustees of The Col• lege of the Bible met (following their joint session with the curators) to pledge their cooperation with Transylvania. They moved: First, that we desire the perpetuation of Transylvania as a stan• dard College. Second, that we see in Transylvania's continuance as such a Col• lege the guarantee and the only guarantee of the future of The College of the Bible. Third, that in view of these considerations we officially express to the Curators of Transylvania our sympathy, and pledge to the Curators, the faculty and the student body of Transylvania our persistent and vigorous cooperation in their efforts to secure the future of their institution as a standard College devoted to academic and Christian interests. The storm had subsided, but it left Lexington reeling. Chapter XVI

LEARNING TO WALK ALONE

1928-1938

CHARLES LYNN PYATT ATTENDED THE College of the Bible under the presidency of John W. McGarvey. He came to Lexington in 1905 from his home in Jacksonville, Illinois, and rapidly became a naturalized Kentuckian. A seven- year course earned him the A.B. degree from Transylvania and the Classical Diploma from The College of the Bible. The lat• ter was awarded him in 1912. His brilliant record singled him out in McGarvey's eyes as a future teacher of ministers. This led the beloved president to suggest that Pyatt go on to Yale and Harvard for advanced de• grees, with the understanding that The College of the Bible would help him with his expenses, as it had done for Calhoun a few years earlier. Accordingly, the young graduate acquired a Bachelor of Divinity degree from Yale in 1913 and a Doctor of Theology degree in 1916 from Harvard. While at Harvard, Pyatt served as student minister of the Christian Church at Everett, Massachusetts. And after receiving his doctorate he became minister of the Central Christian Church of Gary, Indiana, a pastorate that was interrupted by World War I. He volunteered as a YMCA secretary and served in Europe with the Second Division. After the war he accepted the pastorate of Centenary Christian Church, Indianapolis. His service there was brief, interrupted this time by a call into the teaching ministry at his alma mater. This came in the fall of 1920.

237 238 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Professor Pyatt was the last appointment to the faculty made under the presidency of R. H. Crossfield. To Pyatt his removal to Lexington was a genuine homecoming, both to the campus and the state that he loved.1 His involvement in the life of Kentucky Discipledom had been deep, not only in College and Seminary, but among the churches. He had served as student pastor at New Castle, and at Berry, having established the lat• ter congregation.2 As a new professor Pyatt had found himself in hearty agree• ment with the policies of President Crossfield, but he grew deeply displeased with President Harmon's attempts at "recentering" the two Colleges as a single institution.3 He was an alumnus of both and he was devoted to both. He was convinced, however, that the health of both depended upon their separate identity. But by long interaction on the same campus over many decades and by joint administration under a single president since 1912 with joint faculty meetings, joint chapels, joint executive com• mittees, joint commencements, and many other mutual involve• ments, the affairs of the two schools became deeply entangled. Events moved by a dialectic of their own toward the absorption of one College by the other, or, at the very least, toward the subordination of one to the other. Nearly all of those concerned, faculty and trustees alike, drifted with this tide; they even found the mutual interdependency necessary and good. They could not imagine or desire it otherwise. Charles Lynn Pyatt saw it as a threat to the health of both institutions and even as a peril threatening the very survival of The College of the Bible. Pyatt set about the task of reversing the trend. He had no administrative authority in the beginning, and he was only a junior member of the faculty, but in the faculty meetings of 1926, 1927, and 1928 he gradually emerged as the originator of policy. He was the member with the long view, the strategist who could see the goal of a separate and independent theological seminary. And he was also the tactician who, never losing sight of the goal, could envision the steps one by one which would lead Learning to Walk Alone (1928-1938) 239 to that goal. He began to press for disentanglement—steadily, untiringly. It is therefore not surprising that the faculty itself, on October 5, 1928, nominated him as its chairman and petitioned the ex• ecutive committee for his elevation to that post. Professor Daniel C. Troxel, who was a member of the faculty at the time of this selection, testifies to Pyatt's qualities of leadership: Before he accepted the appointment he held a conference with each faculty member asking if it met our approval. He began his task by feeling his way slowly. . . . Many were the faculty meetings held to arrive at a consensus of opinion for him to present to the Board. He worked within the faculty, first of all, for they were the most intimately in touch with the problems involved. Then, he was fortified in the presence of the Board. Perhaps even a greater ac• complishment was that he established an esprit de corps in the faculty. Here were refashioned the ideals for the College, and a program to pursue which the meager budget might finance.4

The interval between the resignation of President Harmon in April, 1928, and the coming of Arthur Braden as president in March, 1930, was necessarily little more than an interim in which few strides toward disentanglement could be taken. Two acting presidents bridged this gap. Dean Thomas Benton Macartney, Jr., having served in the interval between Cross- field and Harmon, again became acting president. But in the fall of 1928 as he was welcoming the new students in a chapel service he suddenly collapsed on the platform into the arms of Professor Troxel. Through the illness that then began he lingered for about a year. Dean of Men, Elmer Grant Campbell, stepped into his shoes as the second acting president of the period. He continued until the coming of President Braden.5 A single faculty addition was made during this interim, in the person of Walter Chesterfield Gibbs. For the previous seventeen years Gibbs had been professor of New Testament in the Bible College of Missouri (at Columbia). He took up his new duties as professor of church history and practical theology at The Col• lege of the Bible in the autumn of 1929. Within three years he 240 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY was devoting himself exclusively to church history, and con• tinued in that role until 1946, a period of seventeen years. Arthur Braden began his duties as joint president of Transyl• vania University and The College of the Bible in March, 1930. A graduate of Hiram College and Auburn Theological Seminary with his Ph.D. degree from Syracuse University, he had served, while still in his twenties, as president of Keuka College in New York. Later he had been dean of the Bible Chair at Kansas Uni• versity together with the pastorate of the First Christian Church of Kansas City, Missouri. Still later he had served as dean, then president, of the California School of Christianity (later Cali• fornia Christian College, then renamed as Chapman College) in Los Angeles. Besides the Missouri pastorate, he had held churches at Auburn and Syracuse, New York, and in Los Angeles. Born in England in 1887, he came to America with his parents at the age of six. In Hiram College E. E. Snoddy was his favorite teacher; and it was Snoddy together with fellow student Vernon Stauffer who was responsible for his being in the ministry. When the Bradens moved to Lexington in 1930 Mrs. Braden was suf• fering from rheumatic fever in such a severe form that she en• tered her new home on a stretcher; she did not regain her health for several years. Arthur Braden was a gifted preacher and an energetic ad• ministrator. By temperament he was impulsive and optimistic. He addressed himself to his new task, in the midst of the Great Depression and in the year of Kentucky's severest drought, with great intensity. When Chairman of the Faculty Charles Lynn Pyatt made his first report to the new president, he addressed himself to the task of disentangling the two schools and of giving The College of the Bible its rightful identity as a theological seminary. Full recognition is made of the mutual dependency of these two institutions. They have been inseparably bound together in many ways since the organization of The College of the Bible in 1865. Each has helped the other very substantially on numerous occasions, and will undoubtedly stand ready to do so in the future. No one Learning to Walk Alone (1928-1938) 241 doubts that one should stand ready to assist the other in time of need, but these relations should not cause one to be subordinated to the other, especially when it appears that the one which is sub• ordinate to the other is the one which is rendering the help. . . . We need cooperation, but not integration or subordination.6 In another part of the same report Pyatt pointed out that the development of The College of the Bible as a graduate seminary had been retarded, "partially by lack of promotion, but partly because students and faculties of other colleges have been think• ing of The College of the Bible as the Biblical Literature Depart• ment of Transylvania College." President Arthur Braden fell in at once with Chairman Pyatt's point of view regarding the building of a graduate seminary. In his first report to the board of trustees he said, in part: "The College of the Bible, associated with Transylvania Col• lege, has perhaps the outstanding opportunity of becoming a real theological seminary with a standard course and an adequate student body among our people."

Disentanglement One of the first points at which disentanglement began, largely upon the insistence of the faculty of The College of the Bible, was in the realm of intercollegiate athletics. An original con• tribution of $600 per year had grown to forty percent of the total salaries paid to two coaches in football, geared into a pro• gram that called for free tuition and room rent to football players.7 In a seminary needing new teachers for an expansion of the B.D. curriculum, this money, amounting to a professor's salary, could be expended more wisely. In consequence the Seminary informed the College in 1930 that The College of the Bible would support intercollegiate ath• letics one year longer on the forty percent to sixty percent basis, but that the following year the share of the Seminary would be reduced to twenty-five percent, with the stipulation that the Seminary would no longer endorse the giving of free room rent to athletes.8 It was further stipulated that the athletic program 242 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY should undergo a complete reorganization. By the end of the year 1932, the contribution of the Seminary to intercollegiate athletics had been eliminated. Thereafter the Seminary con• fined itself to a modest financial contribution to a program of intermural athletics.9 This action not only disassociated the Seminary from intercol• legiate athletics, it also was beneficial to Transylvania in that it resulted in a decided de-emphasis of this aspect of the College program. On July 24, 1934, President Braden reported to the trustees: Four years ago intercollegiate football practically dominated our campus, being perhaps the most outstanding student activity. More money was spent on that enterprise than on any other single ac• tivity within the colleges. . . . The financial problem, large as that loomed, did not constitute the greatest difficulty. The dominance of this activity had its detrimental repercussion upon the academic, moral and spiritual life of The College of the Bible and Tran• sylvania that could not be measured in dollars and cents. It was indeed a cancer that ate at the very vitals of both of these insti• tutions. . . . Transylvania no longer seeks the rough-neck type of student. We wish here only men who can comport themselves as gentlemen, whether they be athletes or not. . . .

Another entanglement needing correction dated back to 1926, when The College of the Bible took from Transylvania the stock of Hamilton College in exchange for $77,000 of the Seminary endowments. The agreement was that Transylvania would buy back the stock after a few months. The motive behind this un• usual transaction lay in the desire of the Seminary trustees to help Transylvania curators meet the terms of the Rockefeller Foundation to qualify for a gift of $80,000 to Transylvania Col• lege. This was at the end of President Harmon's campaign for funds. As Harmon saw it, the Rockefeller gift alone stood be• tween Transylvania and ruin: The pledges of the campaign had been made contingent upon the Rockefeller gift; and the Rocke- Learning to Walk Alone (1928-1938) 243 feller gift itself was contingent upon the acceptance of all Tran• sylvania securities at face value. The Hamilton stock, amounting to $77,000 in bonds that had paid no dividends in twenty-five years, stood little chance of being accepted by the Rockefeller Foundation at face value. "If the value of the Hamilton Stock should be questioned, it meant a loss that would immediately wreck the College." Accordingly a gentleman's agreement was reached in which The College of the Bible paid over $77,000 to Transylvania, really as an unsecured loan. It was conceived as a heroic effort to stave off disaster to Transylvania, and was undertaken in the mood of dire emergency. The Rockefeller gift of $80,000 was forthcoming. Transylvania did not buy back the Hamilton stock immedi• ately. Some curators opposed the repayment. They paid six per• cent interest on the amount, but failed to give a secure note or to make arrangements for repaying the principal by "repurchas• ing" the Hamilton stock. The matter dragged on for several years.10 Finally, eight years after the original transaction, Tran• sylvania redeemed the stock by paying back $77,000 into the treasury of The College of the Bible.11

Dormitory and Heating Plant Other disentanglements were needed. The College of the Bible had one-half interest in the men's dormitory, Ewing Hall, in the heating plant, and in the operation of the cafeteria. This represented a capital investment of more than $47,000. But the buildings were now in need of repairs and this appeared to be a good time to advance another step in separating the affairs of the two schools. This step was taken July 1, 1934, when a new agree• ment was drawn up by which The College of the Bible handed over to Transylvania its half ownership in the dormitory, cafe• teria, and heating plant. (It should be remembered here that the Seminary had full use of Transylvania dormitory and class• room buildings through many decades following 1865.) The Seminary further agreed to pay the College an annual campus 244 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY rental of $500. On its part, Transylvania agreed to supply heat at cost. The operational budget of the Seminary thereafter showed a small saving, but the main advantage consisted in free• ing the two schools for future developments. The College of the Bible, nevertheless, continued to occupy its own classroom and office building on the Transylvania campus.

Joint Administration The administration of the two schools was in many respects a joint operation based on the sharing of expenses. This applied to the offices of president, vice-president, treasurer, registrar, and promotional agent. In addition Seminary faculty members served on Transylvania faculty committees. Here also, through the steady pressure of the faculty under the leadership of Chairman Pyatt, a process of disentanglement was begun. After being occupied for one year by Elmer G. Campbell, the office of vice-president was discontinued, ending one entanglement. Until 1927 John T. Vance had served as treasurer and busi• ness manager of both schools. At this time Wilson Case Lawwill, first as chairman of the executive committee and then as busi• ness manager (from 1932) handled the Seminary's investments, while Transylvania operated in this area under its own business manager. Josephine Gross, however, had served as secretary to the treasurer for both institutions under John T. Vance, and af• ter his death was made treasurer of The College of the Bible while continuing her work for Transylvania. Then serious illness in 1936-37 compelled her to surrender some of her work, and on July 1, 1937, Mrs. Gross resigned the secretaryship in Tran- sylvania; thereafter she devoted herself exclusively to The Col• lege of the Bible. At the same time the chairman of the faculty was made registrar and Mrs. Gross assistant registrar of The College of the Bible, thus dissolving the joint operation of the registrar's office. In 1936 The College of the Bible again employed its own fi• nancial agent, and the following year began publication of The Learning to Walk Alone (1928-1938) 245

College of the Bible Bulletin; a boxed announcement which be• gan to appear early in issues is significant:

NOTICE! Churches and Individual Donors Sending Checks to The College of the Bible Should Make Them Payable to THE COLLEGE OF THE BIBLE Transylvania College and The College of the Bible do not administer funds together.

Nevertheless, the Seminary was still involved in the recruiting of students for Transylvania. The trustees gave notice in July, 1937, however, that the appropriation for the following year to this work would be reduced from $820 to $500.12 Two celebrations, one in 1929, the other in 1934, served to emphasize the separate identity of The College of the Bible. The first was the celebration of the centennial of the birth of John W. McGarvey on March 1, 1929, with public ceremonies and by the publication of a special College of the Bible Bulletin, com• memorating the event.13 The second was the celebration in Sep• tember, 1934, of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the establish• ment of the Alexander Campbell Hopkins Chair of Bible School Pedagogy. The process of disentanglement had yet other work to do, as will be noted shortly. As it continued, it made possible the re- recovery of identity, but it also demanded an advance toward graduate status.

Steps Toward Graduate Status To Pyatt first, and then to Braden it became clear that the real identity of The College of the Bible lay in becoming a full- fledged theological seminary, accepting only students who were college graduates with the A.B. or B.S. degree. 246 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

The tradition of graduate work within The College of the Bible had been strong from the earliest years. The Classical Diploma represented seven years of college work, three of them beyond the A.B. degree. The course was as demanding as any now required by a modern theological seminary. It rested upon a mastery of both Greek and Hebrew. During the fifty years that this diploma was awarded, from 1867 to 1917, the Seminary granted this diploma to 128 graduates, a few each year, except for nine scattered years when there were no candidates for it. The largest number in any one year was six, the smallest, one. Between 1917 and 1938, only twenty-one years, the graduate program accelerated considerably. Graduate degrees given dur• ing that time include 127 B.D.'s; twenty-six M.A.'s; and twelve M.R.E.'s. This made a total of 165 graduate degrees for a twenty-year period. This means that, prior to 1938, there had been a total of 293 graduate degrees or diplomas. Undergrad• uate diplomas (English Diploma) and degrees (Bachelor of Pastoral Theology) before 1938 accounted for 553 graduates. Thus more than one third of all those graduated between 1865 and 1938 received graduate diplomas or degrees. The seventy- three-year record of graduate work within The College of the Bible was impressive. Of course, until 1938, this graduate work was entangled in varying measure with undergraduate study. However, the last of the English Diplomas was given in 1931, and the last of the Bachelor of Pastoral Theology degrees in 1934. The English Bible Course, leading to a two-year certificate, attracted only seven graduates in its entire history. This left the field open after 1934 to those pursuing the B.D. and M.R.E. degrees. Many of the students in these courses were studying under what was called "the telescopic plan." By taking approximately thirty hours of seminary work in their junior and senior years in Tran• sylvania College, which thirty hours they counted toward their A.B. degree, they could then attend The College of the Bible two additional years and receive the B.D. degree. This telescopic plan was quite generally followed in American seminaries at that Learning to Walk Alone (1928-1938) 247 time. Full graduate status meant the elimination of all Transyl• vania juniors and seniors from the classes in The College of the Bible. Some trustees and at least one faculty member objected to the elimination of Transylvania undergraduates from the Seminary enrollments. They were afraid that it would reduce the student body to a hopelessly small number. "Why, if you do that," one faculty member predicted, "you won't have twenty-five stu• dents!" The records seemed to bear out such a gloomy forecast. Total enrollments between 1927 and 1933, for example, ran from a low of 102 to a high of 161; but in this same period the number of college graduates enrolled in the Seminary rose from a low of twelve to a high of only twenty-seven.14 There were those who felt that courtesy demanded the con• tinuation of the old policies. Professors of the Seminary did all of the teaching of religion in Transylvania College; to discon• tinue that would leave Transylvania in the lurch. Ministerial students attending Transylvania, but not yet studying in The College of the Bible, were nevertheless counted in the Seminary enrollments and did receive aid from the scholarship funds of the Seminary. The number of such Transylvania ministerial stu• dents averaged more than thirty per year. To cut them off would deprive them of urgently needed financial aid in a time of de• pression, besides which it would appear to be an unbrotherly and discourteous act. A number of Transylvania classes met in The College of the Bible building. The proposed separation would necessitate their removal; it might seem as unkind as an eviction notice.

The Shadow of the Depression Beside all these objections, there was the hard fact of eco• nomic necessity in a time of bank closures and crop failures dur• ing a general depression. To become a graduate seminary, The College of the Bible would require the full time of its faculty de• voting itself exclusively to graduate teaching. But the time of The College of the Bible faculty, with few exceptions, was divided 248 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY three ways. Most of them taught some undergraduate classes in Transylvania College, and all of them held pastorates in nearby churches. To bring them into graduate teaching full time would require a bigger Seminary income at a time when income was shrinking. Beginning in 1931 President Braden took a twenty percent cut in salary and recommended a ten percent cut to all teachers in both schools. Instead of accepting a reduction in salary, the faculty of The College of the Bible proposed to make a voluntary gift rebate of ten percent of their salaries as long it was needed to balance the budget. They stood by to make other sacrifices, if necessary. In a meeting of the trustees attended by the faculty, Professor Snoddy spoke for all when he said to the trustees of the Seminary, "When you get to the end of the rope, tie a knot and hang on." Although financial conditions improved enough by 1935 that Braden was able to return up to fifty percent of the salary rebates, the school still stood a long way from the money it would need to undergird the full salaries of its teachers, let alone to provide for additional faculty members who would be required in an effective graduate seminary. Convinced that there was no way forward without increased income, the faculty and trustees of The College of the Bible in 1935 agreed to employ a promotional agent and to set out upon a threefold campaign: (1) to increase endowment funds through wills and annuities by the amount of $600,000, (2) to publicize the separate identity of the school and its determination to be• come a graduate seminary, and (3) to attract more graduates from liberal arts colleges other than Transylvania.

Frank N. Gardner To undertake this ambitious campaign, the Seminary em• ployed Frank N. Gardner, a B.D. graduate in the class of 1936. The Seminary also supplied him with a target—the seventy-fifth anniversary of the founding of The College of the Bible in 1940. This gave him four years in which to work. The real dynamic of the undertaking came, however, from the determination of Learning to Walk Alone (1928-1938) 249 students and faculty to qualify as an accredited theological semi• nary. First as director of the seventy-fifth anniversary celebration and then as general secretary of The College of the Bible, Frank Gardner threw himself into his task with athletic energy. A re• port to the trustees on January 10, 1938, showed that since tak• ing up his work July 1, 1936, he had traveled 40,173 miles by automobile and 3,106 by railroad, to deliver 136 sermons, fifty- three convention addresses, and twenty-seven other speeches including some by radio; he had visited 429 prospective donors, published and distributed by hand and by mail twenty-two pieces of literature. In addition he had trained a male quartet and scheduled eighteen engagements for them.15 The financial returns of the campaign were slow in coming at first, but by the time of the celebration Gardner could report a total of $277,461.92 in gifts and commitments to permanent funds, including endowment, scholarships, and the beginning of a chapel building fund. The largest gift was in the will of Mrs. Louise Cassidy of Lexington—to the amount of $52,000. The second largest was $32,400 from Misses Mayme and Lydia Gore of Carlisle, Kentucky; they had given their farm on an annuity basis. The net cost of the campaign during its four years had been $28,913.91.16 Gardner's work had been so encouraging that he was asked to remain an additional three years to complete the campaign. He was eager to get on to his doctoral studies at The University of Chicago. To retain him for the added period, The Col• lege of the Bible granted him his summers for graduate study with compensation. His cultivation of wills in this extended period proved more beneficial in the long run than anything he had reported at the celebration. But when he left in September of 1943 to take up a fellowship in theology at The University of Chicago, he knew nothing about a very large bequest in an im• portant will that had been drawn under his influence. The story of that bequest is reserved for a future chapter. 250 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Outside Help The urge to grow up into a full-fledged graduate seminary was strong within The College of the Bible, but it gained im• portant support from the outside. Riley B. Montgomery in 1929 conducted a study that revealed that less than sixty percent of the ministers then serving Disciples of Christ had college degrees; less than twenty had any graduate education, while thirty to forty percent had never completed or had failed to attend col• lege. At the same time over seventy percent of the ministerial students then in college said they would prefer to attend institu• tions conducted by Disciples of Christ, provided they had an edu• cational standing equal to that of the leading theological semi• naries.17 In 1917, at the suggestion of President Lowell of Harvard, there had been organized the Conference of Theological Semi• naries and Colleges in the United States and Canada. It held biennial meetings at various seminaries. According to Charles Lynn Pyatt, The College of the Bible was a member of this con• ference from the beginning.18 Aided by a grant from John D. Rockefeller, the Conference in 1929-1931 conducted a detailed survey of theological education in America under the direction of Mark A. May of Yale University, with Riley B. Montgomery as chief field man with special responsibilities for visiting semi• naries and interviewing seminary personnel. "After a preliminary study of the schools, the investigators requested The College of the Bible to cooperate. This was done because the investigators felt that The College of the Bible represents a distinct type of institution and that it was the only one among the Disciples of Christ which they could consider representative." Doctor Mont• gomery visited the Lexington Seminary in 1930. His visit con• vinced him that The College of the Bible had strong potentiali• ties as a graduate seminary.19 Charles Lynn Pyatt was an active and enthusiastic participant in the Conference of Theological Seminaries and Colleges, and when this Conference began moving toward standards of ac- Learning to Walk Alone (1928-1938) 251 creditation for its member schools, he was eager to bring his own school into support of this development. On July 10, 1935, he reported to the trustees of the Seminary: The Conference of Theological Seminaries and Colleges in the United States and Canada, to which The College of the Bible be• longs, continues in the development of its work. The outstanding events of the past year have been the work of the committee on standards of admission and the appointment of Dr. Lewis J. Sher- rill, of the Louisville Presbyterian Theological Seminary as executive secretary. . . . While we may be unable to predict the definite lines which will be followed, we can, nevertheless, feel confident that the coming years are to be crucial and determinative, and should put forth every effort to maintain and advance our present standing and quality.20

In his new post as executive secretary of the conference, Lewis J. Sherrill visited The College of the Bible March 5, 1936. The faculty voted March 12, 1936: "It is the opinion of the faculty that it would be our policy to meet the requirements of accredita• tion . . . from the very beginning." The trustees concurred. The name of the Conference was changed in its tenth biennial meet• ing in July, 1936, to the American Association of Theological Schools. On October 5 the faculty voted: (1) to admit for candidacy for degrees in the Seminary only those holding an A.B. degree from an accredited college of liberal arts, (2) to require ninety hours of credits and a thesis for the B.D. degree, (3) and to admit a very few special students on merit after individual ex• amination. The faculty petitioned the Association for an early inspection. In February, 1937, they learned that the committee on accredita• tion was swamped by applications and The College of the Bible would have to wait its turn. In October Chairman Pyatt filled in the blanks on twelve "schedules" covering all phases of semi• nary life: history, control, individuality, enrollments, graduates, standards of admission and graduation, curriculum, faculty, li• brary, equipment, finances, administration, records, student life, 252 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY extension service, and careers of graduates. Each member of the faculty also filled in his own six-page schedule.

Accreditation Professor Lavens M. Thomas II of Emory University (Geor• gia) came on December 18, 1937, on behalf of the accrediting committee. The report he transmitted to his superiors was favor• able.21 And when the Commission on Accrediting made its first report, June 30, 1938, The College of the Bible was one of forty-six schools listed as fully accredited charter members. Students and faculty members greeted the news with re• joicing. Enrollments were low, but not as low as feared. Gradu• ate students for a four-year period from the initial announcement about advancing standards through accreditation numbered as follows: thirty-one (1936), thirty-four (1937), forty-one (1939), fifty-nine (1939). But the number of colleges from which these came rose more sharply, from fourteen in 1936 to twenty-nine in 1939. As a graduate Seminary The College of the Bible was beginning to exert an increased drawing power beyond the Transylvania campus. This recalled the earlier days of its wide geographical outreach. In December, 1937, Arthur Braden presented his resignation, effective in March at the end of his eighth year of presidency over the two institutions. I am resigning for one reason and one only, namely the burden of these two colleges is too great for me any longer to bear without serious impairment of my physical health. This is no sudden dis• covery on my part. For two years past, and particularly during the last twelve months, it has borne in upon me that I have been lit• erally burning the candle at both ends and also in the middle in a desperate attempt to defeat the depression.

Before Braden submitted his resignation he was already as• sured that one of his major goals was near realization, and of it he had said: Learning to Walk Alone (1928-1938) 253

The College of the Bible is a "natural" for the development of a standard theological seminary. . . . The dream of what this may mean for The College of the Bible and for our church in the future is enough to thrill the heart of anyone who possesses the prophetic power to look constructively down the corridors of the future. The beginnings of the realization of that dream are at hand; for while our beginning has been modest, it is a beginning. . . .22

More than once Braden had warned that the standards of the American Association of Theological Schools would not remain static, and as they were lifted, The College of the Bible must eagerly run forward to anticipate them with a growing faculty and student body, an enriched curriculum, and an adequate en• dowment. Braden's administration—in spite of a general economic de• pression—marked an epochal advance in the life of the Semi• nary. For in that time The College of the Bible had learned how to walk alone as the first graduate seminary of Disciples of Christ. Chapter XVII

ELMER ELLSWORTH SNODDY

MEN WHO ATTENDED THE COLLEGE OF the Bible or sat on its faculty at any time between 1914 and 1936 return in conversation to a single name—Snoddy. Frank N. Gardner, now teaching theology at Drake University Divinity School, speaks for most when he says, "I studied under a great many teachers. At the University of Chicago I came in contact with many men who have great minds. But I still maintain that E. E. Snoddy had the most germinal mind, the most creative mind of any teacher under whom I ever sat."1 What was it that evoked such acclaim? Professor Snoddy never wrote a book. He wrote a few articles, but his students agree, these "do not give us the man." He assigned few outside read• ings and little homework beyond a few pages in the textbook of each course. He never carried an outline to class; his lectures did not follow a pattern or fall into neat categories. "Why, my class notes were just like a chicken's scratching," exclaims Has- sell Bowen, who nevertheless believes that Snoddy was the great• est teacher he ever had.2 Snoddy's close friend, colleague, and neighbor, Alonzo Wil- lard Fortune (whom Snoddy called "Lon"), wrote a book, Thinking Things Through with E. E. Snoddy.3 It was published as a part of the seventy-fifth anniversary celebration of The Col• lege of the Bible in 1940. While the book captured the content of Snoddy's thought, it did not convey the sense of process—the dialogue or dialectic—which was more characteristic of the man

254 Elmer Ellsworth Snoddy 255 than any set of conclusions. Like Socrates, Snoddy's genius lay in his interaction with people as he stirred them to think—prod• ding, questioning, stimulating them to bring out their best. Perhaps Professor Snoddy revealed his own secret in a state• ment that he made shortly before his death: "I have spent fifty- two years with young people in the classroom. I feel that I know them. I used to have a beagle hound and I thought a lot of him. He knew rabbits thoroughly; but I know these youngsters better than that hound knew rabbits. I know them better than their fathers and mothers know them. I have faith in them, great faith in them."4 Snoddy's personal involvement with his students and with his own quest for truth was absorbing; it created an atmosphere of intense excitement in the classroom. He would be at the board elaborating an idea into a complex diagram—a favorite device— when a new idea would suddenly spring up, Vesuviuslike, de• manding a change in his drawing. He was too quick and impa• tient to go for the eraser which might be ten feet away. He just took his hand and swiped it across the board. His hands were thus always covered with chalk. He might stop in the midst of this blackboard hodgepodge and move to a student sitting on the front row, to tickle him under the chin or on the side of the face, or slap him on the shoulder, asking in his high-pitched voice, "Ah, young theologue, what do you think of that?"5 He moved among his students, putting question after question to them, entangling them in their own answers, needling them, drawing them out. In this highly personal encounter there was no embarrassment, says Tipton Carroll, "for some new light of truth had dawned upon us. He had led us into a wilderness, but when we got there we found that it was not wilderness at all, but open country."6 "I remember that I had only one suit to my name," Frank Gardner recalls, "and my wife used to get terribly provoked. I sat on the front row and Snoddy would come up to me and say, 'What do you think of that, Gardner?' And then he would slap me across the shoulders with that big chalk hand and I would go home with chalk marks all over me." But there were other 256 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY and more important marks. "Snoddy," continues Gardner, "could kindle all kinds of intellectual flights. And they burst like insights out of the blue. Sometimes we left the class as though we had been to church."7 Even his mannerisms endeared him to his students. He had a wart on his bald head. When he began wrestling with a new idea, he had the habit of tilting back his head; his hand flew up and a bony finger began to massage that wart until it was red. Sometimes the gyrating finger would curl and uncurl a loose strand of hair on his balding head. These mannerisms never grew distracting. They were signs of the excitement of thinking. "You could see the wheels grinding as he thought."8 Professor Snoddy's own philosophical orientation was rooted in Pragmatism but he did not adhere to it dogmatically and he was wise enough to read the signs of its passing. Shortly before his death, he said, "I do not ask my students to take over my philosophical methods and conceptions. Pragmatism in particu• lar I see no future for. To all appearances it will pass out with John Dewey. These they must face for themselves. My supreme ambition is to share with them the faith that has done so much for me and the world and which has brought to me so much fine fellowship and real joy in life."9 He was gifted in the art of homely illustration. The Bible, he said, is like a telescope, not to be looked at but to be looked through. It would be a silly astronomer who spent his life analyz• ing telescopes but never looking at the stars. And it would be an absurd student of the Bible who did nothing more than analyze the Bible. "The Bible is the telescope through which you look to see Jesus Christ."10 His talents fitted Snoddy superbly as a speaker to laymen. For many years he taught a Wednesday evening class at Central Christian Church in Lexington; the class drew a regular atten• dance of nearly two hundred Lexington laymen. He was in de• mand at conventions and conferences. Ministers' associations and institutes thrilled to his mastery of forum discussions. Professor Snoddy taught almost to the end of this seventy- third year. (The Seminary had no retirement policy then.) The Elmer Ellsworth Snoddy 257 abandon with which he threw himself into this teaching began to tell. He finally installed a cot in his office and formed the habit of lying down at chapel time and between classes. At the end of the 1934-35 school year he withdrew from his Transylvania classes and devoted himself exclusively to the Seminary; but in March, 1936, he became too ill to teach and on April 20, 1936, he died. Donald E. Walker and E. Tipton Carroll, two students, be• came teaching fellows and finished out the year instructing his classes.11 Arthur Campbell Garnett (later to distinguish himself at The University of Wisconsin) was appointed acting professor of doctrine for the single year of 1936-37. Then in the fall of 1937 T. Hassell Bowen took up the task in which he was to con• tinue for the next twenty-six years. So stood the faculty as it came to the end of the Braden period: Charles Lynn Pyatt (Old Testament), Daniel Curtis Troxel (New Testament), George Voiers Moore (religious education), Walter Chesterfield Gibbs (church history), Ed• ward Saxon (expression, part-time) and Alonzo Willard For• tune (pastoral theology, part-time). Nearby pastors who had helped for short periods in teaching pastoral theology included Alonzo C. Brooks (1934-35), Hampton Adams (1934-35) and T. Hassell Bowen (1927-33). And Howard Taylor Holroyd had taught missions for a year (1935-36). And yet, by common consent, the one personality who towered above them all had been Elmer Ellsworth Snoddy. Dr. Herndon Wagers, now a teacher of philosophical theology in Perkins School of Theology, remembers his own impressions of these final, creative years: He had the Socratic mind, the kind of mind that delights in dis• course and philosophizing, and knows fraud when he sees it, with• out being hard. We were all made aware of the fact that once in a while we were fraudulent. In personal conference he was loveable and considerate but when it got right down to the issue he told you what he thought you needed to hear. I've never really encountered anyone quite of the same mind. I've found men more scholarly. But in terms of respect for thought, for clarity in thought and integrity in thought, I've never found anyone who excelled him.12 Chapter XVIII

GROWING UP AS A GRADUATE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

1938-1949

ACCREDITED AS A CHARTER MEMBER OF the American Association of Theological Schools, The College of the Bible proudly grasped a prize. But it also confronted a difficult passage. With accreditation, it had made no more than a modest beginning. The goals of the association, as Braden had warned, would continue to challenge a more and more mature response. Growth was demanded—growth in almost every direction—growth in the size of the student body and faculty; growth in financial resources; growth in housing, classroom, chapel, and library facilities; growth in student field work; growth in curricula offerings; growth of an informed and loyal constituency.

An Open Door, but Many Adversaries Many strong forces opposed such growth. There was the momentum of long-established custom among Disciples of Christ. Only a minority of Disciple ministers were seminary graduates with B.D. degrees; and even this minority, having attended Yale, Union, Harvard, and Chicago seminaries, swam upstream against a current of suspicion created by earlier Christian Standard attacks upon "the New Theology" and the Campbell Institute. The majority of Disciple ministers were content with a degree from an undergraduate college of Liberal Arts having a strong Department of Religion. Many did not have

258 Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 259 that much preparation. Seminary in the 1930's was still for the minority. Some trustees and one faculty member, A. W. Fortune, then entertained serious doubts that the Seminary could succeed in its new graduate role. While The College of the Bible had never been without graduate students in its student body, and while the number of these had been steadily increasing in recent years, the school had never been without a large complement of under• graduates. The presence of many of these had been temporarily assured by the "telescopic plan" by which thirty hours of under• graduate work taken in Transylvania College (but taught by The College of the Bible faculty) were counted toward the B.D. degree in the Seminary. Full accreditation brought the telescopic plan to an end. The doubters feared that the Seminary would dwindle away into nothingness. Although the process of disentanglement from Transylvania had steadily advanced since 1928, interconnections were still numerous and intimate. In 1938 the two schools continued to occupy the same campus. In the public mind they remained practically identical. All religion courses offered in Transylvania College had been taught by The College of the Bible faculty. Transylvania had not had its own separate Department of Re• ligion and Philosophy. The scholarship funds of The College of the Bible had been advanced to ministerial students in Transyl• vania. The two schools had done their student recruiting jointly, sharing the expense. They had held their commencements to• gether. Many curators of Transylvania felt that The College of the Bible should continue these services. And the tender feelings of the faculty and trustees of the Seminary for Transylvania made them reluctant to sever these ties. In addition, title to the very land on which the Seminary building stood belonged to Transylvania. The cutting of the umbilical cord binding the Seminary to the College was a surgical operation; few had the desire or the courage to extend the severing knife. The College of the Bible found itself again in the role of pioneer, with all the attendant uncertainties and resistance: To 260 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY see the need of a new campus, to envision it, to find the money to pay for it. To rediscover itself to the brotherhood, reclaiming for itself the worldwide fame of the McGarvey era—this time in its new role. To create in the public mind an image of its own separate identity. To recruit a growing number of students, enlarge the faculty, enrich the curriculum. Outside forces threatened the infant Seminary. The attacks of militant conservatives were renewed. Worldwide depression had scarcely lifted until World War II boiled over the eastern and western horizons. Hitler, Hirohito, Mussolini, and Stalin first menaced, then demolished, the peace of the world; the men of the world marched off into the jaws of Moloch.

Its Own President With the departure of Arthur Braden, both Transylvania and The College of the Bible were left without presidents. Although it had been Braden's recommendation that the joint presidency should be discontinued, there was more than a little reluctance within the Board of Trustees to do so. Beverly Jewett, chair• man of the board, led in this resistance. At about this time, how• ever, Jewett had occasion as a banker to loan The United Christian Missionary Society a large sum of money to pay missionary salaries. This renewed in a special way his contact with Stephen Jared Corey, president of the Society, who was near retirement, and opened him to the suggestion of Trustee Kenneth B. Bowen that Corey would make an ideal president for the Seminary. Jewett had known and honored Corey for years. The notion that Corey might become the president of the Seminary dissolved in Jewett's mind all opposition to a separate presidency. When Jewett changed his mind on the matter, the whole executive committee changed with him.1 Stephen J. Corey, on his part, was about to reach the age of sixty-five (April 29, 1938); and, although he was in excellent health, this brought him near to the age set by the retirement regulations of The United Christian Missionary Society. The College of the Bible did not then have a set age for retirement. Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 261

This circumstance offered Corey the prospect of continued active service for several years. He envisioned it as extending to 1943, when he would be seventy years of age.2 The prospect appeared so attractive that he consented, and on April 18, 1938, was elected president of The College of the Bible by action of the full board.3 .Stephen J. Corey's eminence as a national executive was not then surpassed by that of any man among Disciples of Christ. He was known to the whole brotherhood and far beyond it in the missionary circles of Protestantism. He commanded the re• spect and the love of multitudes. Former President Braden voiced the sentiments of thousands when he wrote Beverly Jewett: "Hallelujah! Praise the Lord! The College of the Bible went fishing and caught a whale." Born in Rolla, Missouri, April 29, 1873, and educated at the University of Nebraska (Lincoln, Nebraska) and Colgate- Rochester Divinity School (Rochester, New York), Corey had served first as minister of a Rochester Christian Church, and then for three years as the general secretary of the New York Christian Missionary Society. Early in his college course John R. Mott and Robert E. Speer had ignited in Corey the fervent concern for the world mission of Christianity, which remained the consuming passion of his life. For more than a third of a century he had served as a missionary advocate and administrator, first with the Foreign Christian Missionary Society and finally with its successor, the newly organized United Christian Missionary Society. His work in the Foreign Society threw him into close association with Archibald McLean and F. M. Rains; and his work as foreign secretary in the United Society brought him in 1920 to the vice presidency and then in 1930 to the presidency of that organization. Corey's various visits to the mission fields he had vividly re• ported in books such as: Among Asia's Needy Millions, Among Central African Tribes, and Among South American Friends. His passionate advocacy of missions was reflected in other books: 262 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Beyond Statistics; The Wider Range of World Missions; Mis• sions in the Modern Sunday School; Missions Matching the Hour; and The Preacher and his Missionary Message. Corey's gifts as an administrator fitted him uniquely to guide the Seminary through a period of transition. Consulting tire• lessly with his faculty and especially with Charles Lynn Pyatt, chairman of the faculty, leading the trustees like the veteran administrator that he was, he sought and expressed the common mind of the growing institution. And he lent to the young enterprise the prestige of his person. It was also with joy and enthusiasm that he entered upon the new venture of seminary teaching; he had soon organized and was regularly teaching two courses in world missions. Although he was inaugurated September 20, 1938, residual responsibilities at The United Society kept him in Indianapolis until the close of the year. In the closing months of 1938 he was, nevertheless, making plans for his work in Lexington. Transylvania College, meantime, had moved to fill the vacancy in its presidency by reelecting R. H. Crossfield on an ad interim basis, until the curators could choose Braden's suc• cessor. Crossfield, having served Transylvania from 1908 until 1921, and The College of the Bible from 1912 to 1921, returned to a familiar field. His knowledge of both institutions prepared him to work helpfully as a colleague to Corey in seeking the new, separate role of the two institutions. Crossfield assumed his interim service in September, 1938, and continued for a year.4 Then Raymond F. McLain came to Lexington fresh from the presidency of Eureka College in Illinois.5 The setting up of separate presidencies for the neighboring institutions was a long stride toward their eventual separation, and contributed to the growth and maturation of both schools.

Professor Moore to Transylvania Just before calling Stephen J. Corey to the presidency, the trustees had taken a step toward further entanglement with Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 263

Transylvania. It came about in this way: The elimination of the "telescopic plan" in the spring of 1938 meant that Transyl• vania's undergraduates could no longer receive their religious instruction in The College of the Bible. And since The College of the Bible professors by virtue of the recommendation of the American Association of Theological Schools could no longer cross the sidewalk to teach in Transylvania, the undergraduate college suddenly found itself without a single professor of re• ligion. The College of the Bible through most of its long history of seventy-three years had provided the religious curriculum for Transylvania. It was difficult for some to imagine any other arrangement. To many in both institutions it seemed proper that the Seminary should continue to do so, but in a manner suited to its new, all-graduate status. Accordingly on March 3, 1938 the executive committees of the boards of the two schools met to survey the situation. It was agreed that The College of the Bible should pay annually the salary of a full-time professor of religion in Transylvania, his courses to be selected by Transylvania with the advice and counsel of the executive committee of The College of the Bible. In the same joint-session it was decided that The College of the Bible would pay Transylvania College $1,000 a year to be used for the recruiting of students in Transylvania. (This was a natural consequence of the fact that the Seminary derived about one third of its students from the College.) The Seminary also agreed to continue the awarding of scholarships to Transyl• vania ministerial students. Transylvania created a new Department of Religion and Philosophy and, with the consent of The College of the Bible, called George V. Moore to be professor and head of the de• partment as well as dean of the College. The Seminary would pay his salary as professor; the College, his additional salary as dean. When the Seminary trustees stopped to contemplate the new budget necessitated by this arrangement, they began to wonder 264 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY if they had not overstepped their resources. With a full salary to their own president (in place of the half-salary paid under the joint-presidency), with the salary for a new professor in religious education to replace Moore, and with the stipend toward student recruiting, the projected budget for 1938-39 contained an estimated deficit of $9,500. Due to President Corey's ability to find new income, the expected deficit did not develop; but it soon became evident that the sentimental ges• ture to Transylvania was being purchased at the expense of a much-needed expansion in the Seminary's own program of graduate education. President Corey conferred with President McLain of Transyl• vania with a view to a gradual shifting of the financial burden. The thousand dollars for the recruiting of students was paid to Transylvania until the spring of 1940, then discontinued. George V. Moore continued to serve as professor of religion and philosophy and as dean of Transylvania College until the summer of 1941. Then he returned to The College of the Bible to become director of student placement and professor of prac• tical theology. This move, though prepared for in careful conference, was somewhat disconcerting to some Transylvania curators. Without resources to establish a full professorship at once, they decided to employ two Kentucky pastors part time* then to move to• ward raising the necessary funds to create their own Department of Religion. Curator W. Hume Logan, a Louisville industrialist, referred to the department as "the work that The College of the Bible so unceremonially threw into Transylvania's lap. . . ." He called upon the Seminary to surrender $100,000 for the. endowment of "an Undergraduate Bible College or Bible De• partment" in Transylvania. He made this request with some publicity and in concert with a good deal of circularized sup• port.6 Transylvania's administrative officials, meantime, rose to their side of the bargain in good spirit. Not a step in the sepa-

*These were Howard Stephen Stephenson and Hayes Farish. In addition Thomas Green• wood taught philosophy; and E. W. Delcamp introduced a course in biblical literature. Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 265 ration had been undertaken without personal conferences be• tween Presidents Corey and McLain. Thus the two schools successfully negotiated a difficult passage which could have thrown them into serious conflict. Other disengagements followed in due course. Scholarship aid to Transylvania students was discontinued as the student body of the Seminary grew. Joint commencements were also discontinued. With the graduation exercises of 1941, the neigh• boring schools began to hold separate commencements.7

Faculty Developments to 1945 The inauguration of Stephen J. Corey as president on Sep• tember 20, 1938, was combined with the installation of Myron Taggart Hopper as Alexander Campbell Hopkins Professor of Religious Education. Only the previous June, Hopper had re• ceived his Ph.D. degree from The University of Chicago. His work had been done under the guidance of William Clayton Bower, who had held the same chair in the Lexington Seminary from 1912 to 1926. A faithful disciple to his mentor, Hopper was not only an ardent advocate of Bower's theory of religious education but also a living embodiment of it. For the next twenty-two years the Religious Education Department flourished under Hopper's leadership, sending into the life of Disciples a continuing stream of directors of religious education, field workers and editors, as well as ministers oriented to the educa• tional work of the pastor. Hopper assumed his duties at the beginning of the second semester, February 1, 1939. Graduated from Butler University in 1926, Hopper had served since 1933 as National Director of Young People's Work in The United Christian Missionary Society.8 When he retired from the faculty of The University of Chi• cago in 1943, William Clayton Bower returned to live in Lexington. There he joined forces with his young disciple in the fall of 1943 by giving a course of lectures at the Seminary on The Living Bible. 266 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Alonzo Willard Fortune continued as minister of Central Christian Church in Lexington; in 1930 he had also returned to the Seminary to teach part time in the Department of Prac• tical Theology. His courses covered the full range of a minister's work as preacher, liturgist, pastor, and administrator. With the return of George V. Moore to the Seminary faculty in 1941, Fortune relinquished to Moore his courses in all but preaching and cut back his offerings to a single course per quarter. Moore, henceforth, devoted himself to practical theol• ogy, a task naturally combined with his supervision of student placement and field work in the churches. By 1944 Fortune suffered from trouble with his sight which eventually developed into a detached retina. In the spring he submitted to an eye operation. This proved unsuccessful. Blind• ness overtook him. He was then seventy years of age. Hopper and Corey taught his courses during the winter quarter, and Moore taught them in the spring. But by the autumn of 1944 Fortune, now sightless, was back in the classroom, teaching a new course, "How the Sermon Grows." (An abstract of this course was published in The College of the Bible Quarterly.)9 Though he was compelled to resign his ministry at Central Christian Church, what Fortune now did about his blindness became an inspiration to thousands. He brought his teaching at The College of the Bible to a close with the session of 1944-45, but he continued to be closely associated with the Seminary and in other respects had one of the most active periods of his career. He learned Braille, then studied advanced Braille. When he learned of other elderly blind people in the city who were idle and dispirited, he went to them and taught some of them how. to read Braille. He acquired a talking-book machine. Through these two means he read into a whole new realm of creative literature which he had neglected through his busy life. He purchased a Braille typewriter and wrote his sermons and addresses, which he now delivered in response to a growing demand, for now he spoke with a power which he had seldom matched in his sighted years. Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 267

He also wrote a weekly column for Front Rank magazine. His method for this writing was as follows: He had a carpenter prepare a writing board with notches on both sides. He then placed his writing paper on the board and stretched rubber bands across the face of the paper, fitting them in the notches. These furnished him with guide lines for his writing, which he did in pencil. Then his daughter, Emily (Mrs. Jesse K.) Lewis, copied the manuscript on the typewriter and mailed it to the editor of Front Rank. In November, 1950, little more than a month before his death, he published an article in The Chris• tian-Evangelist entitled, "Readjusting One's Life to Handi• caps."10 In this article he told of his own experience with blind• ness during the previous six and one-half years. He summarized these darkened years this way: "I am sure that I have learned many things that I would not have known if I had retained my sight, and for these I thank God." President Corey also served as professor of missions. He taught "Great Mission Fields and Personalities," "An Intro• duction to Missions," and "The Home Church and Missions." Then in the session of 1942-43 Missionary Clifford Henry Plopper of Nanking Theological Seminary spent two quarters on campus as visiting professor of missions. Still another expansion of the curriculum occurred under President Corey. A course in "Religion and Mental Health" was added in the second quarter of the 1942-43 school year. Taught by Professor Hopper, the unique feature of the course was a weekly lecture by one of the psychiatrists on the staff of the United States Public Health Hospital ("Narcotics Farm") located near the city. This unique step was suggested by the medical director of the hospital, Dr. J. D. Reichard, in a luncheon-club conversation with Charles Lynn Pyatt. These lectures, under the direction of Dr. Reichard and Professor Hopper, were carefully plotted in advance; added class work and reading assignments by Hopper and field visits to the hospital rounded out the course. This arrangement continued for the next twelve years, until the Seminary was prepared to 268 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

create the Department of Pastoral Care with its own qualified clinical psychologist. Frank Hill Caldwell, president of Louisville Theological Seminary and professor of homiletics in that institution strength• ened the offerings at Lexington in January, 1943, by giving six lectures on "The Preacher's Presentation of his Message." In these various ways the Seminary sought to rise to the academic challenge of its new graduate status. The regular teaching faculty under Corey's presidency, in summary, con• sisted of nine men: Corey in missions, Pyatt in Old Testament, Troxel in New Testament, Gibbs in church history, Hopper in religious education, T. H. Bowen in doctrine, Moore in practi• cal theology, Fortune in practical theology, and Edward Saxon in expression. Beginning with the fall of 1941 the semester system, which had prevailed until then, was set aside and the school year was divided into three quarters plus a summer term (or one-half quarter). At the same time the traditional system of letter grades (A, B, C, D, F) was discontinued and its place was taken by three grades S (Superior), P (Pass), and F (Fail). "Superior" was interpreted by Dean Pyatt as work equal to or better than the professor's own achievement, if he had taken the course as a student. The motivations formerly supplied by competition and reward were now sought in faculty-student conferences, in the spirit of cooperative quest for knowledge and insight, and in the professor's continuous evaluation of the con• crete content of that knowledge, rather than in abstract ap• praisals.

The Diamond Jubilee The Seventy-Fifth Anniversary celebration occurred in June, 1940. Frank N. Gardner had been working toward it since 1936. To that end, as noted in a previous chapter, he had raised a quarter of a million dollars in cash and commitments, and had engaged in an intensive program of field cultivation and publicity. Two anniversary biographies were published by the Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 269

Bethany Press: Brother McGarvey, written by W. G. Morro, then professor of New Testament in Brite College of the Bible at Texas Christian University and former dean of The College of the Bible in Lexington; Thinking Things Through with E. E. Snoddy, written by Alonzo Willard Fortune. In the spring of the year (April 5 and 6, 1940) the Midwest Branch of the American Oriental Society met and heard seventeen learned papers at The College of the Bible.11 The celebration June 2-6, 1940, was a gala occasion com• bined, as it was, with the State Convention of Kentucky Chris• tian Churches and the Twelfth Biennial Meeting of the Ameri• can Association of Theological Schools. Speakers included Henry Sloane Coffin, president of Union Theological Seminary in New York; Edgar DeWitt Jones, president of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America (a former student); Edward Scribner Ames, dean of Disciples Divinity House, Chi• cago; Margueritte Harmon Bro, daughter of a former president, herself a former missionary to China; Harry B. McCormick, president of the International Convention of Disciples of Christ; Lewis J. Sherrill, executive secretary of the AATS; W. H. Cramblet, president of Bethany College; and many others. Meetings to accommodate the large crowds were held at Cen• tral Christian Church and at Transylvania's Little Theatre.12 The trustees were so pleased with Gardner's work that they prevailed on him to continue for another three years. When he left in September, 1943, to continue his graduate education at The University of Chicago, he reported gifts and commitments totaling $384,028.40, of which $251,928.40 was already in hand. The cost of the program had been $61,508.53, including salary and travel; the Seminary had borrowed from its own funds at six percent interest, resulting in a temporary debt at the end of the drive. The anniversary campaign note of 1943 stood at $44,229.11. General Secretary Gardner further re• ported that there were "also some wills, the amounts not known." As subsequent events were to show, this last, unspeci- 270 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY fied item was to carry the greatest single bequest of the entire campaign. Faculty salaries, $3,000 annually for a full professor, were increased to $3,250 by 1944 with $250 additional for summer school. Under Corey's presidency, the current income had in• creased from $41,302 in 1938 to $51,250 in 1944; and the net capital from $610,639 to $775,298.

World War II After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, December 7, 1941, the United States entered World War II in both the Pacific and European Theaters. It was at first feared that Uncle Sam, through the draft, would sweep all the young men out of colleges and seminaries, bringing higher education for all the professions to a sudden halt. Just in the midst of its first infant steps as a graduate Seminary, The College of the Bible contemplated developments with more than a little apprehen• sion. Army, Navy, and Air Corps units moved to the campuses of the colleges; accelerated programs went into effect. In Lexington those enrolled in the Army Air Corps program ac• counted for most of the men of Transylvania. In July, 1943, President McLain of that College took a leave of absence to serve in the Navy as a chaplain. The expected decline in Seminary enrollments at Lexington did not occur. Had the war continued, the expected might have happened; but as it was, Selective Service under General Lewis Blaine Hershey instituted a policy of deferments for professional men in college. This was part of a policy to insure the continu• ance of the professions through and beyond the war. Ministerial students beyond the sophomore year, provided they had pre- registered in theological seminaries of their choice, were per• mitted to continue their college work. Those who had not com• pleted their college work by June, 1945, were to be subjected to the draft; but the end of the war a few months later re• moved that hazard. Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 271

What did happen, for Disciples of Christ at least, was a quite unexpected reinforcement of seminary education. Prior to the war, as was shown early in this chapter, only a minority of Disciple ministerial students were going beyond their A.B. degrees. The Selective Service Act lifted the standard by re• quiring preregistration in a theological seminary for every ministerial student in college. Even after the war was over, Selective Service, still being in effect, enforced the same pre• registration. As a result, almost over night, Disciples college students heading for the ministry began almost unanimously to regard the B.D. degree as a standard requirement in their preparation. There was one notable exception: Among con• servative, independent Christian Churches (like those that had sided with Hall Laurie Calhoun in the 1917 "heresy trial") substandard, non-accredited Bible institutes and seminaries also grew, aided by the same military exemptions. Thus it came about that Disciples of Christ as a cooperative brotherhood emerged from the war with a considerably im• proved standard of education for its ministerial candidates. What the church itself had failed to do, because of extreme Con• gregationalism, the state had done for it through the require• ments of Selective Service. (In much the same way The United Church of Christ in Japan and The United Church of Christ in the Philippines owe quite as much to the Japanese military as to the ecumenical movement.) Wartime enrollments at The College of the Bible did not swell, but they did climb modestly and steadily, from forty-one students in 1938 to eighty-four in the autumn of 1944. It was this circumstance, as much as any other, that hastened the development of theological seminaries among Disciples of Christ. When The College of the Bible became an accredited theological seminary in 1938, it was the only Disciple institu• tion in that class, and considered that it would continue for some years to walk alone in the denomination. Contrary to this ex• pectation, Brite College of the Bible (later renamed Brite Divinity School) of Texas Christian University was accredited 272 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY in 1942.13 In 1944 Butler School of Religion (later renamed Christian Theological Seminary) was admitted to the American Association; the College of the Bible (later the Graduate Semi• nary) of Phillips University renewed a former application, and the College of the Bible of Drake University (later called Drake Divinity School) had also applied. The College of the Bible at Lexington still retained the distinction of being the pioneer Seminary of Disciples of Christ, but it no longer enjoyed a brotherhood monopoly in the graduate education of Disciple ministers. This fact was welcomed and was to become increas• ingly important in the future. The College of the Bible contributed a number of chaplains to the armed services in World War II. Few graduates of the Seminary went directly from commencement into the chap• laincy. Of the fifty-two alumni of The College of the Bible known to have served as chaplains, nearly all came from pas• torates in which they had averaged seven and one-half years of local church ministry.14

Sabbatical and Retirement Plans Begun When Stephen J. Corey became president, The College of the Bible had no arrangement for sabbatical leaves, no regulations covering retirement, and no pensions. By January, 1941, he was urging the trustees to initiate a program of regular sab• baticals, and with the year 1942-43 the first of these was granted to Dean Charles Lynn Pyatt for postdoctoral studies in biblical archaeology at Johns Hopkins University. The plan provided a full academic year of leave with salary to each professor for every seventh year of regular service. When it was in effect, Corey explained to the trustees: "When due provision is made by announcement a year ahead, the absence of one professor on sabbatical does not work a severe inconvenience." He added that the plan was "resulting in many benefits" to the Seminary. Among these were the delighted approval of the American Association of Theological Schools, who regarded it as a fine example for other seminaries. Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 273

Corey also led the board to enroll the faculty in the Pension Fund of Disciples of Christ. Thereafter it became feasible to institute a plan for retirement: Faculty members were to be retired at the end of the year in which they reached the age of sixty-seven. By special action the executive committee of the trustees could extend the period of service on an annual basis until the age of seventy, when retirement became compulsory. President Corey was the first one to violate his own regula• tions. It had been his purpose to retire in 1943 at the age of seventy. But the trustees were slow in choosing a new president. Finally he insisted upon being released; his successor was chosen and took office April 2, 1945, just a few days before Corey's seventy-second birthday. But that was not the end of his active service to the Seminary. Again in 1948-49, when he was seventy-five, Corey was called upon to fill in a year as acting president. Through all these years, Corey leaned heavily upon the ex• perience and wisdom of Charles Lynn Pyatt. Pyatt had served since 1928 as chairman of the faculty. By the middle of his first year (1938-39) Corey reported to the trustees that Pyatt was doing the work of a dean and ought to have the title. This they conferred upon him. Pyatt's long connection with the Seminary, since 1905, and his active participation in the de• veloping life of the American Association of Theological Schools gave him a perspective in theological education possessed by few men. Kenneth Blount Bowen Becomes President The trustees on January 17, 1945, elected one of their own number as president. He was Kenneth Blount Bowen, Bachelor of Divinity from The College of the Bible in the class of 1917. For the past eighteen years he had been minister of the Madison Avenue Christian Church in Covington, Kentucky. And during the same period he had served as a vigorous, forward-looking member of the Board of Trustees. Bowen had done his under• graduate work at Atlantic Christian College (Wilson, North 274 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Carolina) and in addition to his B.D. from The College of the Bible, he had a Master of Arts from Columbia University (1919). Transylvania University honored him in 1945 by awarding him an honorary degree of Doctor of Divinity. He had been a member of the executive committee of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America and was otherwise active in the ecumenical movement; he had been a delegate of Disciples to the Edinburgh Faith and Order Conference of 1937. On three previous occasions he had traveled and studied in Europe—1923, 1932, and 1935—the latter visit having been extended to the Near East, including Palestine. Bo wen took up his duties April 2, 1945. He was installed in a public service at Central Christian Church, May 21His first act on arriving in Lexington was to make a token cash gift to both Transylvania College and The College of the Bible. This was his way of saying that he planned "to be close friends with our neighbors on the same campus."

The Expansion Program President Bowen took up his work with great energy and enthusiasm. The watchword of his administration, sounded in the first months, was "Expansion." It was his conviction that The College of the Bible could not play out its future role as a grad• uate seminary without a considerable expansion of physical facilities. As he saw it, the Seminary needed student housing, a library building, and chapel. The only moneys available to this dream, as it then appeared, were the Lucy V. Overbey Chapel Fund—about $28,000 (which eventually grew to $35,000). The basic $25,000 of this fund had come from Lucy V. Overbey oft Paducah, Kentucky, in 1944. But the need was pressing, and Bowen pleaded with his trustees to rise to the postwar challenge in meeting it. In preparation for Bowen's coming the trustees had purchased a residence at 214 S. Hanover Avenue to serve as the president's home. This proved to be the first step in expansion. The next pressing need was for student housing. As early as Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 275

October, 1944, President Corey had told the trustees, "We have a great need of a dormitory for our married students." It seems that Lexington, with no building of residences during the war, was developing a housing shortage, and married students were having difficulty renting apartments. At the close of the war, with the return of the veterans, this situation became acute. Within the first month of his administration Bowen was urging the trustees to acquire an apartment building. By the following spring Bowen said: Of all the problems confronting The College of the Bible, none is more baffling than student housing—in fact, it is a major crisis. Up until the close of the war many of our students were able to find modest rooms and apartments in private homes and in the Federal Housing Project; but, with the return of veterans, the situ• ation has been almost completely altered. Many of our fine couples have been given eviction orders, and several prospective students have been unable to secure homes, hence, were unable to attend The College of the Bible.16

Within the next few weeks Bowen and a special committee of trustees located and arranged to purchase from Mrs. Anna Chandler Goff, an apartment house at 441 West Second Street. The property was located about a block and a half from the campus. The building contained twenty-four efficiency apart• ments and a ground floor not yet developed. The price was $100,- 000; but Bowen persuaded Mrs. Goff to accept $80,000 in cash plus a gift annuity of $20,000 at seven percent interest.17 Pro• fessor George V. Moore was appointed to manage the apartment house and to fit it up for student occupancy. The first year's in• come was $14,200.16 against an expenditure of $13,830.13. By September, 1947, however, Bowen announced to the trustees that they were about ready to begin amortizing the capital invest• ment. The providing of two additional apartments on the ground floor had raised this investment to $102,454.08. Within two years this figure had been cut back to $94,792.86. The acquisition of the Goff House did much to lift student morale. Nevertheless, in the autumn of 1947 eight students were living in Ewing Hall, 276 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY six in Hamilton, eighteen renting private rooms in the city, and ten living in parsonages on the field. And Moore reported, "All apartments are full, and we need fifty per cent more room."

Campus Expansion While plans were going ahead for the purchase of the apart• ment house, other plans were afoot for the expansion of other facilities. The trustees voted on September, 20, 1945, to create an expansion committee as a special committee of the board to survey needs and prospects. This committee met December 11, 1945, with the executive committee of Transylvania University, to ascertain whether Transylvania would approve a policy of expansion on the Transylvania campus, and, if so, whether Transylvania would sell a part of its property for that purpose.18 The Transylvania committee took the matter under advisement and after a meeting on January 14, 1946 decided against both proposals. The reason given was that the campus was too small for the expansion of both institutions.19 The reaction of the Transylvania committee was exactly what Bowen and his committee had desired. It provided the basis for an amicable physical separation of the two institutions. But many friends of both schools failed to see it in that light; they refused to imagine a future for either that did not place them together on the same campus. To win these over required the most patient cultivation. President Bowen worked at this tactfully and tire• lessly. Regarding this negotiation, Mrs. Kenneth Bowen told the author: "I think that transition was the finest thing that Kenneth ever did. Negotiating that shift was just like walking a tight rope. I al• ways admired the way in which The College of the Bible left with a good feeling and friendly relations between the two schools."20

The task that now confronted Bowen's administration was to decide upon the location for a new campus and to acquire the funds for purchasing it. Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 277

Faculty Expansion Professor Gibbs was on a terminal sabbatical leave during the academic year 1945-46. His retirement necessitated the appoint• ment of a new professor of church history. This man was found in the person of Howard Elmo Short, then on the faculty of Hiram College, Hiram, Ohio, and pastor of Hiram Christian Church. Short had prepared himself specifically in the field of church history. A graduate of Hartford Theological Seminary with the B.D. degree in 1932, he had been awarded Hartford's German exchange fellowship in the same year. This took him to the Uni• versity of Marburg, where he studied, 1932-33. He then became proficient in conversational German, an accomplishment which brought him to the notice of the U. S. State Department during the closing months of World War II, when they employed him to interview German civilians in the immediate wake of the Allied advance. Short had received the Ph.D. degree from Hartford in 1942. From 1936 to 1941 he served as minister of the Christian Church at Cuyahoga Falls, Ohio; thereafter as professor of religion and philosophy at Hiram College, and Hiram pastor. He was a graduate of Eureka College (Illinois) in the class of 1929. Some of his undergraduate studies were made at Johnson Bible College in Tennessee. A gifted public speaker, a perceptive historian, a stimulating teacher and a warm confidant and counselor, Professor Short was immediately popular with students. Beyond the campus he was in constant demand as a speaker at conferences, conventions, re• treats, and university missions. Professor Short began teaching at The College of the Bible in the fall of 1946 and continued for twelve years, when he resigned to become editor of The Chris• tian-Evangelist (now The Christian), international weekly jour• nal of Disciples of Christ, published in St. Louis, Missouri. President Bowen during the first year of his incumbency took up the courses in homiletics that Professor Fortune had laid down. But the next year pressing demands for his time in raising money for the brotherhoodwide campaign, A Crusade for a Christian World, caused him to relinquish his teaching. Until 278 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

1947, from the founding of the Seminary in 1865, homiletics had received no more than a third or a half of any professor's teach• ing time. All that was changed in the fall of 1947 with the coming of Dwight Eshelman Stevenson as professor of homiletics. Stevenson had served at Bethany College since 1933, first as minister of the Bethany Memorial Church (1933-1944) and simultaneously as instructor in philosophy in the College (1935-1944), then as professor and head of the Department of Religion and Philos• ophy. Stevenson's work in homiletics at Yale Divinity School had been taken under the celebrated Halford E. Luccock. In teaching homiletics, Stevenson began at once to use labora• tory methods; the first purchase of the Seminary for his depart• ment was a "Soundmirror," a magnetic tape recorder, recently invented and just then being placed on the market for the first time. Short, Hopper, and Stevenson, being about the same age and finding themselves congenial, rapidly became associated in the minds of students and constituency as a new trio, the first of a new generation of teachers at the Seminary.

The Bosworth Bequest Shortly after the death of Olive Fant (Mrs. Henry M.) Bos• worth on March 31, 1946, a well-guarded secret for the first time became public. Mrs. Bosworth some years before had named The College of the Bible as the chief beneficiary in her will. It was at first supposed that the Seminary would receive about $200,000, but at final settlement of the estate the amount proved to be much higher than that—it was $300,000. By the time the Seminary needed it to pay the contractor at the completion of the Bosworth Memorial Library four years later the careful in• vestment of this money had increased it to $355,000. Years before, Frank N. Gardner had shown Mrs. Bosworth a projected color picture of a seminary library and had suggested that such a building would make a fine memorial.21 President Corey had visited Mrs. Bosworth in the same connection, as had Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 279

Sarah McGarvey and her sister Mrs. Ottie Higginbotham, daughters of J. W. McGarvey. Neither a nod nor a whisper had indicated Mrs. Bosworth's intentions until they became known with the reading of the will early in April, 1946. It now became possible for the Seminary to go ahead with plans for a new campus. First there was the problem of finding a suitable location. Several men had previously thought of the desirability of locating near the University of Kentucky in the south of Lexington. Graduate courses in the various departments of the University would afford students in the Seminary op• portunities for a considerable enrichment of their studies. Such could not be the case in the undergraduate departments of Transylvania. Nevertheless, Transylvania generously offered the Seminary a piece of land directly opposite its own campus on North Broadway—the land on which Forrer Hall and the new men's dormitories, Henry Clay and Jefferson Davis Halls, now stand. Many were attracted to this Broadway location, including Judge Lorenzo K. Wood, chairman of the Board of Trustees. President Bowen was much more attracted to a location near the University. After a good deal of persuading, he prevailed.22 Members of the expansion campaign committee of the Semi• nary, in this connection, held a number of conferences with Her• man L. Donovan, president of the University of Kentucky. Him• self a graduate of Transylvania and a Disciple, Donovan was quite friendly to the idea of having The College of the Bible as a neighboring institution. The Seminary committee had just about agreed to purchase a plot approximately two miles south of the University, beyond the present location of Central Baptist Hos• pital. Donovan accompanied the committee to visit the plot. He felt that it was too far from the University. "I had the feeling," he reported later, "that they could almost as well stay where they were and come over in automobiles as they would to go out there. "So as we came back into town I pointed out the property now occupied by The College of the Bible," Donovan continued. "How would you like to locate here?" I asked, pointing that 280 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY way. It was across Limestone Street from the University campus directly opposite Memorial Hall. "Bowen said, 'Well, but this is not available, is it?' I said, 'It might be made available.' "It was available. Dean Arthur Miller of the College of Arts and Sciences for many years owned that property. It was a famous old home that had been built I expect 75 to 100 years ago [actually in 1817 by John H. Morton, local banker]. When Dean Miller died, he left the house and lot to the University as a gift. They constitute what is your front yard now. The house was located there [on 1.36 acres]. Back of that the land [3.2 acres] was not left to us," Donovan concluded. It belonged to a brother and a nephew who were eager to sell it. The University had planned to erect its new Fine Arts Build• ing with its Guignol Theatre on the front plot, but careful study showed it to be too small. The fact that it was across a busy street also argued against it. Therefore, the University was willing to sell the 1.36 acre plot.23 It did so for $14,000. The 3.2 acre tract at the back of the property owned by Miller's relatives was priced at $50,000. The trustees borrowed the entire $64,000 from the Bosworth estate at four percent interest and concluded arrange• ments for the purchase.24 The dream of a new campus now began to take shape. At first it was thought best to build a library and possibly even a chapel but to use the old Miller residence for classrooms and offices until money for the construction was in hand.25 Then it was decided that the best thing to do was to raze the old struc• ture and to erect three buildings—a library at center, flanked by administration and classroom building on one side and a chapel on the other. On February 11, 1947, the trustees selected Hugh Meriwether as architect. His first sketch of the proposed new buildings appeared on the cover of the March issue of The Col• lege of the Bible Bulletin. The Bosworth bequest was finally settled by the Fayette Circuit Court on December 18, 1947, and accepted by the Seminary on the same date. Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 281

Student Life During the years of transition under survey the student body was small, but it was bound together in a family spirit. The mem• bers of the faculty were always included in this family. Never• theless, students did not call professors by their first names, on or off campus. After the war an increasingly large percentage of students were married; by 1947 married students constituted no less than eighty-five percent of the student body. This proportion, with little variation, prevailed through the rest of the Seminary's first century. Many were veterans of World War II. Most students served churches. About one fifth of them lived in parsonages near their churches. This meant that there was little social life of a formal nature. An annual pilgrimage to Cane Ridge Meeting House, with picnic; an annual hamburger fry in the autumn; and one or two gatherings of like nature ac• counted for about all of the social fife. For the rest, in 1942 the students banded together to complete the excavation of the Seminary basement. By January, 1943, this provided space for a game room and for the newly organized Student Cooperative Bookstore.26 The ministerial fraternity, Aleph Theta Ze, continued its meetings. The women of the Seminary, including wives, gathered monthly in a Women's Club. Missionary candidates, constantly growing in number during the Corey period, formed the Corey Club. The male quartet, organized by Frank Gardner, finally grew into the Male Octet coached by Gentry Shelton, and, from time to time, sang in the churches and at conventions.

Financial Expansion With postwar inflation and institutional expansion, the cur• rent operational expense budget steadily rose. By 1947-48 it stood at $67,000. Much of the increase was obtained from the grow• ing contributions of churches. To the budget of 1944-45, churches had given $4,298.39. Bowen steadily increased this dur- 282 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY ing the three years of his incumbency, first to seven thousand dollars, then to nine and finally to more than ten thousand dollars. When individual gifts were combined with those of the churches, the figures for the latter part of the period show the growing importance of annual donations in the operation of the Seminary: This figure stood at $12,748.94 in 1947; by the fol• lowing year it had grown to $18,681.01. Faculty salaries lagged behind this rising cost of living, but they grew from $4,000 in 1946-47 to $4,800 in 1948-49. Disciples of Christ as a brotherhood in 1946 launched A Cru• sade for a Christian World, with a financial goal of $14,000,000. The College of the Bible participated with the understanding that, if the goal were reached, the Seminary would receive $300,000 as its share. President Bowen surrendered his teaching of homiletics and devoted himself to the field. Moneys received from this source over and above expenses by September, 1950, totaled $103,173.77. The final payment, received in 1952 brought the total from the Crusade, after expenses, to $138,162.64. The total financial investment of The College of the Bible, as represented in permanent funds and assets, grew from $729,603.15 in 1945 to $1,004,162.96 in 1949.

Pyatt to Interseminary Office Full stature as a theological seminary on the graduate level— that was the target of The College of the Bible in the transitional period between 1938 and 1950. It was, therefore, an event to celebrate when in 1946 Dean Charles Lynn Pyatt was elected to serve two years as executive secretary of the American Associ• ation of Theological Schools, and when in 1948 he was reelected for a second term. The office of executive secretary in those years was conducted on marginal time. While it meant a con• siderably augmented administrative burden to Dean Pyatt, it brought him into intimate contact with all the member semi• naries of the Association, and acquainted him with trends and Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 283 problems of theological education in America and Canada. In• sights gained by the dean on his various field trips and through his correspondence greatly enriched the life of the Lexington Seminary. Beyond this, Pyatt's prominence as executive secretary was the indirect means by which The College of the Bible be• came known and respected among theological educators from coast to coast. Students, faculty, trustees, and alumni took great pride in Dean Pyatt's interseminary office. It seemed to them to be not only a deserved recognition of their dean but a mark of encouragement to the Seminary itself.

The Old Order Changeth As The College of the Bible prepared to build on its new campus, thus bringing to an end a phase of history eighty-five years long, there was also an almost complete change in admin• istrative personnel, Dean Pyatt only being excepted. The Semi• nary prepared to move to the new campus with a new president, a new business manager, a new treasurer, and a new librarian. Wilson Case Lawwill died October 16, 1946. He had served the Seminary as trustee since 1917 and as business manager since 1932.27 Charles Lynn Pyatt was named acting business manager. He kept the office one year, when he was succeeded by Tilton J. Cassidy, August 1, 1947. A graduate of the Uni• versity of Kentucky, Cassidy had served with his father as owner and operator of the Elkhorn Coal Company and the Elkhorn Collieries Corporation. When he was called to The College of the Bible, he had already retired from private industry.28 With his election in 1947 Cassidy entered upon what lengthened into a twelve-year period of service. His modest salary was more than offset by his generous financial gifts to the Seminary. He supervised property and construction and kept the permanent funds of the Seminary invested. Mrs. Josephine Gross, who had served as secretary to the treasurer from 1911 until 1927 and since that time as treasurer and assistant registrar, retired in 1950. During her last year in 284 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY office she was assisted by Elizabeth A. Hartsfield, who in 1950 became treasurer. Miss Hartsfield, formerly a bookkeeper in New Albany, Indiana, having been a special student at The College of the Bible, had completed two years with a major in religious education in 1949. She served as treasurer until the summer of 1961. Mrs. Charles F. Norton died February 24, 1946, but she had retired in 1942 after twenty-eight years as joint librarian of Transylvania College and The College of the Bible. Her place in the same joint role was taken by a recent graduate of Tran• sylvania, and one of Mrs. Norton's former assistants, Miss Roemol Henry.29 In the summer of 1950, concurrent with the moving of the library of the Seminary to the new Bosworth Memorial Library building on the new campus, Roscoe Mitchell Pierson became librarian. A graduate of Centre College in Dan• ville, Kentucky, and the first graduate of the School of Library Science of the University of Kentucky, Pierson came to his new work directly from the staff of the Lexington Public Library.30 President Bowen, finding himself miscast as a financial cam• paigner in the field and rediscovering his love for the preaching and pastoral ministry, resigned in May, 1949, to return to the pastorate. Before leaving Lexington, he had assured the expan• sion of physical facilities and the beginning of faculty expansion which would enable the Seminary to realize his dream for his alma mater as a graduate theological Seminary on its own campus. To bridge the interval until a new president could be chosen, Stephen J. Corey returned to serve a year as acting president. The new president was Riley B. Montgomery. A brief review of his biography is reserved for Chapter Twenty.

Ground Breaking on the New Campus The same issue of The College of the Bible Bulletin that car• ried the news of President Montgomery's election also pictured two daughters of John W. McGarvey—Sarah McGarvey and Growing Up as a Graduate Theological Seminary (1938-1949) 285

Mrs. Ottie Higginbotham—with spades in hand, breaking ground for the new buildings. The ceremony which marked the beginning of construction for the three main buildings took place on March 14, 1949. Acting President Corey, in reporting the occasion, wrote: The turning of the sod for the new buildings by the two daugh• ters of the first instructor in The College of the Bible, J. W. Mc• Garvey, naturally turns one's thinking both backward and forward. Back to the remarkable history of the school in the past, beginning in 1865, and forward to the new challenge and opportunity of the future. Miss Sarah McGarvey was born in the year when the school started and her sister, Mrs. Higginbotham, a few years later. They have both been active, thoughtful, and progressive women and, living in Lexington, they have been intimately acquainted with The College of the Bible through its whole history. They have rejoiced in the long, useful past history of the school and have an equal en• thusiasm for the future outlook.31 Chapter XIX

THE BACKGROUND OF THE MONTGOMERY ERA 1949-1965

RILEY BENJAMIN MONTGOMERY WAS THE ninth president of The College of the Bible. With his incumbency the Seminary brings its first century to a close—and to a satis• fying fruition. The story of this crowning period of the first century is so full, and its background so kaleidoscopic, that no less than eight chapters will be required to tell it. The present chapter will attempt merely to sketch the background.

The Cold War Having won World War II, the Western Allies turned to the winning of the peace. Their first significant act was the creation of the United Nations Organization. The infant strength of this newborn babe was tested almost at once by boiling postwar ten• sions—to establish and police armistice lines in Palestine follow• ing the Arab-Israeli War, and again after the Suez crisis; to execute and to contain the police action of the Korean War; to attend the young nations of Asia and Africa as they rushed headlong out of colonialism into a precarious national sovereignty under their own flags. It was a world of armistice lines splitting nations in half—Germany, Palestine, Korea, Indo-China. A world armed to the teeth. A world with atom bombs and hy• drogen bombs and intercontinental missiles. Its peace, in the words of John Foster Dulles, was the result not merely of a balance of power but even more of "a balance of terror."

286 The Background of the Montgomery Era (1949-1965) 287

The Red giant, the Communist Soviet Union, arose in the East and gathered satellites into her totalitarian system as she swept across national boundaries with the fervor of a missionary cru• sade. The Yellow giant, China, bestirred herself out of the long sleep of centuries and rose to stand by the Soviet Union's aid and then to glower at her across Siberian wastes. Fidel Castro overran Cuba with his revolutionary government, betrayed his nation into Communism, then played China off against Russia in a game of power politics as dangerous as Russian roulette—as he made his bid for the communistic leadership of Latin America. The Marshall Plan helped to set reeling Europe on her eco• nomic feet. Economic missions, "Point Four," and the Peace Corps, the technical assistance programs, poured millions of American dollars and thousands of experts into the life of needy nations all around the globe. Latin America, psychologically far distant from most Ameri• cans, suddenly moved uncomfortably close in communist-in• spired, anti-American riots which first lashed out against Vice- President Richard M. Nixon during a good-will tour.

Social Revolution Postwar prosperity came on like thunder. American suburbia grew up, mushrooming around all the cities. Automation came to the factories. "The Organization Man" arose in industry, and "The Lonely Crowd" wandered the streets. Jet airplanes broke the sound barrier. Cosmonauts and astronauts were rocketed into orbit in outer space. The myth of Plato's cave was spelled out in modern technology as millions sat in the darkened interiors of their homes gazing at moving shadows on television screens. Well fed, well housed—even in a period of mounting living costs —and perpetually entertained, thousands found themselves liv• ing in a "gadget-filled paradise suspended in a hell of inter• national insecurity."1 The Supreme Court of the United States in 1954 declared segregation of Negroes and whites in public schools unconstitu- 288 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

tional. Almost a century after the Emancipation Proclamation of Abraham Lincoln, with the heritage of slavery still shackling the emotions of millions of white Americans, the resulting surge of Negroes for freedom and equality rolled on in the mighty breakers of an irresistible tide. Mahatma Gandhi, whose meth• ods of nonviolent revolution had won freedom and independence for India, lived again in American form on the American scene in the person of Martin Luther King, Jr. And thousands of Negro Americans without weapons in their hands threw their frail flesh, like battering rams, against the walls that separated them from their civil rights. This social revolution, thundering upon old dykes with the force of a tidal wave, inspired terror in many hearts. A new race of reactionaries and fanatics arose in futile attempt to arrest the tide and turn back the calendar to the lost world of a former century. With labels and epithets, with threats by telephone and insults in the streets, with the bombing of churches and syna• gogues, with snarling mobs, with snipers' bullets crashing through the night, they created the climate of hate, the poison, hostile air from which an assassin could strike and kill John F. Kennedy, the thirty-fifth President of the United States. Plainly the minds of thousands were seething in a murderous and hysterical con• dition. A new world was emerging, but not in tranquil dawn; it was emerging in fire and smoke, in flaming apocalypse.

The Surge of Piety in America Under the cloud of cold war and social revolution, the ma• jority of Americans turned hopefully to religion. Books like Peace of Mind, Peace of Soul, and The Power of Positive Think• ing became all-time best sellers. Popular songs and moving pic• tures dealt familiarly and sentimentally with God, as "the Living Doll," and "The Man Upstairs." And even senators in Wash• ington formed prayer cells. For those still gripped by nostalgia for revival tents and saw• dust trails and "the old time religion," Billy Graham in his crusades provided the machine-age equivalent. His vast assem- The Background of the Montgomery Era (1949-1965) 289 blies, numbering as many as 100,000 in attendance at a single gathering, his nationwide telecasts, and his moving pictures pub• licized his evangelism to millions. Statistics of church membership and church attendance soared. With more than 92,000,000 members in 1950, the churches en• rolled fifty-seven percent of the population. By 1960 this had grown to more than 114,000,000, which was sixty-three and six- tenths percent of the nation. An unprecedented boom in church building kept pace.2 All of this, occurring between 1950 and 1960, was undeniably a revival of interest in religion, but many serious commentators refused to see in it a real revival of religion itself. There seemed to be so little consequence in everyday life. Crime statistics con• tinued to grow. Divorces did not diminish in number. Social conscience did not appear to grow more sensitive. Some com• mentators dubbed it "the religion of assurance."

Theological Renewal By the end of the decade, prophetic voices were being lifted in alarm—voices such as those of Will Herberg in his book, Protestant, Catholic, Jew; Martin E. Marty in The New Shape of American Religion; Gibson Winter in The Suburban Cap• tivity of the Churches; and Peter Berger in The Noise of Solemn Assemblies. Martin E. Marty, who may be taken as a spokesman for the group, warned: ... as a nation we are reaching a point of near-saturation so far as religious interest goes. And the religion involved is largely so in• offensive that the pendulum of reaction is not likely to swing far. In other words, the current revival, while extensive, in many of its aspects lacks depth. There has been less investment; there need be less withdrawal. For this is that utterly new thing; a revival that goes not against the grain of the nation but with it; a revival that draws its strength from its safe residence in the mores of the nation.3

While these events were transpiring in the vast hinterland of American religion, a new revolution was being prepared in the 290 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

studies of scholars and in national and world conferences of church leaders. These were the ecumenical reformation and the theological renaissance. As the decade turned into the '60's, the quiet power of these two movements was beginning to be felt in the churches. Church publishing houses began to translate theological and biblical studies into the language of the layman, as set after set of laymen's theological libraries were produced. Church schools took knowledge of these; the curriculum of reli• gious education experienced a theological deepening. It requires twenty or twenty-five years for a living idea to make its way from the study of a creative thinker into the common life. The theological renaissance has been long in the making. It ac• tually began with Karl Barth in Switzerland immediately fol• lowing World War I. In Europe, it gathered to itself such names as Brunner, Aulen, Bultmann, Temple, and Richardson; and in America such names as Reinhold and Richard Niebuhr, Horton, Bennett, Calhoun, Ferré, and Tillich. Their work marks the movement from liberalism to a postliberalism hard to name, but popularly characterized in 1935 in a sermon by Harry Emerson Fosdick, "The Church Must Go Beyond Modernism": Modernism . . . came as a desperately needed way of thinking. It insisted that the deep and vital experiences of the Christian soul with itself, with its fellows, with its God, could be carried over into this new world and understood in the light of the new knowledge. We refused to live bifurcated lives, our intellect in the late nine• teenth century and our religion in the early sixteenth.

The church thus had to go as far as modernism but now the church must go beyond it. For even this brief rehearsal of its his• tory reveals modernism's essential nature; it is primarily an adapta• tion, an adjustment, an accommodation of Christian faith to con• temporary scientific thinking.

. . . Harmonizing slips easily into compromising. To adjust Chris• tian faith to the new astronomy, the new geology, the new biology, is absolutely indispensable. But suppose that this modernizing process, well started, goes on and Christianity adapts itself to con- The Background of the Montgomery Era (1949-1965) 291 temporary nationalism, contemporary imperialism, contemporary capitalism, contemporary racialism—harmonizing itself, that is, with the prevailing social status quo and the common moral judg• ments of our time—what then has become of religion, so sunk and submerged in undifferentiated identity with the world? ...... We must go beyond modernism! And in that new enterprise the watchword will be not, Accommodate yourself to the prevailing culture! but, Stand out from it and challenge it! For this inescap• able fact, which again and again in Christian history has called modernism to its senses, we face; we cannot harmonize Christ him• self with modern culture. What Christ does to modern culture is to challenge it.4

If the basic aim of liberalism was to establish a point of con• tact with contemporary culture, and thus to engage it in dia• logue, the basic aim of postliberalism was to enlarge that contact into a point of challenge. With that in view, theological study turned first of all inward upon Christianity to discover the in• tegrity, depth, and inner meaning of the Christian faith. This involved a renaissance of biblical languages, of exegesis and hermeneutics, a quest for the fundamental unity of the Bible, a search into the nature of biblical revelation—in short, concern with the content rather than the form of the biblical message. It also involved a profound attempt to articulate a Christian theology for our time. Now that the work of theological renewal is largely done in the studies, one may expect its fruits to be made increasingly available to the churches, principally through ministers schooled by seminaries. And then one may expect the scholars, and after them the ministers, to turn their attention outward, with new perspective to the strident themes first sounded by the social gos• pel of Walter Rauschenbusch and his disciples in the dawn of liberalism. Suddenly confronted with a population that stands inside a sensate culture and physically inside the churches but spiritually outside the church, the burning question of the churches now becomes, What is the Word of God to the out• sider, and who will speak it? 292 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

The Picture Among Disciples All of the forces just described were at work among Disciples of Christ. Theological renewal showed itself in the work of the Panel of Scholars (1956-1961) and their three-volume report, The Renewal of Church.5 About fifty scholars formed the Association of Disciples for Theological Discussion and began to meet regularly in 1957. Theological renewal was evident too in the new adult curriculum, The Christian Discipleship Series of courses; and in the new theological note sounded in Christian Church pulpits. Forces of fundamentalistic reaction pulled away. Future his• torians may very well settle upon the date of June 7, 1947, as the date of decisive separation; for it was then that the Christian Standard published its front page editorial, "Stand Up and Be Counted." Thereafter, through September 6, 1947, the Standard published lists of churches and ministers in its weekly "Honor Roll of the Faithful."6 Within a few years it became evident to all that the separation was complete. Disciples of Christ now moved more freely and swiftly in their unity conversations, first with the American Baptists, then with the United Church of Christ in America, and also with the churches drawn in by the Eugene Carson Blake Proposal of 1962. It advanced more freely, also toward organizational clar• ity. The International Convention of Christian Churches (Dis• ciples of Christ) gained in prestige and authority. State and area associations of Christian Churches were formed in several states, gathering into themselves the various agencies which had grown up Topsylike in former years. State and area secretaries came more firmly into the control of placement procedures by which ministers were recommended to churches. The strengthen• ing of state and area organizations stimulated an answering movement at the national level, first in the organization of the exploratory Council of Agencies in 1950, and then in the au• thorization by the International Convention of the Commission on Restructure of the Brotherhood in 1960. The Background of the Montgomery Era (1949-1965) 293

In 1962 and 1963 most theological seminaries, which had been left largely to themselves in raising their increasing budgets for operational expenses, were drawn into Unified Promotion, the recognized financial agency for most national and interna• tional causes among Disciples of Christ. The seminary movement among Disciples of Christ received great impetus in the accreditation of Drake Divinity School, Christian Theological Seminary, Phillips Graduate Seminary, and Brite Divinity School, all of whom now belonged to the American Association of Theological Schools. College grad• uates who formerly had the option of attending either a nondenominational seminary or a single brotherhood seminary, The College of the Bible, now found themselves trying to decide be• tween a nondenominational school, on the one hand, and five Disciple seminaries and two divinity houses on the other hand.

Conclusion The closing sixteen years of the Seminary's first century, the Montgomery era, were full and colorful, and they were lived out against a kaleidoscopic background of a revolutionary age. The challenges thus emerging called for a high order of churchmanship and of educational and administrative genius. Chapter XX

NEW CAMPUS, NEW PRESIDENT 1950-1955

PRESIDENT-ELECT MONTGOMERY CAME TO Lexington June 17, 1949, to lay the cornerstone of the new buildings on the new campus. On the morning of the same day he delivered the commencement address. Only a few days later —July 1, 1949—he assumed office. By native endowment, education, and experience, Riley Ben• jamin Montgomery was superbly fitted to administer a theologi• cal seminary. His Ph.D. thesis at Yale University had been the outgrowth of original research into the college and seminary education of Disciple ministers. The findings of this study were presented in book form in 1931 with the publication, by the Bethany Press, of his volume, The Education of Ministers of Disciples of Christ. It was while making this study in 1929 that Montgomery discovered that only fifty-six and six-tenths percent of Disciple ministers had undergraduate college degrees; and of that number only eleven and one tenth percent had received any graduate or seminary education. Of the remainder, those having either a high school education only or high school and some ad• ditional courses in college accounted for twenty-nine and six- tenths percent; and thirteen and eight-tenths percent had only a grade school education. Montgomery's research into ministerial education among Dis• ciples led directly to his appointment as assistant director of the Survey of Theological Education in the United States and

294 New Campus, New President (1950-1955) 295

Canada under the Rockefeller Foundation and the Institute of Social and Religious Research. Mark A. May of Yale University was director. Montgomery's work, between 1929 and 1931, car• ried him on field visits for careful study and analysis to between sixty-five and seventy of the principal seminaries in the major religious bodies. The results of this survey were published in 1934 in four volumes under the general title, The Education of American Ministers.1 It was this survey that lay at the basis of the reorganization of the American Association of Theological Schools and the beginning of accreditation of its members. When he came to Lexington, Montgomery had spent fifteen years in the administration of Lynchburg College, his alma mater, in Lynchburg, Virginia—two years as associate president and thirteen years as president. During these years he had pulled the College out of a deep debt and set it on its way to the pro• gram of expansion which followed. Meantime he led in the for• mation of the Virginia Council of Churches, served on various boards and committees of his denomination, and was a member of the executive committee of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America. In 1946 he was appointed by the Inter• national Convention of Disciples of Christ as one of two repre• sentatives to meet with other interdenominational representa• tives to explore the possibility of a plenary gathering of Prot• estant bodies. From this was formed the Conference on Church Union. He was vice-president. Thus as analyst of theological seminaries, as educator, as Dis• ciple leader and as ecumenical churchman, President Mont• gomery brought a rounded preparation to the task confronting him at The College of the Bible. His administration was in• augurated September 27, 1949, with Dean Luther A. Weigle of Yale Divinity School as the principal speaker.

A Dream Being Realized The three main buildings on the new campus were ready for dedication early in the fall of 1950. The cost for buildings and campus was $600,000 of which the Seminary owed 296 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

$100,000. Although the 1950 commencement had been held in the almost-finished chapel the previous June, dedication was set for September 25 and 26. Dedication exercises began with a communion service and sermon in the chapel on the evening of September 25. The sermon was delivered by President Emeritus, Stephen J. Corey. The next day addresses were heard from Herman L. Donovan, president of the University of Kentucky, Dean Charles Lynn Pyatt, and others. But the main address, "Perfecting the Fa• thers," was delivered by Professor Emeritus Alonzo Willard For• tune, then blind. It was a poignant moment for all present when the speaker told of a recent dream of his: About a year ago, I had a most interesting dream. Good progress was being made on the construction of these buildings. I had been present at the laying of the cornerstone of the library building. The plans and appearance of the buildings had been explained to me from the architect's drawings. There is something queer about the dreams of a blind person who formerly could see. He sees the things of which he dreams but he has the feeling that he should not be able to see them. In the dream to which I refer, I saw these build• ings located on this little hill and they were, indeed, beautiful. I think I saw them very much as they are with one exception. On the campus, back of these buildings, I saw two small dormitories. It made a wonderful picture. You may think what I am saying is fic• tion but as sure as I am standing here, I saw it all in my dream. I wonder if there are not those who will give reality to my dream. Perhaps such persons may be here today. . . . The realization of my dream would make this one of the most beautiful sights in central Kentucky.2

Three months later Dr. Fortune died on December 27, 1950. Then those who had heard his dedication address recalled his closing words: This is the greatest day in the long history of The College of the Bible. This is the consummation of all the achievements of the past. I may add that this is the crowning experience of my ministry of more than half a century. I might almost say with the aged Simeon, "Now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace." If the good Lord should permit me to live a little longer, I shall watch with interest New Campus, New President (1950-1955) 297

The College of the Bible. It must go forward and as it increases in influence, it will add glory to all of us who labored here in years gone by. May the God who guided the fathers direct all those who in the future shall serve in this institution.

Perhaps Dean Charles Lynn Pyatt, whose life had been identi• fied with the Seminary since 1905, spoke with the deepest emo• tion of any. With characteristic stance toward the future he said, in part: This is a dream being realized. But it is a partial realization. We rejoice in the completion of these buildings. But brick and mortar, books and equipment, can become as sounding brass and clanging cymbal unless there are matters of the spirit and intellect to give them life. In the case of an educational institution there is need for strong, consecrated, competent, sufficient faculty and staff to give life to this material body. Nevertheless, even in matters of material equipment, the dean went on to say, there must be continued expansion: This is a dream being realized. But there is much more to this dream than that which we dedicate today. We need more housing facilities for our rapidly growing student body. We need especially more endowment to insure the permanence of our work. We need to be supported by much more regular giving from churches and individuals. . . .3 Pyatt had articulated much of the challenge that now con• fronted the Seminary. To this challenge President Montgomery addressed the remaining years of his professional career. Months before, on February 7, he had presented to the executive com• mittee a long-range program, divided into three units of five years each, leading up to 1965:

Goals to be realized By 1955 By 1960 By 1965 Number of students 125 150 200 New books for library 50,000 (not specified) (not specified) Annual donations from churches $ 37,500.00 $ 48,000.00 $ 60,000.00 Additional endow• ment building and scholarship funds $1,000,000.00 $1,500,000.00 $1,750,000.00 298 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Thus, at the end of the first century the Seminary would have at hand the resources for the support of an enlarged faculty and a strong library for a growing student body in buildings and dormitories on its own campus. Permanent endowment, in• creased by an aggregate of $2,000,000, would stand at just under $3,000,000. Scholarship funds, likewise increased by an aggre• gate of $1,250,000 would stand at about $1,500,000. It was a bold dream. By 1955 it was "on schedule" in several areas; among these, student enrollment, faculty growth, and annual contributions from churches.

Student Enrollment The first and speediest goals to be realized were in student en• rollment. By 1948-49, total enrollments for the year stood at ninety-three. The following year they crossed the one hundred mark (101) for the first time since the Seminary had gone ex• clusively to graduate standards. But the first year in the new buildings even this figure advanced by nearly thirty percent (130). And by 1955 it stood at 160. (These were over-all totals for the year. Those in attendance at any one time were less numerous, but those figures also grew steadily from ninety-seven in the fall of 1951 to 128 in the fall of 1954/ Thus President Montgomery's goals in student enrollment for the first five-year period in his fifteen-year program were surpassed. Students came from many states and colleges. Whereas in 1949-50 the Seminary student body had been drawn from thirty- two colleges, by 1954-55 students represented no less than seventy colleges and universities. Geographical distribution at The Col• lege of the Bible has been fairly wide all through the years. In 1949-50 students came from twenty-one states and two foreign countries, whereas in 1954-55 they came from twenty-seven states and four foreign countries.

•The figures are accounted for by the fact that many_ new students were beginning their junior year not merely in the fall but with the opening of the winter, spring, and summer quarters as well; and that seniors were completing their courses not only in the late spring, but also at the end of fall, winter, and summer quarters. New Campus, New President (1950-1955) 299

These increases in student enrollment had come on the wave of the postwar revival of religious interest and as a consequence of the new buildings and the new campus. They came almost of their own momentum.

New Faculty and Staff Increasing attendance brought in its wake a demand for an enlarged faculty and staff. The first and most pressing of these demands centered in the library. Separated for the first time in years from the book collection of Transylvania College, the Seminary library was to all intents a new operation. The full story of its development is reserved for a later chapter. Suffice it to say here that the library on the new campus began with a permanent staff of two members, Librarian Roscoe M. Pierson (introduced in Chapter Eighteen); and Gladys E. Scheer, as• sistant librarian. A native of Lakewood, Ohio, and a graduate of Hiram College in the class of 1948, Miss Scheer received the degree of Master of Religious Education from The College of the Bible in 1950. She joined the Seminary staff immediately. During her student days in Lexington she had served as director of religious education at Woodland Christian Church. After her appointment as assistant librarian she began additional stud• ies at the University of Kentucky; in 1955 she was awarded the degree of Master of Science by that institution. A change occurred in 1951 which did not involve an addition to the staff, but it did result in a shift of personnel. Nevin C. Harner, executive secretary of the American Association of The• ological Schools, died July 24, 1951, after only a year in office. He had succeeded Charles Lynn Pyatt, who had served two terms, 1946-50. Dean Pyatt was called in by the Association to serve out Harner's unfinished term, to the summer of 1952. He was excused from teaching for the year, but continued as dean of the Seminary. The following year, 1952-53, he resigned as dean but returned to the classroom. To take over the administrative vacancy thus 300 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY created, Myron Taggart Hopper was made acting dean in 1952 and the following year became dean. Since 1937 Thaddeus Hassell Bowen, minister of the Chris• tian Church at Harrodsburg, Kentucky, had been teaching Christian doctrine half time. Prior to that date for several years (1927-29, 1933-35) he taught pastoral theology part time. He also taught philosophy part time in the summer school of the Seminary in 1931 and in the regular term of Transylvania Col• lege one year (1936-37). Presenting the Seminary's urgent need for more instruction in theology, Bowen consented in 1952 to resign his church and move to Lexington as the full-time pro• fessor of systematic theology. A native of North Carolina, Bowen had attended Atlantic Christian College (Wilson, N. C.) and Bethany College (W. Va.), and had earned the A.B. degree at Transylvania College, the B.D. degree from The College of the Bible. His student days at Transylvania and The College of the Bible had put him, with his brother, Kenneth, on the scene dur• ing the celebrated "heresy trial" of 1917. Transylvania later honored him with the D.D. degree. Following his student days in Lexington, he had gone on to Union Theological Seminary and Columbia University in New York City, earning the degrees of Master of Arts and of Bachelor of Sacred Theology. He did advanced work as well at Harvard and The University of Chi• cago. He had served since 1926 as a member of the Board of Curators of Transylvania University. He was a member, from 1936 to 1939, of the executive committee of the International Convention of Disciples of Christ; and a director of the Associ• ation for the Promotion of Christian Unity. He was recognized nationally as one of the ablest preachers of his generation. Even from his student days he had been E. E. Snoddy's heir apparent. In the autumn of 1952 the Seminary created the new Depart• ment of Christian Community. Embracing work in Christian ethics and Christian sociology, this department was a natural outgrowth of work that had been offered on a part-time basis, first by E. E. Snoddy, then by T. Hassell Bowen, and finally, for the previous five years by Dwight E. Stevenson. To head the new New Campus, New President (1950-1955) 301 department the Seminary chose Lewis S. G. Smythe, former pro• fessor of sociology at the University of Nanking, China, 1928- 1951. Smythe's field experience in sociology had been extensive. When the Japanese invaded Nanking in 1937 he worked with the Nanking Relief Committee to help 200,000 refugees trapped there. The next year he was called to Chengtu to work with the Chinese Industrial Cooperative Movement in Free Nationalist China; he continued to teach in the University of Nanking, which had moved to Chengtu. A graduate of Drake University (Des Moines, Iowa) Smythe received the Ph.D. degree from The University of Chicago. His wife, a Doctor of Medicine, was born of missionary parents in China and served with her husband as a medical missionary. In the spring of 1953 Charles Lynn Pyatt retired from teach• ing after thirty-three years on the Seminary faculty. His Old Testament post was taken by Robert Francis Johnson who that very spring had been awarded the degree of Doctor of Theology by Union Theological Seminary in New York. A graduate of Washington and Lee University, Johnson had also studied with Eichrodt, Baumgartner, and Stamm at the University of Basel, Switzerland. He came to The College of the Bible from the faculty of Northfield School for Girls, East Northfield, Massa• chusetts. He resigned in the spring of 1955. To assist Dean Hopper in the Department of Religious Edu• cation, Charles C. Manker, then studying for his Ph.D. at the University of Kentucky, was made instructor in the fall of 1953. Manker had come recently from the First Christian Church of Portland, Oregon, where he had served three years as minister of Christian Education. A graduate of Texas College of Mines, he had done his seminary work at The College of the Bible. The same year, 1953, the Seminary created the new Depart• ment of Pastoral Counseling and called Jack McKinley Sherley as associate professor. This department was a natural outgrowth of work in Mental Health begun by Myron T. Hopper and the psychiatrists on the staff of the United States Public Health Ser- 302 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY vice Hospital in 1942. (For a full discussion of the work of this department, see a following chapter on "Field Education," and for the beginning of the course, see Chapter Eighteen.) Sherley had received his specialized training with the Institute of Pas• toral Care at Massachusetts General Hospital, Boston, and from the William Allanson White Institute of Psychiatry in New York City. During World War II he had served with the U. S. Marines as a chaplain in field hospitals on Guam and in China. To give the Seminary a clear identity in the minds of citizens and among a wider constituency, a News Bureau was created in 1950 and Alberta Elkins of Portsmouth, Ohio, was called as the first director. A journalism major at Ohio State University and former reporter on the Portsmouth Times, Miss Elkins served part time for two years, concurrently with her own enrollment in the Seminary. Then she remained in a full-time capacity until the summer of 1958 when as Mrs. Thomas W. Jones II she re• signed to be with her husband in his ministry. By then the News Bureau was firmly established in the life of the Seminary. The new director was Marilyn Digweed, a religious education major in the Seminary. Another addition to the staff early in the Montgomery admin• istration was Cyrus M. Yocum. After thirty-three years as a secretary of foreign missions for Disciples of Christ, he joined the staff in December, 1950. Thereafter for the next three years he divided his time between his duties as promotional assistant to the president and professor of Christian missions, teaching a full schedule of courses in the winter quarter. After his retirement from the office of assistant to the presi• dent in 1953, he returned each year for a quarter to teach a class in Christian missions. This he did till his death at the age of seventy-four, February 18, 1958. Doctor Yocum's long and in• timate acquaintance with Disciple life and world missions made him invaluable both as a financial agent of the Seminary and as a classroom teacher. Those who taught or worked in the Semi• nary during his years of service will long remember his habit of making the rounds in all the offices, first thing each New Campus, New President (1950-1955) 303 morning, to share his daily joke. He always had a new one, and never repeated it on a following day, but on that single day he repeated it until everyone in the Seminary family had heard it.

Broadening the Base of Support The financial undergirding of the program of library and faculty expansion just indicated called for a broadened base of financial support. The nature of the problem is obvious from a comparison of the annual budgets of operating expense over a seven-year period: 1948- 49 $ 74,460.68 1949- 50 $ 89,390.00 1950-51 (13 mo.) $113,276.00 1951- 52 $114,021.76 1952- 53 $121,237.23 1953- 54 $153,245.50 1954- 55 $161,167.51

The rise in the cost of living contributed to this increase in expense, necessitating as it did increases in faculty salaries. By 1952 these had grown to $5,370.34; and to $6,000 in 1955. Increased operating costs for the new building, library expansion, and growth in the number of faculty members largely accounted for the rest. To gain a committed constituency for regular financial sup• port, President Montgomery sought an agreement through the Board of Higher Education of Disciples of Christ which would grant the Seminary ten southeastern states plus the Capitol Area as its territory. Then he went to the eleven state and area con• ventions, asking that they take official action making The Col• lege of the Bible their Seminary7 and recommending its support to their churches. This was done in all eleven conventions. "Then I began to write to the churches," President Mont• gomery reports, "quoting these actions and urging them to do what the convention had urged—to give support."4 304 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

The number of participating churches grew from eighty-six in 1948-49 to 499 in 1956-57. And contributions from churches and individuals advanced from $17,665.53 in 1949 to $84,478.89 in 1955. The growing budget was making the Semi• nary more and more dependent on the direct support of the churches. By 1954 contributions from churches and individuals accounted for sixty-five percent of the income; the endowment for only twenty-seven percent. The rest came from the Garth Fund (four percent), from the Kentucky Christian Education Society (three percent), and from fees and miscellaneous (one percent). Meantime the Commission on Brotherhood Finance answered the appeals of the Seminary by gradually increasing its allotment within Unified Promotion of Disciples of Christ, Inc., from $1,000 in 1951 to $2,000 in 1952, $10,500 in 1953, and $14,964 in 1955. The funds of Unified Promotion came, of course, from the churches and its allotment is counted in the foregoing totals. (The increasing role of Unified Promotion in Seminary finance is an item to watch for the future.) An important development of 1951 and 1952 was the crea• tion of the Kentucky Christian Advance. It grew up to meet emergencies from three quarters. Newly elected to office in 1951, President Frank Rose of Transylvania discovered that his school was staggering under a debt of nearly half a million dollars. The Kentucky Christian Missionary Society was in need of money to help establish new churches. And The College of the Bible was trying to find moneys to meet its expanding budget. Beginning with a meeting held in conjunction with the Lexing• ton Area Assembly of the International Convention of Disciples of Christ in October, 1951, President Montgomery as chief architect of the plan worked with Forrest L. King, then state secretary, and the ministers of the commonwealth to devise an emergency program. Its most pressing need was the rescue of Transylvania College. The result was a program authorized by the Kentucky State Convention of Christian Churches in the fall of 1952. It was known as the Kentucky Christian Advance, a three-year program with a goal of $150,000 per year over and New Campus, New President (1950-1955) 305 above what the churches were then doing. The College of the Bible was to receive twenty percent of this annual increase, the State Society, thirteen and one-third percent and Transylvania, whose need was the most acute, sixty-six and two-thirds per• cent. The Advance was a success. Moneys found from other sources in new campaigns to win public support pulled Transyl• vania out of the red and set it on the way to a development pro• gram which, under the presidencies of Frank A. Rose and his successor, Irvin E. Lunger, gave Transylvania, in new buildings and enrollments, its most flourishing contemporary period. Meantime the Kentucky Christian Advance had so well dem• onstrated to the churches their unsuspected capacities for growth in stewardship that an even more ambitious program followed. This was the Unified Program with James A. Moak as director. The Unified Program was unique in that it presented the needs within Kentucky together with the national and international causes of the whole denomination. The Unified Program suc• ceeded in increasing the giving of Christian Churches on this whole front. This strategy in approaching the churches for increased sup• port grew out of President Montgomery's conviction that the Seminary could not improve its financial position in the long run unless it helped to lift the stewardship of the whole brotherhood and thus helped to strengthen every cause of the whole church. Disciples of Christ discovered in Riley B. Montgomery a statesmanlike churchman who was serving the denomination far beyond his own institution. In consequence, they honored him at Miami, Florida, October 30, 1954, by electing him president, for two years, of the International Convention of Disciples of Christ. Chapter XXI

FRONT AND CENTER— THE LIBRARY

THE CENTRAL ROLE OF A LIBRARY IN THE academic life of the Seminary is a fairly recent development. According to the librarian's report of June 2, 1905, The College of the Bible library was then subscribing to eight periodicals and had added fifty-six new books to its collection during the year. Over the same period only 240 books were circulated. The read• ing assignments of students confined them almost exclusively to the Bible and to textbooks, many of which were written by their professors. Beyond these there was little investigative study until the coming of Professors Fortune, Bower, and Snoddy in 1912- 1914. "The earliest accession records seen by the current librarian began in September 1914," reports Roscoe M. Pierson, "and the first book recorded in the accession book was William James' Talks to Teachers on Psychology. In the next year 250 books were added to the library's collection. These were the products of the 'liberal' writers of the period and indicate the interests of the newer members of the faculty."

Moving to South Limestone Until 1950 the real strength of the Seminary library was hard to gauge because it was integrated with the library of Transyl• vania College under the care of a joint librarian. Physically lim• ited as the two libraries were to the second floor of the old Col• lege of the Bible building, the joint library had little room for adequate growth. By 1944 the trustees were saying,

306 Front and Center—the Library 307

"Our space seems to be more than exhausted. We have come to a place where it seems impossible to provide space for the regular accessions from year to year. Our reading room is overcrowded and such storage space as we have has been overcrowded for a number of years. At present, about all that can be done with many books is to pile them upon the floor."

The Olive Fant Bosworth bequest came less than two years later. It provided for a library building. On the new campus on South Limestone Street this building was placed at the front of the campus between two flanking buildings, the administration- classroom building, and the chapel. It was the largest of the three buildings. Though the location and size of the building re• flected, in part, the size of the bequest in comparison with other building funds, it did more than this. It also reflected the new importance of the library in current theological education. The size and condition of the Seminary book collection in 1950 did not match the importance of the building in which it was housed. After it was separated from the Transylvania collection, it showed about 9,000 accessioned books plus "perhaps 10,000 books that had never been cataloged, and never checked against the catalog collection, or in any way checked for appropriateness or for duplication." Because of duplications or poor quality, about two thirds of the unaccessioned collection had to be discarded. Librarian Pierson also discovered that the Seminary was receiving regularly only twenty periodicals and that there was no complete file of any periodical, bound or un• bound. Building Up the Collection The task confronting the new staff—librarian, assistant librar• ian, and one clerk—was immense: first, to sort, discard, repair, rebind, and catalog the old collection, then to increase the col• lection as rapidly as possible, balancing it in all departments, through new acquisitions. Previous cataloging had been done on the basis of the Dewey Decimal System, too limited for the expansion required in a the• ological library. Accordingly, it was decided to recatalog all hold• ings, using the classification system of Union Theological Semi- 308 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY nary in New York City. This work of cataloging old and new books went forward at the rate of about four thousand volumes a year. By August 1, 1955, the collection numbered 20,747 books. By May 26, 1964, this had grown to 45,562 books. Throughout all this development the Seminary drew "great strength from the proximity of the vigorously growing library of the University of Kentucky." Almost immediately, the Seminary librarian worked out arrangements with the University by which the library of each institution would be open to the students of the other. This worked greatly to the advantage of The College of the Bible. To prepare himself for his new work, Roscoe M. Pierson be• gan to take an active part in the American Theological Library Association and soon rose to its executive committee. He also began to take courses in the Seminary—in Old and New Testa• ment, in church history, in theology; and to read omniverously in all fields of the Seminary curriculum, until he had soon ac• quired more than the equivalent of a B.D. degree. Through interlibrary exchanges, through gifts and purchases Bosworth Memorial Library began at once to expand its collec• tion of serial publications and to extend its subscriptions to such periodicals. By 1955 the Seminary was receiving 455 periodicals. And only five years later these had grown in number to 812. Gladys E. Scheer assumed the responsibility for collating and preparing for binding this growing collection of serial publica• tions. As indicated in a previous chapter, she also began taking courses at the University of Kentucky in the Department of Library Science, continuing until she received the M.S. degree from that University in June 1955. In explaining the policy regarding periodicals, Mr. Pierson in 1955 wrote, "The library has attempted to have a collection of periodicals relating to the various departments of the Seminary that would undergird the present program and be of perma• nent value should we ever expand into the fields of doctoral study. We therefore attempt to subscribe to every periodical re• quested by any faculty member, every periodical relating to Disciples of Christ, a major periodical of each major denomina- Front and Center—the Library 309 tion, and those periodicals on the AATS-ATLA list of periodi• cals for seminary libraries—those on the lists for both B.D. and Ph.D. degree granting institutions." A microfilm reader purchased in 1952 and a growing library of theses, rare books, and periodicals on microfilm and micro- card have considerably extended the range of library holdings in out-of-print publications. Book purchases received a helpful boost in June, 1961, when the Sealantic Fund, Inc. provided $875,000 to strengthen book collections in the libraries of theological schools. The announce• ment said, "Each institution will be challenged to match, dollar for dollar, grants up to a maximum of $3,000 per year, for the next three years. This money is to be used to purchase books over and above the institution's present book budget." This brought book and periodical expenditures for the year ending in the sum• mer of 1962 to $12,125. At the end of a three-year period, li• braries which had shown "commendable interest" in building up their book collections were to be rewarded with two dollars for every dollar which they spent for books beyond their 1961 book budget, up to a maximum of $6,000 per year. The College of the Bible set out to qualify. In explaining book purchasing policies, Mr. Pierson reported, "Each and every member of the teaching faculty has been in• formed that he may recommend for purchase any work which he finds needed for either his personal research or for instruc• tional purposes. ... A substantial part of the book budget is spent in this manner. The remainder of the book budget is spent by the librarians after selections have been made in a professional manner."*

*This may be explained briefly: (1) The library subscribes to the proof sheets in the "B" classification of the Library of Congress. Weekly, therefore, slips are received which list all of the books catalogued by the Library of Congress in Religion and Philosophy. The librarian carefully goes through these slips selecting those which in his opinion are of value to the library. ... A book which has continuing research value is given much greater weight than is a work which may have only transitory importance. . . (2) The librarian regularly scans the reviews in the major journals of each academic area, and selections are made from books favorably reviewed in such journals as Biblica, Journal of Biblical Literature, Church History, Ecumenical Review, and Religious Education. (3) Annually, or more frequently, the librarian systematically goes through the religious sec• tions of the British National Bibliography and the Subject Catalog of the Library of Congress Catalog of Printed Books. In this same manner, he studies the annual catalog issued by the German publishers usually entitled Das Evangelische Schriftum, and the French guide, Les Litres du Mois. Of course, other book reviewing journals . . . are given serious consideration. 310 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Continuing his explanation, Pierson went on to report that a flood of publishers' and booksellers' catalogs also received at• tention, especially catalogs of old, out-of-print titles: Regularly the librarian tries to read at least one current and important book in each field, and in areas not covered by the cur• riculum but of importance to the entire theological area. As he reads a work, he studies the existing book collection through the bibliography of the author being read. If he thinks that there is a need for development of an area for some presently offered course, for a particular teacher, or for the long-time requirements of the library, he orders those in-print, or lists them among his desiderata if not immediately purchasable. ... A pattern of readings is planned so that there is constant study of the collection in all its facets and aspects. Teachers and students are encouraged to consider the library collection in the same manner, and much help has been given by students as they prepare theses or by professors as they rework courses or plan new ones.

The growth of the library has been matched by student use. Book circulation increased steadily to 16,303 in 1955, and there• after rapidly outstripped 20,000 books circulated annually.

Building The Bosworth Memorial Library building, completed in 1950, was built not only to house the library but to provide as well a student union area, an assembly-dining room and kitchen, public rooms for receptions, and five seminar rooms for regular classes. As the book and periodical collections grew, the library began to need more space, and with the expansion of the education build• ing and the erection of Minister's Hall in 1959-60, the Bosworth building became the exclusive domain of the library. By 1963 even these quarters were cramped. And the building, originally designed for so many uses, was found in many ways to be unsuited to a smoothly functioning seminary library. Accordingly when plans were made to expand the original three buildings of the Seminary in 1957-1958, J. Russel Bailey of Orange, Virginia, a library architect, was employed to draw up plans for the remodeling and expansion of the library build- Front and Center—the Library 311 ing. The implementation of these plans was marked, from 1960, as the next major undertaking in campus development.

Staff Student assistants, working approximately one hundred and fifty hours per week, augmented the full-time staff, which from 1950 to 1964, was composed of three persons—the librarian, the assistant librarian, and one clerical assistant.

Instruction in Bibliography Shortly after moving the library to the new campus, Librarian Pierson began teaching a course, "Bibliographical Introduction to Religious Literature." Recognition for this service was given in 1954 when he was named associate professor of bibliography. In 1958 his rank was raised to that of full professor. His course, repeated every quarter, was required of every student in his junior year. Its purpose was to give the seminary student practi• cal instruction in the use of religious reference books and li• braries. Acquaintance with the basic encyclopedias, dictionaries, concordances, bibliographies, and periodical indexes was meant to provide each student with the key with which to unlock the treasures of the Seminary library, or of any library. The course in bibliography was instrumental to the educa• tional approach of the professors in the classrooms. By 1950 The College of the Bible was not using a textbook in a single class. Instead, professors were stimulating students to read many books, to compare and contrast writers' viewpoints and to arrive at their own conclusions through intensive thought and discussion. The library, as opened to the student through the course in bibli• ography, contributed to this educational process in four ways: (1) By making books available for collateral readings sug• gested or assigned by the professor in his bibliography or syllabus for each course, plus titles recommended from time to time in class discussions and lectures. Reading of this kind varied from class to class, but it could aggregate as much as 3,000 to 5,000 pages per student per quarter for each course. 312 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

(2) By helping in the compiling of bibliographies for term papers and other research projects carried on individually by each student, also as partial fulfillment of course requirements. Some professors, in place of a single term paper of considerable length, required several shorter papers prepared in the same manner. (3) By providing each senior with a study carrell and special bibliographical privileges for the writing of his thesis. As planned by the faculty, the reading, research, and writing of a thesis in each of the degree programs was designed to require a large portion of the student's time from the spring of his middler year through April of his senior year. Guided at every stage through conference with his faculty advisor, the senior thus learned the satisfactions of a highly individual accomplishment in a major task of research and writing, more comprehensive than anything he could hope to undertake in any one course. Such a task tested his comprehension and organizing powers, his insight and under• standing, his capacity to stay with a single problem over several months, his self-discipline, and his ability to communicate his understandings in clear and forceful prose. Dreaded by nearly all students in anticipation, the thesis came to be almost as uni• versally appreciated by graduating seniors—after they had com• pleted it. Many found in the research and writing itself a hitherto unexperienced sense of fulfillment. By showing each graduate the way to and the enjoyment of individual reading and research, the faculty hoped to stimulate him to build a pro• gram of reading and study into his regular ministry. In this connection it should be noted that most seminaries by 1950 had abandoned the B.D. thesis as too taxing on the time of faculty members. At The College of the Bible, though fully aware of the time-consuming nature of this task, the faculty clung to it, convinced that the thesis had values for the students not to be duplicated in any other way. (4) By providing, within easy reach, a rounded book collec• tion for reading and browsing of a free-lance variety. This was Front and Center—the Library 313 reading on the student's own initiative, entirely aside from course requirements, term papers and theses.

Faculty Research The book and periodical collection in Bosworth Memorial Library was built up with an additional service in mind. This was highly professional bibliographical help to members of the faculty in their individual programs of original research and writing, necessary to them as productive scholars writing and publishing magazine articles, monographs, and books, each on the growing edge of his own field. To that end the Bosworth collection soon began to contain a large number of advanced technical books in each of the theological disciplines, many in original languages. A review of the writing habits of the Seminary faculties across the years shows that the first teachers at The College of the Bible were productive writers. Books and articles flowed from the pens of Milligan, McGarvey, and Grubbs. In the middle period, both Bower and Fortune carried on this tradition; but it never oc• curred to Snoddy, Pyatt, or Troxel to write a book. Of those on the faculty toward the close of the Seminary's first century, sev• eral had written books. Among these were Professors Short, Stevenson, Reed, Baird, Moore, Wilburn, Hopper, Corey, White, Pierson, Sherley, Pope, Smythe, Crow, and President Mont• gomery. Although not determinative, it is perhaps not an acci• dent that the greater productivity of the last decade was cotermi• nous with the growing strength of the Seminary library.

Basic Philosophy The title of this chapter is a capsule statement of the basic philosophy of seminary librarianship in the 1950's and 1960's; for Bosworth Memorial Library does stand both physically and figuratively at the center of Seminary life. Librarian Roscoe Pierson's statement of this philosophy, made in 1962, was as follows: 314 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Among the many definitions of the word library is one that is vivid to almost every reader: A library is the corporate memory of mankind. Even though today there are being developed ma• chines which can store information, only the codex has so far suc• cessfully retained the fruits of man's mind. At the Seminary the library is pictured as the mind, the conscience, and the judge of the whole church, and its primary purpose is to support the Semi• nary's total program of preparing Christian young men and women to be able servants of the church by stretching their imaginations, teaching them skills, and helping them to acquire a wide range of knowledge of the documents, history, and peoples of the church. It does this by supplying the materials needed as a part of the for• mal courses of the classroom, by providing books and periodicals needed by professors and students doing independent research, by making available information not directly related to academic studies listed in the catalog, and by keeping vigilant watch over the current fashions in theological thinking. It does the last job, which the librarians think is extremely important, by providing books containing opinions differing from those locally in vogue; books of religious groups who differ from those predominant on the campus, especially those representative of the most responsible and irre• sponsible religious bodies. As conscience, the library seeks to have the writings of those whom we recognize as having been God's spokesmen in order that they may speak to us and keep us aware of the purpose of the church, advising us of the meanderings of its leaders, or apostates, in history, and reminding us that no river is responsible alone for watering all the plains of the world nor that any river has ever continued long without changing its course. These writers show us our fallibility, and inspire us to more profound labors. The library also stands in judgment over our thoughts and words, written or spoken. If new books from all the periods and peoples of the church are frequently added to a new and open col• lection it becomes dangerous for any person, teacher or student, to be too cavalier in his treatment of factual matters which can be verified in books. New books, new to the academic community even if old in years, also bring with them new ideas, and it is a constant threat to a firm set of mind to realize that a challenge may come from any quarter. It has often been said that graduate students are the severest judges of a teacher's competence; if this is so, a good library helps them prepare their briefs for or against the person or the idea in the dock. When a strong library is serving a community, all the citizens can be stimulated; and stimulation precedes growth and development. Chapter XXII

FIELD EDUCATION

"STUDENT PREACHING" AT THE COLLEGE of the Bible dates from the beginning of the Seminary in 1865. The practice was a natural outgrowth of economic necessity and of Disciple life and thought. By way of economic necessity, there have always been large numbers of small Christian Churches in the area surrounding Lexington which were in need of ministers but which could not afford to support full-time pastors. And students at the Seminary have usually needed to support them• selves in full or in part while pursuing their seminary course. Nothing in Disciple theology has stood in the way of churches and students getting together. On the contrary, Disciple life and thought has lent support to it: (1) Formal licensing and ordina• tion of preachers is not required in Disciple theology. While ordi• nation came to be the rule rather than the exception (at the end of undergraduate college before World War II and after graduation from seminary following the war), an unordained man was qualified to preach by the simple act of being called by a local congregation to do so. (2) Rooted in the English En• lightenment and paying homage to such philosophers as Francis Bacon and John Locke, Disciples from the beginning were a pragmatic people. Learning by experience, impression through expression, seemed to them from the outset to be an important part of all education. While in early history the weekend preaching of students from The College of the Bible underwent little regulation and little or

315 316 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY no conscious integration into the curriculum, this picture grad• ually changed across the years. By 1963 it was no longer accurate to speak of "field work" as though student employment in the churches was an activity that stood aside from the curriculum. The previous evolution into the new philosophy and program was duly recognized in the summer of 1963 when the "Director of Field Work" disappeared into the "Professor of Field Edu• cation." This development came by stages requiring more than half a century. As seen in Chapter VII, the faculty in 1902 took action limit• ing the preaching of all but seniors to two Sundays per month. And in 1910 four regulations were passed bringing it definitely under faculty control. No student was allowed to preach without faculty permission, and the Seminary began keeping modest records of the churches in which such preaching was done to• gether with occasional reports from the students. Since the re• sponsibility for supervision seems not to have been localized, it may not have been enforced with much rigor. In 1915 a min• isterial association was formed and had as two of its functions the placement of members in student churches and the hearing of regular reports from them. Seminary teachers were, of course, members of the association; but such oversight as was given can hardly have been real supervision. (See Chapter XIV.) In 1918-1919 the faculty moved to regularize the placement of student preachers and to put them more firmly under super• vision, with the appointment of a faculty committee on place• ment. By October 4, 1923, the faculty was talking about student preaching under "laboratory supervision." From this time for• ward one faculty member was placed in charge of "Students and Churches." Three members of the faculty succeeded to the assignment before 1927; these were Professors Stauffer, Mc- Quary, and Pyatt. But in 1927 George V. Moore accepted the assignment. With the exception of a three-year interlude to serve as dean of Transylvania College, and a year for graduate study at The University of Chicago to acquire his Ph.D. degree, Moore held this office for the next thirty-five years. Field Education 317

Expansion of the Field The first and most elementary challenge presented to the director of Field Work with the development of the new campus after 1950 was the expansion of the program to provide more churches for more students over a wider geographical area. In all these respects the program had expanded rapidly during the previous three years. By the spring of 1951 there were eighty- four students serving eighty-six churches in some remunerative capacity; sixty of these were pastors in seventy-two local con• gregations; twenty-four were directors of religious education or youth workers in fourteen churches. By the spring of 1959 there were 174 students employed by 151 churches and five other in• stitutions. Most congregations served were Christian Churches, as, for example in 1960 when 134 churches were served by stu• dents in the Seminary; 125 of these churches were Disciple but four were Methodist, three were Presbyterian, and one was Seventh-Day Adventist. Most churches served by students were located within an eighty-mile radius of Lexington, but the farthest in 1956 was 225 miles away. In 1954, to cite the example of one year, of the 110 churches being served, 105 were in Kentucky, while four were in Indiana (near Louisville, Kentucky), and one was in Ohio (near Cincinnati). Salaries paid to students in these vari• ous capacities were estimated by Director George Moore to ag• gregate $156,000 per year in 1955. By 1961 this figure had grown to $350,000 annually. And in this same year the mem• berships in the congregations thus served, when added together, totaled 15,000 members. Together with increases in the number of churches and ex• pansion of the Seminary's territory, there was a corresponding increase in the variety of positions held by The College of the Bible students. For example, in 1959, when there were 174 stu• dents employed in 151 churches, 116 were pastors of local con• gregations, nine were associate pastors and assistants, twenty- eight were youth workers, eight were directors of religious edu• cation, six were directors of music, two were chaplains, three 318 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY were ministerial interns in a large institutional church, eight were adult workers. Others were supply preachers. The opening of all these job opportunities to students placed a very heavy responsibility upon the fieldwork office. The di• rector was able to meet it through intensive field visitation. A temporary expedient, adopted in 1949 but abandoned in 1963, was the providing of a two-day curriculum for pastors of larger churches whose congregations wished to retain their min• isters for a greater portion of the week; of the five years needed to complete the B.D. degree under this arrangement, three quarters of full residence were required. The number of stu• dents involved in this two-day program was never large. In the spring of 1961 the Seminary called to Lexington lay representa• tives of all the churches whose pastors were or had been in the two-day program and asked their cooperation in eliminating it. They gave their hearty support and the temporary expedient came to an end in the fall of 1963. Meantime the problem of providing field experience for all students became increasingly acute. One year's satisfactory per• formance in religious field work was required of each student for graduation. This assured each student of at least one year in this capacity; for most students it was two years, and for some, three. But a progressive number of students were unable to find church positions during their junior year. Consequently, large numbers of students (mostly juniors) paid a part of their ex• penses by driving school buses, through the employment of their wives as secretaries and clerks, and in other secular employ• ments. Since the financial needs of most students has been urgent, the fieldwork office has sought new ways of increasing student in• comes : (1) through increased scholarship grants, (2) through home missionary aid to congregations which cannot pay even the small student salaries, and (3) through the development of new job opportunities in churches. One of the latter was an ex• tension of the program of internships conducted for a number of years by Central Christian Church in Lexington, where three Field Education 319 young men prior to 1962, and thereafter four seminary students were employed. Summer internships and a separate internship year, followed by some seminaries, did not commend themselves at The College of the Bible. The abundance of part-time churches near Lexing• ton made such a development largely unnecessary. Moreover, the faculty continued to believe that field work is most edu• cative when undertaken in close conjunction with class work. There were financial reasons also which argued against the ap• peal of a separate internship year or summer; these programs usually paid salaries unequal to the needs of married students, especially married students with children. Of 176 students in 1960-61, for instance, 134 were married. Of these fifty-one had no children, but the remaining eighty-three had 160 children. In this same year single students numbered only forty-two, less than a fourth of the student body. Thus financial needs of stu• dents generally exceeded prospective income from internships. Short of a very large endowment for scholarships and grants-in- aid, expansion of field experience in the direction of such intern• ships did not appear promising.

Basic Philosophy The place of field work in the total pattern of Seminary edu• cation is indicated by the requirement of satisfactory perfor• mance in field work as a prerequisite for graduation. This require• ment rested on the conviction of the faculty that such work filled an essential role in the education and maturing of each graduate. Undergirding principles guiding the faculty in this decision may be summarized as follows: (1) The nature of theological knowledge. There is a subject matter which must be mastered by each student. He must know Bible, church history, theology, Christian ethics, and he must have knowledge of principles and skills needed for preaching, teaching, and leading in worship and serving. But such knowl• edge about ideas and principles falls far short of the mark. It 320 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY may remain abstract and detached from the life experiences of the student—life in an intellectual ivory tower far from flesh- and-blood involvements. Theological knowledge, at its depth, is not mere knowledge about God; it is knowledge of God. It is a personal response of the whole man to the reality of God. This calls not only for intellectual awareness but also for decision, for involvement of the whole self. Much can be done within the Seminary community to elicit this personal response, but it has long been recognized that field work in the churches—including preaching—puts it to the test and acts as a catalyzer. A student may find his ideas in a book or in a classroom but these become "bone of his bone and flesh of his flesh" through personal dialogue and the actual encounter of the religious life as it is lived in a congregation, with all of its frustrations and contradictions, as well as with its achievements and fulfillments. Field experience belongs in the Seminary curriculum because theological knowledge in the last analysis is not abstract and intellectualized but is life-centered and personal, involving de• cision and commitment. (2) The vocational context of Seminary education. Seminary education is education for the church and it is best carried on within the life of the church as a worshiping, working, and serving community. There is a sense in which the Seminary itself is a church. With that in view, administration and faculty give serious attention to the interpersonal life of students, to their worship life, and to the sense of dedication and solidarity in the Seminary as a body. Nevertheless, the Seminary is a special• ized—and in some sense an idealized—kind of church. If re• stricted to this fellowship alone and not plunged into the full congregational life of an average church, the student would be seriously deprived. He would lack the responsible commitments of churchmanship which belong to his calling. The best place to discover these is in the thick of church life, under responsibility and under constant evaluation. Field Education 321

Field experience belongs in the Seminary curriculum because theological students are studying to become churchmen, and they had better be living as churchmen while they are about it. (3) The nature and requirements of the student as a person. The ultimate aim of the curriculum is not the storage of con• cepts and knowledge in the minds of graduates but the growth of persons into their full maturity as Christian men and women moving purposefully in their ministry. They have come to know and to accept themselves; they know what it is to live under the judgment and the love of God. Although they cannot know all the answers, they have emotional security. They have "in• ternalized" their gospel. These things do not happen without personal confrontation, without challenge or even crisis, driving a student to self-under• standing and to the sources of spiritual healing and renewal. Much of this confrontation can and does happen in classroom and in faculty conference; but both classes and conferences are enriched when the same student is also immersed in and chal• lenged by the vitalities of church life in an ordinary congregation. Field experience belongs in theological education because it helps the student to grow into a real person.

Supervision The faculty showed at various times through the long history of the Seminary that it considered the key of meaningful field experience to lie in supervision. This required an increasing amount of faculty time. At first (before 1900) this was an extra• curricular responsibility of the whole faculty. Then it became the assignment of one member of the faculty, but still on an extra• curricular basis. Finally, however, in 1955, it began to be drawn into the curriculum itself. In that year the director of fieldwork, George V. Moore, was relieved of all but one course in church administration to devote the rest of his time to student placement and field supervision. And beginning with the summer of 1963 the new director, Lester Davis Palmer, under the title 322 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY of associate professor of field education, devoted his full time to it. Supervision fell naturally into two phases: placement and continuing evaluation. Placement at The College of the Bible, with the consent of the state office, has been handled through direct negotiation with the pulpit committees of local churches. Procedures followed are in harmony with those laid down for the whole denomination by the Council of Agencies (Disciples of Christ), the only difference being that the director of placement discharges the function of the state secretary. Supervision after placement involves four kinds of activity: (1) A monthly report from each student showing the work done in the church. (2) Conferences with students. Of these two items the Catalogue is quite specific: "In connection with meeting the field work requirement the student is expected to turn in monthly reports to the director of placement, who supervises fieldwork, and to have such conferences with the director as are deemed necessary by either the director or the student." (3) Regular contact with the churches being served. Again, the Catalogue statement worked out by Moore is clear: The Director of Placement will keep in touch with all churches or other institutions where students are serving through visits, con• ferences with leaders, and correspondence [and telephone] and he will use such evaluation forms and other instruments as may be helpful in order for him to be in a position to advise with and evalu• ate the field experience of the students. Prior to the 1963-64 session, the minimum requirement was three quarters of satisfactory field work. Beginning with the 1963-64 session, this requirement was extended to six quarters, with the provision that the requirement for three of these quarters could be satisfied by the student's enrollment in an intensive summer program, "Introduction to Field Education," a seminar conducted by the professor of field education in conjunction with work in the field. (4) Field Education Practicums. Also beginning with the 1963-64 session, three quarter hours of field education began to Field Education 323 be required of B.D. candidates; one quarter hour of M.R.E. candidates. The three hours of credit were earned at the rate of one to a quarter during three quarters, two of which normally fell in the junior year and one normally in the middler year. The Catalogue describes the Field Education Practicums in the fol• lowing terms: "Small group seminars (limited to fifteen in each section) designed to offer guidance and assistance to student pastors in their personal and parish problems, with special em• phasis upon the meaning of the Christian ministry for the person of the pastor and his tasks."

A Professor of Field Education In January, 1962, George V. Moore resigned as director of placement and fieldwork after a connection with that office ex• tending over a thirty-five year period. Richard C. White became ad-interim director of placement. Field supervision, with Lester C. Rampley as chairman, was shared among the faculty until the summer of 1963. This interim arrangement was made to allow time for Lester Palmer to complete his residence work and comprehensive examinations for the Th.D. degree in church ministries and administration at Boston University School of Theology. He was graduated by The College of the Bible with the B.D. degree in 1958. From 1957 until 1961, a four-year period, he served as associate general secretary in the state office of Kentucky Christian Churches. He began his duties as associate professor of field education August 1, 1963. This title, together with requirements for a Field Work Practicum, grew out of the determination of faculty and administration to gather field work by definite design into the curriculum and to make it integral to the educational experience. Besides the remunerative field work the Seminary conducts four other kinds of field education: Clinical Pastoral Training, a weekly Bible school for inmates of Kentucky Village (a state reform school), and a number of workshops related to several departments of the curriculum. 324 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Clinical Pastoral Training There were two forerunners to the program of clinical pastoral training which went into effect at The College of the Bible in 1954. The first of these was the introduction in 1942 of a course in mental health under the direction of Myron T. Hopper, a course to which from six to ten psychiatrists of the United States Public Service Hospital gave weekly lectures. (See Chapter XVIII.) This course included a field visit to the hospital when members of the staff interviewed representative patients in the presence of the class. The second forerunner of clinical pastoral training was the work of Stephen J. Corey as Protestant chaplain at the same hospital following his retirement from the presidency of The College of the Bible in 1945, a position he held until 1953. He was a pioneer in this position among the USPHS hos• pitals. He also lead in the creation at Lexington of Addicts Anonymous, patterned upon the earlier pioneering work of Alco• holics Anonymous. These two lines of influence were brought together in 1953 when Jack M. Sherley was employed simultaneously by the hospital as chaplain and by the Seminary as associate professor of pastoral care. This led naturally to the first intensive clinical pastoral training course, a twelve-week full-summer offering, in the summer of 1954; and in the fall of that same year to the first offering of the Clinical Practicum in Pastoral Care, which required twenty hours per week per student in a regular quarter. The purposes of both programs were articulated by the staff at the hospital in 1962 in the following terms: 1. Introduction of pastors to the principles of mental health, psychotherapy, and rehabilitation in order that they may do their own work with deeper insight and effectiveness. 2. Review of the principles and procedures involved in effective referral of persons for mental health treatment through detailed study of specific case material. 3. Study of the pastor's role in the prevention of emotional ill• ness and in the rehabilitation of persons after release from institu• tional treatment. 4. Assistance to the student in integrating and correlating psy- Field Education 325 chological, theological insight into human suffering and redemp• tion. 5. Provision of opportunity for the student to confront human suffering and rebellion as he seeks to be pastor in a small group under intensive supervision. In this setting he has opportunity to grow through direct emotional engagement with patients, fellow students, chaplain-supervisor and staff. 6. Introduction to drug addiction as a personal, social and family problem, a symptom which illustrates with unusual vividness uni• versal human weakness and strength, the universal human fascina• tion which is self destructive yet at the same time the yearning for redemption and healing.2

Since the Clinical Practicum in Pastoral Care is only a less time-consuming version of the summer program, it will suffice to examine the pattern of the Clinical Pastoral Training Course, which required thirty-five hours of a student's time each week for twelve weeks. Students were employed by the hospital as student- ministers, without pay, but with full employee status. Under supervision, they worked directly with patients and wrote up a casework report on each patient with whom they worked. Three times a week they met for an hour and a half in a seminar; two sessions were with the hospital chaplain (who was also their Seminary professor), the third with another member of the hospital staff, usually one of the psychiatric doctors. Once a week each student held a personal conference with the chaplain-pro• fessor, a conference which involved not only his work but him• self as a person and as a pastor. At least once in the quarter and perhaps as frequently as once a week each student met individ• ually with one of the psychiatric doctors. And once a week the class as a group met with the entire staff of the hospital for its regular two-hour case work conference. Students observed the chaplain at work as he conducted worship services and study dis• cussion groups; and they themselves conducted such groups. Each preached at least one sermon to a group of patients. All such leadership was reviewed and evaluated under the direction of the supervising chaplain-professor. Clinical pastoral training, by helping ministers to meet persons 326 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY under stress and in deep disturbance, enabled them to understand all persons better, including themselves; and also helped them to gain competence in the demanding arts of counseling and pas• toral care. Theological and psychological insights were made to coalesce, and in the realm of interpersonal relationships the gospel of love, forgiveness and grace came alive as a work of healing.

Religious Education at Kentucky Village Jack M. Torp, a graduate of The College of the Bible, and chaplain of Kentucky Village during and following his student days, directed the religious program of that penal institution for boys and girls under the age of fifteen. In this work he was as• sisted by students of the Seminary who conducted a weekly Bible school under the personal supervision of Lester C. Rampley, professor of religious education at The College of the Bible. This field experience, while unremunerated, was a beneficial extension of classroom work in religious education.

Workshops Religious Education Practicums. Such field work in religious education has been augmented across the years, since Professor Bower first introduced them in 1912, by laboratory training schools and Religious Education Practicums. These were usually short-term schools, a week or two in duration, conducted by religious education students in the Seminary under the direction of the head of the department. Summer Work Camps. Following World War II a limited number of students participated in summer work camps in Europe, both in Great Britain and on the Continent. Their principal task was the rebuilding of church properties damaged by the war. Professor Howard E. Short, for example, spent the summer of 1950, with several of his students, as codirector of the Weltkirchenrataufbaulager at Hoechst in Odenwald, Germany.3 Interracial Consultations. Beginning in the summer of 1959 the Department of Christian Community, under the direction of Lewis S. C. Smythe, conducted four annual consultations on race, Field Education 327

with a selected group of about fifty Negro and Caucasian leaders. These consultations, confronting tense areas of interracial con• flict and misunderstanding, sought to pioneer in principles of social action within and beyond local churches. Middlers' Conference. In the midfifties the Board of Higher Education of Disciples of Christ began the practice of gathering at Indianapolis middlers from all Disciple seminaries for a week following Easter. The purpose was to acquaint the students as future ministers with the national and international causes and programs of the brotherhood and to relate them meaningfully to its organizational life. Middlers returned from the conference each year informed and enthusiastic. United Nations Seminar. Something of the same purpose in world politics was served by the annual United Nations Seminar, always attended by a small delegation of students from The Col• lege of the Bible. Workshops in Church Music. In March, 1958, Professor Arthur Wake cooperated with the Blue Grass Chapter of the Choristers Guild in conducting a three-day workshop for junior choirs. Mrs. Ruth Krebhiel Jacobs of Santa Barbara, California, was leader. Another such workshop for children was held in the summer of 1960. And in the summer of 1961 Wake organized and directed a Workshop on the Use of Music in Christian Edu• cation and Choral Techniques. There were thirty-five in atten• dance from seven states. In 1962 this group met at Texas Chris• tian University and in 1963 at Drake University. Audio-Visual Workshops. Usually conducted by the national director of audio-visuals for The United Christian Missionary- Society, these workshops were held at fairly regular intervals at The College of the Bible beginning in 1952. They have usually- occupied from two days to a week, on extracurricular time in the midst of the regular school year. Religious Radio. Instruction in religious radio began at The College of the Bible in 1951, using a regular classroom hung with sound absorbing drapes and equipped with a professional tape recorder and microphones. During the school year of 1952-53 328 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY a part of the attic of Bosworth Memorial Library was converted into a standard, well-equipped recording studio, designed to match small radio studios from which most Seminary graduates would be called upon to broadcast in part-time radio ministries within their own parishes. The studio, dedicated at Commence• ment in June, 1953, was named the McCarty Recording Studio in honor of Trustee William B. McCarty, the donor. The course in religious radio was conducted from the beginning on a work• shop basis. An outgrowth of the course has been a number of sustaining programs at Lexington stations. These have included weekly interviews for thirteen weeks in 1952 and religious news broadcasts for two years, 1953-55 plus a number of single broad• casts of round-table discussions, radio dramas, and devotionals. Gradually the sponsorship of the weekly broadcast of religious news was shifted to the Lexington Council of Churches, but the program continued, in 1964, to be taped in McCarty Recording Studio. Practice Preaching. Although offered as a regular course, prac• tice preaching has been conducted since 1947 on a workshop basis. Enrollment in a single section is limited to ten students. Each student preaches four times to the class, and writes six complete manuscripts of six other sermons to be handed in at regular intervals throughout the quarter. He also preaches one sermon in his own student-pastorate, recording it to be played back to the homiletics professor the following week. At each class session each student is given a different written assignment of items to watch for in his analysis of the oral sermon being de• livered by one of his own classmates during that hour. The ser• mon is recorded as it is delivered. Immediately following de• liver)', class and professor spend the balance of the period in discussion of the sermon. And at the end of the class session pro• fessor and preacher-of-the-day make an appointment to meet in the professor's office to hear the play-back of the recording and to continue discussion of the sermon. Personal counseling frequently grows out of such sessions. Field Education 329

There are several factors that combine to make practice preaching especially valuable as field education: Nearly all students are serving student pastorates at the time; they are en• couraged to preach to the class the same sermons that they preach on Sunday. The sermon is treated as a point of integration bring• ing to a focus all that a student knows, all his skills, his attitudes, and the degree of his own personal maturity. Most students re• port this course as a "traumatic experience," high in challenge but correspondingly high in personal insights and in personal growth. Post-B.D. Education In the summer of 1963 the Seminary held the first in a series of summer seminars beamed specifically at Seminary graduates who were given an opportunity to return for a week of refresher courses, and also for library reading and discussion. The courses were designed to be as rich and demanding as any in the yearly curriculum and were aimed specifically at updating the knowl• edge of Seminary graduates in the various departments of theo• logical knowledge. Discussions were meant to provide opportu• nities to bring together, in each participant, the disciplines of scholarship and churchmanship, and to stimulate continued growth in both areas. As it contemplated this program in its early stages, the faculty saw it as confronting an area of need which should require larger blocks of time and fuller programs for the future. From the above survey, it can be seen that field education at The College of the Bible in the 1950's and 1960's, while it in• cluded a very substantial program of remunerated field service, went considerably beyond it—in clinical training, in religious education, in a variety of workshops, some of short and others of long duration; and in the tentative beginnings of a program of post-B.D. studies. The aims of all were to deepen knowledge into personal experience and to grow more mature persons who are also alert, creative churchmen. Chapter XXIII

STRETCHING UP TO A CENTURY

1955-1965

WITH THE CENTENNIAL LOOMING INTO VIEW, The College of the Bible in 1955 entered upon the final ten years of its first century. In many ways this ten years was the culmina• tion and fruition of the century. Enrollments increased. Graduat• ing classes grew larger; more than a third of all graduates of the Seminary in the first hundred years received their degrees in the Montgomery era. The faculty grew in number. Faculty salaries improved. The Seminary entered upon an ambitious Centennial Development Program. Capital holdings expanded. Six new buildings were erected, and two more were planned. There was spectacular advance, but much of this advance was like rowing upstream against strong currents and through rapids which threatened to capsize the boat.

Student Enrollments Student enrollments, with the exception of a slight decline in 1955-56, increased steadily at the rate of about ten percent per year. The following table shows the increase: Year Total en• Highest in Colleges Other ending: rollment any one qtr. represented States Countries 1954 149 125 57 23 5 1955 160 128 70 27 4 1956 151 130 64 29 4 1957 172 143 79 33 4 1958 196 162 76 32 5 From the above table it can be seen that total enrollment grew in five years from 149 to 196; and the number on campus

330 Stretching Up to a Century (1955-1965) 331 in any one quarter simultaneously, from 125 to 162. In the same way, students began coming from a wider geographical area— from thirty-two states and five foreign countries in 1958, as against twenty-three states and two foreign countries in 1954. The number of undergraduate colleges and universities from which students came increased in the same five years from fifty- seven to seventy-six. In 1957 no less than seventy-nine colleges and universities were represented in the undergraduate education of The College of the Bible students. Such growth, coming gradually, looked substantial; and it ap• peared to establish a trend which by 1965 would see at least 250 students in attendance. The new buildings after only nine years of occupancy, were beginning to be too small.

Faculty Expansion Both faculty and administration were determined that growth in student enrollments should in no way endanger the personaliza• tion of Seminary education. Accordingly, in 1952, the faculty voted to limit enrollment to fifteen students per full-time faculty member. This required faculty expansion. At the same time both faculty and administration were determined to enrich the offer• ings of the curriculum. This also required faculty expansion. The need for such expansion was anticipated, and, as seen in Chapter XX, the half-time teaching of T. Hassell Bowen in Christian doc• trine was increased to full-time in 1952. In the same year Lewis Strong Casey Smythe came to create the new Department of Christian Community. The following year Jack McKinley Sher- ley brought into being the new Department of Pastoral Care; and Cyrus McNeely Yocum came as part-time professor of mis• sions. Also in 1953, with the addition of Charles Clarence Man- ker as instructor, departmental offerings in religious education were increased in what proved to be the first two-man depart• ment. The Department of Church Music was created in 1955 when Arthur Norrie Wake was called as professor. He came from Lynchburg College, where he had served eight years as associate 332 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY professor of music and chairman of the Division of Fine Arts. He held the Bachelor of Music degree from Westminster Choir College, Princeton, N. J., and the Master of Music degree from Indiana University. Professor Wake devoted half his time, from 1955 to 1959, as professor of church music at The College of the Bible, the other half as director of music at Central Christian Church, Lexington. After 1959 he expanded his teaching at the Seminary to full time. The Department of Historical Theology came into being in 1957 when Ralph Glenn Wilburn came from Phillips University to join the faculty in Lexington. From 1944 to 1951 Wilburn taught Religion at George Pepperdine College in Los Angeles; and from 1951 to 1957 he taught theology at the Graduate Seminary of Phillips University in Enid, Oklahoma. A sabbatical year, 1954-55, was given to studies at the University of Heidel• berg in Germany. He was author of the book, The Prophetic Voice of Protestant Christianity, published by the Bethany Press in 1956. Elected to the Panel of Scholars, he later edited The Reconstruction of Theology, Volume II of The Renewal of Church, published by Bethany Press in 1963. He was also the second chairman of the Association of Disciples for Theological Discussion. A second man joined the teaching staff of the Department of Homiletics in 1957 when Richard Clark White became a teach• ing fellow. He was at the time completing his Ph.D. degree in speech pathology at the University of Kentucky. He continued as teaching fellow in homiletics at The College of the Bible for three years, from 1957 to 1960; then he joined the faculty full time as professor of homiletics. Macmillan and Company pub• lished his book, The Vocabulary of the Church, in 1961. Prior to 1957, from 1955, Charles Franklin Diehl conducted a weekly speech clinic at the Seminary on Monday afternoons for students especially referred to him by the Homiletics Department. Diehl was director of the Speech Center at the University of Kentucky. At the same time he and Professor Stevenson col• laborated in the writing of a book which was published by Har- Stretching Up to a Century (1955-1965) 333 per and Brothers in 1958 under the title Reaching People from the Pulpit. Another part-time extension of the Seminary curriculum be• came possible in 1958 when Dr. Ray H. Hayes, a psychiatrist, became adjunct professor in pastoral care. He conducted a weekly laboratory in interpersonal relations. Dr. Hayes was Eastern District psychiatrist for the State of Kentucky; later he became clinical director at the United States Public Service Hospital, continuing, meantime, his teaching at the Seminary. Expansion in the field education, with the addition of Asso• ciate Professor Lester Davis Palmer, was discussed in the previous chapter. The Department of Church History received its second teacher in the fall of 1961 with the coming of Paul Abernathy Crow, Jr., as associate professor. Crow received his Ph.D. degree from Hartford Seminary Foundation in 1962. At Hartford he served as a teaching fellow in the Department of Church History. Seven other new faculty members came to The College of the Bible in the years between 1956 and 1965. Since they came to fill vacancies caused by death or retirement, rather than to create new departments, they will be introduced in a later chapter. Faculty salaries, in pursuit of the soaring cost of living, were raised from $6,000 per year in 1955-56 to $8,000 in 1961-62. The following year a new policy on salaries was enacted by the trustees, grading salaries on the basis of rank and tenure. The re• sultant salary scale to be attained by 1964-65 aimed to provide $10,000 a year for a full professor with more than fifteen years' tenure, and fell short of it by less than six hundred dollars.

Growing Expense

The cost of current operations rose even more sharply. Expen• ditures for 1950-51 were $113,276. By 1954-55 they had risen to $141,167.51; and by 1959-60 to $253,474.67. Only three years later, 1962-63, expenditures stood at $300,335, nearly a threefold increase in eleven years. The task of measuring up to 334 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

the challenge of the new century was proving to be a demanding one. Centennial Development Program Growing enrollment, expanding faculty, rising costs—these were the forces that helped to launch the Centennial Develop• ment Program. Timed for the last ten years of the first century, this program began in 1955. Before the Centennial Development Program was launched there had been a period of intensive consultation and study. This began September 15-16, 1953, with a conference of 160 church leaders from eleven southeastern states. They gathered at The College of the Bible to consider the theme, "Education for the Christian Ministry for Tomorrow's Church." Among reports made to this conference was one by Forrest L. King, executive secretary of the Kentucky Christian Missionary Society, who had gathered data from all state and area secretaries of the Dis• ciples and from five national boards. A tabulation of religious workers then needed (1953-54) was numbered 408. This figure included 242 ministers, thirty-seven associate ministers, seventy religious education workers and fifty-nine student workers. The continuing annual need in addition was estimated at 223, of whom 143 were ministers to fill pulpits made vacant by death or retirement. The above figures do not take into account the church which may go full-time if well trained ministers are available. From the study of all the information submitted, it is evident to the speaker that we must plan adequately to train each year, for the next twenty-five years, 300 ministers, ten student workers, twenty re• ligious education directors, ten associate ministers and ten mission• aries. This is a total of 350 each year. This is a minimum. We need 500.1 The College of the Bible addressed itself to its own part in meeting these needs. In 1954 a committee under Harlie L. Smith, president of the Board of Higher Education of Disciples of Christ, undertook to study and project the Seminary's needs to the year 1965. The Stretching Up to a Century (1955-1965) 335 report of Smith's committee, delivered to the trustees January 14, 1955, against the background of population growth with new churches and new positions requiring leadership, called for an increase of student enrollment to 240 students, with facilities for 270 students. It foresaw the need of an annual budget of $354,200 for current operations; and new building needs of $1,500,000. Total endowment required by the end of the decade was estimated to be $3,805,000. The Board of Trustees, March 9, 1954, appointed a Centen• nial Committee, a long-range planning body under the chairman• ship of W. F. Foster, of Mayfield, Kentucky. The recommenda• tions of this committee, received by the board March 8, 1955, and acted upon in a special session June 22, 1955, resulted in the launching of the Centennial Development Program. Envisioning an enrollment of 250 students, the committee called for the increase of the faculty to twenty-three members, for plant expansion to the amount of $1,500,000, and for $3,000,000 to increase endowments, with an expansion of the budget for current operations to $350,000 per year. The target date was 1965.2 The basic strategy for the campaign was laid by Marts & Lundy, Inc., a fund-raising organization. Norman G. Booth of that firm set up offices July 1, 1955, at the Seminary from which, for the next two years, he directed operations. Mr. Booth was joined September 1, 1955, by Charles Edgar Dietze, who was then named assistant to the president as director of development. A graduate of the Seminary in the class of 1944, and minister to Christian Churches in Morehead, Henderson, and North Middletown, Kentucky, Dietze had also served for a year as asso• ciate general secretary of the Kentucky Christian Missionary Society. The plan of campaign called for a Policy Committee of thirty members, for area chairmen and committees in eleven south• eastern states subdivided into forty-two sectors. Each autumn began with a Centennial Convocation at the Seminary and con• tinued with regional dinners and visitations throughout the year. 336 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Designed to do much more than raise money, the Program found its main task to be educational and informational. To acquaint southeastern Disciples with the program of the Semi• nary and its needs, to get them to see the Seminary as their own, and the recruitment and education of ministers as the task of the churches, were goals fundamental to any cultivation of finances. By 1957 President Montgomery reported on this aspect of the campaign, when he said to the trustees: In this promotional program, we have been really breaking and starting to cultivate new ground. It has amazed me to discover how universally uninformed and misinformed our people generally were about the character, the work, and the importance of The College of the Bible. Even our leaders had limited and often distorted in• formation about our Seminary.

One of the delightful surprises of the campaign was the spon• taneous response of the alumni. Following a Seminary luncheon at the 1956 International Convention in Des Moines, the alumni espoused the "Ministers' Memorial Project" with a goal of $250,000 to provide Ministers' Hall. Dr. Samuel H. Forrer of the class of 1897, a retired Presbyterian minister, contributed $25,000 as the opening gift.3 After twelve months $212,000 had been pledged. The graduating class of 1957 pledged $30,050; and the following year the class of 1958 with a pledge of $23,610 put the campaign over the top at a total figure of $262,725.4 Theological educators greeted the news of this response of the alumni of The College of the Bible as an unprecedented triumph; no other American seminary had done anything like it. Just before Christmas, 1957, Dr. and Mrs. Arthur Morrill deeded to the Seminary 250 acres of land from their farm near Mobile, Alabama. Ripe for suburban real estate develop• ment, the tract was appraised at $300,000. An industrial chemist, Mr. Morrill had taken up farming after a bout with tuberculosis in 1934; later he returned to the business world and became general manager of the Eagle Chemical Company in Chicago. In 1956 he added a fourth career when he was ordained to the Christian ministry.5 Stretching Up to a Century (1955-1965) 337

With this and other financial commitments, the Centennial Development program advanced steadily: To July 1, 1956 $ 506,722.46 To July 1, 1957 $ 854,615.01 To July 1, 1958 $1,501,076.89

By 1957 the housing situation of students was becoming critical and the need for additional classroom and offices was also urgent. Two classrooms had been pre-empted and subdivided by tempo• rary partitions as faculty offices. When Richard C. White began teaching in 1957 the only available office space for him was the cloakroom of the chapel.

Building Expansion On the basis of mounting student enrollment, housing needs just mentioned, and the progress of the Centennial fund, the trustees decided to go ahead with a building program. Architects Meriwether, Marye, and Associates began drawing plans. In August, 1958, contracts were awarded to the Gilson Construction Company to build four apartment houses, an extension to the Education and Administration Building, tripling its capacity, and Ministers' Hall to house a mailing room, kitchen, and as• sembly room, a telephone exchange, boiler room, and a student room. The contract price was $1,076,800. To obtain cash, the Seminary, through the Security Trust Company of Lexington, sold $1,200,000 worth of bonds. The ground was broken Sep• tember 9, 1958, and construction got under way.6 Dedication of the six new buildings was held September 24, 1959, with Edwin T. Dahlberg, president of the National Council of Churches of Christ in the U. S. A., as principal speaker. New classrooms and offices were occupied in January, 1960. No longer required for student housing, the apartment house at 441 West Second Street was sold October 31, 1960, for $64,593.63 at a loss of $35,406.37 after fifteen years' service. The bonded indebtedness of $1,200,000 placed the Seminary under a heavy financial obligation. Monthly payments, set at 338 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

$6,000 per month for 1959 and 1960, became $8,666.67 per month in 1961 and were to be continued at about that figure for the next twelve years, through 1973. It was a venture taken in faith. The outcome was dependent upon the continued suc• cess of the Centennial Development Program, and upon the steady rise of income for current operations. Meantime certain changes in the personnel of the Centennial Development Office had taken place. Norman G. Booth departed July 1, 1957, to become vice-president and comptroller of Baylor University Medical School.7 Forrest L. King, an alumnus of the Seminary, resigned after eight years as general secretary of the Kentucky Christian Missionary Society and joined the Seminary staff as director of church relations, August 1, 1957. He served for two years working principally with the "church phase" of the Program designed to secure smaller gifts from a large number of members in local congregations. The title of Charles E. Dietze was changed in 1959 to vice- president; he continued to be in charge of the Development Office. In June 1960, Loren Arthur Broadus, Jr., having just received his B.D. degree from the Seminary, began to serve as codirector of Development. His special role in the Centennial Development Program was to secure additional large gifts from interested individuals.8 There were also several changes in regular administrative personnel. Tilton J. Cassidy, who had resigned October 1, 1959 as business manager, continued until January 18, 1960, when he turned over his office to Thomas Frederick Harlin. Recruited from the business world, Mr. Harlin had been vice-president of the Southeastern Mortgage Company, Tampa, Florida. In 1961 Elizabeth A. Hartsfield resigned as treasurer, effective August 1, 1961, to become executive secretary of the Christian Women's Fellowship of Kentucky. Mr. Harlin, also assuming her port• folio, became business manager and treasurer. Mrs. Mildred Cochran Graham, July 1, 1961, was named assistant treasurer and bookkeeper. After serving three years as director of the News Bureau, Stretching Up to a Century (1955-1965) 339

Marilyn Digweed resigned in January, 1962, to accept a position as editorial assistant at the Christian Board of Publication in St. Louis, Missouri. Her successor was Sue Holland, director of the News Bureau of Lynchburg College, from which institution she also held the A.B. degree.

A Time of Testing After the completion of new buildings in 1960 and the begin• ning of heavy monthly payments on bonded indebtedness it be• came clear that the Seminary was entering upon a transitional period in financing which was rapidly developing into the pro• portions of an emergency. Business Manager Tilton J. Cassidy in the spring of 1960 said, "Finances will be a little tight for a while. But if we can just get through the next three years, I think we will be in good shape." As developments were later to prove, three years appeared to stretch into five. Student enrollments, climbing steadily before the building expansion, suddenly declined, reflecting a national trend.

Year Total Highest in Colleges Other ending enrollment any one qtr. represented States Countries 1958 196 162 76 32 5 1959 171 147 68 33 4 1960 163 134 71 33 4 1961 176 143 71 29 3 1962 155 134 59 28 5 1963 151 131 71 33 5

Financial distress which began to be acute by the spring of 1963 was, strangely, an outgrowth of numerous successes. Capital assets had increased to five and a half million dollars. Commit• ments to the Centennial Development fund stood at $3,084,452. 90. Trustee W. F. Mandrell on August 1, 1960, made the largest gift in the Seminary's history by deeding over a tract of Alabama land whose value was estimated at $750,000. Like the Morrill tract, which Mr. Mandrell had helped to secure, the land was ripe for real estate development.9 Among other large gifts, an anonymous donor in November 1961 contributed $120,000 340 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY to the endowment. In September, 1962, Dr. and Mrs. Samuel H. Forrer of Lakeland, Florida, gave a scholarship fund of $100,000. Their earlier gift of $25,000, it will be recalled, had led the contributions to Ministers' Hall.10 At least two dozen wills had been written in favor of the Seminary. Still there was little ready cash. This was because many com• mitments were long-range contracts. There were large gift an• nuities providing no immediately usable income. Stocks were being held for accumulation in value. There were large real estate holdings to be subdivided and sold. The prospect for eventual increases in capital was very encouraging. The im• mediate financial situation was—critical. The difficulty had been foreseen. One trustee put it this way: "Three years ago we said that a hurricane was forming off the coast and that it was heading our way. Now it is here and we are being buffeted by it." Another trustee said, "We are like a man who will inherit a million dollars in three years, but who is now hard put to it to find money for the next meal." As was seen earlier in this chapter, the cost of "the next meal" —current operations for the growing Seminary family—had risen sharply, from $113,276 for the year ending in the summer of 1951 to $300,335 for the year ending in the summer of 1963. The financial response of the churches in the southeastern area also grew continuously, from $15,693.64 in 1950 to $151,211.58 in 1962. Such growth in church support had be• come imperative for the life of the Seminary, since giving from this source accounted for about sixty percent of the school's cur• rent income. Meantime important developments, crucial to the life of the Seminary were taking place among Disciples of Christ. In Ken• tucky the successful Kentucky Christian Advance was followed in 1955 by an even more successful Unified Program; the Chris• tian Churches of the Commonwealth greatly increased their sup• port not only to The College of the Bible, Transylvania College and the State Society, but also to international Disciple causes. In the United States and Canada, under the banner of "The Stretching Up to a Century (1955-1965) 341

Decade of Decision Program of Advance," from 1960 the brotherhood was seeking to raise the level of giving. To cooperate with the Decade of Decision, The College of the Bible in 1960 began to channel all its appeals to churches through Unified Promotion, the denominational agency of finance. Direct appeals to churches for budgetary support were given up. And the Seminary put its weight behind the lifting of the level of stewardship for the Christian Churches in the Southeastern Area. Henceforth, to get $50,000 increase for its own budget, the Seminary would have to help raise "outreach giving" in the churches of its area by an additional $350,000. The decision to enter Unified Promotion thus wholeheartedly, in effect, turned the promotional officers of the Seminary into agents of all the causes represented by Unified Promotion. Dietze and Broadus found themselves in 1962 devoting more than half their time in the state and area planning sessions and local church visitations of Unified Promotion, to the neglect of the campaign for capital funds. Even so the giving of churches through Unified Promotion did not match up to needs. The accumulated operating deficit of the Seminary which had stood at $94,060.94 in 1960, grew to $144,276 in 1962. A new auditing system, inaugurated in 1962, readjusting property and annuity funds, added $91,367.02 to the deficit, making the accumulated operating deficit of July 31, 1962 more than a quarter of a million dollars—$235,643.02. A year later, thanks to a cash operational income of $312,386, the operational deficit was reduced by $12,051. Still more vigorous attention to stewardship became essential to the Seminary's survival. It was for this reason that William Harold Edds, an alumnus of the Seminary, was added to the staff September 1, 1962, as director of church relations. Edds was twice the pastor of Central Christian Church of Kankakee, Illinois, serving from 1950-57; 1960-62, for a total of ten years. From January, 1958, until February, 1960, he was assistant executive secretary of the International Convention of Chris- 342 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY tian Churches (Disciples of Christ) and editor of the Year Book of Christian Churches. Determined not to purchase its own success at the expense of any other cause or agency of the church, the Seminary pressed forward on all fronts. It made its own need the lever with which to lift the stewardship level of a whole denomination. In January, 1962, at the invitation of The College of the Bible, the American Association of Theological Schools sent two visitors to study the current program of the Seminary. They were Dr. Lynn Leavenworth, of the Division of Christian Higher Education of the American Baptist Convention, and Professor William L. Bradley, of the Hartford Seminar) Foundation. In their report to the Seminary, the two visitors wrote, in part: The College of the Bible has, in a period of twelve years, under• gone a transformation that has taken many other institutions half a century to achieve. ... By the time of the Centennial celebra• tions of 1965, the College will have achieved a position hardly dreamed possible a generation earlier. . . . The College of the Bible, which at present has no existence except as a responsible in- sitution of Disciples of Christ, has launched an expansion from which there is no turning back. The Tenth President As Riley B. Montgomery came to retirement, the trustees, on June 19, 1964, elected Wiley Alfred Welsh to succeed him. Welsh was currently serving as president of the International Conven• tion of Christian Churches (Disciples of Christ) and completing his fifteenth year as minister of the East Dallas (Texas) Chris• tian Church. He had done his college and seminary work at Texas Christian University, his graduate studies at Union Theo• logical Seminary in New York. A "Timothy" of one graduate of The College of the Bible, J. Leslie Finnell, Welsh was en• couraged toward seminary teaching by a second, Colby D. Hall, and majored under a third, W. C. Morro, whom he succeeded as head of the department of New Testament at Brite College of the Bible, 1945-50. Welsh planned to take office as tenth president of the Seminary January 1, 1965.

DC Chapter XXIV

THE ACADEMIC PROCESSION

1950-1965

A SEMINARY, LIKE ALL SCHOOLS, IS A procession. Campus and buildings stand still; but students pass in an unbroken line from entrance to exit—one third new every year; all new in three years. Still there is a brooding spirit—an alma mater—whose children they all become; and they are all members of one family. The same is true of a seminary faculty. To students, whose passage is more rapid, the rhythm of the faculty march may not be immediately apparent; but it is just as real. Teachers, too, have their entrances and their exits; for the seminary faculty is a procession. And as they march, teachers also come under the spell of the brooding spirit that makes them one with each other and with those they teach.

Faculty Turnover Of teachers on the faculty when Riley B. Montgomery be• came president of The College of the Bible in 1949, only George V. Moore and Dwight E. Stevenson were still in the procession by 1964. Retirement, resignation, and death had taken the others. Stepping into the line of march, meantime, were fourteen new teachers, all of whose teaching was done on the new campus in new buildings. Three men had retired: Charles Lynn Pyatt in 1953, after thirty-three years; Daniel C. Troxel in 1956, after twenty-nine and one half years; and T. Hassell Bowen, in 1963, after thirty- two years, the last eleven of which were full time.

343 344 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Three men had resigned: Robert Francis Johnson in 1955, after two years; Charles C. Manker in 1960, after six years; and Howard E. Short in 1958, after twelve years. The death of Myron Taggart Hopper August 7, 1960, at the age of fifty-six came as a heavy blow. He had served eight years as dean, twenty-two years as professor of religious educa• tion. During his eight years as dean, the work of his office had grown beyond the powers of one man. As he reported to the trustees in 1959, he had carried five functions: (1) director of admissions, (2) registrar, (3) director of student recruitment, (4) supervisor of the educational program, and (5) teacher and head of the Department of Religious Education. Hopper's con• tribution to the Seminary far surpassed his work load, formidable as that was. He lived what he taught. His was the personal force that created fellow feeling and social solidarity. He knew how to draw students, rather than to drive them. In the whole Seminary, by the quality of his personal relationships, he built and sustained a high morale. His death came to faculty and students alike as a personal bereavement. Fourteen members who were teaching in 1964 joined the faculty in the new Seminary buildings on the South Limestone campus. Of that number, nine were introduced in previous chapters. These were Roscoe M. Pierson (bibliography), 1950; Lewis S. C. Smythe (Christian community), 1952; Jack M. Sherley (pastoral care), 1953; Arthur N. Wake (church music), 1955; Richard C. White (homiletics), 1957; Ralph G. Wilburn (historical theology), 1957; Ray H. Hayes (pastoral care), 1958; Paul A. Crow, Jr. (church history), 1961; and Lester D. Palmer (field education), 1963. Five additional members, not previously introduced, also joined the faculty on the new campus—all after 1955. These were William LaForest Reed (Old Testament), 1956; William Robb Baird, Jr., (New Testament), 1956; Richard Martin Pope (church history), 1958; Lester Claude Rampley (religious education), 1961; and William Richard Barr (systematic the• ology), 1964. All five came as successors to previous faculty mem• bers, to fill vacancies. The Academic Procession (1950-1965) 345

William LaForest Reed came to The College of the Bible as professor of Old Testament in 1956, from ten years on the fac• ulty of Brite College of the Bible in Texas Christian University. When he left the latter institution, he held the rank of Distin• guished Professor of Old Testament and was also director of admissions and curriculum. During a year's leave of absence from his teaching in 1951 Reed had served as director of the American Schools of Oriental Research. As a field archaeologist, he was director of the second campaign excavating at Dhiban, Jordan; and codirector of the Qumran Caves expedition at the northwest shore of the Dead Sea. It was during the latter excava• tion that a work crew under his direction uncovered the cele• brated Copper Scrolls. He had also "dug" at Jericho and King Solomon's Seaport at Kirbet-et-Tannur. He served for a number of years as executive vice-president of the American Schools of Oriental Research. He was author of the book, The Asherah in the Old Testament. After coming to The College of the Bible he continued his field trips to the Hashemite Kingdom of Jor• dan. In addition to excavations of his own in the lands of ancient Moab and Ammon at el'-Al (Elealeh), he assisted two seasons at El Jib in the now famous excavation of ancient Gibeon. He wrote more than 140 articles for the Interpreter's Bible Diction• ary published in 1962 and contributed numerous other articles to the revised edition of Hastings Dictionary of the Bible pub• lished in 1963. William Robb Baird, Jr. also joined The College of the Bible faculty in 1956. He came to teach New Testament, having taught four years at the Graduate Seminary of Phillips Uni• versity in Enid, Oklahoma. His book, Paul's Message and Mis• sion was published by the Abingdon Press in 1960. His sabbatical of 1962-63 found him studying at the University of Marburg in Germany, working on a book about Rudolph Bultmann, and a book on the Corinthian Church. Richard Martin Pope came to Lexington in 1958 after twelve years on the faculty of the School of Religion of Drury College in Springfield, Missouri. He was dean of the school when he left Drury. After coming to The College of the Bible he published 346 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY his monograph A Brief History of the College of the Bible, spoke to numerous state conventions and minister's institutes, and wrote a book-length church history. Lester Claude Rampley, an alumnus of The College of the Bible, became Alexander Campbell Hopkins Professor of Reli• gious Education in 1961. A director of religious education in churches at Winchester, Kentucky; Lakewood, Ohio; Cedar Rapids, Iowa; and Berkeley, California, from 1946 to 1958; he also taught for two years in the field of Christian education at Pacific School of Religion and for two years in the same area at Drake University Divinity School, Des Moines, Iowa. During the 1960-61 school year part-time offerings in reli• gious education were taught by two alumni, Donald Lee Scott, then director of religious education at Woodland Christian Church in Lexington, and Joseph Cy Rowell, then director of Leadership Education in the Kentucky Christian Missionary Society. In the spring of 1958 and again in 1959, Benjamin E. Watson (class of 1917), taught a class in missions. Former missionary to Japan, he had served in recent years as a special representative of the Resources Department of The United Christian Missionary Society, and as an interim pastor in various American churches.1 Thereafter, offerings in missions were integrated into the regular curriculum in Christian community and church history. Lewis S. C. Smythe, professor of Christian community, had spent nearly a quarter of a century on the mission field; and Professors Crow and Pope in church history were active in the World Council of Churches, which embraces missions. But, beyond this, the old distinction between home and foreign missions had yielded to belief in a church with a single mission to the whole world. It was no longer possible to think in terms of Western Christianity while ignoring the church in Africa and the Orient. One of the strong traditions at The College of the Bible since its founding (except for 1917) has been the congeniality of the faculty. This has continued into the modern period. New pro• fessors were selected for their scholarship, their emotional matur- The Academic Procession (1950-1965) 347 ity as Christian men, and for their churchmanship. Although final approval rested with the Board of Trustees, the selection was always made first in a meeting of the whole faculty by unanimous vote. This assured congeniality. Equally at home in classroom or pulpit, combining scholarly and pastoral interests, liberally educated and widely read, such a faculty achieved inte• gration of the curriculum in the minds of students chiefly by their own personal example.

The Curriculum Although courses were listed and described in the catalogue and individual grades and courses were recorded in the registrar's office, the faculty kept reminding itself that the curriculum as it exists in catalogues and transcripts is an abstraction. To exist as a reality it had to come alive in the minds of students. In the same way the integration of the curriculum was more than organiza• tion on paper; it was the living wholeness of knowledge and in• sight in the minds of graduates. With such principles in mind, the faculty in 1953 gave up the idea of putting all students through identical courses of study and began tailoring the pattern of the curriculum to each in• dividual student, on the basis of his needs. After electing a field of concentration in which he was to major and write a thesis, each student with the help of his faculty advisor, distributed the rest of his work through the other departments, "with approxi• mate equality, the actual distribution to be determined in the light of the student's individual needs as arrived at through consultation with his advisor." As stated in the catalogue of 1953, "The distribution of these hours shall have the approval of the student's advisor and the dean and shall be worked out with the purpose in mind of meeting the student's needs and of providing a well-rounded and balanced program of study." By 1957, however, the dean began calling for a grouping of de• partments into fields and the working out of a new curriculum pattern based upon functional goals. Passing through inter- 348 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY mediate stages, by 1960 these goals were five in number and were stated as follows: An understanding of the Bible and its message. An understanding of the life and thought of the church in history. An understanding of the world of persons and culture. An appreciation of the meaning and truth of the Christian faith. The ability to present the faith in a rational, moving and relevant manner so as to foster Christian growth and Christian social responsibility.

Further implementation came the following year when the twelve departments of the Seminary were grouped in six "areas": (1) Biblical Studies, (2) Theological Studies, (3) Christian Community, (4) Historical Studies, (5) Religion and Person• ality (Religious Education, Pastoral Care), and (6) Pastoral Theology (Church Administration, Homiletics, Church Music and Worship). Minimum requirements in each area assured a well-balanced program for each student; but the exact pattern of courses was still worked out in personal conference with a faculty advisor. Degree-programs offered at the end of the century were three in number: Bachelor of Divinity (three years); Master of Reli• gious Education (two years); and Master of Theology (a fourth year of study, one year beyond the B.D.). The Th.M. was first offered in 1957-58. Discovering that students were thinking of it as a stepping stone toward a Ph.D. degree, and wishing them• selves to keep it within the field of professional education for the Christian ministry, the faculty redefined requirements for the Th.M. in 1962. Its purpose, as then stated, was to offer advanced education for the pastoral ministry; it amounted to a post-B.D. course, one year in length. "Admission to the degree program normally requires a minimum of one year of full-time ministry beyond the receipt of the B.D. degree." It was further stated, "In character, the Th.M. degree is an advanced professional de- The Academic Procession (1950-1965) 349 gree of high academic quality,'1 also, "A reading knowledge of at least one foreign language is required." Even from the begin• ning in 1957 a Th.M. candidate was required to choose a field of concentration other than his B.D. major. He was required to complete thirty-six hours and to write a thesis under the direction of a three-man committee. In 1963 the faculty still clung hopefully to the simplified grading system adopted in 1941—S (superior), P (pass) and F (fail). But an increasing number of graduates were going on to doctoral studies in universities which insisted upon a traditional transcript with traditional letter grades. The result was a double grading system—one grade for the student, a second, traditional grade held in reserve for the student in case he should ask for a transcript to a university. Questioned about their resistance to traditional letter grades, most faculty members replied that grades were abstract rewards or punishments, implying a judgment which dismisses both the student and the subject. As over against this, a teacher's response to a student's work should be specific, pointing out areas of ac• complishment and areas of needed growth; and it should stim• ulate continuous engagement with the subject, beyond the course itself and even beyond graduation. Normally a professor's evalua• tion of a student's work, pursued in specific comment on papers, and in personal conference, should motivate and stimulate each student in his own rate of personal growth. Such a procedure meant that the professor was continuously engaged with the student, beyond as well as within the classroom. Against a background of social revolution in which "every• thing nailed down was coming loose," the Seminary curriculum developed certain clear trends. There was a deepening interest in biblical studies—biblical theology (with stress on the unique• ness and unity of the Scripture), exegesis, hermeneutics, and a return to the study of Hebrew and Greek. Preaching, hitherto often topical, became rigorously biblical. Theology, timidly offered in the curriculum as "doctrine" now became un• ashamedly "theology," and for the first time employed two 350 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY professors full time. Other departments developed theological courses—such as the Theology of Religious Education, the Min• ister's Message (the theological content of preaching) and the Theology of Proclamation (the "what" and the "why" of preaching). Church history became ecumenical; the former neglect of the centuries between the Early Church and the "Restoration of the Nineteenth Century" was erased, as students immersed themselves in the story of the church through the cen• turies all around the world in all its manifestations. For the first time many Disciples saw their own denomination in perspective; they studied Disciple history as one chapter in a larger volume. Christian social ethics, reflecting the world revolution, prospected for new paths of understanding and social action. Even the so- called "practical fields" sought firm theological rootage. The growing technical competence of the age was also reflected in curricula developments. Beginning in 1955 the Seminary be• gan "auditioning" all incoming students for voice and articula• tion of American speech, and submitting those found deficient to a speech clinic. At about the same time the Seminary began accumulating a library of tape recorded sermons of representative Protestant ministers such as Harry Emerson Fosdick and Edgar DeWitt Jones. The collection was greatly augmented in 1959 with the gift of the Susan Russell Tape Library, made possible by the generosity of industrialist Harlow Russell of Boothbay Harbor, Maine. With the expansion of the buildings in 1960, the former faculty offices were converted into a suite of listening studios, with the tape-recording library at its heart. In the same way, the decade was marked by increasing use of visual aids, talking motion pictures and illustrated lectures. The death of Dean Hopper in the summer of 1960 left a vacancy which was filled temporarily in the fall quarter by William L. Reed and in the winter quarter by Ralph G. Wilburn, both acting in turn as chairman of the faculty. Then on March 14, 1961, Ralph G. Wilburn was made dean. He was the seventh dean in the history of the Seminary to bear the title, his predeces• sors having been W. C. Morro, Hall L. Calhoun, Alonzo W. The Academic Procession (1950-1965) 351

Fortune, William Clayton Bower, Charles Lynn Pyatt, and Myron T. Hopper. Dean Wilburn in 1962-63 took his promised sabbatical as planned, devoting the summers at each end of it to the visiting and studying of representative theological semi• naries in the United States. Paul A. Crow, Jr. meanwhile served as registrar and as executive secretary to the dean, supervising the educational program at the Seminary during the dean's sab• batical. Beyond the Campus The program of faculty sabbaticals, begun under President Corey, continued. Seven professors combined foreign travel with teaching or lecturing abroad. These were Howard E. Short at the Ecumenical Institute, Celigny, Switzerland (1952-53); Dwight E. Stevenson at Union Theological Seminary of the Philippines, Manila (1953-54); T. Hassell Bowen, U. S. Army Chaplains' school, Berchtesgaden, Germany (1955); George V. Moore, Evangelical Theological Seminary of Puerto Rico (1956-57); Lewis S. C. Smythe, in instituting a rural develop• ment program for Silliman University, Dumaguete, Philippines (1957-58); Roscoe M. Pierson, organizing the library of Evan• gelical Theological Seminary of Puerto Rico (1958-59); and Arthur N. Wake, Overdale College, Birmingham, England (1961-62). Three studied abroad: Dwight E. Stevenson at the American Schools of Oriental Research, Jerusalem, Jordan (1960-61); William L. Reed, in archaeological explorations of northern Arabia and in a dig at el'-Al (Elealeh) in the Hashemite King• dom of Jordan (1961-62); and William R. Baird at the Uni• versity of Marburg, Germany (1962-63). Three others studied at American Universities: T. Hassell Bowen at Harvard (1955- 56); Ralph G. Wilburn at Yale (1962-63); and Richard C. White at the University of Chicago (1963-64). The strength of the new faculty began to make itself known in the scholarly world through a greatly increased output of articles in learned journals and through a growing number of books. By the summer of 1963 eight members of the faculty had 352 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY published a total of twenty-six books; and ten professors had eleven books in progress. Research, writing, and publication were greatly encouraged by two measures taken by the adminis• tration. In 1949, when Montgomery became president, the whole faculty had three hours per day from one student-secre• tary; this meant that for the most part they typed their own manuscripts and wrote much of their own correspondence. President Montgomery immediately altered this by employing a full-time faculty secretary. Later, as the work load increased, two faculty secretaries were employed. A second development aimed at the encouragement of faculty publication was the change in teaching load from twelve quarter hours to eight. This occurred in 1958 on the strong recommendation of the American Associ• ation of Theological Schools. Recognized far beyond their own campus, professors were in constant demand throughout the whole church for a great va• riety of services: as directors of its boards and societies; as mem• bers of its study commissions; as managing and contributing editors; as occasional preachers in local pulpits; as speakers at conventions, ministerial institutes, and university and college lectureships; as delegates to ecumenical gatherings at home and abroad; and in many other capacities. To record the sum of such services for a decade would require a book in itself. The spectacle of itinerating professors on these missions of churchmanship is not unlike that of a busy beehive with bees constantly flying to and returning from surrounding fields. The life of a seminary teacher, far from being the ivory-tower existence that some pictured it to be, was one of constant involve• ment in the ongoing stream of student life, in the thought cur• rents of the world-at-large, and in the surging tides of the church. For as the faculty saw it, in a theological seminary educating men for the pastoral ministry, scholarship was not to be drained of blood. It had to be full-bodied and fully alive not only to the world of ideas but also to the world of persons and move• ments, which make of all life an exciting procession of mortal men before the face of an immortal God. Chapter XXV

"AS PIONEERS THY SONS MUST RISE!"

STUDENT LIFE ON THE SOUTH LIMESTONE campus in the last fifteen years of the first century had its own family spirit. The Alma Mater Hymn, written by M. Elmore Turner of the Class of 1936, continued to stand as a fitting ar• ticulation of that spirit. Sung to the music of Crusader's Hymn, the words call to friendship, to learning, and to spiritual pioneer• ing: Hail, Alma Mater, Guiding light of friendship! As comrades true thy sons now stand. With joy in brotherhood, With glad, united voice, We lift our song in praise of thee.

Hail, Alma Mater, Worthy flame of learning! To richer lives thy sons are led. With free and open minds, With brave expectant hearts, We do our work with thanks to thee.

Hail, Alma Mater, Living hope of progress! As pioneers thy sons must rise. With wholesome faith in man, With will to league with God, We make our path by light from thee.

353 354 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Of the sentiments expressed in the hymn only the phrase "living hope of progress" would come under question in the post-World War II period; for the optimistic belief in general progress which had so enlivened the nineteenth century and the early decades of the twentieth had been shattered. The splitting of the atom, the piercing of the sound barrier and the exploration of outer space, unprecedented as they were, did not outweigh the dark burden of the human predicament, of the Cold War, of explosive armis• tice lines, and erupting revolutions; nor did they counterbalance the mounting divorce rate, the growth of alcoholism, the in• crease of mental illness and other evil genii escaping from the black cellar of troubled minds. Theological students at midcen- tury rediscovered sin and the demonic. To the same degree, from the reformation, amelioration and improvement which had en• gaged students in the 1920's and 1930's they turned to the ancient forces of repentance and redemption. A sense of urgency invested campus fellowship, worship and learning with a new seriousness; it called for a return to deep sources and to probing for the cutting edge of new life in contemporary culture.

"Guiding Light of Friendship" Social solidarity in the Seminary family, more than the sum of social events, nonetheless found expression in typical happen• ings of every school year. Dean Pyatt's informal hamburger fry yielded, as the Seminary grew, to a more formal opening recep• tion. At the beginning of every year, also, junior students and faculty members made a retreat to some wooded area near river or lake. Thanksgiving found a large segment both of faculty and of students gathering for a turkey dinner in Fellowship Hall. In the winter there was the annual talent show; and in the spring the all-school banquet. The Cane Ridge pilgrimage, another an• nual event, took the whole Seminary for a picnic and worship service to the Cane Ridge Meetinghouse, where Barton Warren Stone and his associates in 1804 signed the Last Will and Testa• ment of the Springfield Presbytery and emerged as "Christians only." This pilgrimage was made in early fall for a number of vis Pioneers Thy Sons Must Rise!" 355 years, then transferred to the month of May. It was always con• cluded, spring or fall, by a service of worship inside the old meetinghouse, built by pioneers in 1792 in the canebrake. Other social events punctuated the year. And the school even had, on a completely voluntary and unofficial basis, a basketball team and a bowling team. The College of the Bible Octet, coached by Gentry A. Shelton in the early 1950's, yielded to the Chapel Choir and the Vesper Choir directed by Professor Wake. The annual Christmas and Easter cantatas of these choirs became regular events in the school calendar. Outlets for the continuous week-by-week expression of family solidarity were provided in a number of ways. Daily chapel yielded once a week, on the average, to an all-seminary "con• vocation." Normally presided over by the student council, but sometimes by the faculty, this informal meeting came to be com• bined with a weekly coffee hour. Sometimes occupied with a hodgepodge of concerns relating to student life, curriculum, interseminary affairs, these informal gatherings were centers of information and community spirit. Policy shifts of the admin• istration in matters of housing regulations, tuition, or academic calendar and curriculum were brought into such discussions, so that government was seldom without full consent of the gov• erned. The Students' Cooperative Bookstore gradually increased its stock and the volume of its business; and its vending machines for coffee, candy, and soft drinks made of the "Co-op" a center of leisure in which many weighty questions of divine imperative and human destiny were mulled over. The "Rec Room" with tables for ping-pong and other games and with lanes for shuffle- board provided other outlets of a lighter recreation. In 1955 The College of the Bible Credit Union was formed; by 1964 this organization had 181 members and funds of $24,148.65. Between October 1955 and April 1964 the Union made 478 loans totalling $92,543.15. Gladys Scheer, assistant librarian, was treasurer.1 356 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

All-Seminary "Fellowship Luncheons" began to be held once a week, usually Wednesday noons, in the school year of 1960-61. Once inaugurated, these luncheons continued as a regular fea• ture of the weekly calendar. Prepared by a cateress, Mrs. Roy Humphrey, and served in cafeteria style, these meals succeeded the "Sack Lunches" which had grown up to accommodate in• formal theological discussion groups organized by students. The weekly luncheons were sometimes followed by messages of guest speakers and by open-forum discussions. In 1958 the Theological Forum became an organized club, meeting monthly. A Religious Education Fellowship was also formed. The Women's Club, in• herited from Transylvania campus days, also met each month. Women students in the Seminary and Seminary wives gathered to discuss a variety of topics relating to their future life in church and parsonage. It was the Woman's Club that sponsored the annual talent show and the annual pilgrimage to Cane Ridge. With the completion of the new apartment buildings in the early fall of 1959 nearly half of the students and student families began to live on campus. Prior to that they were scattered over Lexington, some in the apartment house at 441 W. Second, others at 355 Virginia Avenue or 500 North Broadway and in various private rooming houses throughout the city. More than a third of the students continued to live in parsonages "on the field." Eighteen percent, in 1961, made their own housing ar• rangements in the city of Lexington.

"With Joy in Brotherhood" Beginning in the fall of 1955 the student body took advantage of the student exchange program of the World Council of Churches. This was an arrangement by which the World Coun• cil paid the overseas travel of a foreign student, and the Seminary student body assumed a year's living expenses for a different student each year. Of various denominational backgrounds, these ecumenical exchange students brought an enriching element into the Seminary fellowship. The nine students who have so far been denominated ecumenical students are Walter Ehlers of Germany "As Pioneers Thy Sons Musi Rise!" 357

(1955-56), Noboru ("Paul") Shimomura of Japan (1956-57), Demitrius Stathopoulos of Greece (1957-58), Kevin Heath of Australia (1958-59), Karl Heinz Kuhn of Germany (1959-60), Choon Young Kim of China (1960-61), Basil Metz of Jamaica (1961-62), Alf Oftestad of Norway (1962-63), and Margund Michel of Germany (1963-64). The Interseminary Movement in the years after World War II took root on the Lexington campus almost immediately. In the region to which The College of the Bible belonged—an area comprising the states of Kentucky and Tennessee—there were eight theological seminaries. Each year these gathered in an an• nual Interseminary Conference, entertained by one of the mem• ber institutions. The College of the Bible served as host on several occasions, and supplied members of the executive committee. Ecumenical influences moved from The College of the Bible to Europe in 1956 and again in 1961 when Delos McKown and Trent Owings won scholarships to the Ecumenical Insti• tute in Switzerland. International students not in the formal exchange program added their number year by year and lent their witness to a world church. From Japan came Itoko Maeda, Hideo and Taiko Oki; from China, Joseph Yong, and Muling Chow; from Korea, Yae Kyung Choi, Choon Young Kim and Moonki Lew; from the Philippines, Eduardo Malones and Daniel Rasay; from India, Alexander Haines; from Canada, Dorothy Martin, Bruce and Elmer Stainton, Donald Bailey, Thomas Fountain, and John Locke; and from Puerto Rico, Juan and Flor Rivera, Miguel Morales, Wilfredo and Eunice Velez. The first Negro to receive a degree from The College of the Bible was William Henry White, a Bachelor of Divinity gradu• ate in the class of 1955. The receiving of Negroes into the stu• dent body of The College of the Bible brought to fruition nearly a century of development, passing through two phases into a third: paternalism, segregation, and integration. Paternalism was represented in the work of white ministers who undertook to teach Negroes. The basic pattern was found 358 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY in what J. W. McGarvey was doing at Dover, Missouri, in 1862; it had long been his custom to hold meetings once a month for Negroes only.2 It was but a short step to the special "in• struction of colored men who desire to preach." Thus we find the Apostolic Times of October 14, 1869, announcing that five men had organized a "Bible School for colored preachers,'1 in Lexington, Kentucky, and that fourteen young men had applied. The five men composing the faculty were Robert Milligan, L. B. Wilkes, Robert Graham, J. W. McGarvey and Moses E. Lard. This kind of instruction, somewhat sporadic, reappeared from time to time only slightly altered. For example, the Christian Standard of May 19, 1883, stated that seven Negroes, who lodged with white families (and worked for their keep) were being taught by seniors of The College of the Bible. This pattern of paternalistic institutes and schools continued off and on until 1950. Segregated education of Negro young men for the ministry began for Disciples in September, 1873, with the organization of the Louisville Bible College. The twofold object of the school, as announced in the Apostolic Times of September 18, 1873, was "to educate young freedmen . . . for teachers in schools for freedmen or to qualify them for preaching the gospel." This school, with a small faculty and student body, continued until 1918, when plans for Jarvis Christian College caused the national boards to transfer support to Texas.3 The pattern of segregated theological education received in Kentucky powerful sanctions from commonwealth law. The milder attitudes which followed the Civil War developed by 1900 into an antiracial bias. Berea College, integrated from its founding in 1855, became the target of special legislation which came to a head in 1904. In that year Representative Carl Day of Breathitt County in the heart of the Kentucky mountains succeeded in winning the Assembly to a bill which made it "un• lawful for any person, corporation, or association of persons to maintain any college, school or institution where persons of the white and Negro races are both received as pupils for instruc- "As Pioneers Thy Sons Must Rise!" 359 tion." The law was well supplied with "teeth"—penalties of $1,000 upon the institution, $50.00 upon the student, and $50.00 upon the teacher for each day's violation of the law. Until the amending of the Day Law by the Kentucky Legislature in 1950, that statute crushed every effort at integration in the state, in• cluding several efforts of The College of the Bible faculty.4 The admission of Negroes completed the search of the Semi• nary to become an international, interracial fellowship. Carey Carter, chief custodian since 1936, quietly taught Chris• tian attitudes in interracial relations, principally through his own transparent Christianity. Faculty, administration and students regarded "Carey" as "someone special." Student members of his work crew, in particular, came to bear toward him the admira• tion and affection of disciples for a master teacher. The Seminary family celebrated this high regard in the autumn of 1961 when, to mark Carey's twenty-five years as custodian, they honored him in a special chapel service, presented him with a citation and asked him to speak. Women, having officially entered The College of the Bible in 1904, continued to be numbered among the students. The first woman to receive a B.D. degree was Ellen Augusta Moore (Mrs. Lewis A. Warren) who was graduated in 1916. The average number of women in attendance was twenty, the low• est number being twelve in 1960, and the highest, twenty-eight in 1957. (During the low year, following the death of Myron T. Hopper, the Seminary was without a full-time professor of religious education.) The majority of students continued to come from Disciple colleges and universities. The average number of students from that source accounted for better than sixty percent of the stu• dent body. The lowest percentage came in the year ending in 1954, when sixteen Disciple colleges supplied forty-nine and three-tenths percent of the students; forty-one other colleges ac• counted for the rest. The highest percentage came in 1950 when twelve Disciple colleges supplied eighty and seven-tenths percent of the students; thirty other colleges supplied the remaining nine- 360 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY teen and three-tenths percent. In the annual enrollments, stu• dents from Transylvania College alone averaged more than thirty, the highest being forty-three in 1958, the lowest, nineteen in 1963. Thus Disciple colleges and universities, Transylvania in particular, served across the years as regular "pipe-lines" feed• ing students into The College of the Bible. At prospects of a decline from these sources (because of de• creasing Disciple enrollments in Disciple colleges) the Seminary in the 1960's faced an increasingly difficult task of recruitment. The postwar surge of men entering the ministry' had spent itself; the religious revival of the 1950's had waned. The gathering of a ministry out of the churches and from secular universities be• came more difficult and at the same time more urgent.

"Worthy Flame of Learning" It is significant of the Montgomery era that the academic quest overflowed the classroom, not only into "sack lunch" dis• cussions and theological forums, but also into lectureships. There were the Spring Lectures, inaugurated in 1953. Delivered in April, and consisting of a series of six lectures on a single topic, this lectureship came to be a regular feature of the post-Easter season. Twelve men have occupied this lectureship:

HAROLD L. LUNGER: "The Political Thought of Alexander Campbell" (1953) WILLIAM G. WEST: "Barton Warren Stone: His Struggle for Freedom and Christian Unity" (1954) WILLIAM ROBINSON: "The Christian Doctrine of Vocation" (1955) MYRON C. COLE: "As Those Who Serve" (1956) HANS HERMAN WALZ: "The Nature of the Church" (1957) A. CAMPBELL GARNETT: "Contemporary Thought and the Return to Religion" (1958) C. HERNDON WAGERS: "Christian Faith and Philosophical Inquiry" (1959) VERNON S. MCCASLAND: "Jesus: Yesterday and Today" (1960) As Pioneers Thy Sons Must Rise!" 361

RILEY B. MONTGOMERY: "The Ministry of All Believers" (1961) OLIVER R. WHITLEY: "Outside the Stained-Glass Window" (1962) LANGDON GILKEY: "The Church and the World: A Study of Current Problems in the Life of Our Churches" (1963) DWIGHT E. STEVENSON: "The False Prophet" (1964)

Beginning in 1959, the student council initiated a student lec• tureship. Each year an outstanding scholar was invited to spend from one to three days on campus, speaking in chapel and before groups. Visiting scholars responding to this invitation included Donald G. Miller, Marcus Barth, and Samuel Lauechli. Each autumn the Kentucky Council of Churches convened an interdenominational minister's conference. Meeting in Lex• ington, this conference offered to students of The College of the Bible the opportunity of hearing men like George Arthur But- trick, G. Bromley Oxnam, Harold Bosley, and Martin E. Marty. The Disciples' own Mid-Winter Christian Ministers' Institute in Kentucky resumed in 1961 after a twelve-year recess to encour• age the interdenominational conference, provided like opportuni• ties to hear such men as Virgil A. Sly, William Martin Smith, Clarence E. Lemmon, and Lawrence W. Bash. Through daily chapel and weekly convocation, numerous other visiting lecturers brought students face to face with world Christians like Toyohiko Kagawa, Kirby Page, T. J. Koo, James Farmer, Heinrich Krammer, Wayne E. Oates, W. E. Garrison, Roger T. Nooe, as well as the various editors, state and area secretaries, and national executives of the brotherhood. One regular feature of each school year was the lectures of a visiting Jewish rabbi under the auspices of the Jewish Chatauqua So• ciety. This annual event arose a number of years before out of the fraternal relations between Rabbi Samuel Cohen of the faculty of Hebrew Union College of Cincinnati and Dean Charles Lynn Pyatt. This interfaith friendship was singularly memorialized on 362 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

April 10, 1951, when Hebrew Union College formally presented to The College of the Bible "as a permanent loan*' a Scroll of the Torah copied by hand in Germany during the eighteenth century. Rabbi Sidney Ballon, who made the presentation on behalf of the Jewish Seminary, said, "This is the first time in his• tory that a Jewish theological school has been willing to part with one of its most sacred objects and give it to a Christian school."5 Still another occasion for guest speakers was provided when in the fall of 1962 the Seminary invited Howard Thomas Wood of Memphis, Tennessee, as the first annual visiting minister—to live on campus for a week, to meet with classes, hold personal conferences, address forums and otherwise share the fruits of a long and successful ministry with those just beginning. In 1963- 64 the annual visiting minister was Joseph Faulconer of Ash• land, Kentucky. Space does not permit a full listing of the long and more-or- less continuous stream of visiting speakers who stopped for a week or a day to speak as voices of the brotherhood, of the ecumenical church, and of the contemporary world.

"With Free and Open Minds" The story of what happens in a Seminary is not exhausted or even indicated by the events of the school year. Educational hap• penings are deeper; they take place in the minds of students and in the spirit and temper of the school, more inward than events and more important, but more difficult to report. The true happenings of the 1950's and 1960's are perhaps best re• flected in the vocabulary that grew up in the period—in the special words which kept appearing and reappearing in the talk of students with one another and with their teachers. A semi• narian of the 1930's emerging suddenly from his decade and en• tering the 1960's would find the language new and strange, salted and peppered, as it were, with words like encounter, ex• istential, kerygma, Christ-event, demythologizing, acceptance, "As Pioneers Thy Sons Must Rise!" 363 mighty acts of God, revelation, relevance, renewal, outsider, di• alogue, and image. Fresh intellectual forces were sweeping in from continental theology, from depth psychology, and from a new seriousness in biblical scholarship. Finding the outside cultural worlds in con• flict, breaking up and losing meaning, students turned again to the deep sources of Christian faith, seeking meaning and mission. They reasserted the nonmetaphysical character of Chris• tianity and found in it not a religion of speculations and theories, but a news event, a story of what God had done in Christ. They found God, not at the end of a syllogism, but at the forking of the road, at the crossroads in decision making, at the points of crisis and dread in daily life, and in the meeting of persons at depths transcending utility-—where love is claimed and offered. They learned the ingredient of silence that enters into all mean• ingful speech; they schooled themselves in listening. They sought their own identity as ministers in a changing church for a chang• ing world—an "image" blurred and broken, to be refocused and reassembled. And they addressed themselves probingly to a culture increasingly drained of religious imagery, to a people de- creasingly responsive to the old catchwords which had so deeply moved their fathers. Uncertainty did not exist at center. That became fixed and clarified in Christ, the gift of God's love. The difficulty was at the circumference, which had expanded or broken up. The old boundaries of world and gospel had been taken away. And men who could now talk with one another in their own vocabulary about a faith that illumined and renewed them, were left search• ing for words and ways of addressing themselves to a multitude of "outsiders" both in and out of the church for whom all words of religion had lost the ring of reality. "What are the street clothes of the gospel in this age?" This was the question of seminary students as The College of the Bible neared the close of the first century as they sought to re• establish the dialogue of church and world in which the words of life are broken for a hungering humanity. 364 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

"With Wholesome Faith in Man" As these words are written, more than half of the graduates of the Seminary from a hundred years of history are now living and serving. A third of all graduates received their degrees in the Montgomery era. Alumni of the Seminary, according to the President's report of March 12, 1963, are serving in important staff positions of causes, institutions and agencies in at least the following numbers: National Causes and Agencies 26 State Missionary Organizations 31 Colleges and Seminaries 30 Missionaries [foreign] 36

Inclusive of the commencement of 1964, the total number of graduates in the ninety-nine year history of the Seminary was 1,449. When added to former students who left school short of graduation (3,103), this brought to 4,552 the number of persons who had studied at The College of the Bible between the years 1865 and 1964. In this total number of former students seven• teen and five tenths percent have been women. But among graduates, the number of women stands at the much lower per• centage of five and ninety-seven hundredths percent. A review of graduates from the different administrations shows that the presidencies of Robert Graham, John W. McGarvey and Riley B. Montgomery were the most productive. (See Ap• pendix.) Gathered from a majority of states of the United States and from many nations, more than eight hundred living alumni of The College of the Bible are dispersed throughout the world. Among them are university presidents, editors, missionary execu• tives, and ecumenical leaders. The strength of the alumni, mean• while, rests in the rank and file of local church ministers and educators who serve in hundreds of towns and cities at home and abroad. Each year at a special luncheon during the Assembly of the International Convention of Christian Churches (Disciples rAs Pioneers Thy Sons Must Rise!" 365 of Christ) these gather by hundreds to sing the Alma Mater and rehearse the ties that bind them into a single family.

'With Will to League with God" The worship life of The College of the Bible in the Mont• gomery period, as before, centered in the chapel. The chapel committee was a joint committee of faculty and students, com• posed usually of two members—one a faculty member, the other the vice president of the student body. Each morning when school was in session, except for a weekly convocation, the Semi• nary gathered as a body in the chapel to be led for half an hour in worship by a member of the faculty or by a chosen senior. Frequently guest ministers preached. Attendance was voluntary and always included a majority of the students. Each school year was inaugurated at an all-Seminary com• munion service, held on the first evening of the fall term. And each year drew near its close, on the eve of commencement, with Senior Communion. In this service, the seniors prayed in unison, using the words of John Wesley's Covenant Service of August 11, 1755: O Lord God, Holy Father, who has called me through Christ to be a partaker in thy gracious covenant, I am no longer my own, but thine. Put me to what thou wilt, rank me with whom thou wilt, put me to doing, put me to suffering; let me be employed for thee or laid aside for thee, exalted for thee or brought low for thee; let me be full, let me be empty; let me have all things, let me have nothing; I freely yield all things to thy pleasure and disposal. And now, O glorious and blessed God, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, thou art mine, and I am thine. So be it. And the covenant which I have made on earth, let it be ratified in heaven. Amen.

Other expressions of worship life included the opening of classes with prayer, a practice of many professors; morning prayer, conducted by small groups of students at 7:35 each morning; and evening prayer, conducted occasionally, also on a small group basis. 366 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Disciples of Christ came upon the American scene in the frontier period more in a forensic than a devotional mood. They learned to debate before they learned to pray. Seminary students as inheritors of that tradition moved slowly and with few guides in developing their own worship life and that of their congrega• tions. Nevertheless, the liturgical revival so widely influential in the ecumenical movement did not leave them untouched. The thirst for worship found daily expression.

"We Make our Path with Light from Thee" The ideal of the Seminary in the last years of the first cen• tury, as before, was not training or indoctrination but education. It was not an unchanging dogma but a man alive in Christ, growing and thinking, alert to the changing world and its needs. To this end the Seminary sought to inculcate habits of discip• lined study, attitudes of inquiry and exploration that would nurture in each graduate his own growing edge for years to come. It became important in such an undertaking not to give all the answers but to ask the right questions; not merely to supply knowledge, but to stimulate wisdom; not to shape a new world in the classroom but to grow its frontiersmen and its pioneers. Chapter XXVI

A NEW NAME FOR A NEW CENTURY

THE BOARD OF TRUSTEES IN ITS SEPTEM• BER meeting, 1959, voted to appoint a "Study Committee on the Advisability of Changing the Name of The College of the Bible." This action grew out of ten years of casual discussion among faculty, alumni, students, and other friends of the Semi• nary. With the march of the years the meaning of the original name had changed. It no longer accurately pictured what the Seminary was or what it was doing. This was not the first time that the School had faced the ques• tion of name, nor had the name remained exactly the same through all the years. While the Seminary existed legally within the institution of Kentucky University, from 1865 to 1877, the name of the University was quite naturally a part of its own. It was therefore "Kentucky University College of the Bible" or "College of the Bible of Kentucky University." As such it stood beside the College of Law, the College of Medicine, the College of Arts and Sciences, the College of Commerce, and other col• leges in the University. This membership gave it a clear identi• fication. With the separation of the College of the Bible from Ken• tucky University in 1877 and the acquiring of its own charter in 1878, the legal name became simply "College of the Bible." Even so, it was frequently necessary to explain that this was the "New" College of the Bible, not to be confused as a member

'367 368 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY institution of the University. Further efforts at identity and dis• tinction are reflected in the amendment of the charter, Sep• tember 20, 1910, changing the name to "The College of the Bible." The addition of the word "The" with a capital "T" hardly sufficed to serve its purpose, however, for across the years friends and acquaintances of the school insisted upon identifying it as an integral part of Transylvania University. Further confusion arose when other colleges of the Bible came into existence—at Drake University, at Phillips University and at Texas Christian University. The Lexington Seminary was the only one living under its own separate charter and not under the umbrella of a sponsoring university. Even so the single word "The" did not adequately distinguish it from the other schools having the same name. Phillips graduates, for example, referred to their seminary as "the College of the Bible"; Drake alumni did the same. Brite College of the Bible graduates at Texas Chris• tian University, understandably, referred to theirs as "Brite." All three seminaries changed their names. The first became Graduate Seminary of Phillips University; the second, the Divinity School of Drake University; and the third, Brite Divinity School of Texas Christian University. Butler School of Religion, the semi• nary within Butler University, separated from its parent institu• tion and took the name of Christian Theological Seminary. Change was in the air. Among Disciple educators there need be no further confusion about The College of the Bible, with or without the capital "T" in "The." But other ambiguities per• sisted. Following the fundamentalist-modernist controversy of the 1920's, there began to spring up a number of fundamentalist in• stitutes, variously called Bible Colleges, Bible Institutes, or Bible Seminaries. Reactionary in theology, unaccredited academically, they represented some ministerial training, but without adequate undergirding in the liberal arts, and all at the undergraduate level. Many of these institutions appeared to be almost anti- intellectual. The injection of this new, reactionary Bible institute into the religious scene greatly altered the connotation of the A New Name for a New Century 369 name of the much older Lexington Seminary. In public relations it became necessary to explain that The College of the Bible was not a fundamentalist institution and that it was not a Bible college in the current sense of that term; that it was, rather, a theological seminary receiving into its student body only the graduates of liberal arts colleges. The old name, for reasons of environmental changes in American religious life, was proving to be a handicap. Sometimes the handicap was spelled out in lost or delayed be• quests, as is shown by an announcement in The College of the Bible Bulletin for May, 1941. This article advised prospective donors, "Our name is The College of the Bible." And, it further advised, it is best to give the address, "Lexington, Kentucky." "Several times we have been left money in wills (causing delay and uncertainty)" because we have been called "Lexington Bible College, Transylvania Bible College, Christian Church Bible College, etc." After 1938 an additional ambiguity arose in the name. The College of the Bible stopped receiving undergraduates into its student body and went to an all-graduate status. The word "col• lege" in the name, nevertheless, carried the connotation of under• graduate school and required constant explanation. Wilbur H. Cramblet, president of the Christian Board of Publication, served as chairman of the committee on change of name. First the committee made a survey of opinion among alumni and constituency. Questionnaires were returned by 463 people in thirty-two states and six foreign countries. The com• mittee reported June 12, 1961, their own vote, "It is advisable to change the name of the seminary." The trustees declined to act until they should have a proposed new name before them. Therefore on March 12, 1963, the com• mittee came before the Board with a definite proposal. The re• port read, in part: 1. Following the guidance of our constituency given in the ques• tionnaires returned, the committee sought a name which would avoid the ambiguity of the word "college" in the present name. 370 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

2. Carefully weighing the names used by the other seminaries of the nation, the committee sought a name which would designate us as a recognized graduate seminary, without making further ex• planation. 3. Considering our heritage of service across the world and across denominational lines, and considering our brotherhood's historic position about denominationalism, the committee sought a name which would not suffer either regional or denominational limita• tions. . . . In keeping with approximately two thirds of our sister schools throughout the nation who use the designation in their names, the committee believes that the words "Theological Seminary" best de• scribe what the institution is, and gives it, almost automatically, an identity as a graduate professional school for the education of min• isters of the church. "Seminary" was chosen as an appropriate word to go with "The• ological," preferable to "School" or "College," since "Seminary" is more commonly used in an independent institution such as ours. ["School" applies usually to seminaries within sponsoring uni• versities.] The desired avoidance of regional or denominational limitations, and more than this, an identification with a historic place revered by Disciples of Christ across the country, is to be found in the use of the word "Lexington." We feel that a word like "Kentucky" or "Southeast" would tend to localize the influence and work of the institution. The two areas around which the early history of the Christian Churches (Disciples of Christ) center are Bethany [West Virginia] and Lexington. The union of the Campbell-Stone forces took place here. There is ample precedent for the use of a city as an address. Therefore the committee suggests the specific name: Lexington Theological Seminary.

Action was deferred until the September meeting. The com• mittee had warned, "There is no magic in a name but this in• stitution can operate effectively with national and ecumenical concerns evident to all under the name of 'Lexington Theological Seminary.' " The trustees continued to think it over. By autumn they were ready to vote. Accordingly, on September 10, 1963, the board voted to change the name of The College of the Bible to A New Name for a New Century 371

Lexington Theological Seminary, the new name to take effect August 1, 1965, at the beginning of the second century.

Overview of a Century As one looks back over a century of history in the Seminary one can see certain trends and movements running like threads through the whole story. One of these was the struggle for in• stitutional identity. Another was the effort to articulate message and mission.

The Struggle for Institutional Identity This first took the form of a conflict between church and state in what was known as the Bowman-McGarvey Controversy of the 1870's. Although it involved strong personalities on both sides, the initial difficulty was rooted in the fact that Kentucky University as chartered in 1865 was a hybrid of church and state forces. Unsuspected by either party to the dispute, conflict was built into the institution at the beginning. The storm that caused such "upheaval in Kentucky" in separating Kentucky [Transyl• vania] University, the State College of Agriculture and Mechani• cal Arts [University of Kentucky], and The College of the Bible rendered a service to all by giving to each its separate identity. The return of The College of the Bible to the buildings and campus of Kentucky [Transylvania] University in 1878 as a legally separate institution, however, confused the issue. With overlapping faculties and intermingling student bodies the two schools presented to public view the aspect of a single institution. At various times they even published their catalogues together. Later, under a joint presidency and joint executive committees, as they built and jointly operated their heating plant, dormitory, and dining rooms together, lines of distinction became further blurred. And with the involvement of the Seminary in the athletics and finances of Transylvania (which name Kentucky University reclaimed in 1908), distinctions appeared almost to vanish. 372 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

The financial difficulties of the 1920's brought matters to a head. To those in the administration it then seemed imperative to merge three institutions into one. These were Hamilton Col• lege, Transylvania College, and The College of the Bible. Though the alumnae and friends of Hamilton College at first resisted, the day of the fashionable women's finishing school had vanished; and eventually Hamilton disappeared into the cor• porate life of Transylvania College. But further efforts at recentering were doomed to frustration. When The College of the Bible was briefly reduced to little more than the Department of Religion in Transylvania College, the Seminary family arose in protest. When, later, it was proposed to subordinate Transyl• vania College to The College of the Bible or to the University of Kentucky, the College family arose in even more violent pro• test. It was at this point that the process of entanglement between Transylvania College and The College of the Bible began to turn into a process of disentanglement. Beginning about 1928, this disentanglement progressed step by step over the next decade. It was then that each school began to see for itself a clear and distinct role—Transylvania as a liberal arts college for undergraduates, The College of the Bible as a theological seminary offering courses to graduates only. This phase of dis• entanglement was strongly reenforced in 1938 when the Semi• nary reestablished a separate administration and also became a charter member of the American Association of Theological Schools. It was implemented in 1950 when The College of the Bible departed from the Transylvania campus and occupied its own buildings on its own separate campus. The struggle to en• large student body, faculty, buildings and equipment, and financial undergirding—which was the struggle of the final fifteen years of the first century—was the crowning effort to achieve institutional identity. There remained only the unfinished task of clarifying the picture of the Seminary in the public mind. Old confusions persisted; ambiguities resident in the name fogged the issue. A New Name for a New Century 373

The work of the newly organized News Bureau and the promo• tion of the Centennial Development Program did much to rectify this; and it was hoped that the adoption of a new name would complete it. There were many points at which the battle for identity could have been lost, and places where victory was won only by a close margin. That the Seminary survived and even flour• ished through the conflict seems now little short of a miracle. It was a struggle covering the greater part of a century. The outcome was often in doubt. Therefore, the eventual victory was all the more exhilarating.

Articulating Message and Mission The overriding mission of the Seminar)' throughout the cen• tury was to educate young men and women for the Christian ministries. But this general aim took changing forms as the school moved through different eras.

To Insure Restorationism The first spiritual era, which persisted unconfused by other issues from 1865 to 1895 and then continued in the midst of emerging new issues until 1912, was one of wholehearted support to the plea of the Restoration Movement. Barton Warren Stone and Alexander Campbell had proposed the union of all Chris• tians through the restoration of New Testament Christianity, unity being the goal, restoration being the means. Removing their eyes temporarily from the distant goal and fixing it upon the means, Milligan, Graham, and McGarvey gave themselves with• out stint to restoration. A watchword of the movement, sounded by Thomas Campbell in the Declaration and Address of 1809, was "Where the Scriptures speak, we speak; where they are silent, we are silent." It became the task of The College of the Bible to turn a listening ear to the speech of the Scriptures, to hear and remember all that they had to say. Seldom, if ever, has any ministry studied its Bible so assiduously or known its contents 374 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY so thoroughly as the graduates of The College of the Bible in that era. The phenomenal growth of Disciples of Christ as a religious body continued to make the dream of the fathers credible well into the first decade of the twentieth century. John W. McGarvey went to his death in 1911 in his eighty-third year, apparently never doubting it.

To Address a Scientific Age Meantime America was growing up. A rural economy was yielding to an urban one; an agricultural to an industrial society. Applied science was storming the gates. Science showed its influence in the church in Darwin's theory of biological evolution and in Higher Criticism. These forces in• truded upon the Lexington scene—evolution in 1900 in the brief skirmish between James Lane Allen and John W. McGar• vey over the former's novel, The Reign of Law. Higher Criticism intruded as early as 1890 and continued in the background until it erupted into the foreground in 1912 with the appointment of A. W. Fortune to the faculty. Then began the struggle of the old with the new, eventuating in the "heresy trial" of 1917. In the midst of inflamed emotions and aroused feelings, bitterly assailed as "destructive critics," the faculty and trustees of The College of the Bible yielded to the new voices. They decided that the new world view of science could not be denied and that religion and Scripture had nothing to fear from open investigation. The Seminary door, they argued, ought to be tall enough that it is not necessary for a man, enter• ing, to leave his head on the outside. Thus dawned at The College of the Bible the era of lively liberalism, made exciting by the stimulating teaching of Fortune, Bower, and Snoddy. It was also the age of the social gospel, when young men turned their attention under the inspiration of Walter Rauschenbush and the Old Testament prophets to the "Chris• tianizing of the Social Order." A New Name for a New Century 375

To Join the Ecumenical Reformation As the twentieth century wore on into the 1940's once again the frontier shifted, not as dramatically as before; but nonetheless it shifted. The preoccupation of the previous three decades had been with the place of religion in a world of science and applied Christianity. Thus the central concerns were philosophy of reli• gion and Christian ethics. The new preoccupation centered upon the rediscovery of the church—in its depths as a redemptive community and in its breadth as an ecumenical society. The new mood was restoration with a new face; not the face of biblical literalism, and static organizational patterns, but the face of biblical recovery and church renewal. The Bible was restudied with new vigor, for its unity, as a channel of revelation and a source of message. Theology at last came into its own, asking its fundamental questions of what and why. Insistence upon correct belief yielded to the primacy of faith as personal insight. Thus there was a return to deep sources; for the ecumenical reforma• tion which began as a horizontal quest for human fellowship within divided Christendom soon turned into a vertical probe for divine imperatives. As Lexington Theological Seminary moves into the second century, it may be that the frontier is again shifting. The work of biblical and theological renewal and the work of welding into one the various disciplines of seminary education may be nearing fruition. The great new words are relevance and dialogue. Hav• ing turned inward to its sources for two decades, the church and the Seminary again turn outward in concerned conversation with the surrounding world. Since the last major engagements in the 1920's and 193(ys both church and world have changed. The former intimate conflict of science and religion has cooled into polite indifference; it can now be revived, not in debate, but in dialogue, much to the benefit of both. A society that is post-Protestant and sub-Christian, caught in a dialectic of self- affirmation and nihilism, can now be challenged and addressed. In basic convictions. In basic loyalties. In social morality. "For the created universe waits with eager expectation for Gods sons to be revealed,, (Romans 8:19, New English Bible). Appendix I

BEGINNINGS IN MINISTERIAL EDUCATION, ESPECIALLY AMONG DISCIPLES OF CHRIST

PROTESTANTISM WAS STILL YOUNG WHEN it began to pay special attention to the education of its ministry. As early as 1525, while Martin Luther's dramatic stand at the Diet of Worms was still ringing in German ears, Philip of Hesse founded the University of Marburg to educate "well trained, effective ministers."1 Wittenburg, captured by the Reformation, filled a similar role. John Calvin shortly thereafter set up his academy in Geneva for the same purpose.2 In America the Pilgrims erected a university almost as soon as they had landed. The Harvard Gateway inscription preserves their declaration: After God had carried us safe to New England and we had builded our houses, provided necessaries for our livelihood, reared convenient places for God's worship, and settled the civil govern• ment, one of the things we longed for and looked after was to ad• vance learning and perpetuate it to posterity, dreading to leave an illiterate ministry to the churches when our present ministers shall lie in the dust.3

The same motivation lay behind the founding of nearly all early American colleges and universities. Education in those days was at once classical and religious. It was done by clergymen and —while it also produced men for the other professions—it cer• tainly was intended to produce clergymen.

376 Beginnings in Ministerial Education 377

Even so, from the earliest days it became apparent that a college education was not enough. Upon graduating from college a candidate for the ministry placed himself under an established clergyman. More often than not, along with four or five young men like himself, he lived in the minister's home, ate at the fam• ily table, shared in family devotions. His mentor guided him in a course of advanced studies and put him to work in the parish, learning tasks of pastor and preacher. After a year or two in such a role the young minister was deemed ready for licensing and for a period of probationary service in small churches. Finally he was approved and ordained; then he could enter the regular ministry. Such was the pattern before the American Revolution, and, while this pattern persisted for half a century longer, by 1800 a new shape in ministerial education began to emerge. Theological schools came into being. These were professional schools intended for young men who had been to college but who now received on an institutional basis the advanced and specialized education formerly provided by a resident minister under the system of internship just described. In a period of only twenty years be• tween 1807 and 1827 seventeen seminaries began.4 Among these were Andover, Princeton, Harvard, General (Protestant Epis• copal), Auburn, Yale, and Gettysburg. The reasons for the coming of theological seminaries are about four in number: (1) The growth of American population in• creased the demand for new ministers beyond the capacity of settled clergymen to train them. (2) Professional schools for lawyers and physicians had made their appearance, replacing the older method of "reading for law" under an experienced lawyer or of practicing medicine as the junior assistant of a sea• soned doctor. (3) The secularization of education began to re• move the colleges from the exclusive control of the clergy; college education became less religious. (4) Denominational rivalry also played its part. At any rate, the seminaries came, and with them the age-long ideal of a liberally educated, specially trained ministry was per- 378 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY petuated, and even advanced. Then came a recession of the ideal. With the growing influence of the Western frontier, with the coming of the mass revivals, and the tragic dislocations of the Civil War, the classical aristocracy of the East began to break up. In place of education, other qualities came to be emphasized: heartfelt religion, a mystical calling, native eloquence, individual initiative, and pioneer hardihood. Many laymen with little train• ing beyond a well-memorized Bible took to wagon beds, to stumps, and schoolhouses to preach with little knowledge but with much zeal. Sometimes in the rough and tumble of frontier life young ministers from Eastern colleges and seminaries were no match for them. There seemed to be little need for "fancy learning." And so the ideal of the ministry as a learned profession waned; piety and evangelistic zeal were prized above learning and for the first time in centuries men with little or no college training began to occupy Christian pulpits. Many of these in• fluences are still with us, especially in those sects most touched by pentecostal fervor and revivalism. II So much for general backgrounds of theological education on the American scene until a century ago. Now let us turn to survey that segment of the picture occupied by Disciples of Christ. The Training of the "Big Four" Of the "Big Four," Thomas and Alexander Campbell, and Walter Scott were university men. Walter Scott was a graduate of the University of Edinburgh and was a classical scholar. His training for the professional ministry came under George For• rester, a minister of the Scottish Independents in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, after Scott's arrival in the New World. Barton Warren Stone was educated by David Caldwell in his academy near Greensboro, North Carolina. Caldwell was a graduate of the College of New Jersey (now Princeton). Stone himself taught for a time in Succoth Academy at Washing• ton, Georgia. Though not a university man, he was well edu• cated. Beginnings in Ministerial Education 379

Thomas Campbell was a graduate of the University of Glas• gow. He completed the literary course there about 1786. Then he entered "Divinity Hall" at Whitburn, a village midway be• tween Glasgow and Edinburgh. This theological school was taught by the Reverend Archibald Bruce, the resident clergy• man of Whitburn; he held the professorial appointment of the synod for a number of years. As the professorship changed hands, "Divinity Hall" changed its address to that of the new clergyman-in-charge. The complete course at "Divinity Hall" con• sisted of five annual sessions of eight weeks each. Usually there were from twenty to thirty young men in attendance. Thomas Campbell completed the course in 1791, after which he was ex• amined by his presbyter)7 and licensed to preach.5 When Alexander Campbell came to America in 1809 after a year at the University of Glasgow en route, he found his father with a small "divinity hall" of his own; two young men, James Foster and Abraham Altars, were studying under his father's guidance "with a view to the ministry of the word." After Alex• ander came, Thomas continued to direct the general course of instruction for these two young men but the details he delegated to his son, who also had the responsibility of acting as school• teacher to his own brothers and sisters plus the further task of pursuing his own special studies for the ministry. Alexander mastered this threefold task by working out a detailed nine-hour daily schedule, which began at seven in the morning. Alexander's own studies were concerned with three languages, Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, and with the scriptures which he studied through cross references and commentaries, and portions of which he also committed to memory.6 Thus Alexander Campbell's training for the ministry, like that of his father before him, fitted the prevailing pattern of the time.

Buffalo Seminary Later, when the younger Campbell found himself in the leadership of the reform movement which his father had initiated, one of his earliest concerns was for an educated ministry. To 380 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY that end he added a two-story addition to his Bethany home, moved his own family into the basement and in 1818 opened Buffalo Seminary. He employed both his sister, Jane, and his father as instructors. From the standpoint of attendance and in preparing men for secular pursuits, especially law and medicine, it was an immediate success, but to Alexander it was a disappoint• ment because it produced so few candidates for the ministry. The most prominent of these few was Jacob Osborne, later to dis• tinguish himself in the Western Reserve. After five years, when he saw that his dream for Buffalo Seminary as a medium of ministerial education was not to be realized, he abandoned it.7

The School of Preachers Meantime there was ministerial education of a sort going on in the Mahoning Baptist Association on the Western Reserve and Alexander Campbell availed himself of his opportunities to participate in it. In 1819 or 1820, while the Association was in the process of being organized, Adamson Bentley, the minister at Warren, Ohio, had led several ministers to hold an annual meeting which would serve as a kind of workshop in Bible study and in preaching. These meetings were held in various parts of Ohio and after 1821, upon the invitation of Adamson Bentley and Sidney Rigdon, Alexander Campbell became a regular at• tendant, "and found in them much pleasure and profit." The method of the meeting was based upon the preaching and criticiz• ing of sermons. Each day for about a week the men would preach in a meeting open to the general public, then the ministers would later gather in a closed session to criticize the sermon as to con• tent, organization, and delivery. They continued this procedure until "all had passed through the same ordeal."8 Between November 18, 1827, and August, 1830, Walter Scott wrought a great change upon the Mahoning Baptist Association. By means of his own triumphant enthusiasm, lyrical preaching, and especially through his new evangelistic method, he succeeded in winning a thousand converts a year for three years. Thus he so completely captured the Association that in August 1830 Beginnings in Ministerial Education 381 that body voted itself out of existence, largely because of Scott's belief that Associations were unscriptural. Campbell himself was alarmed at "the impassioned and hasty manner" in which all of this happened but he was unable to arrest the tide.9 The dissolution of the Mahoning Baptist Association seems also to have brought the annual ministers' meetings temporarily to a close. But after a few years, when Alexander Campbell had succeeded in reviving some machinery of county and district cooperation, the annual ministers' meetings were resurrected. They now bore the name School of Preachers. The first of these was held at New Lisbon, Ohio, for a week prior to December 10, 1835, with fourteen men in attendance, among them Alexander Campbell. Plans for such a meeting had originated the summer previous in the annual district "cooperation" at Newburg (Cleveland), Ohio, when the ministers present had agreed to it. In commenting on the move which he favored and may have initiated, Campbell said: At present there is no means of improvement but in the slow and gradual development of the school of experience, aided by the censures and criticisms of the more discriminating of society, and frequently these are not the most friendly to their improvement; for these criticisms, commendations, and censures are not made to themselves, so not designed for their benefit; but they are either publically expressed or secretly whispered to their disadvantage.10

The Newburg meeting had agreed upon the procedure for the school. The preachers of a district were to meet for a week on a semiannual or quarterly basis. Each would deliver to the public at an announced time a well-prepared sermon one hour in length. He would then be examined by the ministers alone in a commit• tee of the whole. Meantime, in the intervals between sermons and their evaluation the school would study an agreed upon topic such as principles for interpreting scripture or family religion. Each day three or four sermons were preached and discussed. The evaluation sessions at first were attended only by the preachers but as the years passed they came to be public oc• casions. The results brought criticism. A. P. Jones, reporting on 382 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY the School of Preachers held at Aurora, Ohio, November 2-8, 1838, said: "I believe that criticisms before the public are in• calculably injurious—it excites in the subject of criticism a dispo• sition to apologize away his reproof, or to justify himself, some• times unqualifiedly."11 This indicated a marked deterioration from the spirit of the New Lisbon school of 1835, of which Campbell had said: "Everything was done in the very best spirit; all were examined with the severity of impartial criticism, and every remark was both tendered and received with the frankness and faithfulness of Christian candor and uprightness."12 Early meetings often resulted in a number of conversions, thirty-seven at the first. At the Aurora meeting in 1838 there were eleven baptisms up to Monday; there having been no criticisms before then. After Monday, when the criticizing began, "the fountain of all hearts seemed to be dried" and there were no de• cisions. Thereafter the School of Preachers rapidly declined. First it was proposed to reserve all criticisms to the final day of the school, then to append the school to the regular district meetings of the churches, making it simply a criticism of the addresses which had been delivered there. Some time before this Alex• ander Campbell had ceased to attend.13 Perhaps this was because he was busy with his plans for Bethany College.

Walter Scott's Students Walter Scott, meantime, had moved to Carthage, Ohio, where he was editing a magazine, ministering to a church, engaging in evangelistic work, and educating young men for the ministry. Both there and later at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, he was in the habit of taking several young men into his family in order to lead them through their ministerial studies. He relied heavily upon the memorization of Scripture. His biography tells how he walked across the fields and meadows with one or more of them each morning following breakfast as he and they recited whole books of the New Testament responsively from memory. Robert Rich• ardson, his pupil some years before, had committed the Four Beginnings in Ministerial Education 383

Gospels to memory in Greek. Scott also dwelt upon other topics necessary to ministers such as collecting materials, shaping and delivering sermons, and the other studies usual for those prepar• ing for the ministerial calling. Unfortunately there is no rec• ord of the names of the young men who were educated for the ministry in the Scott household, except for that of Benjamin Utter Watkins, who was minister in Carthage, Harrison and Antioch, Ohio, and at Prairie, Minnesota, in a career that ended March 15, 1892.

Early Attitudes Toward Theological Schools Alexander Campbell was not at all satisfied with the tradi• tional method of educating ministers. In his diatribes against "The Clergy" in the Christian Baptist during 1823 and 1824 he castigated their college training as essentially pagan and their professional training as so dogmatic and unbiblical as to "dis• qualify them to enter the Kingdom of God."14 A dozen years later when he paid his respects to theological seminaries he was no more complimentary. He attacked "those theological halls from which such mists of ignorance, false theory, and super• stition have overspread our heavens, and hid sun, moon, and stars from our vision."15 Though he had no quarrel with educa• tion—on the contrary—he did have a quarrel with the kind of education then offered in most colleges and theological semi• naries. To quote the eighth of a ten-point indictment against current education: That those schools called Schools of Theology, have very gen• erally, if not universally, filled the world with idle speculations, doc• trinal errors, and corruptions of all sorts, terminating in discords and heresies innumerable.16

To set down his dissatisfactions in a kind of summary, his chief complaints against the clergy were three: (1) They had ac• quired too much power; (2) they had become professionalized; and (3) they were too much motivated by money and considera• tions of their own comfort. His chief complaints against their ed- 384 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY ucation were: (1) At the college level education was rooted in the pagan classics rather than in the Bible; (2) and at the ad• vanced level, whether under clergymen or in a theological school, it was too little occupied with Scripture, too much occupied with sectarian dogma; and in consequence (3) it contributed to the virulence of sectarianism and interdenominational warfare. Campbell had no patience with an uneducated ministry. To the question, "Must our clergy, then, be ignorant and unlettered men?" he had an uncompromising reply: "Ignorance is often the mother of enthusiasm or superstitions." Some ignorant men are very eloquent, it is true, "like the meteor of the night, [they] shine with more resplendence than the real stars." They are none the less dangerous to true religion.17 But to educate them in the traditional colleges and seminaries was like taking a plant that grows straight and tall in the open field and transplanting it to a dark cellar with one dirty little window as its only light.18

Bethany College Campbell founded Bethany College in 1840 at Bethany, Virginia (now West Virginia). His positive ideal for a college began to appear in print as early as 1836 when he asked: "Can we have . . . colleges that could separate the chaff from the wheat of true science; and that could make a true learning and sound philosophy subservient to the gospel . . . ?"19 When he published his plans for the "New Institution" at Bethany in 1839 he was trying to answer his own question in the affirmative. His new institution was to have four parts, (1) a Family Institution under a patron and matron, for children from seven to fourteen years of age, (2) the School to prepare students for college, (3) the College, and (4) the Church. It is a little difficult to get the exact picture of the role of the Church which was to be "in ses• sion seven days a week," but it seems in the main to have had two functions: to permeate and inform the total life of all three schools with Christian principles, and to serve as the laboratory for the training of young ministers. In all four institutions emphasis was to be placed upon the total moral, physical, men- Beginnings in Ministerial Education 385 tal, and religious life of the student for the supreme end of pro• ducing moral character. In the college, which was to offer a thor• oughly liberal education, greater emphasis was to be placed on the physical sciences than in most colleges at that time; the lan• guages were to be learned but not through the reading of profane poets; above all the Bible was to be made a textbook and its study required of all students.20 Plainly Campbell felt that his New Institution would be adequate to the educational needs of Disciples of Christ, including the training of ministers. He had said quite expressly, "We want no scholastic or traditional the• ology," but that he did want a more thorough knowledge of the Bible than could then be obtained in theological schools.

Theological Schools Reconsidered Though Alexander Campbell felt that his fourfold institution provided adequately for the training of ministers—and it did train them in great numbers—the time came when Disciple leaders began to feel the need of graduate schools beyond the col• lege. The question began to be agitated as the Civil War closed. Benjamin Franklin, editor of the American Christian Review, brought the discussion into print with an editorial on the topic, "Do we need a Theological School?" He posed the question in order to say "No!" How should we educate men for the ministry? "The answer is, precisely as we educate men, or women for any• thing else; in the common schools, the seminaries [academies], colleges and universities." In fact, the main reason why we sup• port our colleges is to educate ministers. To this W. K. Pendleton, editor of the Millennial Harbinger, rejoined that Franklin was correct in saying that we should educate ministers just as we educate people for other professions. Very well, "Let me ask, how do we educate a man for a physi• cian? Does the ordinary literary and scientific course of our col• leges fit anyone for the practice of medicine? Surely not. How do we educate one for the law? Will a full course in Latin and Greek, science, rhetoric, etc., prepare him for admission to the bar and the successful practice of law?" The inference is clear. 386 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

"We have medical schools for physicians; we have law schools for lawyers" and we need special graduate schools for preachers. Franklin had said that a school cannot make a preacher. He can no more learn how to prepare and deliver sermons "in theological schools than boys can learn to plow, reap and thresh in an agricultural school." What the young minister needs is a good college education; then put him under an experienced minister in the field. There let him read his Bible, write and study- five hours every morning and preach one or two sermons every day and he will soon be a preacher and a preacher worth some• thing, too. To this Pendleton answered that Franklin was stumbling over his prejudice against theological schools. By stressing the difference between educating a minister and making a minister he was merely calling attention to the need for both general and special education. This special education could surely be done better in a school than under a single pastor encumbered with a full schedule of duties. If it was speculative theology that Franklin feared, the pastor-professor "could become as much a teacher of theology as if he were 'housed up in a school.' " In any case, "more can be done in one year in a school specially designed for the purpose than in half a lifetime in the loose and irregular way proposed by Brother Franklin." Isaac Errett who within a year launched his magazine, the Christian Standard, supported Pendleton's position. A graduate school for preachers, he said, could give men knowledge "which it would require half a lifetime to gather up by their own un• aided efforts, and . . . save them from the numberless errors, fail• ures and mortifications to which youth and inexperience would otherwise subject them." Such a school need not teach dogmatic theology or create a ministerial trade or profession. When Charles Louis Loos, then a professor at Bethany College, entered the discussion by writing three articles "about colleges and schools for preachers" he conceded the need for special ministerial training but pleaded that "no schools for ministerial education should be established apart from our colleges." In Beginnings in Ministerial Education 387 support of his position he advanced five arguments: (1) To separate ministerial education from the colleges will lower the character of the colleges and depress them into profane institu• tions. (2) It will rob the student body of the good influence that comes from the presence of young men studying for the ministry. If someone objects that the young ministers will go both to col• lege and to the special school after college, Loos insists that few men will go to both and, anyway, he wants all of them through the whole of their preparation in the liberal arts college. (3) Schools exclusively for preachers will be weaker for the want of the liberalizing and broadening influence of a good college. (4) A preacher's school at the heart of a college is a good evan• gelizing force in the college. (5) And, finally, our brotherhood will give more liberally if not called upon to scatter its financial support between two kinds of institutions. In his third article Loos went on to outline what he thought would be "the proper course of instruction for the ministerial student." It would be "purely and thoroughly Biblical." Other theological schools, he said, can be no proper guide for us. "Theological training as generally practiced, the dragging of the mind through the charnel house of mouldy theology, saps the very fountains of true life and vigor, and establishes a moral dry rot in the mind and in the soul." In contrast to this we should major in a biblical knowledge. As to the method of the course, Loos proposed a critical ex• amination into the history of the books of the Bible—topics usually dealt with now under Old and New Testament Introduc• tion; Hebrew and Greek language and exegesis; the doctrine of Christ; and such other biblical topics as time allows. The object of this training, which he said was already in effect at Bethany College, was "to fortify the rising ministry against every form of unscriptural motivation," against worldiness, against "compro• mising with sectarianism," and "against skepticism," and to create a ministry of "living men, full of a glorious evangelical life, ready and fit to preach to man the living gospel of the living God."21 388 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Nevertheless, the pressure for a special school for preachers continued and under the heading of Biblical Institute emerged in 1867 as a part of the plans for Bethany College. While these were in the formative stage, President Pendleton announced a course of "Free Lectures for Ministers" to begin the last Monday in March, 1867. Designed for those "who cannot take the regular course in the Biblical Institute," the free lectures, 200 in number, would continue for two months. The lecturers announced were to be Robert Richardson, J. T. Barclay, Charles Louis Loos, and W. K. Pendleton. Topics covered would include sacred history, biblical literature, church history, Christology and homiletics. When the next annual announcement appeared, however, the Free Lectures had become identified as the Biblical Institute. In June of 1869 the trustees of Bethany College instructed the ex• ecutive committee to procure an amendment to the charter so as to authorize the establishment of the Biblical Institute as a regular department of the college; they also elected Isaac Errett to the professorship in this Institute. Later it was discovered that no amendment to the charter was needed. Isaac Errett refused to come even for the munificent salary of $2,500. By 1871-72 a complete course was fashioned leading to the Bachelor of Liter• ature degree with W. K. Pendleton and Charles Louis Loos as teachers. The requirements for the B.L. were much the same as those for the classical course with the exception that they were a little lighter in mathematics and understandably heavier in Bible. They also included church history, hermeneutics, Greek and Hebrew exegesis, and homiletics. Thus ended the dream for a Biblical Institute, and such was the status of ministerial educa• tion among Disciples of Christ up to and apart from the founding of The College of the Bible.22 Appendix II

INSTITUTIONAL RELATIONSHIPS: TRANSYLVANIA, THE COLLEGE OF THE BIBLE, THE UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY

LEXINGTON AT MIDTWENTIETH CENTURY HAS three flourishing schools of higher learning belonging to the same family. These are Transylvania College, the University of Kentucky, and The College of the Bible. Transylvania Transylvania has had a long and distinguished career under two different names: Transylvania, from 1783 until 1865, and from 1908 to the present; but its official name from 1865 until 1908 was Kentucky University. The second name, in effect for forty-three years, should not be confused with the present name of the state university. Kentucky University and the University of Kentucky are the names of two different institutions. To repeat, the name Kentucky University applied only between 1865 and 1908, and the institution so designated occupied the campus and perpetuated the heritage of Transylvania University. If one should ask why Transylvania changed her name to Kentucky University during the forty-three-year period prior to 1908, the answer is found in the fact that the Transylvania of today was the result of the union of two main educational streams. The streams came together in 1865. One stream was that originating in an act of the Virginia Legislature in 1780 granting 8,000 acres of land for a school to be located in the Transylvania regions of what was then the County of Kentucky in the extended western holdings of Vir-

389 390 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY ginia. Transylvania Seminary was chartered in 1783 by the same legislature. The school was renamed and rechartered as Transyl• vania University by the legislature of Kentucky in 1798. This university, sometimes called "Old Transylvania," struggled for about eighty years through varying fortunes, sometimes brilliant, often dim, until her history all but nickered out in the midst of the Civil War. This accounts for one educational stream. (For a brief history of "Old Transylvania" see Appendix III.) The other stream had its origin in 1836 among Disciples of Christ at Georgetown, Kentucky, when Bacon College came into existence. Bacon College was transferred to Harrodsburg, Kentucky, in 1839 and continued there until 1850, when it sank into neglect, but was resurrected and rechartered in 1858 as Kentucky Uni• versity. In its Harrodsburg location, occupying the building formerly belonging to Bacon College, Kentucky University strug• gled on through the Civil War. But on February 16, 1864, this building was destroyed by fire. The curators (trustees) were plunged into great distress and uncertainty by this blow; they debated whether to rebuild in Harrodsburg, to begin anew in Louisville or Covington, Kentucky or to accept the offer of old Transylvania to move to Lexington, in which case it was agreed that Transylvania's campus, buildings and equipment as well as its government would be transferred to the curators of Kentucky University. The curators decided to accept Transylvania's offer. The two schools were consolidated in 1865 under the name Ken• tucky University, which name held until 1908. This accounts for the second stream and for the union of the two, giving us the Transylvania of today. For a fuller history of Bacon College and Kentucky University, see Appendix IV; also the author's Bacon College Story, 1836-1865 (Lexington, The College of the Bible, 1962). (Since 1915 this institution, operating only a liberal arts col• lege, has been known to the public as Transylvania College. Its legal title, however, remains as it has been since 1908 and as it was prior to 1865—Transylvania University.) Institutional Relationships 391

The University of Kentucky The beginnings of the present University of Kentucky go back to 1865 when this school was the Agricultural and Mechanical College attached to Kentucky University (Transylvania). This A. and M. College separated from Kentucky University in 1878. Though the seceding school retained the name Agricultural and Mechanical College for a time it came to be known through common usage as State College. In 1908 its legal name was changed to State University of Kentucky, and in 1916 the name was again changed to University of Kentucky, its present desig• nation. The College of the Bible The College of the Bible began under that name in 1865 as a school in Kentucky University. This relationship obtained for twelve years, from 1865 until the summer of 1877. Then The College of the Bible separated from Kentucky University and in 1878 obtained its own charter. Since then the Seminary, ex• cept for some complications between 1912 and 1938, has main• tained its own corporate life with the same name and the same role, that of educating men for the Christian ministry. The lines of relationship among the three schools—Transyl• vania University, the University of Kentucky, and The College of the Bible—were complex and changing. What is more, they easily become tangled in the mind of a student of their history. To keep them from tangling, any reader will do well to make one clear identification plus an equally clear distinction: Identify Kentucky University with Transylvania; and—do not let the similarity of names mislead you—distinguish between Kentucky University and the University of Kentucky. To visualize these changing relationships, consult the chart on page 42.

Biblical Instruction at Georgetown and Harrodsburg The College of the Bible had forerunners in Bacon College and Kentucky University at Georgetown and Harrodsburg. Such biblical instruction as there was in Bacon College before 1850 392 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY was done mostly by the presidents. Walter Scott was professor of Hebrew literature, in other words, Bible. Presidents Burnet and Shannon taught moral and intellectual philosophy. Bible is fairly well disguised in such a title but it was by no means absent from the content of the courses. Nevertheless, there was some reason for the action of the Christian Churches of Kentucky in their state convention at Lexington when on May 9, 1850, they passed a resolution asking Bacon College to establish a chair of Sacred History and promised to lend their aid in raising $20,000 to endow it. The trustees of Bacon College in their regular meeting of May 25 the same year declared this chair established, but the college suspended operations before the new chair could func• tion.1 The Bible was firmly lodged in Bacon College when the school re-opened under the name of Kentucky University in the fall of 1859. The School (or Department) of Biblical Literature and Moral Science taught by President Robert Milligan was one of the six departments.2 In June, 1863, the Christian Churches of Kentucky fulfilled their promise made in the resolution of 1850: The minutes of the curators of Kentucky University for June 23, 1863, report that $25,000 had been paid in for "a Chair of Bibli• cal Literature and Christian Philosophy," which chair the curators then formally established.3 So far as the course of in• struction was concerned, this action of the curators was a mere formality. The chair which they then endowed had been occu• pied from 1859 with a full course of instruction. This whole thrust toward biblical instruction gained no little part of its impetus from what Alexander Campbell had done at Bethany College when he had made the Bible a regular textbook for all students from the founding of that college in 1840. Curator John B. Bowman had taken due note of this in his ad• dress preceding Milligan's inauguration of September 21, 1859, when he had said, in part:

We would have the Bible as the chief corner-stone, regularly taught, and used as a text-book, prominently held up and recog- Institutional Relationships 393 nized as containing the only true standard of morals and correct principles of government and discipline . . .4

And President Milligan himself had spoken to the same subject; he said that Alexander Campbell had set the pace for all higher learning in America when he had made the Bible a textbook in Bethany College. Other colleges were following suit, he said, and every other literary institution in this glorious republic will do honor to itself, and to the highest interests of humanity, by making the Bible a daily text-book to be read and studied with at least as much care and attention as the satires of Horace, or the propo• sitions of Euclid.5

Holding this view of the place of the Bible in a liberal educa• tion, the founders of Kentucky University moved with clear logic when they called their special ministerial college The College of the Bible. Robert Milligan had given voice to the germinal idea in 1859 when he had envisioned a university which might even contain "a theological college provided only that it shall be es• tablished on the foundations of the Prophets and Apostles, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner-stone."6 That was the ideal back of the institution that materialized when The College of the Bible opened in the fall of 1865 as one of the colleges of Kentucky University. Appendix III

TRANSYLVANIA UNIVERSITY

1780-1865

THIS SCHOOL HAD ITS BEGINNINGS IN THE midst of the Revolutionary War. Virginia, of which Kentucky was then a part, had confiscated the lands of wealthy Tories who had taken up arms with the British against the Colonies. Among these confiscated lands were the estates of Alexander McKee, Henry Collins, and Robert McKenzie aggregating 8,000 acres, in or near the present boundaries of Fayette County, Kentucky. The Rev. John Todd of Virginia and his nephew Col. John Todd, a recent settler of Kentucky, were instrumental in getting the Virginia Legislature in May of 1780 to pass an act vesting these three estates in thirteen trustees for the purpose of creating a public school "in the county of Kentucky." Indian hostilities and the revolution combined to delay the founding of the school until 1783 when another Kentuckian in the Virginia Assembly, Caleb Wallace, championed an act granting 12,000 additional acres of land and a regular charter to an enlarged board of twenty-five trustees for a school to be called Transylvania Semi• nary.1 (A seminary at that time was really an academy, not a college.) The first meeting of these trustees was held November 10, 1783, near Danville in the home of David Rice, a graduate of Princeton and a Presbyterian minister. The trustees undertook to solicit funds for operating expenses. Three months later, in their third meeting, they reported that twenty-one pounds and

394 Transylvania University (1780-1865) 395 thirteen shillings had been collected by individual subscription and that Rev. John Todd of Virginia had donated a library and certain philosophical apparatus. The Virginia Legislature also helped by granting to the support of the Seminary one sixth of all surveyor's fees collected in Kentucky. A school building—a simple log cabin—was erected on the property of "Father" Rice the following winter and on February 1, 1785, the first session began with the Rev. James Mitchell as master at thirty pounds per year.2 These beginnings of Transylvania occurred in the midst of happenings anything but academic. Seven of the original thirteen trustees were to die violently in Indian raids.3 Kentucky was young and full of hazards. The year in which Transylvania Seminary was chartered, 1783, the United States won its full independence from Britain in the Treaty of Paris. By this treaty the western boundary of the United States was fixed at the Mississippi River, a diplomatic triumph of Benjamin Franklin; France and Spain had attempted to fix the western boundary at the Alleghenies, which would have left Kentucky in an anomalous position.4 The word for Transylvania's early situation is frontier with all that the name implied. At the close of the Revolution while Kentucky was still a part of old Virginia, the surge of westward migration began. In the single year after 1783, Kentucky popu• lation doubled, from 12,000 to 24,000; by 1790 at the time of the first U. S. census there were 70,000 in the District of Ken• tucky.5 Settlers were pouring into the bluegrass country by two main routes: down the Ohio by way of Limestone Landing (Maysville) and the Falls of the Ohio (Louisville); and through the Cumberland Gap and over the Wilderness Road opened by Daniel Boone and his thirty mounted axmen in 1775. Transylvania Seminary did not prosper at Danville, and in November, 1788, its trustees voted to move to Lexington where the thriving business and manufacturing life of the city seemed to hold out more promise.6 In these early years the Seminary, be• ing without its own home, met in the residences of its successive 396 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

masters who invariably were Presbyterian clergymen. But in 1794 it moved into its own building, a two-story brick building of eight rooms and hallway which had been erected on the north end of what is now Gratz Park.7 The land was the gift of Lex• ington businessmen, who sought thus to encourage Transyl• vania to locate in their city permanently. Something else also happened in 1794. Acting-president James Moore, a Presbyterian, having resigned to return to his native Virginia, the trustees elected Harry Toulmin, a brilliant Uni• tarian minister and writer, to succeed him. This action brought to light a tragic tension which had been built into the school from its beginnings. Chartered as a state institution and endowed with public lands, Transylvania was never adequately supported by the state in its current operations. It appears that Virginia before 1792 and Kentucky after that date wanted to have a state school but that neither Virginia nor Kentucky wanted to pay the price of running it. In view of this halfhearted public support, how was the school to operate? The first decade had been made possible by the Presbyterians, who had supported it and provided its teachers. Understandably the Presbyterians felt that they had a proprietary interest in the school. When, there• fore, the trustees, in disregard of this interest, deliberately elected a Unitarian president, the Presbyterians were offended both on theological and on political grounds. They withdrew to estab• lish a rival institution, Kentucky Academy, at Pisgah about eight miles from the city.8 President Toulmin, a personal friend of Thomas Jefferson, left Transylvania after a brief term of two years to become Kentucky Secretary of State under Governor Garrard. This left an opening to invite James Moore to return for a second term as president, which was done in 1798. Though Moore had in the meantime become an Episcopalian, the Pres• byterians were molified; they proposed the merging of Kentucky Academy with Transylvania Seminary to form Transylvania University. On December 22, 1798, the Kentucky Legislature gave official sanction to this request by chartering Transylvania Transylvania University (1780-1865) 397

University with a self-perpetuating board of trustees of twenty- one members. At the start the board was composed of ten mem• bers chosen by each of two of the former schools plus the gover• nor of the commonwealth, who was an ex officio member.9 The dual control of the University by church and Common• wealth was never a happy one. In February of 1818 the Ken• tucky Legislature again took charge by dismissing the old board of trustees and replacing it with a new board of thirteen mem• bers, not one of whom was a clergyman or a professed Chris• tian.10 This time the Presbyterians withdrew in earnest. The result was a rival school, Centre College at Danville, Kentucky, founded in 1819 and still in existence.11 The Presbyterians were never again in control except for a brief, uncertain period be• tween 1838 and 1841.12 The interest of the Commonwealth was short-lived, extending only through the Golden Era under Horace Holley from 1818 until 1827. Then followed a succession of denominational "eras," the Baptist Era (1828-31), the Episcopal Era (1833- 37), and the Methodist Era (1842-50). These terminated in 1850 when the Methodists turned the institution back to the Commonwealth in complete discouragement.13 Thereafter the trustees tried to find private sponsors; they even approached the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, hoping that the lodge would undertake what the denominations had given up.14 The Odd Fellows refused, and the University, de-graded first to a Nor• mal School and then to a high school, struggled on through the late 1850's into the Civil War to the brink of virtual extinction. Until the administration of Horace Holley there were never as many as one hundred students in attendance, the enrollment often falling to less than half that figure. The University had been little more than a one-year college; by 1818 it had only twenty-two graduates. After Holley came all that changed; in his nine years Transylvania conferred 644 degrees, rivaled Har• vard and Yale and outranked Dartmouth and Princeton in at• tendance.15 Students flocked from all parts of the nation and 398 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY drew favorable comment from famous spokesmen. For example, Thomas Jefferson in 1820 was working to promote a state uni• versity for Virginia when he wrote that "Kentucky, our daugh• ter, planted since Virginia was a distinguished state, has an Uni• versity, with fourteen professors and upwards of 200 students." If Virginia does not soon follow Kentucky's example, he com• plained, "we must send our children for education to Kentucky or Cambridge [Harvard]." If they go to Harvard they will be• come "fanatics and tories," and if they go to Kentucky they will remain there rather than return to Virginia. But, he concluded, "if... we are to go begging anywhere for our education, I would rather it should be to Kentucky than any other state, because she has more of the flavor of the old cask than any other."16 The more one studies the history of Old Transylvania the more one sees that it may be viewed from two sides, both with profound regret. If Transylvania University had been under the sole control of the state and if the state had supported it whole• heartedly from the beginning, it could have been the oldest and finest of all state universities. If, on the other hand, it had been committed unreservedly to the Presbyterians or some other de• nomination from the beginning, it could have rivaled Harvard or Princeton through its whole history. But limping between two masters it could do neither but briefly, when between 1818 and 1827 it showed what it might have been all down the years. Transylvania in the Holley period became especially noted for its Medical School. Henry Clay had already given distinction to its Law School. Although for a brief time under the Methodists in the mid 1840's the University would draw more students than it had even under Holley, the Holley period was the Golden Age of Transylvania on all accounts. In addition to the tensions between church and state, there were other reasons why the flourishing Holley period was brought to such a sudden and disastrous close. Religious crosscurrents played their part. Transylvania emerged when the American climate was Deist; the early leaders in its life were themselves Deists, in fact or in sympathy. Then came the Second Great Transylvania University (1780-1865) 399

Awakening. Revivalism, sharply contrasting with the genteel intellectualism of the Jeffersonian mind, became the prevailing climate in which the University had to fight for its life. This re• vivalism was iconoclastic of the cultural interests which had brought the University into being. With its frontier spirit and its rough and ready emphasis upon emotion, the revival was al• most anti-intellectual. Men of the Holley spirit were outnum• bered and overwhelmed. The financing of the school in the early period is a matter of interest. State aid was for the most part indirect. In 1818 the Legislature granted the University for two years the bonus of the Farmer's and Mechanic's Bank of Lexington; this amounted to about $3,000 per year. The following year, 1820, they granted the Medical School $5,000 for books and equipment. They au• thorized a lottery in 1822 to raise an estimated $25,000 for a new medical building. In 1821 they assigned $10,000 from the profits of the Branch Bank of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, and in 1822 levied a two percent tax on auction sales in Fayette County for the benefit of the law library. Even so, these gestures at state aid were not enough; private citizens of Lexington ral• lied, as they have done so often before and since, to give $6,000 in 1820 and $5,000 in 1823. And in 1823 Col. James Morrison, former chairman of the Board of Trustees, left a legacy of $70,000, to endow a professorship and erect a new building.17 The main buildings of Transylvania through her history have been three in number. A two-story brick structure with eight rooms and hallway, as had already been mentioned, was built in 1794 on the north end of what is now Gratz Park; the "kitchen" of this building is still standing and is used by the City of Lexington at this writing as an office for the recreational commission. The second building was a three-story brick hall with a tall cupola; it was erected in the middle of Gratz Park with the front on a line with Mechanic Street.18 This building was destroyed by fire May 9, 1829, as the result of an unex• tinguished candle left on the steps by Cassius Clay's servant who had been using it for illumination as he blackened the shoes of 400 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY his master, then one of the students.19 The Morrison legacy re• sulted in the hiring of the famous architect, Gideon Shryock, and in 1833 in the building of the Greek revival building known as Morrison College which is still standing in full use. It was in this building that The College of the Bible was to meet from 1865 until 1895. Although the Holley Era was the Golden Age, it was not free from bitterness. Supported by civil and political leaders in the state and in Lexington, Holley was bitterly attacked by clergy• men, especially Presbyterians, who were offended both by his theological views and by his attendance at the theater and vari• ous other "pagan" social events. His enemies were finally suc• cessful in forcing his resignation. For want of space, we shall leap over the intervening years for a brief glance at the Civil War period. In 1850, as we have noted, the Methodists returned the institution to the state. The school was reorganized in 1856 by the legislature as a state nor• mal school for teachers and supported by an annual appropria• tion of $12,000 from the common school fund. With more than two hundred students enrolled, the Normal School seemed to be leading Transylvania into a new golden age, when popular op• position to this use of school moneys caused the Legislature within two years to repeal its act of reorganization and abandon its project.20 From 1858 through the Civil War, James K. Patter• son conducted Transylvania as a high school. The buildings of the University were occupied by Confederate and Union forces in turn to be used as hospitals. The school met here and there in church basements and in private homes. In 1860 the trustees offered to consolidate with the young Kentucky University which had risen in Harrodsburg, but the offer was refused at that time.21 The Kentucky Legislature in 1863-64 refused the request of the trustees to establish the new Agricultural and Mechanical College in connection with Tran• sylvania. The once proud University languished without ap• parent future.22 What future she had was to be linked with Kentucky University. Appendix IV

BACON COLLEGE AND KENTUCKY UNIVERSITY

1836-1865

BACON COLLEGE WAS THE FIRST INSTI• TUTION of higher learning to be organized by Disciples of Christ. It emerged at Georgetown, Kentucky, in 1836, almost four years before Alexander Campbell opened Bethany College in Bethany, Virginia. In their origins the two schools were very unlike one another. Whereas Bethany College came into being only af• ter long thought and deliberate design, Bacon College blundered into existence without a charter, without a board of trustees, and without even a name. It was the result of the current clash between Baptists and "Reforming Baptists" (Disciples) just at the time when Disciples were beginning to emerge from among the Baptists as a distinct people. "Georgetown College" was the popular designation of the institution begun in 1829 by the Kentucky Baptist Education Society. Thornton F. Johnson from Virginia, a graduate of West Point, was the first faculty member to be chosen for the new college. He taught mathematics, civil engineering, and French.1 The building of turnpikes in the new West, the surveying of new lands and the first beginnings of railroads created a demand for civil engineers which made Professor Johnson's work immensely popular. Johnson was an effective teacher; he took his students on long field trips, camping out for the vacation months of prac• tice surveying. He must have injected something of his West Point discipline into these expeditions.2

401 402 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

From the Baptist standpoint Johnson made the mistake of associating himself with Barton W. Stone's Christian Church at Georgetown. And though Johnson was an effective teacher, Bap• tist prejudice against these Reformers was so strong that when Stone and Johnson made an exploratory trip to Jacksonville, Illinois, in 1832, Johnson returned to find himself dismissed from the faculty.3 But during the next eighteen months without its most popular teacher, Georgetown College became a ghost of its former self. In April of 1834 the college invited him to return to his old post. Johnson had been on the point of going again with Barton Stone to Jacksonville, this time to establish a "Lit• erary and Scientific Academy," but he decided to accept the Georgetown invitation, having satisfied himself that "the malign influence which had prostrated the College, no longer controlled the board."4 Together with an elderly teacher of Latin he pitched into the work of reviving Georgetown College the very next month.5 At the beginning only nine students showed up, and seven of these were the sons or wards of Reformers. To Johnson this showed that Baptists had lost confidence in their school and felt no in• terest in reviving it. Nevertheless, he fell to work. By year's end there were twenty-five students enrolled; the second year there were sixty, forcing him to employ two additional teachers; and the third year closed with 104 students and an active faculty of seven members. During this period the college had been without a president; Johnson had carried the weight of administration through the 1834-36 revival of the school.6 At this point the Baptists, in the person of newly elected President B. F. Farnsworth, came forth to reclaim their posses• sion. The old heated attacks on Reformers started afresh, and Johnson could see that his future in the school which he had saved promised to be brief. He began to make plans to open a female academy, but not to inaugurate it until the following spring (1837). When he learned, however, that President Farns• worth had employed as teachers two of the most vitriolic ene• mies of "Campbellism" then writing in the sectarian press, he Bacon College and Kentucky University (1836-1865) 403 decided to resign at once.7 This was November 1 or 2, 1836; the fall term was scheduled to begin November 7. At first Johnson thought he would speed up the opening of his contemplated female academy. But then his friends pre• vailed upon him not to desert his engineers, many of whom had come from far corners of the United States just to study under him. "It was precisely at this point," Johnson later reported, "that I first conceived the idea of a separate Collegiate Insti• tute."8 He purchased a large brick house on what is now Clinton Street, a block directly south of the Baptist and Christian Churches.9 Then on the first day of the new term (November 7) he resigned from Georgetown College and began the same day to assemble a faculty. He decided to give Georgetown Col• lege the advantage by opening his rival college a week later. But Thursday morning, November 10, forty-five students showed up at Johnson's new house, unsolicited, and when he formally opened the new college the following Monday, there were fifty or sixty.10 The first five months closed with 140 students, and the first year with 203.11 Tuition was $21.00 for a five-month term; board and lodging in the homes of Georgetown, $2.00 per week.12 Johnson gave his new school the provisional name of "Col• legiate Institute and School of Civil Engineers."13 He and his friends succeeded in persuading Walter Scott, the celebrated frontier evangelist and Carthage editor, to act as president pro tempore. The faculty which he assembled consisted of five pro• fessors plus two teachers for the preparatory department, as follows: Walter Scott, President and Professor of Hebrew Literature Dr. W. Knight, Professor of Moral and Mental Science, Belles Lettres, etc. T. F. Johnson, Professor of Mathematics and Civil Engineer• ing S. C. Mullins, Professor of Ancient Languages 404 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

C. R. Prezmininsky, Professor of Modern Languages, Topog• raphy and Drawing Tolbert Fanning, Professor of Natural Philosophy, Chemistry, Geology and Mineralogy J. Crenshaw and U. B. Phillips, teachers in the preparatory department.14 As long as Bacon College continued to operate under that name, its curriculum changed but little. Though religion defi• nitely had its place, both in the offerings of President Scott and Doctor Knight and in the lives of all the teachers, the prevail• ing interest in the new school was scientific. It is not surprising, then, that the "Collegiate Institute" was soon named Bacon College, in honor of Francis Bacon, and his inductive scientific method. Disciples, indeed, felt they were applying that method to the study of the Scriptures in their current reformation, and saw their religious work as quite consistent with the new science. These same men were enthusiastic about the empiricism of John Locke. Bacon College was chartered February 23, 1837, after a bit• ter debate and a sharply divided vote of the Kentucky Legis• lature.15 Baptist opposition was understandably vigorous; the success of Bacon College in its first years was purchased at the expense of Georgetown College, whose enrollment in the fall of 1836 declined to twenty.16 The charter reflects the limited financial vision of the first trustees, for that document provides "The real and personal estate acquired by this corporation, shall at no time exceed the yearly rent or value of ten thousand dollars."17 Financial needs soon became pressing. Tuition even from 200 students at $42.00 per year would not support a faculty of seven members and retire the mortgage on the college building. Walter Scott and Trustee John T. Johnson devoted their new magazine The Christian to promoting the cause of Bacon Col• lege, and they themselves took to the field in long financial cam• paigns.18 President D. S. Burnet, who became president in the fall of 1837 and served at Georgetown for the next two years, Bacon College and Kentucky University (1836-1865) 405 followed in Scott's steps, using his own magazine, The Christian Preacher, in much the same way. In May of 1838 the college hired a solicitor, Dr. William Hatch.19 But all of this effort was unequal to the need. Baptist feeling in Georgetown and vicinity provided a hostile atmosphere in which to promote a college. More than that, the panic of 1837 intervened. Not only did it blight the financial prospects of the College in the field; it also sharply reduced student enrollment and income at home. In place of the 203 students in the first session, there were only 110 in the second, and by 1838-39 attendance had climbed back only to 120 students.20 Finally in May, 1839, Harrodsburg, Kentucky, and surround• ing Mercer County came to the rescue with an offer to raise $50,000 in scholarship endowments and to raise $7,000 for buildings, provided that Bacon College should be moved to Harrodsburg. The trustees accepted this offer with alacrity.21 The trustees found only one serious drawback to locating the college in Harrodsburg. This was the fact that the town, with its many springs, was then a celebrated summer resort, which re• sulted in the relaxing of public morals there during the months of July and August. But they met this objection by rearranging the school year. Instead of running it from November through March, and May through September, with April and October as vacation months, as they had done at Georgetown, they now determined to run it from September through June with July and August as vacation months—when, presumably, the students would be absent from Harrodsburg.22 Bacon College opened in Harrodsburg the first Monday of September, 1839. A new but undeveloped ten-acre campus stood waiting for them at what is now North College Street and Bacon Court. They took up temporary quarters on North Col• lege Street opposite this campus in a vast house with a ninety foot front and a large central hall. This was to be their home until sometime in 1843 when the new college building was ready for occupancy on the main campus.23 Harrodsburg was proud of its college, was friendly toward 406 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY it and—within the limits of financial distress consequent upon the panic of 1837—was as generous with its finances as a community could be expected to be. Students lodged and boarded in the homes of the community at a cost of $2.50 to $3.00 per week. Social life centered largely in the Newton and Franklin Literary Societies. A monthly magazine, The Pierian, was published. Tuition beginning in 1839 at $40.00 per year was soon reduced to $30.00.24 Sixty-three students were present for the opening of the school in its new setting the first year.25 By 1845-46 this had grown to 113 from nine different states. The following year the number rose to 180.26 The A.B. degree was conferred for the first time in 1841. Prior to that time a Diploma in Civil Engineering was given for something less than the full course in Liberal Arts; and though we know that there were twelve of these in the single year of 1838, we do not know the total number of such awards in the entire life of the school. We do know that Bacon College awarded only twenty-seven A.B. degrees in the entire period from 1841 to 1850.27 From the standpoint of the future history of the school by all odds the most important of these was con• ferred upon John Bryan Bowman June 22, 1842.28 This son of one of the trustees, and grandnephew of one of the incorporators of Transylvania Seminary and original settler of Harrodsburg, was destined to resurrect Bacon College from its ruins fifteen years later and to become the distinguished founder and regent of Kentucky University.29 The college building finally erected on the main campus and in use in 1843 was a two-story Georgian colonial structure with massive columns and a cupola. It contained a chapel and four• teen rooms.30 Doctor Samuel Hatch acted as president for the first year at Harrodsburg, but in the fall of 1840 James Shannon came from the presidency of the College of Louisiana and remained with Bacon for ten years. This tempestuous Irishman, as some have called him, was a graduate of the Royal Academy of Ireland, and was to play a very prominent role in the fifties at the State Bacon College and Kentucky University (1836-1865) 407

University of Missouri and later at Christian University, the forerunner of Culver-Stockton College.31 When Bacon College moved to Harrodsburg, the faculty was composed of Samuel Hatch, S. G. Mullins, and Henry H. White. White had come in 1836 or 1837 to Bacon College as a seventeen-year-old student when as a clerk in a New Haven bookstore he had unwrapped a parcel of books from Dr. Noah Webster and had read in the wrappings, which was a Whig newspaper, the National Intelligencer, an advertisement of "A School for Engineers at Georgetown, Kentucky." He came to Georgetown and proved to be a star pupil. At eighteen he was made an instructor in algebra and geometry; and at Harrods• burg, when he could scarcely have been more than twenty, he filled the chair of mathematics and civil engineering. He was to be intimately connected with Bacon College and Kentucky Uni• versity for the next forty-one years, serving finally as president of the Agricultural and Mechanical College (1868), president of the College of Arts (1868-77), and from 1878 to 1880 as president of the whole University. His retirement years he spent as the University librarian, a post he had also held in Bacon College.32 Except for an absence during the year 1845-46 when Jared B. Swift filled in, White taught at Harrodsburg through the whole life of Bacon College. Samuel Hatch remained constant, like a polar star, continuing even beyond 1850 until 1855 as principal of the Bacon College high school. S. G. Mullins re• signed after the 1840-41 session to start Greenville Academy in Harrodsburg; his place was taken by G. H. Mathews, who re• mained until 1850. These were the "faithfuls"—Hatch, White, Mullins, Mathews, and Shannon—upon whom the life of Bacon College depended during its Harrodsburg years.33 When Shannon assumed the presidency of Bacon College in 1840, he told the trustees that money would be needed and, with the blessing of heaven, that was all that would be needed. He himself came at a salary cut from $3,000 to $1,600 a year—a sacrifice that was to deepen as the years passed.34 408 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

By 1847 faculty salaries, already reduced to the point of bare subsistence, had fallen in arrears to the amount of $3,699.24. A successful campaign of that year wiped out a debt of $ 11,000— of which $6,485.57 was owing on buildings. But the trustees all through the years prior to this had been borrowing from the endowment funds and finally realized that they would be unable to restore them. This fact came to light in late 1849 or early 1850 and caused a near explosion which prostrated Bacon College beyond rescue.35 In the published financial history which was then released, the trustees were exonerated as men of integrity, but the College did not revive. The fault had lain largely in the unwise policy of granting tuition-free scholarships in perpetuity to the heirs and assigns of all donors who pledged as much as $500 to the endow• ment fund. This meant that about ten percent of the students in attendance each year paid no tuition whatever. Moreover, only $18,000 of the $50,000 pledged in 1839 was ever paid, and the College was forced to operate on a shoestring. Even agents work• ing in the field at a five percent commission were unable to meet the need. According to firsthand report, "A professor first earned his salary, and then riding a hired horse, would spend a few weeks in collecting it from subscribers to the College in different counties."36 After the collapse of 1850, President Shannon departed, the College department closed down, and Dr. Samuel Hatch—to stay off suits for free scholarships to those having a legal right to them—operated the preparatory department singlehanded. His salary was as little as $300 per year. Meantime, the trustees were endeavoring to set the College once again upon its feet. Campaign after campaign was begun and abandoned. Then John Bryan Bowman, an alumnus and trustee, then only thirty-one years of age, entered the picture. He enlisted the aid of Major James Taylor, the public-spirited citizen who had led in bringing Bacon College to Harrodsburg. They laid their plans before the trustees on October 22, 1855. Major Taylor raised $30,500 in Harrodsburg by January 6, 1856. Bowman then took Bacon College and Kentucky University (1836-1865) 409 up the campaign. He soon added $8,000 more from Mercer County and then enlarged his sphere. By November 7, 1856, the whole amount of $ 100,000 was subscribed and the trustees noti• fied subscribers that their first payment would be due in six months. Bowman continued his work, augmenting the amount to $150,000, which, he said, he had raised at the rate of one thousand dollars per campaigning day.37 The trustees then called a meeting of the donors and friends of Bacon College. On May 6 and 7, 1857, donors from eight counties gathered in Harrodsburg to plan the resurrection of their College. There were eighty-seven persons in attendance. Robert Milligan of Bethany College was also there as prospective president. The printed minutes of this meeting disclose the secret of John Bowman's success. He had campaigned not for "Bacon College as it is; or as it has been" but for a new and greatly en• larged people's university suited to the American scene and "auxiliary to the cause of sound morality and pure Religion in our state. . . ." Bowman had prevailed because of the boldness of his vision and the contagion of his enthusiasm. He proposed, he said, to push on to the whole state until he had increased the endowment to half a million dollars.38 While the trustees sought an amendment to the charter of Bacon College incorporating this enlarged vision, they moved to open the preparatory department of the university under the name of Taylor Academy. The name was a tribute to Major James Taylor, the prime mover in the bringing of Bacon College to Harrodsburg and in the current campaign. The Academy opened September 21, 1857, with ninety-four pupils attending the first year.39

Kentucky University The amended charter of Bacon College was approved by the Kentucky Legislature January 15, 1858, and the old school emerged under the new name of Kentucky University.40 When the Curators of Kentucky University met February 4, 1858, to 410 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY constitute a faculty, they decided to delay opening until the fall of 1859. This was a courtesy to Bethany College which had suf• fered the loss of its main building by fire in mid-December of 1857.41 The University opened September 19, 1859, in the old Bacon College building. Robert Milligan and Robert Richardson, as president and vice-president respectively, had come from Beth• any College. Henry H. White continued from the Bacon College faculty. John H. Neville came from Christian University of Canton, Missouri. Robert Graham of Fayetteville, Arkansas, completed the first faculty of liberal arts. William Piper, Joseph Myers, Eyre Askew, and William Rowden taught in Taylor Academy. President Milligan outlined his ideal for the University in the inaugural address delivered two days later. Ten schools (or de• partments), he said, are necessary to a good college of liberal arts. These are: (1) Ancient Languages and Literature, (2) English, (3) Rhetoric, Oratory, and Belles-Lettres, (4) Mathe• matics, (5) Natural Philosophy, (6) Chemistry and Physiology, (7) Natural History, (8) Civil History and Political Economy, (9) Intellectual and Moral Philosophy, and (10) Biblical Liter• ature and Evidences of Christianity. While there might be some combining of departments, the principle of specialized instruc• tion made for better education, Milligan believed.42 It is clear that there was a great deal of combining of depart• ments at first, for the five men named above taught the entire curriculum. Biblical Literature and Evidences of Christianity fell to the president. Beyond the College of Liberal Arts, Milligan envisioned tech• nical schools in five fields: (1) Agriculture, (2) School Teach• ing, (3) Modern Languages, (4) Fine Arts, and (5) Theology. One hundred ninety-four students were admitted to Kentucky University in the first session.43 Admission requirements stipu• lated that an incoming student should be fourteen years of age and that he should have passed an entrance examination cover• ing such subjects as geography, history, English grammar, Bacon College and Kentucky University (1836-1865) 411 arithmetic, algebra, Latin and Greek (including selections from the Greek New Testament).44 Auspiciously begun, the new university ran afoul of the Civil War. Enrollments plunged, hitting a low of seventy-seven in 1861-62 and sixty-one in 1862-63. From 1859 through June, 1865, there were only fourteen graduates.45 The tides of war washed across the ten-acre campus. The Confederate victory at the Battle of Richmond, Kentucky, on August 30, 1862, brought a brief occupation of Confederate armies, which ended after the bloody Battle of Perryville on October 8 of the same year. Gen• eral Braxton Bragg retreated through Harrodsburg, trailing a supply train forty miles long. On the field of battle lay more than 8,000 slain men, almost equally divided between Blue and Gray. The wounded filled the resorts, the churches, and the homes of Harrodsburg. The buildings of Kentucky University were com• mandeered as hospitals.46 General John Hunt Morgan continued his "thunderbolt" raids; and throughout the war Kentucky was a garrison and supply depot with all the signs of military occu• pation and war traffic. Nevertheless, as John B. Bowman later reported, school was never interrupted for a week during the war and not a dollar of the endowment was lost during that upheaval.47 With all its dis• couragements, Kentucky University was never plunged into the gloom which had so often characterized Bacon College. When the war had receded southward from Kentucky after the tumultous summer of 1862, Bowman began to make plans for the enlargement of the school. To do this he needed a new campus, and there seemed a good prospect that he would be able to acquire the grounds of the United States Military Asylum, the former Graham Springs resort. The government had operated it for a time as an old soldiers' home but had given it up as too expensive. Bowman gathered $45,000 from citizens of Mercer Country for the purchase and improvement of the property, but when it came up for auction one of Bowman's enemies manipu• lated the bidding until Kentucky University was priced out of 412 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY the market at $115,000. Sadly, Bowman returned the $45,000 to the donors.48 By next spring the building problem had become really acute, for on February 16, 1864, classes were broken up by fire. Start• ing from a defective flue and encouraged by a high wind, the flames reduced the building to ashes and rubble in little more than half an hour.49 The next morning classes met without in• terval in the basement of the Christian Church and in two rooms of the Masonic Hall; there Kentucky University continued for the rest of that term and the whole of the next.50 Meantime plans for the rebuilding of the school went ahead. The curators (trustees) canvassed the possibility of securing $100,000 for this purpose but, failing to find it in Harrodsburg, investigated Covington, Louisville, and Lexington. After a bitter debate which generated much heat and left many grudges in Harrodsburg, the curators decided to relocate the school in Lex• ington. To do this, of course, they needed to go to the Legislature for an amendment to the charter.51 Among the Harrodsburg citizens who were offended none was more deeply wounded than Major James Taylor. He wrote a remonstrance which was signed by fifty-three people and under date of February 1, 1865, presented it to the Legislature with the hope of blocking the change to the charter and thus of retaining the University for Harrodsburg.52 Twelve days later he sorrow• fully withdrew his objections, but the wounds were not healed. Indeed, they are not fully healed in Harrodsburg to this day. The curators sought to make amends by returning money to the Harrodsburg donors and by deeding their campus to the pro• posed Harrodsburg Academy, but none of this could fill the void left by the departure of the University of which Mercer County had been so proud. While Bowman was in Frankfort waiting for the committee of curators charged with the responsibility of getting the charter amended, he chanced to meet with Madison C. Johnson, chair• man of the trustees of Transylvania University, who was there on urgent business. He also held a conference with the chairman Bacon College and Kentucky University (1836-1865) 413

of the agricultural committee of the lower house of the Ken• tucky Legislature. From these chance meetings a momentous proposal developed. To get its full significance it is necessary to go back a bit. Bowman had dreamed from the beginning of incorporating an agricultural college into his new university. The Morrill Land Act, signed into law by President Abraham Lincoln July 2, 1862, would grant the Commonwealth of Kentucky scrip for 330,000 acres of land to endow and support an agricultural and mechanical college, provided such college could be established and operating by July 1, 1867. The curators of Kentucky Uni• versity had appointed a committee on June 23, 1863, to see if they could qualify. Transylvania was also trying to qualify and had succeeded in getting the necessary ratification from the State Agricultural Society and from the Senate, but the lower house balked. Transylvania was trying to give itself away to the state. (An earlier attempt to consolidate with Kentucky Uni• versity in 1860 had been repulsed by the latter.) The Legislature did not want the responsibility or the cost of owning and operat• ing a state university; and it was also suspicious of Transylvania's heritage of financial distress and sectarian controversy. Therefore the bill languished in committee where it seemed sure to die. This gave Bowman his opportunity. Rising to the challenge with characteristic boldness, he proposed to consolidate Tran• sylvania and Kentucky Universities under the name of the latter and to establish the Agricultural and Mechanical College as one of the colleges of Kentucky University. He proposed to raise $100,000 to endow it, to purchase the home of the late Henry Clay and the adjoining Woodlands for a campus and a well- equipped experimental farm. He further promised tuition-free instruction in the Agricultural and Mechanical College to Ken• tucky students. Thus the Morrill Land grant would be saved and Kentucky would have her Agricultural College. Though it seems now that Bowman was making most of the concessions and undertaking most of the costs, this proposal met with fighting opposition. Already noted was the opposition of 414 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Harrodsburg citizens on other grounds. When to this was added the plan to make the state Agricultural College part of a denomi• national university, other voices were lifted in protest. Among these none was more eloquent than that of former governor Beriah Magoffin. On February 6, 1865, he set forth his opposi• tion in an impassioned oration marshalling a fistful of argu• ments, but no words of his were more significant than these: "Make no Union of Church and State in the appropriation of this fund. But I say keep the fund free from the control of any Church."53 Later events were to prove this utterance both wise and prophetic. Nonetheless, after a vote of sixty-four to eighteen in the House and twenty to ten in the Senate,54 the amended charter was approved February 28, 1865. A previous act, approved Febru• ary 22, established the Agricultural and Mechanical College as a College of Kentucky University. According to the latter act, Kentucky University at the time of consolidation had a cash endowment of $200,000 yielding an annual income of $12,000; while Transylvania had cash funds of $59,000 yielding just over $3,500 annually. In addition, Transylvania had campus, build• ings and equipment valued at more than $100,000.55 The consolidation of the two universities was more than a paper transaction. The new Board of Curators was composed of former members of both boards. The faculties, too, were con• solidated. For example, Madison C. Johnson, chairman of Tran• sylvania trustees at the time of the merger, became presiding officer of the Law College of Kentucky University, a post which he held from 1865 through 1881. Dr. Robert Peter was a former dean of the medical school; he had been associated with Transyl• vania for more than thirty years. James K. Patterson had run Transylvania as a high school through the war years, doing for that school what Samuel Hatch had done for Bacon College a decade earlier. Patterson became president of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Kentucky University in 1869 and continued for forty-one years, through the changing status and changing names of this College. Faculty members who came Bacon College and Kentucky University (1836-1865) 415 over from Kentucky University at Harrodsburg were Robert Mil• ligan, Robert Graham, H. H. White, and A. R. Milligan.56 John W. McGarvey, who had been one of the curators, now took his place on the faculty of The College of the Bible. Three of six proposed Colleges of Kentucky University opened on the old Transylvania campus in the fall of 1865. These were the College of Science, Literature and the Arts; the College of Law; and the College of the Bible. A fourth, the Agricultural and Mechanical College, opened one year later. At the opening of school in mid-September, 1865, about 400 students matriculated. Old Morrison College and the buildings behind it, which had been military hospitals for both sides at various times in the war, had been disinfected and repainted. Many of the students came straight out of armies, having laid aside their blue and gray uniforms only weeks before.57 Appendix V

TABLES SHOWING ENROLLMENT AND FINANCIAL GROWTH

1. Annual Enrollments

Year Ending Student; Year Ending Students 1878 41 1907 144 1879 45 1908 174 1880 51 1909 99 1881 65 1910 94 1882 57 1911 131 1883 74 1912 140 1884 80 1913 121 1885 74 1914 118 1886 98 1915 71 1887 107 1916 87 1888 128 1917 98 1889 129 1918 108 1890 150 1919 88 1891 141 1920 113 1892 165 1921 78 1893 187 1922 59 1894 143 1923 59 1895 141 1924 88 1896 154 1925 80 1897 137 1926 66 1898 127 1927 39 1899 117 1928 42 1900 130 1929 47 1901 112 1930 52 1902 82 1931 97 1903 78 1932 87 1904 120 1933 105 1905 132 1934 120 1906 164 1935 97

NOTE: The telescopic plan was in effect for a number of years. Because of it, the annual catalogues frequently gave the total number of ministerial students in the two institutions on the same campus. The above enrollments do not include ministerial students in Kentucky University or Transylvania who were not at the time taking classes in The College of the Bible. The following tables do give such totals for the years of the joint presidency, when Transylvania College and The College of the Bible were closely affiliated; the figures include ministerial students in Transylvania College who were not at the time enrolled in The College of the Bible.

416 Tables Showing Enrollment and Financial Growth 417

Year Ending Students Year Ending Students 1936 75 1950 101 1937 81 1951 130 1938 56 1952 136 1939 44 1953 165 1940 60 1954 149 1941 52 1955 160 1942 66 1956 151 1943 63 1957 172 1944 76 1958 196 1945 84 1959 171 1946 82 1960 163 1947 88 1961 176 1948 94 1962 155 1949 93 1963 151

Year Ending Ministerial Stu• Year Ending Ministerial Stu• dents in dents in Seminary and Seminary and College College 1912 159 1925 130 1913 149 1926 97 1914 163 1927 68 1915 142 1928 103 1916 155 1929 102 1917 155 1930 120 1918 141 1931 129 1919 123 1932 109 1920 127 1933 125 1921 90 1934 151 1922 91 1935 128 1923 80 1936 108 1924 132 1937 110

2. Seminary Graduates by Presidencies

Presidency Total Number of Graduates Robert Milligan (1865-1875) 50 Robert Graham (1875-1895) 238 John W. McGarvey (1895-1911) 306 R. H. Crossfield (1912-1921) 101 Macartney and Campbell interims (1921-22 and 1928-29) 26 Andrew D. Harmon (1922-1928) 45 Arthur Braden (1930-1938) 94 Stephen J. Corey (1938-1945; 1948-1949) 82 Kenneth B. Bowen (1945-1948) 65 Riley B. Montgomery (1949-1964) 505 Total, diplomas or degrees 1,512 418 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

3. Graduates, Classified by Degrees and Diplomas

Type of Degree Total Number Classical Diploma 125 English Diploma 520 Bachelor of Divinity 710 Bachelor of Practical Theology 35 Master of Religious Education 69 Master of Arts in Religion 15 M. A. in Religious Education 11 English Bible Diploma 8 Master of Theology 19

For more than one half century The College of the Bible offered no degrees. Instead it conferred two diplomas, the Classi• cal Diploma and the English Diploma. The Classical Diploma required an A.B. degree plus three years in The College of the Bible, including Hebrew and Greek exegesis; this diploma was awarded for the last time in 1916. The English Diploma from 1869 to 1915 required one year of liberal arts plus three years in The College of the Bible; after 1915 it required three years in The College of the Bible beyond high school which could be taken after graduation from high school; the English Diploma was awarded for the last time in 1920. The Bachelor of Divinity (B.D.) degree, requiring three years in The College of the Bible built upon an A.B. or B.S. degree from a recognized college, was first offered in 1914 and con• tinues to the present. Until 1938 one year of studies taken toward the A.B. degree (usually in Transylvania College) could be counted as one of the three years required in the Seminary. That was under the so-called "telescopic plan." The telescopic plan was scuttled in 1938 and since then the B.D. degree has re• quired three full years beyond the A.B. or B.S. degree from a recognized undergraduate college. In a general way, the B.D. degree took the place of the Classical Diploma, minus Hebrew and Greek exegesis. The Bachelor of Practical Theology (P.Th.B.) degree, roughly equivalent to the English Diploma and designed to displace it, was first offered in 1915 and last conferred in 1934. Tables Showing Enrollment and Financial Growth 419

At first it required one year of liberal arts plus three years in The College of the Bible; then, beginning in 1921-22, it required two years of liberal arts plus two years of Seminar)'. The Master of Arts in Religion was a one-year degree beyond the A.B. It was offered in 1926 but discontinued after one year. For that single year it displaced the B.D. and M.R.E. degrees. The Master of Religious Education (M.R.E.) degree re• quired two years beyond the A.B. or B.S. degree. Designed especially for directors of Religious Education, it was first offered in 1922 and continues to the present. The Master of Arts in Religious Education (M.A. in R.E.) degree was awarded for five years only, from 1934 through 1938. It was a one-year degree beyond the A.B. The Master of Theology (M.Th.) degree, requiring one year beyond the B.D. (a fourth year of Seminary), was first offered in 1957 and was continued thereafter. The English Bible Course, leading to a certificate, should not be confused with the English Diploma. The former was offered for a short period, from 1924 through 1931, during which time eight certificates were awarded. Admitting "subfreshmen" who could not qualify for college, the course undertook make-up work in high school and college in addition to classes in semi• nary subjects, usually taught by special instructors. Certificate Courses in Religious Education, leading to a cer• tificate but not to a degree or diploma, were begun in 1911 and offered for the last time in 1935-36. A one-year certificate was given for thirty semester hours of work in the History and Or• ganization of Religious Education, the Philosophy of Religious Education, Observation and Criticism of the Church School, the Materials of Religious Education, together with foundational courses in Bible, Missions and Church History. A two-year cer• tificate was given for sixty semester hours in the above fields and extended work in Bible, church history, and education. Students in both courses were expected to do practice teaching under supervision of the Religious Education Department of the Semi• nary in approved Sunday schools of Lexington. There is no 420 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY record of the number of certificates granted in this program, but inasmuch as it antedated the M.R.E. degree by eleven years, those qualifying for it may have been much more numerous than those who received the English Bible Course certificate.

4. Table Showing Financial Growth, 1885-1911

Year Ending Endowment Year Ending Endowment 1885 $ 23,432.60 1897 71,103.92 1886 29,812.60 1898 70,603.92 1887 34,479.21 1899 72,047.02 1888 40,001.14 1900 73,087.02 1889 47,958.64 1901 87.210.15 1890 56,489.89 1902 88,422.11 1891 57,234.89 1903 86.081.16 1892 58,178.92 1904 88,704.70 1893 60,053.92 1905 107,736.39 1894 60,303.92 1906 128,282.28 1895 60,103.92 1907 139,934.73 1896 73,103.92 1911 175,804.48

5. Total Investments (Building and Endowment)

Year Ending Amount Year Ending Amount 1922 $ 375,489.52 1942 648,784.77 1923 393,918.38 1943 659,072.47 1924 431,134.88 1944 678,201.88 1925 417,492.58 1945 729,603.15 1926 431,106.08 1946 815,564.10 1927 519,952.18 1947 871,056.19 1928 520,784.73 1948 919,257.24 1929 521,277.38 1949 1,004,162.96 1930 536,587.38 1950 1.348.871.52 1931 539,267.38 1951 1,462,394.34 1932 564,260.50 1952 1,489,357.47 1933 569,311.01 1953 1,513,471.69 1934 576,711.01 1954 1,503,131.57 1935 536,250.00 1955 1,518,213.72 1936 573,600.00 1956 1,561,914.40 1937 560,199.50 1957 1.653.213.53 1938 578,369.00 1958 2,919,506.03 1939 588,137.68 1959 3,139,741.95 1940 623,608.15 1960 3,284,637.06 1941 633,237.54

Note: As of August 1, 1963, there were, in addition to the above, $655,342 in gift annuities, unmatured, plus the Mandrell Properties, valued at $750,000. Appendix VI

TRUSTEES OF THE COLLEGE OF THE BIBLE

1877-1963

1. W. T. Patterson 1877-1878 2. C. K. Marshall 1877-1878 3. W. B. Emmal 1877-1878 4. S. W. Crutcher 1877-1886 5. T. A. Crenshaw 1877-1881 6. Alexander R. Milligan 1877-1881 7. John B. Wallace 1877-1896 8. J. L. Cassell 1877-1886 9. J. T. Frazier 1877-1880 10. W. H. Hopson 1877-1881 11. J. B. Jones 1877-1886; 1891-1901 12. J. B. McGinn 1877-1903 13. R. McMichael 1877-1898 14. J. B. Morton 1877-1900 15. J. L. Neal 1877-1917 16. J. S. Shouse 1877-1892; 1898-1912 17. J. C. Walden 1877-1892 18. G. W. Yancey 1877-1896 19. Frank G. Allen 1880-1885 20. W. F. Cowden 1881-1885 21. Alfred Fairhurst 1883-1917 22. A. H. Shropshire 1883-1900 23. John T. Vance 1884-1927 24. Charles Baker 1885-1896 25. Benjamin F. Clay 1886-1891 26. Mark Collis 1886-1918 27. J. M. Logan 1886-1898 28. W. H. Cassell 1892-1893 29. B. M. Arnett 1892-1916 30. John G. Allen 1893-1903 31. John T. Hawkins 1896-1905 32. William O. Sweeney 1896-1907 33. Wilson J. Thomas 1896-1926

421 422 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

34. Robert Graham 1898-1901 35. Isaac N. Williams 1900-1919 36. William F. Smith 1900-1909; 1912-1930 37. W. H. Graham 1901-1903 38. George Darsie 1901-1905 39. Francis M. Rains 1903-1920 40. Frank P. James 1903-1932 41. W. T. Lafferty 1905-1910 42. W. Newton Briney 1905-1910 43. Henry C. Garrison 1905-1917 44. J. W. Morrison 1907-1912 45. J. H. MacNeill 1909-1938; emeritus 1938-1944 46. H. C. Kendrick 1910-1913 47. Roger Clark 1910-1913 48. Peter Ainslie 1910-1916 49. Robert Milton Hopkins 1910-1921; 1940-1955 50. W. H. Allen 1910-1912 51. J. A. Hulett 1913-1919 52. E. S. Jouett 1912-1917 53. Robert N. Simpson 1913-1920 54. H. D. Smith 1914-1915 55. W. G. Simpson 1915-1927 56. J. D. Armistead 1916-1927 57. B. W. Trimble 1916-1932 58. Joseph W. Hagin 1917-1941 59. Horace Kingsbury 1917-1920; 1928-1930; 1932-1944 60. Wilson Case Lawwill 1917-1946 61. E. T. Edmonds 1917-1923 62. B. R. Jouett 1918-1951 63. E. L. Gillis 1920-1940 64. Roger T. Nooe 1920-1929 (i5. Madison Hart 1920-1942 66. John C. Taylor 1920-1943; emeritus 1943-1944 67. J. J. Castleberry 1920-1937 68. L. E. Sellers 1921-1924 69. S. D. Pinkerton 1923-1929 70. W. G. Eldred 1924-1947 71. W. J. Smith 1927 72. Hampton Adams 1927-1949 73. Kenneth B. Bowen 1927-1945 74. A. C. Brooks 1929-1963 75. M. T. McEldowney 1930-1934 76. B. F. Foster 1930-1936 77. E. C. McDougal 1930-1948 78. W. J. Shelburne 1930-1940 79. Robert Trimble 1932-1939 80. W. W. Cassity 1934-1946 81. Thomas M. Giltner 1936-1949 82. C. N. Barnette 1937-1956 83. Allen Buckner 1939-1950 84. Gaines M. Cook 1940- A List of Trustees with Terms of Service 423

85. Lorenzo K. Wood 1940-1955 86. H. B. McCormick 1941-1956 87. Walter E. Lawrenson 1942- 88. Joseph S. Faulconer 1943- 89. Paul S. Stauffer 1944- 90. O. Slack Barrett 1946-1953 91. J. W. Gaines 1946-1957 92. Monroe Goebel Schuster 1946-1957 93. Raymond L. Alexander 1947- 94. Tilton J. Cassidy 1947- 95. John W. Brooker 1949-1952 96. J. D. Van Hooser 1949-1963 97. John Tate 1949-1959 98. James Park 1949-1963 99. Franklin H. Minck 1949-1963 100. J. S. Watkins 1949- 101. Harrison McMains 1950-1957 102. W. F. Foster 1950- 103. J. Wayne Drash 1950- 104. J. C. Codell, Jr. 1951-1957 105. William B. McCarty 1951- 106. Herman P. Dean 1951- 107. Leonard W. Boynton 1951- 108. Wilson Cox 1951- 109. Lawrence S. Ashley 1951- 110. A. Wayne Braden 1953-1960 111. James A. Moak 1953- 112. Herman H. Strietmann 1953- 113. Wayne H. Bell 1954-1959 114. T. Howard Oden 1954- 115. W. Earl Dean 1954- 116. G. C. Schurman 1954-1955 117. B. H. Linville 1954-1955 118. C. O. McAfee 1954-1957; 1963- 119. Hubert L. Barnett 1954- 120. W. F. Mandrell 1954- 121. H. Gait Braxton 1954- 122. Fred W. Heifer 1954-1959 123. Forrest F. Reed 1954-1960 124. W. Earl Waldrop 1954-1959 125. LeRoy S. Hulan 1955- 126. Cecil A. Jarman 1955-1959 127. Howard Thomas Wood 1955- 128. Wilbur H. Cramblet 1955- 129. James A. Lollis 1955- 130. John C. Chenault 1955- 131. John T. Acree, Jr. 1955- 132. John L. Mains 1956- 133. Lee J. Wilcox 1956- 134. J. Edwin Ruby 1956- 135. Osmer S. Demim* 1956- 424 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

136. R. G. Vallandingham 1956-1960 137. M. G. Aldridge1 1957- 138. R. R. Dawson 1957- 139. James B. Hardy 1957- 140. W. Earl Dean 1957- 141. Charles F. Schwab 1957- 142. Dewey Daniel 1958- 143. Herbert D. Sledd 1959- 144. W. M. Elmer 1959- 145. James C. Pippin 1959-1964 146. H. Myron Kauffman 1959- 147. David Nelson Sutton 1960- 148. W. T. Bishop 1960- 149. J. B. Cash 1960- 150. E. E. Freeman 1960-1961 151. Douglas A. Bell 1962- 152. Fred B. Bullard 1963- 153. Frank G. Dickey 1963- 154. William C. Newman 1963- 155. J. Scott Talbott 1963- Appendix VII

FACULTY AND ADMINISTRATION

1865-1964

/. Faculty

1. ROBERT MILLIGAN 1865-1875 Sacred Literature, Christian Doctrine, Hebrew, Greek 2. JOHN WILLIAM MCGARVEY 1865-1873; 1875-1911 Sacred History, Evidences of Christianity, Biblical Criticism 3. WILLIAM THOMAS MOORE 1866-1870 Sacred Rhetoric and Ecclesiastical History 4. ROBERT GRAHAM 1866-1869; 1875-1898; emeritus 1898-1901 English Language and Literature; Mental, Moral and Political Philosophy; Homiletics; Hermeneutics 5. JOSEPH DESHA PICKETT 1869-1877 English Language and Literature, Sacred History, Homiletics, Hermeneutics 6. H. TURNER 1875-1876 Hebrew 7. HARVEY WILLIAM EVEREST 1874-1875 Sacred History, Gospels, Homiletics, Exegesis 8. ISAIAH BOONE GRUBBS 1877-1907; emeritus 1907-1912 Sacred History, Christian Doctrine, Church History, Hermeneutics, Exegesis 9. JOHN ANDREW BRENENSTUHL 1877-1878 Student instructor 10. WILLIAM H. GRAHAM 1879-1885 English Language and Literature 11. MARK COLLIS 1885-1891; 1914 English Language and Literature, Poetical Literature 12. A. C. HOPKINS 1886-1887 Music

425 426 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

13. F. F. GREEN 1890-1891 Instructor in the Academy 14. C. C. CLINE 1891-1892 Music 15. CLARENCE CAMPBELL FREEMAN 1891-1905; taught in Transylvania College until 1932 English Language and Literature 16. WALTER G. CONLEY 1893-1894 English Language and Literature 17. BENJAMIN CASSELL DEWEESE 1895-1919; emeritus 1919-1924 Biblical Criticism, Exegesis, Hebrew, Homiletics 18. HENRY LLOYD 1893-1894 Instructor in the Academy 19. CHARLES LOUIS Loos 1894-1908 Greek, Ancient Civil History (1903-1904) 20. JAMES THOMSON MCGARVEY 1894-1895 Music 21. J. M. SIBOLD 1895-1896 Music 22. E. F. BROWN 1895-1896 Elocution 23. MISS MINNIE LEE WOOD 1896-1898 Elocution 24. S. D. COLLIER 1896-1897 Music 25. JOHN WILLIAM MCGARVEY, JR. 1897-1899 Music, Sacred History 26. JAMES C. KEITH 1898-1900 Mental, Moral and Political Philosophy; Hebrew, Sacred History, Elocution 27. MISS MARY HAMILTON 1900-1904 Elocution 28. LEONARD DAUGHERTY 1901-1904 Music 29. SAMUEL MITCHELL JEFFERSON 1900-1914 Philosophy, Pastoral Theology 30. MRS. ANNA RUTH BOURNE 1902-1903 Ancient Civil History 31. HALL LAURIE CALHOUN 1904-1917 Old Testament, Hebrew, Ancient Civil History, Expression 32. WILLIAM CHARLES MORRO 1906-1911 Christian History and Christian Doctrine, New Testament Greek A List of Faculty Members with Terms of Service 427

33. WILLIAM FRANCIS SMITH 1909-1912 Bible School Pedagogy, Homiletics, Missions 34. HENRY JACOB LUNGER 1911-1912 New Testament, Christian History 35. ALONZO WILLARD FORTUNE 1912-1922; 1930-1945; emeritus 1945- 1950 Christian History, Christian Doctrine, Pastoral Theology 36. WILLIAM CLAYTON BOWER 1912-1926; 1943-1944 Religious Education 37. ISAAC JESSE SPENCER 1914-1915 (part-time) Pastoral Theology 38. ELMER ELLSWORTH SNODDY 1914-1936 Christian Doctrine, Practical Theology 39. GEORGE WATSON HEMRY 1914-1917 Sacred History 40. W. EDWARD SAXON 1914-1942; emeritus 1942-1945 Expression 41. GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN 1917-1921 Old Testament, Hebrew, Missions 42. EBENEZER THOMAS EDMONDS 1919-1920 English Bible Course 43. MRS. GUSTINE COURSON WEAVER 1920 Instructor in Religious Education 44. A. C. KUYKENDALL 1914; 1919-1923 Instructor English Bible Course, Principal of High School 45. CHARLES LYNN PYATT 1920-1953; emeritus 1953-1960 New Testament, Old Testament, Hebrew 46. RODNEY L. MCQUARY 1921-1927 Church History, Pastoral Theology, Missions 47. VERNON STAUFFER 1922-1925 New Testament 48. WARD RUSSELL 1922-1926 English Bible Course, acting professor New Testament 1925-1926 49. GEORGE VOIERS MOORE 1926-1938; 1941- Religious Education, Practical Theology 50. DANIEL CURTIS TROXEL 1927-1956; emeritus 1956- New Testament, Church History, Pastoral Theology 51. THADDEUS HASSELL BOWEN [1927-1935]; 1937-1963 Pastoral Theology, Christian Doctrine 52. C. A. WEBB 1927-1928 English Bible Students 428 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

53. MRS. DOROTHY DARSIE 11)28-1929 English Bible Students, Science 54. MRS. BESS HUGHES DICKINSON 1928-1929 English Bible Students, English 55. WALTER CHESTERFIELD GIBBS 1929-1946; emeritus 1946-1953 Church History, Pastoral Theology 56. MISS EMMA MCCLENEHAN 1930 English Bible Students 57. HOWARD PRATHER 1930-1931 English Bible Students, Science 58. DOROTHY HALL (MRS. WALTER CHESTERFIELD GIBBS) 1930-1931 English Bible Students, English 59. WILLARD NEWTON HOGAN 1932-1933 Fellow in New Testament Greek 60. HAMPTON ADAMS 1934-1935 Pastoral Theology 61. ALONZO CLEON BROOKS 1934-1935 Pastoral Theology 62. ALLEN WILSON 1935 Rural Church 63. DONALD E. WALKER 1936 Fellow in Christian Doctrine 64. E. TIPTON CARROLL 1936 Fellow in Christian Doctrine 65. ARTHUR CAMPBELL GARNETT 1936-1937 Christian Doctrine 66. STEPHEN JARED COREY 1938-1945; 1948-1949 Missions 67. MYRON TAGGART HOPPER 1939-1960 Religious Education 68. CLIFFORD HENRY PLOPPER 1942-1943 Visiting professor in Missions 69. JOHN DAVIS REICHARD 1942-1946 Lecturer in Religion and Public Health 70. GENTRY ALLEN SHELTON 1944-1955 Music 71. KENNETH BLOUNT BOWEN 1945-1946 Pastoral Theology 72. LEW D. FALLIS 1944-1945 Lecturer in Public Speaking 73. HOWARD TAYLOR HOLROYD 1945-1946 Visiting professor in Missions A List of Faculty Members with Terms of Service 429

74. HOWARD ELMO SHORT 1946-1958 Church History 75. DWIGHT ESHELMAN STEVENSON 1947- Homiletics 76. VICTOR VOGEL 1947-1951 Lecturer in Religion and Public Health 77. KATHERINE JULIA ANNA SCHUTZE 1947-1948 Lecturer in Missions 78. IDELLA W. HIGDON 1948-1949 Lecturer in Missions 79. DONALD ANDERSON MCGAVRAN 1948-1919 Lecturer in Missions 80. CYRUS MCNEELY YOCUM 1950-1953; 1955-1957 Missions 81. ROSCOE MITCHELL PIERSON 1950- Bibliography 82. KENNETH W. CHAPMAN 1951-1953 Lecturer in Religion and Public Health 83. LEWIS STRONG CASEY SMYTHE 1952- Christian Community, Missions 84. ROBERT FRANCIS JOHNSON 1953-1955 Old Testament, Hebrew 85. JACK MCKINLEY SHERLEY 1953- Pastoral Counseling 86. CHARLES CLARENCE MANKER, JR. 1953-1960 Religious Education 87. JOHN CABELL CHENAULT 1953-1954 Homiletics 88. LAWRENCE CORD HAY 1955-1956 Old Testament, Hebrew 89. ARTHUR NORRIE WAKE 1955- Music 90. WILLIAM ROBB BAIRD, JR. 1956- New Testament, Greek 91. WILLIAM LAFOREST REED 1956- Old Testament, Hebrew 92. STEADMAN BAGBY 1956-1957 Lecturer in Methodist Polity 93. CHARLES FRANKLIN DIEHL 1955-1957 Therapist in Speech 94. RICHARD CLARK WHITE 1957- Homiletics 430 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

95. RALPH GLENN WILBURN 1957- Historical Theology 96. RICHARD MARTIN POPE 1958- Church History 97. BENJAMIN E. WATSON 1958-1960 Lecturer in Missions 98. RAY H. HAYES 1958- Adjunct professor in Pastoral Care 99. RALPH T. PALMER 1958-1961 Adjunct professor in Missions 100. JOSEPH CY ROWELL 1960-1961 Religious Education 101. DONALD LEE SCOTT 1960-1961 Religious Education 102. PAUL ABERNATHY CROW, JR. 1961- Church History 103. LESTER CLAUDE RAMPLEY 1961- Religious Education 104. JERRY GRAY WHITT 1962 Fellow in New Testament 105. ROBERT MASON EZZELL 1962 Fellow in New Testament 106. WARREN PAGE BRUBAKER 1962-1963 Fellow in New Testament Greek 107. LESTER DAVIS PALMER 1963- Field Education 108. DONALD R. HERREN 1963- Lecturer in Methodist Polity 109. RICHARD WILLIAM BARR 1964- Systematic Theology

2. Presidents

1. ROBERT MILLIGAN 1865-1875 2. ROBERT GRAHAM 1875-1895 3. JOHN WILLIAM MCGARVEY 1895-1911 4. HALL LAURIE CALHOUN (acting president) 1911-1912 5. RICHARD HENRY CROSSFIELD 1912-1921 6. THOMAS BENTON MACARTNEY, JR. (acting president) 1921-1922; 1928 7. ANDREW DAVIDSON HARMON 1922-1928 8. ELMER GRANT CAMPBELL (acting president) 1929-1930 9. ARTHUR BRADEN 1930-1938 A List of Faculty Members with Terms of Service 431

10. STEPHEN JARED COREY 1938-1945; (acting president) 1948-1949 11. KENNETH BLOUNT BOWEN 1945-1948 12. RILEY BENJAMIN MONTGOMERY 1949-

3. Vice Presidents

1. ELMER GRANT CAMPBELL 1930-1931 2. CHARLES EDGAR DIETZE 1959-

4. Chairmen of Faculty and Deans

1. WILLIAM CHARLES MORRO 1910-1911 2. HALL LAURIE CALHOUN 1911-1917 3. ALONZO WILLARD FORTUNE, chairman of the faculty 1917-1918; Dean 1918-1921 4. WILLIAM CLAYTON BOWER 1921-1926 5. GEORGE VOIERS MOORE, chairman of the faculty 1927-1928 6. CHARLES LYNN PYATT, chairman of the faculty 1928-1938; Dean 1939-1953 7. DANIEL CURTIS TROXEL, acting dean 1942-1943 8. MYRON TAGGART HOPPER, acting dean 1952-53; dean 1953-1960 9. WILLIAM LAFOREST REED, chairman of the faculty 1960 10. RALPH GLENN WILBURN, dean 1961-

5. Treasurers, Assistant Treasurers and Business Managers

1. JOHN B. WALLACE treasurer 1877-1884 2. JOHN THOMAS VANCE 1884-1927 (treasurer 1884-1927; treasurer and business manager 1903-1927) 3. BENJAMIN CASSELL DEWEESE 1897-1902 (business manager and superintendent of buildings and grounds) 4. MRS. JOSEPHINE GROSS 1911-1960 (secretary to treasurer 1911-1927; treasurer 1927-1950; emeritus 1950-1960) 5. WILSON CASE LAWWILL 1927-1946 (As chairman of Investment Committee served as business manager without the title, 1927-1932; business manager, 1932-1946) 6. CHARLES LYNN PYATT 1946-1947 (acting business manager) 7. TILTON J. CASSIDY 1947-1960 (business manager) 432 LEXINGTON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

8. ELIZABETH ANN HARTSFIELD 1949-1961 (assistant treasurer 1949-1950; treasurer, 1950-1961) 9. THOMAS FREDERICK HARLIN 1960- (business manager, 1960-1961; business manager and treasurer, 1961-) 10. MRS. MILDRED GRAHAM 1961- (assistant treasurer and bookkeeper)

6. Registrars

1. HOMER L. ROBBINS 1913-1914 2. MISS JESSIE LEDRIDGE 1914-1919 3. MISS JUANITA MINISH 1919-1920 4. ERNEST MILLER 1920-1922 5. CHARLES ALBERT MANEY 1925-1929 6. VIRGIL FRANCIS PAYNE 1929-1937 7. CHARLES LYNN PYATT 1937-1952 8. MRS. JOSEPHINE GROSS (assistant registrar) 1937-1950 9. DANIEL CURTIS TROXEL (acting registrar) 1942-1943 10. MYRON T. HOPPER (acting registrar) 1952-1953; (registrar) 1953- 1956; 1958-1960 11. ELIZABETH ANN HARTSFIELD (assistant registrar) 1950-1956 12. NINA BOSWELL 1956-1958 13. PAUL A. CROW, JR. 1961-1964 14. MRS. RUTH GRAHAM, 1964-

7. Financial and Promotional Agents

1. S. H. KING 1877-1879 2. W. H. DAUGHERTY 1880-1881 3. JOHN MARRS Aug.-Nov. 1882 4. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN CLAY 1883-1884 5. JOHN S. SHOUSE 1890-1892 6. GREEN LEE SURBER 1893-1896 7. ROBERT GRAHAM 1898 8. JOHN TILLMAN HAWKINS 1900 9. M. D. CLUBB 1901-1903 10. WILLIAM THOMAS DONALDSON 1903-1912 11. J. W. GANT 1904-1905 12. JOHN WILLIAM HARDY 1909-1917 13. HOMER W. CARPENTER 1916-1918 A List of Faculty Members with Terms of Service 433

14. J. LESLIE FINNELL 1918-1920 15. CLIFFORD SELDON WEAVER April-Oct. 1920 16. EDGAR C. RILEY 1920-1927 17. DUDLEY H. STARNS 1924-1927 18. ISAAC E. REID Sept.-Dec 1924 19. JAMES THOMSON MCGARVEY 1927-1929 20. H. W. HANSON July-Aug. 1928 21. W. A. FITE 1930 22. HOWARD HAYDEN GROVES 1931-1940 23. FRANK NELSON GARDNER 1936-1943 24. CHARLES HERNDON WAGNERS summer 1931 25. ERNEST J. CRUTCHER summer 1931 26. CYRUS MCNEELY YOCUM 1950-1953 27. CHARLES LYNN PYATT 1954-1955 28. NORMAN G. BOOTH 1955-1957 29. CHARLES EDGAR DIETZE 1955- 30. FOREST L. KING 1957-1959 31. LOREN ARTHUR BROADUS, JR. 1960- 32. WILLIAM HAROLD EDDS 1962-1964

8. Librarians

1. MRS. CHARLES F. NORTON (Elizabeth Spencer Norton) 1914-1942; emeritus 1942-1946 Librarian 2. MISS ROEMOL HENRY 1942-1950 Librarian 3. ROSCOE MITCHELL PIERSON 1950- Librarian 4. Miss GLADYS ELIZABETH SCHEER 1950- Assistant Librarian

9. Directors of the News Bureau

1. ALBERTA ELKINS JONES 1950-1958 2. MARILYN GRACE DIGWEED 1958-1962 3. SUE HOLLAND 1962-

REFERENCES

UNLESS OTHERWISE INDICATED, SOURCES FOR A great part of the history lie in the Minutes of the Faculty, the Minutes of the Executive Committee of the Board of Trustees and the Minutes of the Board of Trustees of The College of the Bible. Since documentation from these sources would create an unnecessarily long table of references, they are in most cases omitted. Also omitted are specific references to the annual catalogues of the Seminary. There are three publications whose names will appear frequently: The College of the Bible Quarterly Bulletin, The College of the Bible Bulletin, and The College of the Bible Quarterly. Except for initial references in each chapter, the names will be abbreviated respectively to Quarterly Bul• letin, Bulletin, and Quarterly. The original, fully annotated manuscript of this book has been deposited in Bosworth Memorial Library where qualified scholars may have access to it through arrangement with the librarian.

PROLOGUE

The College of the Bible Idea

1. Lard's Quarterly (April, 1865), pp. 239-250. 2. DeLoris Stevenson, ed., The Autobiography of J. W. McGarvey. A transcript of McGarvey's Notes for Memoirs (Lexington, Ky., The College of the Bible, 1960), p. 84. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid., p. 13. 5. Ibid., pp. 7-8. 6. Ibid., p. 94. 7. Ibid., pp. 16-17.

435 436 References

8. Ibid., p. 17. The writer has taken the liberty of changing some of McGarvey's "Notes for Memoirs" from the third person single to first per• son. McGarvey, himself, since he was preparing these notes for the use of his son, did not take care to be consistent in this. Sometimes, as though speaking through his son, he refers to himself by name or as "he," but fre• quently he lapses into "I" and "me." The handwriting through the manu• script leaves no doubt that McGarvey himself is writing. These notes were evidently composed in the year 1905 between March and May. 9. Ibid., p. 18. 10. VV. C. Morro, Brother McGarvey (St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1940), p. 69. 11. McGarvey Autobiography, p. 28. 12. Ibid., p. 36. 13. Ibid., p. 30. 14. Ibid., pp. 31-32. 15. Lard's Quarterly, op. cit., p. 245. 16. Ibid., p. 248. 17. Ibid., p. 249. 18. Ibid., p. 240. 19. Ibid., p. 241. 20. Ibid., p. 242.

CHAPTER I

The First Dozen Years

1. Kentucky University Minute Book (September 25, 1865), p. 126. 2. John T. Brown, Churches of Christ (Louisville, Morton and Co., 1904), p. 427. 3. John W. McGarvey, "Sketch of the Author" in The New Testament Commentary, Vol. IX, Epistle to the Hebrews by Robert Milligan. 4. Ibid. 5. Kentucky University Minute Book (September 25, 1865), p. 128. 6. James F. Hopkins, The University of Kentucky (Lexington, Uni• versity of Kentucky Press, 1951), p. 70. 7. J. Breckenridge Ellis, The Story of a Life (Sherman, Texas, Reynolds- Parker Co., 1910), p. 220. 8. Kentucky University Minute Book (July 27, 1866), p. 130. 9. Brown, op. cit. 10. Brown, op. cit., p. 467. References 437

11. Catalogue of Kentucky University, 1868-69. 12. Ibid. 13. Apostolic Times (September 22, 1870). 14. Reneau Correspondence, Letter No. 137a, Vol. 4. 15. Ibid., No. 137e, Vol. 4. 16. Apostolic Times, May 17, 1870. 17. Reneau Correspondence, Letter No. 137b, Vol. 4. 18. Ibid., No. 137c, Vol. 4. 19. Ellis, op. cit., pp. 106-07, 110, 112. 20. As summarized from the various catalogues of Kentucky University, student enrollments in the colleges from 1865 through 1876-77 were as follows:

College: Arts A&M COB Law Com• Academy Total Year mercial 1865- 66 225 37 13 32 307 1866- 67 124 190 49 25 114 502 1867- 68 163 220 71 26 58 112 650 1868- 69 168 283 108 31 91 86 767 1869- 70 192 300 114 27 108 78 819 1870- 71 216 212 122 28 102 660 1871- 72 173 217 104 26 67 579 1872- 73 134 181 88 26 148 558 1873- 74 105 170 49 16 87 13* 406 1874- 75 30 263 1875- 76 59 273 1876- 77 79 106 51 19 67 299 •Telegraphy 21. Sylvan Hoffman and C. Hartley Grattan (eds.), News of the Nation (Garden City Publishing Co., Inc., n.d.), No. 25, p. 3. 22. In an article "Professor Grubbs and the College of the Bible" by John W. McGarvey in the Christian Standard, September 20, 1905. Clipping in McGarvey's Notes for Memoirs, p. 119.

CHAPTER II

Upheaval in Kentucky

1. John W. Wayland, The Bowman's, a Pioneering Family of Virginia, Kentucky and the Northwest Territory (Stanton, Va., 1943), pp. 143-46. 2. James F. Hopkins, The University of Kentucky: Origins and Early Years (Lexington, University of Kentucky Press, 1951), p. 96. 3. Kentucky Yeoman, Frankfort, Ky., March 18, 1872. 438 References

4. The Apostolic Times, October 16, 1873. 5. W. C. Morro, Brother McGarvey (St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1940), pp. 204-05. 6. A Statement Concerning The Second Church of Christ. Lexington, Ky., And a Reply to the Pamphlet Published by the Elders of the Main Street Church of Lexington, Ky. (Lexington, Press and Farmer's Home Journal Print, 1871). 7. Proceedings of the Church of Christ, Main Street, Lexington, Ky., in the case of Certain Members Excluded from her Fellowship. Addressed to All Who Love the Truth, and Who Desire to Know the Facts in the Case (Lexington, Apostolic Times, Printers and Binders, 1871 ). 8. Apostolic Times, November 16, 1871. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. 11. Apostolic Times, February 15, 1872. 12. Ibid., November 30, 1871. 13. Ibid., February 29, 1872. 14. Ibid. 15. Ibid., July 3, 1873. 16. Ibid. 17. Kentucky University Minute Book, p. 269. 18. Apostolic Times, August 14, 1873. 19. Ibid., September 4, 1873. 20. Ibid., October 2, 1873, and Lewis Cass Woolery, Life and Addresses of William Henry Woolery (Cincinnati, Standard Publishing Co.. 1893), pp. 80-81. 21. Ibid., January 8, 1874. 22. Ibid., January 29, 1874. 23. Ibid., November 30, 1871. 24. Catalogues, Kentucky University. 25. Hopkins, op. cit., p. 108. 26. Apostolic Times, June 17, 1875. 27. Ibid., June 15, 1876 and August 24, 1876. 28. Ibid., July 6, 1876. 29. Ibid., July 16, 1874. 30. Ibid., May 27, 1875 and April 1, 1875. 31. Ibid., June 17, 1875. 32. Ibid., July 8, 1875. References 439

33. Ibid., January 4, 1877. 34. Ibid., April 19, 1877. 35. Kentucky Gazette, Lexington, June 16, 1877. 36. Kentucky University Minute Book, pp. 371-74. 37. Apostolic Times, July 12, 1877. 38. Lexington Morning Herald, November 13, 1914.

CHAPTER III

The New College of the Bible

1. Foregoing all from Apostolic Times, July 19, 1877. 2. A. W. Fortune, The Disciples in Kentucky (The Convention of Chris• tian Churches, 1932), pp. 276-77. 3. Minutes of the executive committee of the Board of Trustees of The College of the Bible, August 6, 1877. On July 20, 1896, this house came into the possession of the Seminary; it was awarded by the Fayette Circuit Court, possibly as an annuity. The Seminary sold it in May, 1919, for $8,500 (Minutes of the Executive Committee "1917" pp. 54, 226, 245). 4. Apostolic Times, August 17, 1877, p. 481. 5. Ibid., p. 490. 6. Apostolic Times, August 31, 1877, p. 520. 7. Ibid., August 17, 1877, p. 488. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid., p. 489. 10. Ibid., September 14, 1877, p. 547. 11. Christian Standard, June 17, 1880. 12. The Lexington Press, August 24, 1877. 13. College of the Bible Matriculation and Chapel Roll Book opened September 9, 1872. 14. Apostolic Times, September 21, 1877, p. 568. 15. Minutes of Kentucky University, June 12, 1878. 16. Charles A. Day, "Moses E. Lard, Master Builder of the Reformation" (B.D. thesis at The College of the Bible, 1951). 17. Minutes of the Executive Committee, Board of Trustees of The College of the Bible, December 22, 1877; February 4, 26; May 2, 31; July 26, 1878. 18. Minutes of Kentucky University, June 12, 1878. 440 References

19. Apostolic Times, August 9, 1878. 20. Catalogue of Kentucky University, 1879-80. 21. Earl Irvin West, The Search for the Ancient Order: A History of the Restoration Movement 1849-1906 (Gospel Advocate Company, 1949), Vol. 2, p. 167. 22. Letter from Harvey Baker Smith, November 23, 1958. 23. Apostolic Guide, May 21, 1886, p. 8. 24. Smith Letter, op. cit. 25. W. C. Morro, Brother McGarvey (St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1940), p. 129. 26. Ibid., p. 131. 27. Ibid. 28. Smith Letter, op. cit. 29. Ibid.

CHAPTER IV

A National Panorama

1. Winfred Ernest Garrison and Alfred T. DeGroot, The Disciples of Christ: A History (2d ed. rev., St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1958), p. 359. 2. Christian Standard, July 1, 1882, p. 202. 3. Garrison and DeGroot, op. cit., pp. 369-70. 4. Lard's Quarterly, 1864, p. 332. 5. Garrison and DeGroot, op. cit., p. 355. 6. Ibid., p. 374. 7. Ibid., p. 371. 8. Ibid., pp. 378-79. 9. Ibid., p. 379. 10. Ibid., p. 377. 11. Stephen J. Corey, Fifty Years of Attack and Controversy (The Com• mittee on Publication of the Corey Manuscript, 1953), pp. 16-18. 12. Herbert L. Willett, et al. (eds.) Progress: Anniversary of the Camp• bell Institute on the Completion of Twenty Years of History (Chicago, The Christian Century Press, 1917), p. 38. 13. W. C. Morro, Brother McGarvey (Bethany Press, 1940), p. 120. References 441

CHAPTER V

McGarvey as a Teacher 1. Personal interview with Mrs. J. E. Moody, October 15, 1959. 2. The College of the Bible Catalogue, 1879-80, pp. 5-6, together with announcements for the Session of 1880-81. 3. J. T. McGarvey, "A Son's Estimate of His Father" (Unpublished manuscript in possession of Davis McGarvey, Lexington, Ky.), Chapter 1, p. 2. 4. Personal letter to Roscoe M. Pierson, June 19, 1960. 5. Christian Standard, September 2, 1911. 6. J. W. McGarvey, Class Notes on Sacred History (Lexington, John Marcrom, Publisher, 1893), Vol. I, p. vi. 7. Ibid., p. v. 8. J. T. McGarvey Manuscript, op. cit., "The Writer," p. 2. 9. Interview with Homer W. Carpenter, November 15, 1959. 10. Letter, September 25, 1959. 11. Class Notes, Vol. I, op. cit., p. vi. 12. John William McGarvey, Short Essays in Biblical Criticism (Cincin• nati, Standard Publishing Co., 1910). First published in the Christian Standard, January 7, 1893. 13. Ibid., p. 1. 14. McGarvey's column for February 18, 1893. 15. McGarvey's column for February 27, 1897. 16. Ibid., October 14, 1893. 17. Personal Interview, December 14, 1958. 18. Interview, September 24, 1959. 19. J. T. McGarvey Manuscript, "McGarvey as a Writer," pp. 3-4. 20. W. C. Morro, Brother McGarvey (St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1940), p. 162. 21. J. W. McGarvey, Lands of the Bible: A Geographical and Topo• graphical Description of Palestine with Letters of Travel in Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor, and Greece. (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1881), pp. 531-540.

CHAPTER VI

Brick and Mortar, Dollars and Cents

1. Christian Standard, June 27, 1885, p. 203. 442 References

2. Annual Treasurer's Reports by J. T. Vance. Also W. C. Morro, Brother McGarvey (St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1940), p. 238. 3. Ibid. 4. The Autobiography of J. W. McGarvey (Lexington, Ky., The College of the Bible, 1960), pp. 81-82. 5. Ibid., p. 53. 6. Morro, op. cit., p. 237. 7. All except item for A.D. 1911, these figures are taken from the annual treasurer's reports of J. T. Vance, now in The College of the Bible Library, vertical file. The A.D. 1911 figures are from W. C. Morro's Brother Mc• Garvey, p. 238. 8. Minutes, Trustees of the Garth Educational Society, August 27, 1903; March 16, 1905; June 1. 1905; July 31, 1906; August 9, 1906. Also The Autobiography of J. W. McGarvey (The College of the Bible, 1960), pp. 116-117. 9. The College of the Bible Bulletin (February, 1959). Article, "Trustees of Continuing Life," by Riley B. Montgomery.

CHAPTER VII

Student Life Between Two Wars 1. Apostolic Guide, December 4, 1885, p. 3. 2. The Christian Standard, June 21, 1884, p. 197. 3. Apostolic Guide, January 29, 1886, p. 2. 4. Interview with H. C. Hobgood, April 24, 1960. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid. 7. By-Laws, The College of the Bible Catalogue, 1878,, pp. 30-32. 8. Interview with H. C. Hobgood. 9. Burris Jenkins, Where My Caravan Has Rested (Chicago, Willett. Clark & Co., 1939), pp. 157-158.

10. Hobgood interview.

CHAPTER VIII

"The Reign of Law" 1. Born in Lexington, Ky., 1849; died in New York City, 1925. 2. James Lane Allen, The Reign of Law, A Tale of the Kentucky Hemp Fields (New York, Macmillan, 1900), p. 294. 3. Ibid., pp. 130-131. References 443

4. Warren Browne, Titan vs. Taboo, The Life of William Benjamin Smith (Tucson, Ariz., The Diogenes Press. 1961 ), pp. 26-28.

CHAPTER IX

The Flowering of the McGarvey Era 1. Winfred Ernest Garrison and Alfred T. DeGroot, The Disciples of Christ, A History (Revised Edition; St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1958), pp. 444-445. 2. DeLoris Stevenson, ed.. The Autobiography of J. W. McGarvey (Lexington, Ky., The College of the Bible, 1960), p. 55. 3. The Crimson, 1910. This issue of the college annual of Transylvania and The College of the Bible was dedicated to Professor Jefferson. 4. Letter from Roud Shaw, July 23, 1959. 5. Interview with Homer W. Carpenter, November 15, 1959. 6. Interview with Mrs. J. E. Moody, October 15, 1959. 7. The Crimson, 1910. 8. Ibid. 9. Minutes of Executive Committee, pp. 252-253, 257, 264, 265, 293. 10. W. C. Morro, Brother McGarvey, St. Louis, p. 15. 11. Carpenter interview. 12. Personal letter of Gustine Courson Weaver to Mate Graye Hunt, from McKinley, Texas, August 20, 1928. 13. "A Glimpse into the Home of One of Our Great Ministers" by Gustine Courson Weaver, The Christian-Evangelist, December 27, 1923, p. 1657. Miss Courson after two years in Kentucky University transferred to Eureka College from which institution she was graduated. She and her hus• band, Clifford S. Weaver, were commissioned as missionaries to Japan in 1900, with Charles Louis Loos officiating in his capacity as Chairman of the Board of Foreign Missions. In 1920 Clifford Weaver became chancellor of Transylvania College and Mrs. Weaver taught religious education in The College of the Bible. 14. President's Annual Reports (in the files of Bosworth Memorial Library). 15. Letter from Marion Stevenson, Irving Park, Illinois, December 31, 1906, to President McGarvey. 16. W. C. Bower, Address, "The Alexander Campbell Hopkins Chair of Bible School Pedagogy" (in the files of Bosworth Memorial Library). 17. Interview with C. L. Pyatt, March 3, 1959. 18. Christian Standard, March 31, 1906, p. 5. 19. Ibid., April 28, 1906, p. 7. 444 References

20. Burris A. Jenkins, Where My Caravan Has Rested (Chicago, Willet, Clark & Co., 1939), pp. 156-157. 21. Carpenter interview. 22. Minutes of Executive Committee, March 4, 1909, p. 355. 23. Letter, W. C. Morro to "Bro. Shouse," March 4, 1909 (in the files of Bosworth Memorial Library).

CHAPTER X

A New Era Begins (1911-1914)

1. W. C. Morro, Brother McGarvey (St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1940), p. 19. 2. The Christian-Evangelist, November 15, 1917, p. 1253. 3. George W. Bushell, "The Development of The College of the Bible through Controversy" (unpublished B.D. thesis, The College of the Bible, 1934), pp. 41-42. 4. Charles Crossfield Ware, Kentucky's Fox Creek (Wilson, N. C, pub• lished by the author, 1957), p. 49. Crossfield was called as president, June 1908. 5. Ibid., p. 35. 6. The College of the Bible Quarterly Bulletin, May 1917. 7. Letter from R. H. Crossfield, September 1, 1910, in Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 8. Bushell, op. cit., p. 43. 9. Quarterly Bulletin, May 1917. 10. Ibid. 11. Bushell, op. cit., pp. 47-51. Also, Letter from R. H. Crossfield, to R. H. Miller, June 21, 1912, in Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 12. William Clayton Bower, Through the Years (Lexington, Ky., Transyl• vania College Press, 1957). 13. Letter from S. S. Lappin to R. H. Crossfield, April 13, 1912, in Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 14. Ibid., April 24, 1912. 15. Letter from Alonzo Willard Fortune to R. H. Crossfield, April 20, 1912, in Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 16. Letter from J. B. Briney to R. H. Crossfield, April 19, 1912, in Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 17. Letter from J. T. Brown to R. H. Crossfield, May 28, 1912. in Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 18. Ibid., June 3, 1912. References 445

19. Christian Standard, August 3, 1912, p. 5. 20. Marcus D. Bryant, "Alonzo Willard Fortune: a Biography" (un• published B.D. thesis, The College of the Bible, 1953, pp. 9-10. 21. Christian Standard, July 27, 1912, p. 6. 22. Ibid., August 10, 1912, p. 12. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid., August 31, 1912, p. 5. 25. Ibid., September 14, 1912, p. 5. 26. Letter from Miner Lee Bates to R. H. Crossfield, September 23, 1912. Also letter from F. M. Rains to R. H. Crossfield, September 23, 1912: "It is pitiful to leave the poor man [Brown] begging for someone to snap back at him. The President of the Bible College won't scrap, the committee won't scrap; what will the poor man do?" Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 27. Letter from S. S. Lappin to R. H. Crossfield, September 6, 1912, in Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 28. Letter from R. H. Crossfield to Dr. V. L. Taylor, October 1, 1912, Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 29. "Longer Catechism on the Attack on The College of the Bible," Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 30. Letter from J. B. Briney to R. H. Crossfield, September 12, 1912, Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 31. Letter from A. McLean to R. H. Crossfield, September 11, 1912, Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 32. Letter (presumably a circular) from Ashley S. Johnson to "Sister Pritchett," n.d., in Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 33. Letter from Ashley S. Johnson to R. H. Crossfield, September 15, 1912, Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 34. Letter from Miner Lee Bates to R. H. Crossfield, December 22, 1912, Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 35. Letter from Ashley S. Johnson to R. H. Crossfield, December 24, 1912, Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 36. Letter from Miner Lee Bates to R. H. Crossfield, December 31, 1912, Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 37. Letter from J. T. Brown to R. H. Crossfield, October 1, 1912. Also Minutes of the Executive Committee of the Board of Trustees of The Col• lege of the Bible, October 4, 1912. 38. Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 39. For J. T. Brown's extended report of the whole proceedings of this meeting, see Christian Standard, December 28, 1912, pp. 5-7. 446 References

40. Christian Standard, December 7, 1912, p. 10. This statement was signed by sixteen trustees: H. C. Garrison, E. S. Jouett, W. F. Smith, B. M. Arnett, Peter Ainslie, Mark Collis, Roger L. Clark, Robert M. Hopkins, J. H. MacNeill, F. P. James, James L. Neal, F. M. Rains, W. J. Thomas, John T. Vance and I. N. Williams. 41. Christian Standard, December 28, 1912, p. 5. 42. Letter from R. L. Porter to R. H. Crossfield, August 9, 1912, Contro• versy File, Transylvania College Library. 43. Letter from J. W. McGarvey to J. T. Brown, September 13, 1912, Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 44. Christian Standard, February 28, 1914. 45. Letter from R. H. Crossfield to R. L. Porter, August 30, 1912, Con• troversy File, Transylvania College Library. 46. The date was April 13, 1914, at a meeting of the executive committee. 47. Quarterly Bulletin, October 1914. Also E. Tipton Carroll (ed.) "Professor Snoddy Speaks" (unpublished manuscript, compiled from short• hand notes, in possession of the editor, 1961). 48. Minutes of the Executive Committee, April 7, 1914.

CHAPTER XI

Keeping House Together (1912-1918)

1. The College of the Bible faculty met the first Thursday of the month, the Arts College on the second, and the joint faculties on the fourth Thurs• day. Minutes of the Faculty, p. 192. 2. The College of the Bible Quarterly Bulletin, June 1912, p. 2. 3. Annual Report of the Treasurer, 1917, in the files of Bosworth Memorial Library, The College of the Bible. 4. The Christian-Evangelist, September 19, 1918, p. 986. 5. Winfred Ernest Garrison and Alfred T. DeGroot, The Disciples of Christ, a History (St. Louis, Bethany Press, Revised Edition, 1958), p. 415. 6. Ibid. Also "Longer Catechism on the Attack on The College of the Bible," in the Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 7. Quarterly Bulletin, May 1917. 8. Garrison and DeGroot, op. cit., p. 427. 9. The Christian-Evangelist, August 28, 1919, pp. 886-889. 10. Quarterly Bulletin, June 1912, p. 6. References 447

CHAPTER XII

New Patterns in Seminary Education (1912-1922)

1. William Clayton Bower, Through the Years (Lexington, Ky., Transyl• vania College Press, 1957), p. 38. 2. Christian Baptist, August 4, 1828. 3. W. C. Morro, Brother McGarvey (St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1940), p. 14. 4. Ibid., p. 15. 5. Ibid., p. 17. 6. Letter from Vernon Stauffer to R. H. Crossfield, n.d., Controversy File, Transylvania College Library.

CHAPTER XIII

War On Two Fronts (1917)

1. William Clayton Bower, Through the Years (Lexington, Ky., Transyl• vania College Press, 1957), p. 39. 2. The Christian-Evangelist, May 31, 1917. (A reprint of the address, plus an editorial, in this issue.) Also Christian Standard, June 9, 1917, p. 9. 3. Bower, op. cit., p. 39. 4. "Longer Catechism on the Attack on The College of the Bible," Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 5. Ibid. 6. Circular letter mailed by President Crossfield, March 17, 1917, in the Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 7. Letter of Homer W. Carpenter and statements of Hardy and Cross- field, Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 8. Christian Standard, March 31, 1917, p. 5. 9. Ibid., p. 9. 10. See reference to this circular under "Amplification of our 'View• point' " in the Christian Standard, April 14, 1917, p. 8. 11. Christian Standard, April 7, 1917, p. 12. 12. Ibid., p. 10. 13. Ibid., p. 9. 14. The Christian Century, April 19, 1917. 15. Christian Standard, April 28, 1917, p. 8. 16. Ibid., April 7, 1917, p. 10. 448 References

17. Minutes of the Board of Trustees of The College of the Bible, pp. 188-211. Unless designated hereafter, the source of all facts about the "in• vestigation" is this official minute book. 18. "Longer Catechism on the Attack on The College of the Bible," Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 19. Christian Standard, May 19, 1917, p. 4. 20. Bower, op. cit., p. 40. 21. William Clayton Bower, "A Heritage of Freedom" (a chapel speech at The College of the Bible, June 1, 1960; manuscript in the files of Bos• worth Memorial Library). 22. Ibid. 23. Christian Standard, May 19, 1917, p. 5. 24. Ibid. 25. Lexington Herald, May 10, 1917. 26. Bower, Through the Years, p. 42. 27. Christian Standard, May 12, 1917, p. 8. 28. Lexington Leader, May 10, 1917; Lexington Herald, May 11, 1917. 29. The seventeen students were: Ben F. Battenfield, E. P. Gast, O. T. Sparrow, Peyton H. Canary, Jr., I. T. Green, C. E. Armstrong, John T. Pugh, R. C. Birge, J. G. Hurst, Mr. and Mrs. M. R. Atherton, E. E. Gra• ham, H. E. Beatty, Maurine D. Watkins and Mae Cornelison (editor and coeditor of The Transylvania magazine), Alvis Ford and B. W. Bass. In all, Calhoun wrote fifteen articles, some covering several pages in small print. 30. This speech was published in the Christian Standard, December 22, 1917. 31. July 24, 1917, Letter in the Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 32. August 4, 1917. 33. Christian Standard, June 29, 1918. 34. Ibid., March 16, 1918, p. 11. 35. Ibid., February 16, 1918, p. 7. 36. Ibid., April 13, 1918, p. 4. 37. "Longer Catechism on the Attack on The College of the Bible," Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. Other factors in the Long incident at Kansas City are reported from The Christian Century, November 8, 1917, pp. 8-11; November 29, 1917, pp. 8-10, 13-15, and from the Christian Standard, November 3, 1917, p. 9. 38. Christian Standard, September 29, 1917, p. 9. 39. "Notes on Meeting Held at Campbellsville Convention," on stationery of "Office of the President," Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. References 449

40. Christian Standard, September 29, 1917, p. 9. 41. Alfred T. DeGroot, Church of Christ Number Two (Birmingham, England, published by the author, 1956), 50 pages. 42. Mr. Collis Makes Report on His Stewardship to Brethren at Large, 16 page pamphlet. Evidently published in 1918. 43. The Christian-Evangelist, May 31, 1917, pp. 640-641. 44. Ibid., June 7, 1917, p. 664. 45. Ibid., December 6, 1917, pp. 1317-1319. 46. Ibid., November 22, 1917, pp. 1260-1261. 47. Ibid., May 31, 1917, pp. 635, 637. 48. Ibid., June 21, 1917, pp. 707-708. 49. Christian Standard, July 14, 1917, p. 9. 50. The Christian-Evangelist, November 21, 1918, p. 1205. 51. Ibid., January 17, 1918, p. 53. 52. Ibid., October 13, 1918, p. 1133. 53. J. H. Garrison, Memories and Experiences (St. Louis, Christian Board of Publication, 1926), p. 201. 54. Ibid., p. 204. 55. Ibid., p. 218. 56. Quoted in The Christian-Evangelist, November 13, 1919, p. 1189. 57. Lexington Leader, May 10, 1917. 58. Ibid. 59. "Longer Catechism on the Attack on The College of the Bible," Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 60. Ibid. 61. H. Newton Miller, S. S. Lappin, W. R. Walker and H. F. Lutz. 62. W. H. Cramblet never taught in the School of Religion; he came to teach Philosophy and Psychology in the School of Liberal Arts; later he shifted to Mathematics. 63. Christian Standard, August 25, 1917, p. 8. 64. "Longer Catechism on the Attack on The College of the Bible," Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 65. Gospel Advocate, October 31, 1935, p. 1046. 66. Bower, Through the Years, pp. 44-45. 67. Christian Standard, September 21, 1921. 68. Ibid., September 30 and October 7, 1922. 69. Norman Furniss, The Fundamentalist Controversy, 1918-1931 (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1954), pp. 80-81. 450 References

70. Christian Standard, February 11, 1922. 71. Personal interview with Roger T. Nooe, September 24, 1959.

CHAPTER XIV

War and Post-War Developments (1917-1921)

1. The College of the Bible Quarterly Bulletin, Supplement, December 1917. 2. Ibid. Also The Christian-Evangelist, September 6, 1917, p. 996; February 7, 1918, p. 152. 3. The Christian-Evangelist, April 15, 1920, p. 394. 4. Ibid., June 6, 1918, p. 591. Also Quarterly Bulletin, October 1914. 5. The Christian-Evangelist, May 24, 1917, p. 631; and The College of the Bible Quarterly, November 1924, pp. 30-31. 6. The Christian-Evangelist, August 23, 1917, pp. 931-932. 7. Christian Standard, August 13, 1921, p. 4; also Minutes of the Execu• tive Committee, March 14, 1921. 8. The Christian-Evangelist, June 24, 1920, p. 633. 9. Roscoe M. Pierson, ed., To Do and to Teach, Essays in Honor of Charles Lynn Pyatt (Lexington, Ky., The College of the Bible, 1953), p. 154. 10. The Christian-Evangelist, January 12, 1922, p. 51; also Minutes of the Executive Committee, October 5, 1921. 11. Personal interview with Mrs. C. R. Staples, April 5, 1959. 12. The Christian-Evangelist, June 16, 1921, p. 729. 13. Ibid., February 9, 1922, p. 165. 14. William Clayton Bower, "A Suggestive Approach to the Recon• struction of the Curriculum of the School of Religion," Religious Education, XXII (June, 1917), 231-238. 15. William Clayton Bower, Through the Years (Lexington, Ky., Transyl• vania College Press, 1957) p. 40. 16. Ibid., pp. 83-84. 17. John Ralph Scudder, Jr., "A History of Disciple Theories of Religious Education," The College of the Bible Quarterly, XL, No. 2 (April, 1963), p. 50. 18. Charles Crossfield Ware, Kentucky's Fox Creek (Wilson, N. C, published by the author, 1957), p. 53. References 451

CHAPTER XV

A Three Cornered Crisis (1921-1928)

1. Though legally chartered as Transylvania University, in 1915 Transyl• vania no longer operated anything but the Arts College and so before the public, though not before the law, began to use the name of Transylvania College. A. W. Fortune, Disciples in Kentucky (St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1940), p. 265. 2. The Christian-Evangelist, June 16, 1921, p. 711. 3. Ibid., March 30, 1922, p. 403. 4. W. A. Hifner's Audit Report, August 25, 1924, in the treasurer's office, The College of the Bible. 5. The College of the Bible Quarterly, October, 1925, pp. 17-18. 6. Transylvania College Catalogue, 1925-26; also personal interview with George V. Moore, June 27, 1962. 7. Minutes of the Faculty, October 4, 1923. 8. Moore, Interview, op. cit. 9. Resumed in 1938. 10. Minutes of the Executive Committee, April 9, 1928. 11. Daniel Curtis Troxel, "Doctor Pyatt's Career in The College of the Bible Annals," in To Do and To Teach, Essays in Honor of Charles Lynn Pyatt, Roscoe M. Pierson, ed. (Lexington, Ky., The College of the Bible, 1953), p. 158. 12. This mimeographed circular was addressed "To the Members of the Joint Boards." The vote, registered on the circular, shows 34 men in favor, none against, and one not in favor of any statement. The Controversy File, Transylvania College Library. 13. Personal interview with Daniel C. Troxel, November 2, 1958. 14. Minutes of the Executive Committee, June 7, 1926. Transylvania College repurchased the shares in 1934. 15. Minutes of the Executive Committee, February 2, 1929. 16. Hamilton College File in the Transylvania College Library. 17. Minutes of the Executive Committee, April 9, 1928. 18. George W. Bushell, "The Development of The College of the Bible Through Controversy" (unpublished B.D. thesis, The College of the Bible, 1934), p. 142. 19. Troxel, Interview, op. cit. 452 References

CHAPTER XVI

Learning to Walk Alone (1928-1938)

1. Daniel Curtis Troxel, "Doctor Pyatt's Career in The College of the Bible Annals," in To Do and To Teach, Essays in Honor of Charles Lynn Pyatt, Roscoe M. Pierson, ed. (Lexington, Ky., The College of the Bible, 1953), pp. 146-155. 2. Ibid. 3. Personal interview with George V. Moore, July 2, 1962. 4. Troxel, op. cit., p. 159. 5. Personal interview with Daniel C. Troxel, November 2, 1958. 6. Charles Lynn Pyatt's Report to President Braden, June 4, 1930, in the Minutes of the Board of Trustees of The College of the Bible. 7. Ibid. 8. "Exhibit G. Report of the Committee on Athletics," Minutes of the Trustees of The College of the Bible, July 17, 1930. 9. President's Report to the Trustees, January 31, 1933. Also, Minutes of the Executive Committee, March, 1932. 10. "Exhibit B," Report of VV. C. Lawwill, Chairman of the Executive Committee, Minutes of the Board of Trustees of The College of the Bible, July 17, 1930. 11. Minutes of the Board of Trustees, January 29, 1935. 12. Ibid., July 16, 1937. 13. May 1929. 14. "Schedule D, Enrollments," October 15, 1937, in "Application for Accreditation of The College of the Bible by the American Association of Theological Schools," bound volume, Bosworth Memorial Library, Lexington, Ky. 15. Minutes of the Board of Trustees of The College of the Bible, January 18, 1938. It was Frank N. Gardner, also, who began this publication of the bi-monthly Seventy-Fifth Anniversary Celebration News Bulletin, which in November, 1940, became The College of the Bible Bulletin, the title under which it continues into the present. 16. "Financial Report of Seventy-Fifth Anniversary Celebration" in the program bulletin of the "Alumni Session," Seventy-Fifth Anniversary Cele• bration of the Founding of The College of the Bible, Tuesday morning, June 4, 1940, Little Theatre, College Campus, Lexington, Kentucky. 17. Riley B. Montgomery, The Education of Ministers of Disciples of Christ (St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1931), pp. 38, 213. 18. Report of President Braden, January 31, 1933, in the Minutes of the Board of Trustees of The College of the Bible. References 453

19. Pyatt's Report to the President, January 31, 1933, op. cit. 20. Minutes of the Trustees, July 23, 1935. 21. Letter from Lavens M. Thomas II to Charles Lynn Pyatt, December 19, 1937, in the Minutes of the Board of Trustees, January 18, 1938. 22. Minutes of the Board of Trustees, September 28, 1937.

CHAPTER XVII

Elmer Ellsworth Snoddy

1. Personal interview with Frank N. Gardner, January 31, 1959. 2. Personal interview with T. Hassell Bowen, October 27, 1958. 3. St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1940. 4. "Maturing and Youth Understanding Each Other," in "Professor Snoddy Speaks," (unpublished manuscript, edited by E. Tipton Carroll, 1960. In possession of the editor). 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid. 7. Gardner, Interview, op. cit. 8. Ibid. 9. Carroll, op. cit. 10. Ibid. 11. Minutes of the Board of Trustees of The College of the Bible, March 20, 1936. 12. Personal interview with C. Herndon Wagers, April 8, 1959.

CHAPTER XVIII

Growing Up As A Graduate Seminary

1. Personal interview with Daniel C. Troxel, November 2, 1958. Also, Stephen J. Corey, "As I Look Back," The College of the Bible Quarterly, XXXV (October, 1956), 78-79. 2. The College of the Bible Bulletin (March, 1945). 3. Ibid., May, 1938. 4. Ibid., September, 1938. 5. Ibid., July, 1939. 6. Letter from Hume Logan to John C. Taylor, July 14, 1944 (in the vertical files of Bosworth Memorial Library, Lexington, Ky.). 7. Bulletin, May, 1941. 454 References

8. Ibid., September, 1938. 9. Quarterly (October, 1945), pp. 17-31. 10. The Christian-Evangelist (November 20, 1950), p. 1151. 11. Bulletin, May, 1940. 12. Ibid., May, 1940 also July, 1940. 13. Ibid., July, 1942. 14. Charles A. Vaughn, "The Contribution of the Men of The College of the Bible to the Chaplaincy During World War II" (unpublished B.D. thesis, The College of the Bible, 1949), pp. 5, 44, 88. 15. Bulletin, May, 1945. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid., July, 1946. 18. Ibid., March, 1946. 19. Ibid., May, 1946. 20. Personal interview with Mrs. Kenneth B. Bowen, March 6, 1960. 21. Personal interview with Frank N. Gardner, January 13, 1959. 22. Personal interview with Kenneth B. Bowen, March 6, 1960. 23. Personal interview with Herman L. Donovan, October 18, 1958. 24. The note of $64,000, to draw 4% interest, was dated December 19, 1946. 25. Bulletin, March, 1947. 26. Ibid., January, 1943. 27. Ibid., November, 1946. 28. Ibid., October, 1959. 29. Ibid., March, 1946. 30. Ibid., September, 1950. 31. Ibid., March, 1949.

CHAPTER XIX

The Background of the Montgomery Era

1. Reinhold Niebuhr, Pious and Secular America (New York, Scribner's, 1958), p. 13. 2. The Year Book of American Churches (New York, The National Council of Churches, 1950 and 1960), p. 282 and p. 275, respectively. 3. The New Shape of American Religion by Martin E. Marty. Copyright ('5 1959 by Martin E. Marty. Reprinted by permission of Harper & Row, Publishers, Incorporated, p. 7. References 455

4. Riverside Sermons by Harry Emerson Fosdick. Copyright © 1958 by Harry Emerson Fosdick, pp. 353-362. Reprinted by permission of Harper & Row, Publishers, Incorporated. 5. W. B. Blakemore, ed., The Renewal of Church, 3 vols., (St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1963). 6. Stephen J. Corey, Fifty Years of Attack and Controversy (St. Louis, The Committee on Publication of the Corey Manuscript, 1953).

CHAPTER XX

New Campus—New President

1. (New York, Institute of Social and Religious Research, 1934). 2. The College of the Bible Quarterly, XXVII, October, 1950. 3. Ibid. 4. Personal interview with Riley B. Montgomery, June 7, 1960.

CHAPTER XXI

Front and Center—The Library

Material for this chapter is drawn principally from the annual reports of Librarian Roscoe M. Pierson to the President, regularly incorporated into the Minutes of the Board of Trustees. Of special importance is his "Library Self-Survey" of June 1962.

CHAPTER XXII

Field Education

1. See the annual reports of the Director of Placement to the President, regularly incorporated into the Minutes of the Board of Trustees. 2. Staff Education: Clinical Pastoral Education 1962 (Lexington, Ky., United States Public Health Service Hospital, 1962). 3. The College of the Bible Bulletin (September, 1950).

CHAPTER XXIII

Stretching Up to a New Century

1. Howard Elmo Short, ed., Education for the Christian Ministry for Tomorrow's Church (Lexington, Ky., The College of the Bible, 1953), pp. 5-13. 456 References

2. "Announcing the Centennial Development Program" (Lexington, Ky., publicity release of The Centennial Development Office, 1955). 3. The College of the Bible Bulletin (November, 1956). 4. Ibid., June, 1958. 5. Ibid., December, 1957. 6. Ibid., July, 1958. 7. Ibid., June, 1957. 8. Ibid., June, 1960. 9. Ibid., July-August, 1960. 10. Ibid., September, 1962.

CHAPTER XXIV

The Academic Procession

1. The College of the Bible Bulletin, March, 1958.

CHAPTER XXV

"As Pioneers Thy Sons Must Rise!"

1. Personal interview with the Treasurer of the Credit Union, Gladys E. Scheer, July 8, 1963. 2. W. C. Morro, Brother McGarvey (St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1940), p. 77. 3. Claude Walker, "Negro Disciples in Kentucky, 1840-1925" (unpub• lished B.D. thesis, The College of the Bible, 1959), p. 142. 4. Elizabeth S. Peck, Berea's First Century (Lexington, Ky., University of Kentucky Press, 1955), p. 51. 5. The College of the Bible Bulletin (May, 1951).

APPENDIX I

Beginnings in Ministerial Education

1. H. Richard Niebuhr and Daniel D. Williams, eds., The Ministry in Historical Perspectives (New York, Harper, 1956), p. 124. 2. Ibid., p. 130. 3. Robert L. Kelly, ed., Theological Education in America (New York, Doran, 1924) p. 23 [spelling and punctuation modernized.] References 457

4. Niebuhr and Williams, op. cit., p. 243. 5. Lester G. McAllister, Thomas Campbell: Man of the Book (St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1954), pp. 29-30. 6. Robert Richardson, The Memoirs of Alexander Campbell (Philadel• phia, Lippincott, 1871, I, 277-279. 7. Richardson, Memoirs, I, 491-494, 496; II, 48. 8. Richardson, Memoirs, II, 44-47; and Millennial Harbinger, 1848, p. 523. 9. Dwight E. Stevenson, Walter Scott, Voice of the Golden Oracle (St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1946), pp. 59-117. 10. Millennial Harbinger, 1835, p. 479. 11. Millennial Harbinger, 1838, p. 572. 12. Millennial Harbinger, 1836, p. 46. 13. For the School of Preachers see Millennial Harbinger, 1835, pp. 478- 479; 1836, pp. 45-46, 192; 1838, pp. 571-572; 1839, pp. 466-468. 14. "The Clergy-No. IV," Christian Baptist January 5, 1824. 15. Millennial Harbinger, 1836, p. 201. 16. Millennial Harbinger, 1838, p. 201. 17. Christian Baptist, op. cit. 18. Millennial Harbinger, 1833, p. 587. 19. Millennial Harbinger, 1836, p. 202. 20. Richardson, Memoirs, II, 463-464; Millennial Harbinger, 1839, pp. 446-454. 21. Millennial Harbinger, 1865, pp. 366-372, 417-418, 449-454, 493-497, 566-570. 22. For the history of the Biblical Institute see: Millennial Harbinger, 1867, pp. 43-44, 96, 156, 457, 515, 575, 635; 1868, p. 415; 1869, p. 405: See also W. K. Woolery, Bethany Years (Hunting, W. Va., Standard Print• ing and Publishing Co., 1941), pp. 110-111.

APPENDIX II

Institutional Relationships

1. Minutes, Trustees of Bacon College, May 25, 1850, Bacon College File, Transylvania College Library. 2. The others were the schools of Physical Science; Mathematics; Ancient Languages; Belles-Lettres, History and Political Science; and Modern Languages. 3. Kentucky University Minutes, June 23, 1863. 458 References

4. Inaugural Address of Robert Milligan, A. M. President of Kentucky University, Harrodsburg, Kentucky (Louisville, Norton & Griswold, Printers, 1859), p. 10. 5. Ibid., p. 29. 6. Ibid., p. 24.

APPENDIX III

Transylvania University (1780-1865)

1. R. H. Collins, A History of Kentucky (Covington, 1874), p. 183, also Kentucky University Catalogue, 1907. 2. Kentucky University Catalogue, 1907. 3. Charles R. Staples, The History of Pioneer Lexington (Lexington, Ky., Transylvania Press, 1939), p. 304. 4. Sylvan Hoffman and C. Hartley Grattan, eds., News of the Nation: A Newspaper History of the United States (Garden City, Garden City Pub• lishing Co., n.d.), No. 7, p. 1. 5. Thomas D. Clark, A History of Kentucky (New York, Prentice-Hall, 1937), pp. 30-31. 6. Kentucky University Catalogue, 1907. 7. Staples, op. cit. 8. Walter Wilson Jennings, Transylvania: Pioneer University of the West (New York, Pageant Press, 1955), pp. 28-32. 9. James F. Hopkins, The University of Kentucky: Origins and Early Years (Lexington, Ky., University of Kentucky Press, 1951), p. 18. 10. Ibid., p. 25. 11. Jennings, op. cit., p. 135. 12. Ibid., pp. 207-231. 13. Ibid., p. 251. 14. Ibid., pp. 252-253. 15. Hopkins, op. cit., p. 30. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid., p. 31. 18. Staples, op. cit. 19. Jennings, op. cit., p. 158 and Letter of Cassius Clay, in Transylvania College Library. 20. Hopkins, op. cit., p. 42. 21. Kentucky University Catalogue, 1907. 22. Hopkins, op. cit., pp. 42-43. References 459

APPENDIX IV

Bacon College and Kentucky University (1836-1865)

1. Alvin F. Lewis, History of Higher Education in Kentucky (Washing• ton, Government Printing Office, 1889), p. 145. 2. The Christian I: 90-92. 3. Thornton F. Johnson, a letter dated February 28, 1837, detailing his role in the formation of Bacon College. The Christian I: 12-17. 4. Ibid. 5. The school year at Georgetown ran ten months, April and October being vacation months. 6. Johnson, op. cit. Joel S. Bacon, the first president of Georgetown Col• lege served only two years, 1829-1831 (Lewis, op. cit.). 7. Ibid. 8. Ibid. Johnson rode to Frankfort to see if he could persuade his friend Philip S. Fall to come as president. Fall refused, but gave Johnson his blessing. 9. A. R. Milligan, "The Story of this Institution," a paper read at the 40th anniversary of Kentucky University in 1905, now in Transylvania College Library. This building burned December 21, 1885. 10. Johnson, op. cit. 11. The Christian I: 67. 12. Millennial Harbinger, 1837, p. 47. 13. Ibid., p. 46. 14. The Christian 1:23. It is doubtful if Fanning ever filled this appoint• ment. 15. Milligan, op. cit. Vote on the charter in the Kentucky Assembly: Senate—19 to 13; House—61 to 30. 16. The Lexington Leader, February 27, 1957. 17. The original charter of Bacon College. 18. Millennial Harbinger, 1837, p. 327. 19. The Christian Preacher III: 287-288. 20. Ibid., p. 190-191. 21. Ibid., IV: 134-136. 22. Ibid. 23. Details of this paragraph are compiled from several sources: The Minutes of the Trustees of Bacon College: also Martha Stephenson, Educa• tion in Harrodsburg and Neighborhood Since 1775 (Harrodsburg, Herald Press, May 1910), p. 12; a conversation with the daughter of John Lafon; 460 References she was born and reared in the building which served Bacon College as temporary quarters—conversation dated August 2, 1959, in Harrodsburg at "Diamond Point" house. 24. Milligan, op. cit., plus Minutes, op. cit. 25. The Christian Preacher IV: 214-215. 26. Lewis, op. cit., p. 84. 27. Milligan, op. cit., also Minutes, op. cit. 28. Minutes, op. cit. 29. Milligan, op. cit. 30. Minutes of Bacon College Trustees, September 7, 1841. Also, picture in Transylvania College Library, vertical file.

31. Faculty changes at Georgetown: Doctor Knight died during the first term and was replaced by William Hunter, a graduate of Dublin College. After one year Walter Scott, as we have seen, was replaced by D. S. Burnet, who served two years. Lieutenant J. Ammen, a recent graduate of West Point, and also a Virginian, joined Thornton Johnson in mathematics in 1838, as did Mordecai Yarnell. Johnson dropped out the following year; Ammen and Yarnell continued and were joined in their fields by C. J. Asbury and G. A. Worthen. Prezriminski taught only one year; he was suc• ceeded by T. Vincent. Whether Tolbert Fanning taught in Bacon College as announced for the first year appears doubtful; but if he did so he cer• tainly did not continue beyond that year. (Facts gathered from The Chris• tian, Vol. I, and The Christian Preacher, Vol. III.)

32. Milligan, op. cit., and Robert Peter, History of Fayette County, Kentucky, William Perrin, ed. (Chicago, O. L. Baskin & Co., 1882), pp. 742-743. 33. The facts in this paragraph are gleaned principally from the Minutes of the Trustees of Bacon College, to which add Peter, op. cit., and Milligan, op. cit. 34. Letter to Trustees, March 17, 1840. Bacon College File, Transylvania College Library. 35. Minutes of Bacon College. 36. Milligan, op. cit. 37. Ibid. 38. Minutes of a meeting of Donors and Friends of Bacon College, held at Harrodsburg, Kentucky, May 6, 1857 (Gibbons and Cochran, Printers, 1857). 39. Lewis, op. cit., p. 86. References 461

40. The Charters of Bacon College and Kentucky University also the other Acts of Legislature Relating to Kentucky University; together with Statutes as Revised and Adopted by the Board of Curators (Lexington, Ky., Transylvania Printing Co., 1886). 41. Cloyd Goodnight and Dwight E. Stevenson, Home to Bethphage: A Biography of Robert Richardson (St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1949) pp. 190, 194. 42. Inaugural Address of Robert Milligan, A. M. President of Kentucky University, Harrodsburg, Kentucky (Louisville, Ky., Morton & Griswold, Printers, 1859). 43. Lewis, op. cit. p. 87. 44. First Annual Announcement of Kentucky University, 1859 (Louis• ville, Ky., Morton & Griswold, Printers, 1859). Students also had to show evidence of good moral character and promise to avoid "intoxicating bever• ages, profanity, gaming, and all indecent, disorderly behavior. . . ." They could not smoke in the university buildings and were permitted to carry no sword nor pistols; and they were required to attend church regularly. 45. Kentucky University Catalogue, 1864, and Lewis, op. cit., p. 87. 46. Stephenson, op. cit., also Kentucky Highway Historical Marker at Perryville, Kentucky, 16,000 Confederates under Bragg fought 22,000 Federals under Don Carlos Buell. Union casualties numbered 4,211; Con• federate casualties, 3,396. Also see Thomas D. Clark, A History of Kentucky (New York, Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1937), pp. 314-330. 47. Kentucky University Catalogues, section on history, 1865 onward. 48. Stephenson, op. cit., p. 13. 49. Milligan, op. cit. 50. Ibid. 51. Ibid. Also Kentucky University Curators Minutes, June 20, 1865. 52. "The Bacon College File"; also "Remonstrance" in "Kentucky University" file, Vol. I, Transylvania College Library. Also see Stephenson op. cit.: "The gloom left by its [K. U.'s] removal brooded heavily over society hereabouts and the bitterness against Mr. Bowman, the foster genius of Kentucky, was as hard and sharp as a sword. . . . Time has not yet healed Harrodsburg's wound. Touch it and the sore shows its rawness." (P- 13). 53. The printed address dated February 6, 1865, is bound in Vol. I of "Kentucky University" file, Transylvania College Library. 54. Milligan, op. cit. 55. The Charters, et. al., op. cit. The Kentucky University Catalogue of 1876-77 in some contradiction to the figures given in the charter, says that Transylvania University brought $70,000 into the merger, pp. 5-6. 462 References

56. Teachers at Kentucky University, while at Harrodsburg, their assign• ment, and the length of their service may be seen in the following chart:

Kentucky University at Harrodsburg

1859-60 1860-61 1861-62 1862-63 1863-64 1864-65 Pres. and Prof, of Robert Milligan Milligan Milligan Milligan Milligan Biblical Lit. and Milligan Moral Science V. Pres. & Prof. Robert Richardson Richardson Richardson* Physical Sc. Richardson Mathematics H. H. White White White White White White Ancient Languages John H. Neville Neville Neville Neville Neville Neville Belles Lettres, Hist., Robert L. L. Pinkerton† Pinkerton Pinkerton Pol. Sc. Graham Pinkerton Modern Languages Uhlrich A. R. C. Uhlrich Milligan *Richardson in the summer of 1862, just before the battles of Richmond and Perryville, took his family back to Bethany, Virginia. He was delayed there during the first semester, but returned in time to teach the second semester of the 1862-63 school year. Thereafter he re• turned to Bethany and, shortly, resigned his Kentucky University post. †Pinkerton did not teach this year, being ill.

57. Catalogues of Kentucky University. Also Clark, op. cit., p. 521. BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. PUBLISHED MATERIALS

A. Books and Monographs

Allen, James Lane. The Reign of Law, A Tale of the Kentucky Hemp Fields. New York, Macmillan, 1900. (The setting is The College of the Bible in 1867.) Bainton, Roland Herbert. Yale and the Ministry. New York, Harper, 1957. Baxter, William. Life of Elder Walter Scott. Cincinnati, Bosworth, Chase and Hall, 1874. Baxter, William. Pea Ridge and Prairie Grove. Reprint of original, printed in 186*1. Van Buren, Ark., Press-Argus, 1957. Boles, Henry Leo. Biographical Sketches of Gospel Preachers. Nashville, Gospel Advocate, 1932. Bower, William Clayton, The Curriculum of Religious Education. New York, Scribner, 1925. Bower, William Clayton, Through the Years, Personal Memoirs. Lexing• ton, Transylvania College Press, 1957. Brown, John Thomas. Churches of Christ, A Historical, Biographical and Pictorial History of Churches of Christ in the United States, Australia, England, and Canada. Louisville, John P. Morton, 1904. Browne, Warren. Titan Versus Taboo, the Life of William Benjamin Smith. Tucson, Ariz., Diogenes Press, 1961.

463 464 Bibliography

Bryan, William Jennings. Seven Questions in Dispute. New York, Revell, 1924. Clark, Thomas Dionysius. A History of Kentucky. New York, Prentice- Hall, 1937. Cole, Stewart Grant. The History of Fundamentalism. New York, Richard R. Smith, 1931. The College of the Bible Idea. Sermons and Addresses Delivered at the Centennial Observance Convocation, September 1, 2, 3, 1962. Lexing• ton, The College of the Bible, 1963. Collins, Richard H. A History of Kentucky. 2 vols. 2d ed. Covington, 1874. Corey, Stephen Jared. "As I Look Back," The College of the Bible Quar• terly, XXXIV (January 1957). Corey, Stephen Jared. Fifty Years of Attack and Controversy: the Con• sequences Among Disciples of Christ. St. Louis, The Committee on Publication of the Corey Manuscript, 1953. Crossfield, Richard Henry. Pilgrimages of a Parson. Owensboro, Ky., Published by the author, 1901. Davies, Maria T. History of Mercer and Boyle Counties. Harrodsburg, Ky., Herald, 1924. DeGroot, Alfred Thomas. Church of Christ Number Two. Birmingham, England, Published by the author, 1956. DeGroot, Alfred Thomas. The Grounds of Division Among the Disciples of Christ. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1940. Dictionary of American Biography. Edited by Dumas Malone. New York, Scribner, 1934. Disciples of Christ. Panel of Scholars. The Renewal of Church. 3 vols. St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1963. Ellis, John Breckenridge. Story of a Life. Sherman, Texas, Reynolds- Parker, 1910. (The Life of Mrs. Mattie Myers Carr.) Fackler, Calvin Morgan. Early Days in Danville. Louisville, Standard Printing, 1941. Fairhurst, Alfred. Organic Evolution Considered. 2d ed. Cincinnati, Standard Publishing, 1913. Ford, Arthur A. Nothing So Strange, Autobiography. In Collaboration Bibliography 465

with Margueritte Harmon Bro. New York, Harper, 1958. Fortune, Alonzo Willard. The Disciples in Kentucky. St. Louis, The Con• vention of Christian Churches, 1932. Fosdick, Harry Emerson. Riverside Sermons. New York, Harper, 1958. Furniss, Norman F. The Fundamentalist Controversy, 1918-1931. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1954. Garrison, James Harvey. Memories and Experiences, a Brief Story of a Long Life. St. Louis, Christian Board of Publication, 1926. Garrison, Winfred Ernest, and DeGroot, Alfred Thomas. The Disciples of Christ, A History. Revised. St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1958. Goodnight, Cloyd, and Stevenson, Dwight Eshelman. Home to Beth phage, A Biography of Robert Richardson. St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1949. Grubbs, Isaiah Boone. Exegetical Analysis of the Epistles With Notes. Chaplin, Ky., John Marcrom, 1893. Grubbs, Isaiah Boone. An Exegetical and Analytical Commentary on Romans. With an Introduction by B. C. Deweese. Edited by George A. Klingman. Cincinnati, F. L. Rowe, 1913. Grubbs, Isaiah Boone. Manual of Church History. Chaplin, Ky., John Marcrom, 1893. Hoffman, Sylvan, and Gratton, C. Hartley, eds. News of the Nation. Garden City, Garden City Publishing Co., n.d. Hopkins, James Franklin. The University of Kentucky, Origin and Early Years. Lexington, University of Kentucky Press, 1951. Jefferson, Charles F. Five Present-Day Controversies. New York, Revell, 1924. Jenkins, Burris Atkins. Where My Caravan Has Rested. Chicago, Willett, Clark, 1939. Jennings, Walter Wilson. Transylvania: Pioneer University of the West. New York, Pageant Press, 1955. Kelly, Robert Lincoln. Theological Education in America. New York, Doran, 1924. Kincaid, Robert Lee. The Wilderness Road. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill, 1947. Lewis, Alvin Fayette. History of Higher Education in Kentucky. Wash• ington, Government Printing Office, 1899. 466 Bibliography

Lexington and the Bluegrass Country. Lexington, Federal Writer's Project, 1938. McAllister, Lester G. Thomas Campbell, Man of the Book. St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1954. McGarvey, John William. The Autobiography of ]. U\ McGarvey. Edi• ted by DeLoris Stevenson. Lexington, The College of the Bible, 1960. McGarvey, John William. Chapel Talks. Lufkin, Texas, Gospel Guardian Press, 1956. McGarvey, John William. Class Notes on Sacred History. 4 vols. Lexing• ton, John Marcrom, 1893. McGarvey, John William. Lands of the Bible. Philadelphia, J. B. Lippin- cott, 1881. McGarvey, John William. Short Essays in Biblical Criticism. Cincinnati, Standard Publishing, 1910. McVey, Frank Le Rond. The Gates Open Slowly, A History of Educa• tion in Kentucky. Lexington, University of Kentucky Press, 1949. Marty, Martin E. The New Shape of American Religion. New York, Harper, 1959. May, Mark Arthur. The Education of American Ministers. 4 vols. New York, Institute of Social and Religious Research, 1934. Milligan, Robert. The Scheme of Redemption. New York, Scribner, 1899. Montgomery, Riley Benjamin. The Education of Ministers of the Disciples of Christ. St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1931. Morro, William Charles. Brother McGarvey: the Life of President J. W. McGarvey of The College of the Bible, Lexington, Kentucky. St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1940. Murch, James DeForest. Christians Only: A History of the Restoration Movement. Cincinnati, Standard Publishing, 1962. Niebuhr, Helmut Richard, and Williams, Daniel Day. eds. The Ministry in Historical Perspectives. New York, Harper, 1956. Niebuhr, Reinhold. Pious and Secular America. New York, Scribner, 1958. Peck, Elisabeth Sinclair. Berea's First Century. Lexington, University of Kentucky Press, 1955. Bibliography 467

Peter, Robert. A Brief History of Lexington, Kentucky, and Transylvania University. Delivered as an Introductory Lecture to the Winter Course in the Medical Department of Transylvania University on Monday Evening, November 6th, 1854. Lexington, 1854. Peter, Robert. History of Fayette County, Kentucky, With an Outline Sketch of the Blue Grass Region. Edited by William Henry Perrin. Chicago, O. L. Baskin & Co., 1882. Peter, Robert. Transylvania University: Its Origin, Rise, Decline and Fall. Louisville, J. P. Morton, 1896. Pierson, Roscoe Mitchell, ed. To Do and to Teach: Essays in Honor of Charles Lynn Pyatt. Lexington, The College of the Bible, 1953. Pope, Richard Martin. The College of the Bible, A Brief Narrative. Lex• ington, The College of the Bible, 1961. Ranck, George Washington. History of Lexington, Kentucky; Its Early Annals and Recent Progress. Cincinnati, Robert Clarke, 1872. Richardson, Robert. The Memoirs of Alexander Campbell. 2 vols. Phila• delphia, Lippincott, 1871. Rowe, Frederick Louis. Biographies and Sermons of Pioneer Preachers. Cincinnati, F. L. Rowe, 1925. Scheer, Gladys Elizabeth. A Manual for Writers of Theses and Term Papers at The College of the Bible. Lexington, The College of the Bible, 1957. Mimeographed. Scudder, John Ralph, Jr. "A History of Disciple Theories of Religious Education," The College of the Bible Quarterly, XL (April 1963). Shaw, Henry King. Buckeye Disciples: A History of the Disciples of Christ in Ohio. St. Louis, Christian Board of Publication, 1952. Short, Howard Elmo, ed. Education for the Christian Ministry for To• morrow's Church. Lexington, The College of the Bible, 1953. Smith, Zachariah Fredrick. The History of Kentucky. 4th ed. Louisville, Prentice Press, 1901. Smythe, Lewis Strong Casey, ed. Educating an Effective Christian Min• istry for Tomorrow's Church: Report of a Conference Held at The College of the Bible, Lexington, Kentucky, January 14-16, 1955. Lex• ington, The College of the Bible, 1955. Smythe, Lewis Strong Casey, ed. Southern Churches and Race Relations. Reports of four Interracial Consultations. Lexington, The College of 468 Bibliography

the Bible, 1959, 1960, 1961, 1962. Mimeographed. Sonne, Niels Henry. Liberal Kentucky, 1780-1828. New York, Columbia University Press, 1939. Staples, Charles Richard. The History of Pioneer Lexington. Lexington, Transylvania Press, 1939. Stephenson, Arthur William. Pioneering for Christian Unity in Australia and New Zealand, Being an Outline of History of Churches of Christ in Australia, New Zealand and a Brief Study of Their Teachings and Ideals. Melbourne, The Australian Printing and Publishing Co., 1940. Stephenson, Martha. Education in Harrodsburg and Neighborhood Since 1775. Harrodsburg, Herald Press, May 1910. Stevenson, Dwight Eshelman. The Bacon College Story, 1836-1865. Lex• ington, The College of the Bible, 1962. Stevenson, Dwight Eshelman. Walter Scott: Voice of the Golden Oracle. St. Louis, Bethany Press, 1946. Taylor, Herbert Richard. The History of Churches of Christ in South Australia, 1846-1959. Adelaide, South Australia, Churches of Christian Evangelistic Union, 1959. "That There May Be More Ministers,'' The College of the Bible Quar• terly, XXXIV (January 1957). A report of the Centennial Development Convocation held by The College of the Bible, October 31-November 2, 1956. Tiers, M. O, ed. The Christian Portrait Gallery, Consisting of Historical and Biographical Sketches and Photographic Portraits of Christian Preachers and Others. Cincinnati, Franklin Type Foundry, 1864. Troxel, Daniel Curtis. "Professor Snoddy and The College of the Bible," Elmer Ellsworth Snoddy. Lexington, The College of the Bible, 1936. Ware, Charles Crossfield. Kentucky's Fox Creek. Wilson, N. C, Published by the author, 1957. (Vignettes of the village church and of the R. II. Crossfield heritage.) Wayland, John Walter. The Bowman's, A Pioneering Family in Virginia, Kentucky and the Northwest Territory. Staunton, Va., The Press of the McClure Company, 1943. West, Earl Irvin. The Search for the Ancient Order, A History of the Restoration Movement. 2 vols. Nashville, Gospel Advocate Co., 1949, 1950. Bibliography 469

Willett, Herbert Lockwood, Jordan, Orvis Fairlee, and Sharpe, Charles Manford, eds. Progress; Anniversary Volume of the Campbell Institute on the Completion of Twenty Years of History. Chicago, Christian Century Press, 1917. "With Confidence and Courage," The College of the Bible Quarterly, XXXIV (April 1957). A collection of addresses concerning the min• istry of the church of the future. Woolery, William Kirk. Bethany Years: The Story of Old Bethany from Her Founding Years Through a Century of Trial and Triumph. Hunt• ington, W. Va., Standard Printing and Publishing Co., 1941. Year Book of American Churches. New York, The National Council of Churches, 1950 and 19(50.

B. Other

American Association of Theological Schools. Bulletins, 1920- Apostolic Guide (Lexington, Ky.) 1885-1893. Apostolic Times (Lexington, Ky.) 1869-1885. The Apostolic Times, Supplement, September 25, 1873. "Continuation of the Proceedings of the Board," and "President Milligan's Address" to the Board of Curators of Kentucky University. Bacon College. Catalogue of the Officers and Students of Bacon College for the Academic Year 1836-37. Georgetown, Ky., 1837. Bacon College, Harrodsburg, Ky. Minutes of a Meeting of the Donors and Friends of Bacon College. Held at Harrodsburg, Ky., May 6, 1857. Harrodsburg, Ky., Gibbons and Cochran, 1857. Breckenridge, W. C. P. Kentucky University. Substance of the Argument, of Col. W. C. P. Breckenridge Before the Joint Committees of the Judiciary of the Legislature of Kentucky, on the Proposed Amend• ments to the Charter of Kentucky University. Delivered in the Senate Chamber, January 16, 1874. Carr, Oliver A. The Aesthetical in Religion, delivered before the Alumni of The College of the Bible at Kentucky University, Lexington, June 8, 1886. (No title page) The Christian (Georgetown, Ky.) I, 1837. Christian Baptist (Bethany, Va.) 1823-1830. Christian Bible College League. Bulletins. No. 1-6. Lexington, n.d. 470 Bibliography

The Christian-Evangelist (St. Louis) 1882-1958. The Christian-Evangelist Index, 1863-1958. 3 vols. St. Louis, Christian Board of Publication and Disciples of Christ Historical Society, 1962. Christian Quarterly (Columbia, Missouri) 1869-1876. Christian Standard (Cincinnati) 1866- The Christian Preacher (Georgetown, Ky.) 1836-1810. The College of the Bible. Catalogues. Lexington, 1877- The College of the Bible. Ground Breaking Assembly, September 9 and 10, 1958. Lexington, 1958. The College of the Bible. Program of Dedication, A New Home for Re• ligious Learning. Lexington, 1950. The College of the Bible. Program of Dedication, September 23, 25, 1959. Lexington, 1959. The College of the Bible. Alumni Association. Addresses and Poem at the Annual Reunion, June 11, 1884. Cincinnati, Standard Publishing Company, 1884. The College of the Bible. Alumni Association. Addresses at the Annual Reunion, June 9, 1886, with the Constitution and By-Laws. Lexington, K. F. Irvine, 1887. The College of the Bible. Alumni Association. Addresses at the Fifth Annual Reunion, June 8, 1887. Lexington, James S. Byrnes, 1888. The College of the Bible Bulletin, 1937- The College of the Bible Quarterly Bulletin, 1910-1919. The College of the Bible Quarterly, 1920-1925, 1938- Collis, Mark. Mr. Collis Makes Report of His Stewardship to Brethren at Large. (No place or date of publication, but evidently at Lexington, Ky., 1918.) Committee of 1,000. Attention, Kentucky Churches. Louisville, Ky., 1916. The Crimson. Annual of Kentucky University, Transylvania College, and The College of the Bible. Lexington, Ky., 1897-1938, except 1900 and 1901. Ecclesiastic Reformer (Harrodsburg; Lexington, Ky.) 1848-1852. Heretic Detector (Middleburg, Ohio) 1837-1841. Kentucky. General Assembly. An Act in Relation to the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Kentucky. And to Provide for the Future Man- Bibliography 471

agement and Location Thereof. Chapter 424 (March 13, 1878). To• gether with Amendment. Chapter 901 (April 9, 1878). Kentucky. House of Representatives. Kentucky University. Speech of Hon. John A. Prall, Delivered in the House of Representatives of Kentucky, February 10, 1874, in Opposition to the Proposed Amend• ments to the Charter of Kentucky University. Kentucky. Senate. In the Senate, Wednesday, February 26, 1878. A bill for the repeal of the acts of February 23, 1865 constituting the Agri• cultural and Mechanical College as one of the colleges of Kentucky University. Kentucky. University. The University of Kentucky, Its History and De• velopment. Lexington, University of Kentucky, f950. Kentucky Christian Education Society. Charter and By-Laws. Lexington, McClure and Bain, 1902. Kentucky Christian Education Society. Revised Constitution. Lexington, 1950. Kentucky University. Annual Report of the Regent of Kentucky Uni• versity Presented to the Board of Curators, June 23, 1868. Louisville, John P. Morton, 1868. Kentucky University. Bulletin. 1900-1907. Kentucky University. Catalogues. Harrodsburg, 1859-1865; Lexington, 1865-1908. Kentucky University. The Charters of Bacon College and Kentucky Uni• versity and Also the Other Acts of the Legislature Relating to Kentucky University: Together with the Statues as Revised and Adopted by the Board of Curators June 10, 1886. Lexington, Transylvania Printing Co., 1886. Kentucky University. First Annual Announcement of Kentucky University, 1859. Louisville, Morton and Griswold, 1859. Kentucky University. Kentucky University—Remonstrance of Curators, Against the Christian Church of Kentucky for attempt to change the present organization of the University, n.d. Pen note: "About Jan. 7, 1874." Kentucky University. Kentucky University—A Remonstrance to the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Ken• tucky, n.d. Several hundred names affixed. A presentation of Bowman's 472 Bibliography

side in the Bowman-McGarvey controversy of the 1870's. Kentucky University. The Law and the Facts in the Case. The Charters of Bacon College and Kentucky University. Also the Act to Consoli• date Kentucky and Transylvania Universities and an Act Establishing (sic) the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Kentucky as One of the Colleges of Kentucky University. The Legal Status of Kentucky University with a Brief Criticism of Regent Bowman's Management. Addenda, Reviewing Regent Bowman's Statements and Figures as Found in the "Majority Address." January 1st, 1874. Kentucky University. Report of Committee. Lexington, 1878. A twenty- four page pamphlet on the financial history of Kentucky University from 1865 and by And. Steele, Chr., D. S. Goodloe and W. L. Williams. Kentucky University. Report of the Proceedings of the Board of Curators of Kentucky University at a Called Meeting Held in Morrison College in the City of Lexington. September 16th, 17th and 18th, 1873. Re• ported by Richard J. O'Mahoney. Lexington, Daily Lexington Press Print, 1873. Kentucky University. To the Christian Churches of Kentucky and the Donors of Kentucky University. Regarding petition of 182 churches and 330 donors in the Bowman-McGarvey Controversy. Signed by Dr. J. G. Chinn, Dr. R. A. Bigney, Oliver Farra, Samuel Coleman, Col. W. R. Estill, Dr. W. H. Barlow, A. S. Hibler, J. M. Starks. Following the meeting of the Board of Curators, September 17, 1873. Kentucky University. To the Friends and Patrons of Kentucky University. (Opening announcement of 1865) Signed by J. B. Bowman, Regent and Chairman, Thomas Munnell, George Stoll, Jr., John S. Wilson, and James M. Graves. Kentucky University. To the Friends of Kentucky University. Lexington, July 1, 1880. Four-page pamphlet by H. H. White and Robert Graham, about conditions after the resignation of Regent Bowman. Kentucky University. Board of Curators. The Annual Report of the Treasurer of Kentucky University with Financial Condition of the Institution from Its Organization in 1865 to the Present Time. Lexing• ton, Observer and Reporter, 1871. Kentucky University. Executive Committee. To the Honorable the Board of Curators of Kentucky University. Benj. Gratz, chairman pro tern, Bibliography 473

Joseph Smith, Jos. Wasson, Jos. Woolfolk. Four columns. The case against J. \V. McGarvey in 1873. Lard's Quarterly (Georgetown; Frankfort, Ky.) 1863-1868. Lexington, Kentucky. Main Street Christian Church. Proceedings of the Church of Christ, Main Street, Lexington, Ky., in the Case of Certain Members Excluded from Her Fellowship. Addressed to All Who Love the Truth, and Who Desire to Know the Facts in the Case. Lexington, Apostolic Times, 1871. Lexington, Kentucky. Second Church of Christ. A Statement Concerning the Second Church of Christ, Lexington, Ky., and a Reply to the Pamphlet Published by the Elders of the Main Street Church of Christ, Lexington, Ky. Lexington, Press and Farmer's Home Journal Print, 1871. "List of Alumni, 1867-1929." The College of the Bible Bulletin, Janu• ary, 1930. McGarvey, John William. "Ministerial Education," Lard's Quarterly (April, 1865) pp. 239-250. Millennial Harbinger (Bethany, Va. and W. Va.) 1830-1870. Milligan, Robert. Inaugural Address of Robert Milligan, A.M. President of Kentucky University, Harrodsburg, Ky. Louisville, Morton and Griswold, 1859. Ragland, N. M. History of the First Christian Church, Fayetteville, Ar• kansas and History of the Arkansas College, 1852-62. Publisher and date not given. Thoughts on Public Education in Kentucky with Special Reference to Normal Schools, the State Agricultural and Mechanical College and the Trusts of Transylvania University. Transylvania College. Catalogues. Lexington, 1915- Transylvania College. The Crimson Rambler. Lexington, Ky., 1915-1938. Transylvania College. Transylvania Bulletin. Lexington, Ky., 1915-1938. Transylvania College. Transylvanian. Lexington, Ky., 1891-1938. Transylvania University. Catalogues. Lexington, 1908-1938. U. S. Senate. Regarding Compensation to Kentucky University for a Medical Hall, Damaged by Fire During the Civil War. Report 112 to accompany Bill S. No. 818, 41st Cong., 2d Sess., 1870. (The University was awarded $25,000.) 474 Bibliography

Warner, E. T., Wallace, J., and Marshall, C. K. To the Christian Brother• hood in the State of Kentucky—Shall We Have a Bible College? Printed circular letter, n.d., (Presumably 1873). Weaver, Gustine Courson. "A Glimpse into the Home of One of our Great Ministers," The Christian-Evangelist, LX (December 27, 1923) 1657. Wilson, Samuel M. A Souvenir of the One Hundred and Fiftieth Anni• versary of the City of Lexington. Lexington, By the City, 1929.

II. UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS

Much archival material is located in the libraries of the schools listed below. Because this material is available only in these locations, it seemed well to list the items according to their present location.

A. The College of the Bible

1. Bosworth Memorial Library files

Ainslie, Peter. Letters to "Brother Shouse," September 19, 1911, and October 7, 1911. Regarding the presidency of The College of the Bible. Ainslie declined to be McGarvey's successor. American Association of Theological Schools. "Report of Visitors to The College of the Bible, January 15, 1962." Lexington, 1962. "Application for Accreditation of The College of the Bible by the Amer• ican Association of Theological Schools." Bound volume of schedules and forms, The College of the Bible, 1937. Bower, William Clayton. "Anniversary Address, Delivered at the 25th Anniversary of the Endowment of the Alexander Campbell Hopkins Chair of Bible School Pedagogy." September 28, 1934. The College of the Bible. Promotional Literature of the Centennial De• velopment Program, 1955- The College of the Bible. Promotional Literature of the Seventy-Fifth Anniversary of the Founding of The College of the Bible. 1940. The College of the Bible. Bosworth Memorial Library. A Listing of the Theses Presented for Degrees, 1916 to 1952. Mimeographed, 1953. Bibliography 475

The College of the Bible. Bosworth Memorial Library. A Supplementary Listing of the Theses Presented for Degrees, 1953 to 1956. Mimeo• graphed, 1956. The College of the Bible. Chapel Committee. A Brief Manual for Chapel Leaders. Mimeographed, 1953. The College of the Bible. President. Annual Reports, 1899-1921. The College of the Bible. Student Council. Minutes, 1942- The College of the Bible. Treasurer. Annual Reports, 1885-1924. "Fund Raising Survey Report of The College of the Bible." Marts and Lundy, Inc. A bound, typewritten document, 1955. "Historical Highlights—Controversies." Various letters. "Historical Highlights—75th Anniversary." Special folder. "Historical Scrapbook" with news clippings, editorials, etc., mostly re• lating to the "heresy trial" of 1917. Hopkins, Robert M. "Sunday School Work in Kentucky." Lecture, Sep• tember 28, 1934. Kentucky Christian Education Society. Records and Minutes, 1855- Kentucky Christian Education Society. Board of Trustees. Minute Books, 1922-1963. 2 vols. Kentucky Christian Education Society. Executive Committee. Minute Books, 1856-1963. 3 vols. Kentucky University. Minute Book, June 24, 1862-June 8, 1880. Logan, W. Hume. Letters to and from, dated 1943-44, about the estab• lishment of an undergraduate Bible college in Lexington at Transyl• vania College. "Longer Catechism on the Attack on the College." Presumably compiled by R. H. Crossfield, 1917. Mimeographed. McGarvey, John William. Letter to J. N. Williams, chairman of the Executive Committee of The College of the Bible, November 26, 1910. McGarvey voluntarily reduced his salary to $1,200 per annum. McGarvey, John William. Letters received regarding the establishment of a chair of Bible School Pedagogy. Maclachlan, H. D. C. Letter to Hampton Adams, July 1, 1921. Regarding the former's views on higher criticism and the effect of those views in his relations with J. W. McGarvey. 476 Bibliography

Morro, William Charles. Letter, April 1, 1910. "Memorandum from the Faculty of The College of the Bible to the Faculty of the College of Liberal Arts on the Regulation of Student Preaching." Morro, William Charles. Letter to "Brother Shouse." March 4, 1909. Re• garding Morro's views on an ideal curriculum for The College of the Bible. Nooe, Roger T. "The Practical Value of the Theory of Evolution to the Preacher," A paper read before the Central Kentucky Christian Min• ister's Association in the 1920's. Pierson, Roscoe Mitchell. "A Preliminary Bibliographical Listing of the Writings of the Faculty of The College of the Bible." Compiled mainly by the class in Bibliography, Fall Quarter, 1952. Piatt, Robert Martin. "Robert Milligan—Disciple of Christ: Scholar, Educator, Peacemaker." Unpublished manuscript. Dawson Springs, Kentucky, 1958. Microfilm copy. Reneau, Isaac Tipton. Papers. 5 vols. Shaw, Roud. Reminiscences of student days. July 23, 1959. Stevenson, DeLoris. "A Digest of the Controversy File in Transylvania College Library; J. T. Brown versus A. W. Fortune, 1912; II. L. Cal• houn versus Crossfield, Fortune, Bower, Snoddy and Hemry, 1917." Stevenson, Dwight Eshelman. "Bowman-McGarvey Controversy as Re• ported in The Apostolic Times, 1871-74, A Synopsis." Manuscript, 1959. Stevenson, Dwight Eshelman. "The Heresy Trial, a Digest of The Minutes of the Board of Trustees of The College of the Bible, May 1-9, 1917." Stevenson, Dwight Eshelman. Letters received from numerous alumni of The College of the Bible; impressions and reminiscences. Stevenson, Marion. Letter to J. W. McGarvey, from Irving Park, Illinois, December 31, 1906. Stoney, G. II. Letter to Hampton Adams, July 11, 1921. Regarding Mc- Garvey's attitude toward II. D. C. Maclachlan (class of 1901) for the latter's views favoring higher criticism and evolution. Various letters on the occasion of the 25th anniversary celebration of the Alexander Campbell Hopkins Chair of Bible School Pedagogy. Webb, Henry E. "A History of the Independent Mission Movement of the Bibliography 477

Disciples of Christ." Unpublished Th.D. thesis. Southern Baptist The• ological Seminary, Louisville. Kentucky, 1952. Microfilm copy.

2. Bosworth Memorial Library—Theses

Adams, Hampton. "Historical Conditions Influencing the Trend of Thought in Transylvania, 1780-1922." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1922. Bobo, David H. "John William McGarvey: A Biographical and Theologi• cal Study." 2 vols. Unpublished M.Th. thesis. Christian Theological Seminary, 1963. (Zerox copy.) Bryant, Marcus David. "Alonzo Willard Fortune: a Biography." Unpub• lished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1953. Bushel], George W. "The Development of The College of the Bible Through Controversy." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1934. Day, Charles A. "Moses E. Lard, Master Builder of the Reformation." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1951. Dickinson, Bess (Hughes). "A History of Religious Education in The College of the Bible." Unpublished M.R.E. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1930. Coins, Richard. "A History of The College of the Bible." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 19-17. Griggs, Roy. "The Life and Thought of Robert Graham." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1959. Hogan, Donald Thomas. "A Survey of the Kentucky Christian Education Society." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1954. Jenkins, Max Ray. "A Biographical Sketch of Robert Milligan's Life and Thought." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1959. Kerr, Paul Edward. "Losanganya: The Life and Work of Cyrus McNeely Yocum." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1960. McLean, Richard John. "Go Tell It on the Mount: The Life and Times of Isaac Tipton Reneau." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1960. Matheny, Robert Anderson. "The Contribution of the Graduates of The College of the Bible to the Ministry." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1930. 478 Bibliography

May, Eugene. "The Contribution of the Graduates of The College of the Bible to Missionary Work of the Disciples." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1930. Moore, David Leon. "The Christian Churches of Lexington, Kentucky." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1958. Ricks, Robert Garrison. "William Thomas Moore: Brotherhood Builder." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1963. Vaughn, Charles A. "The Contribution of the Men of The College of the Bible to the Chaplaincy During World War II." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1949. Walker, Claude. "Negro Disciples in Kentucky 1810-1925." Unpublished B.D. thesis. The College of the Bible, 1959.

3. Bosworth Memorial Library—Manuscripts of tape-recorded interviews a. Interviews by the Author Bowen, Kenneth Blount. March 6, 1960. Bowen, Thaddeus Hassell. October 27, 1958 and April 24, 1962. Bower, William Clayton. October 28 and 30, 1958. Also March 27, 1959. Braden, Arthur. May 24, 1959. Carpenter, Homer W. November 15, 1959. Cassidy, Tilton J. July 14, 1960. Corey, Stephen Jared. May 24, 1959. Donovan, Herman L. October 18, 1959. Dugan, Dawson Dwight. December 14, 1958. Giltner, Thomas M. November 15, 1959. Gardner, Frank N. January 31, 1959. Hobgood, H. Clay. April 24, 1960. Montgomery, Riley Benjamin. June 7, 1960. Moore, George Voiers. Sometime in 1959. Nooe, Roger T. September 24, 1959. Prewitt, David. December 6, 1958. Pyatt, Charles Lynn. November 7, December 7, 1958; February 25, De• cember 3, 10, 1959; August 3, 1960. Russell, Ward. November 8, 1958. Bibliography 479

Troxel, Daniel Curtis. November 2, 1958. Wagers, C. Herndon. April, 1959.

b. Interviews by DeLoris Stevenson Gross, Josephine (Mrs. John). December 8, 1958. Karr, Alice. October, 1959. Ledridge, Jessie May. December 8, 1958. Moody, Mrs. J. E. October 15, 1959.

c. Miscellaneous Bower, William Clayton. "A Heritage of Freedom." Chapel talk on the "Heresy Trial of 1917" at The College of the Bible, June 1, 1960. Tape recording and Manuscript. Pyatt, Charles Lynn. Reminiscences dictated to Mrs. Charles Traugott, February 10, 11, 17, 24, March 3, 10, 17, 1959; plus one undated dic• tation.

4. Treasurer's Office

The College of the Bible. Fee Book, 1901-1907. The College of the Bible. Seventy-Fifth Anniversary. Committee of Five. Minute Book, 1936-1940. "The College of the Bible Audit Report," 1923-1961. "List of Donors and Donations," 1877-1901. The College of the Bible. Matriculation and Chapel Roll Book, opened September 9, 1872. The College of the Bible. Garth Educational Society. Trustees. Minutes, Together with All Records of the Society, 1903- The College of the Bible. Faculty. Minutes, 1867-1963. The College of the Bible. Board of Trustees. Executive Committee, Minutes, 1877-1963. The College of the Bible. Board of Trustees. Minutes, 1883-1963. 3 vols. B. Transylvania College (This library retains the official records of the "Heresy Trial.") Attack on The College of the Bible. Exhibit A. Letter of March 12, 1917 from Ben F. Battenfield, et. al. to the trustees; also Battenfield circular 480 Bibliography

of same date. Exhibit B. Covering letter of Crossfield, Bower, Snoddy, Fortune and Hemry, March 17, 1917. Exhibit C. Statements by stu• dent Marx, et. al. Also letters by John C. Taylor, March 13, 1917; and Carl Agee, March 14, 1917. Exhibit D. Letter signed by eighty-seven percent of the students of Transylvania and The College of the Bible. Also Professor Deweese's statement. Bacon College. Executive Committee and Board of Trustees. Minutes, 1839-1850. The College of the Bible. President. Reports of Charles Louis Loos to the Board of Curators, 1890-1897. In Loos' own handwriting. "The Controversy File." Papers and letters concerning the J. T. Brown- A. W. Fortune Controversy of 1912 and the "Heresy Trial" of 1917. "Hamilton College File." Letters, papers and clippings relating to Ham• ilton (Hocker Female) College. Kentucky University File. Annual Reports, clippings, correspondence, documents, programs, from 1865 to 1906. Newspaper clippings pertain especially to the Bowman-McGarvey controversy of the 1870's. Lafferty, Mrs. W. T., ed. "Reports of the Proceedings of the Board of Curators concerning John B. Bowman." Typewritten copy of minutes for September 16, 17, 18, 1873; December 30, 1876; June 13, 17, 1877; and June 13, 1878. Weaver, Gustine Courson. Letter to Miss Mate Graye Hunt, from Mc- Kinley, Texas, August 20, 1928.

C. University of Kentucky Correspondence, 1920-1937, regarding Transylvania and The College of th<* Bible. (Mostly to and from Ezra L. Gillis, a member of the Board of Trustees.) The James Kennedy Patterson Papers in the files of the University of Kentucky Library. Kentucky Christian Education Society. Board of Trustees. "Record Book. The Louisville District and Kentucky Christian Education Societies, 1854-55." Milligan, A. R. "Historical Review of Kentucky University. Read at the Fortieth Anniversary of Union with Transylvania," 1905. Newspaper clippings covering the period from 1873 to the present. "The College of the Bible." Bibliography 481

Smith, William Benjamin. "James Kennedy Patterson, Pater Universi- tatis Kentuckiensis." Unpublished manuscript, 1929. University of Kentucky Library.

D. Other

McGarvey, James Thomson. Unpublished manuscript, an estimate of his father, J. W. McGarvey. In possession of Davis McGarvey, Lex• ington, Ky. Snoddy, Elmer Ellsworth. "Professor Snoddy Speaks, To Young Theologs, To Disciples of Christ." Class lectures, addresses and papers. Edited by E. Tipton Carroll. Unpublished manuscript in possession of the editor. 1961.

INDEX

A Ames, Edward Scribner, 269 Among Asia's Needy Millions, by S. Abbott, B. A., 196 J. Corey, 261 Academies, see High schools Accreditation, 245-47, 248, 250-51, Among Central African Tribes, 261 252-53, 258-59, 271, 272 Among South American Friends, Admission requirements, 34, 35, 89 261 Affiliation with Kentucky University Anniversaries: and Transylvania U., see Joint- Centennial of McGarvey's birth, operation 245 Agents, see Finances Seventy-fifth of founding, 124, Agricultural and Mechanical Col• 268-70 lege of Kentucky, see Kentucky Twenty-fifth of A. C. Hopkins University (Lexington) Chair of R. E., 245 Aleph Theta Ze, see Organizations Centennial of Seminary, 330 Alexander Campbell Hopkins Chair "Antis" and "Anti-organ," see of Bible School Pedagogy, see Re• Church of Christ ligious Education Apostolic Guide, 103-04 Allen, F. G., 61 Apostolic Times, 44, 54, 55, 57, 62, Allen, James Lane, 110-17 Allen, John G., 50 65, 68, 70, 93 Allen, Thomas M., 15 Archer, John Clark, 211 Alma Mater Hymn, 353 Armistead, J. D., 180 Altars, Abraham, 379 Ashland (home of Henry Clay), 25, Alumni, 62-3, 364, 417-18 59 American Association of Theologi• Association of Disciples for Theo• cal Schools, 251, 252-53, 258, logical Discussion, 292 269, 272, 282-83, 293, 299, 342 Athletics. 107, 241-42 American Christian Review, 385 Audio-visual Aids, 327 American Oriental Society, 269 Australia—students from, 35, 62, 81 American Theological Library Asso• Autobiography of J. W. McGarvey, ciation, 308 436 note 8 483 484 Index

B Bowen, Kenneth B., 182, 260, 273- 82, 284 Baron College, 23, 42, 68, 391-92, Bowen, T. Hassell, 193-94, 207, 254, 401-09, 460 note 30 300, 343 Bailey, Architect J. Russell, 310, 357 Bower, William Clayton, 138-39, Baird, William Robb, Jr., 344, 345 150, 167-68, 169, 171, 179, 180, Barclay, J. T., 388 182, 185, 196, 200, 202-03, 210, Barr, William Richard, 344 215-16, 221, 223, 227, 232, 265 Barth, Karl, 290 Bowman, John Bryan, 25, 26, 37, Barth, Marcus, 361 38-9, 41-57, 59, 74, 392, 406, Bates. Miner Lee, 144, 156 408-11 Battenfield, Ben. J. (letter), 168- Bowman-McGarvey Controversy, see 70; 175; 182 Controversies Battle of Perryville, Ky., 41 1 Braden, Arthur, 239, 240, 241, 242, Battle of Richmond, Ky., 411 252-53, 260, 262 Bentley, Adamson, 380 Breckenridge, R. J., 43 Bethany College, 11-14, 53, 68, 181, Briney, J. B., 115, 175, 176, 188, 198-200, 384-85 192, 193 Beyond Statistics by S. J. Corey, Brite Divinity School, 269, 293 262 Bro, Margueritte Harmon, 269 Bibliography course, 311 Broadus, Loren A., 338 Bible, as college text, 392-93 Broadway Christian Church (Lex• Bible, inerrancy of, 45; memoriza• ington), 44, 46-47, 194, 195, 204 tion of, 85; higher criticism, 86, Brother McGarvey by Morro, 124, 87-88, 130-34, 188, 197-98, 204 269 "Biblical Criticism," see Bible, and Brotherhood, the, see Disciples of also McGarvey Christ Biblical Institutes, 368-69 Brown, George William, 211-12 Biblical Institute of Bethany Col• Brown, John T., 140-49, 166, 175 lege, 388 Bryan, William Jennings, 166, 205- Biblical Instruction, 391-93 6. Buffalo Seminary, 379-80 Bible Chairs, see Disciples of Christ Bible School for Colored Preachers, Buildings: 358 Classroom: Morrison College, "Big Four" (Campbells, Scott, 23, 96; Main Street Christian Stone), 378-79 Church, 61-62, 72, 100; Milligan Birge, R. C, 170 Memorial Hall, 96-98, 217 Bishop, R. M., 50, 53 Bosworth Memorial Library, 307, 310, 311 Blake, Eugene Carson, proposal, 292 Dormitories: Logan Hall, 30, 67, Board of Higher Education of Dis• 95, 96, 100, 152; Craig Hall, 95, ciples of Christ, 1 14-45, 156, 194, 96, 100, 152; Blythe House (Da- 214, 303, 334 vies Hall), 95, 96, 100, 152, 153; Boarding Clubs, see Organizations Ewing Hall, 100, 153, 221, 275; Bookstore, Student Cooperative, 355 Herndon House, 62, 100; Lyons Boone, Daniel, 395 Hall and Annex, 154; apartments, Booth. Norman G., 335, 338 275, 337, 356 Boswell, Ira M., 192 Gymnasium; 153 Bosworth. Olive Fant and Henry Ministers' Hall: 336, 337 M., 278-79 Extension of Administration-Class• Bosworth bequest, 278-80, 307 room bldg., 337 Index 485

Heating Plant, 153-54, 243-44 Chairmen of the Faculty, 431 President's Home, 274 Chapel, daily, 355, 365 Burnet. D. S., 404 Chaplains from the Seminary, 272 Bush, V. VV., 61 Charter, 53, 63, 66, 391 Business Managers, 431-32 China Mission, 157 Butler University, 124, 136, 144 Choi, Yae Kyung ("Kathleen"), By-laws, 63 357 Chow, Muling, 357 c The Christian, 211 Christian Baptist, 383 Caldwell, Frank H., 268 Christian Bible College, Jubbulpore, Calhoun, Hall Laurie, 120, 122-23, India, 211 136, 141, 151, 159, 166-67, Christian Bible College League, 191, 168, 170, 174, 178, 180, 181, 182, 192-93, 194, 201 184, 185-86, 196, 198-200, 211 The Christian Century, 173, 176, Calvin, John, 376 177, 191, 203 Campbell, Alexander, 12, 13, 24-25, Christian Community, department, 68, 159, 195, 198, 378-79, 380, 300-01 381, 382, 383-84, 392-93 The Christian-Evangelist, 195-98, Campbell, Elmer Grant, 239 277 Campbell, Thomas, 13, 24, 378-79 Christian Restoration Association, Campbell Institute, 79, 1 19, 177, The 203-04 203, 258 Christian Standard, 87, 130, 133, Campbellsville Convention of Ken• 140, 142-43, 144, 148, 156, 173, tucky Christian Churches, 192 193, 199, 292, 386 Campus, South Limestone, 276, 279- Christian Theological Seminary, 293 80, 284-85, 295-96 Christian Unity, see Ecumenism Canary, Peyton H., Jr., 170, 175, Christian University, 407 182, 200 Christian Woman's Board of Mis• Cane Ridge Meeting House, 354-55 sions, 74, 129 Cane Ridge Pilgrimage, 354-55 Church of Christ, 75-76 Carpenter, Homer W., 134, 170 Church of Christ Number Two by Carpenter, J. Walter, 199, 200 DeGroot, 194 Carr, Oliver A., 32-33, 34, 35 Church membership statistics, 289 Carroll, E. Tipton, 257 "Church Muddle, The," 44-48 Carter, Carey, 359 Church and State in Transy. U., Carter, Jesse W., 13 398 Cassell, John L., 61 Cincinnati Bible Institute, 194 Cassidy, Tilton J., 283, 338, 339 Cincinnati Bible Seminary, 194 Catechism: "Longer Catechism on Civil War, 15, 16, 75, 101, 358, the Attack on the College," 203 385, 400, 411-12 Cave, Reuben L., 124 Class Notes on Sacred History by Central Christian Church (Lexing• McGarvey. 82-85, 159, 169 ton), 210, 212 Clay, B. F., 93 Centennials, see Anniversaries Clay, Cassius, 399 Centennial Development Program, Clay, Henry, 24, 25, 398, 413 330, 334-37 Clay, Samuel, 176 Certificates, see Diplomas "The Clergy" by A. Campbell, 383- Centre College, Danville, Ky., 397 84 Chair of Biblical Literature and Clinical Pastoral Training, 324-25 Christian Philosophy in Kentucky Clinical Practicum, 325-26 University, 392 Clubb, M. D., 93 486 Index

Coffin, Henry Sloan, 269 sylvania Press, 175-76; call for Cohen, Rabbi Samuel, 361 outside investigation, 174-76; 189; "Cold War," 286, 353 in The Christian Century, 176; Cole, Myron C, 360 student "note takers," 177; trus• College of Agriculture and Me• tees investigate, 177-83; Calhoun chanical Arts, see Kentucky Uni• appeals verdict, 184-86; report to versity public, 185-86, 200-03; education The College of the Bible Quarterly, number of Christian Standard, 201-02, 225 186-87; Christian Bible College Colleges and "Heresy Trial," 186- League, 188, 191, 192-93; Fi• 87 nancial consequences, 189, 190, Collegiate Institute and School for 191; in Christian-Evangelist, 195- Civil Engineers, 403 98; B. A. Abbott's investigation, Collis, Mark, 169, 174, 179, 194-95, 191; Independent Bible Colleges, 203 194; Catechism, 203 Committee of Twenty-One, 55 Conventions, see Disciples of Christ The Conception of Authority in the Convocations, weekly, 355 Pauline Writings by Fortune, 213 Corbin, Frank, 153 Conference of Theological Seminar• Corey, Stephen J., 150, 260-62, 264- ies of the U. S. and Canada, 250, 65, 272-73, 284-85 251 Cory, A. E., 157 "Congresses" see Disciples of Christ County of Kentucky, 394-95 Continuing Education, see Post B. D. Courson, Gustine, 125-27 Cramblet, T. E., 199, 200 Controversies: Cramblet, Wilbur H., 199, 269, 369 Bowman-McGarvey (1870's): Crenshaw, J., 404 causes, 39-43; Dr. Peter's article, Crenshaw, T. A., 61 48; "church muddle," 44-48; Prof. Pickett's protest, 49; legis• Credit Union, 355 lative investigations, 43, 50, 55, Crimson Rambler, 175, 177 58; Pres. Patterson's rebuttal, 49- Crossfield, Richard II., 137-38, 141, 50; Curator's Committee on Com• 153, 156, 157, 163, 169, 170, 171, plaints, 50-51; McGarvey's dis• 172, 179, 182, 185, 194, 200, 216, missal, 51-54; student exodus to 228, 262 Bethany, 53; church reaction, 54- Crow, Paul A. Jr., 333, 344 57; Committee of Twenty-One, A Crusade for a Christian World, 55; McGarvey reinstated, 57; 277, 282 Bowman dismissed, 57-59, 66; Curriculum: A&M College severed, 59 First proposed, 17-20; first year, "The Reign of Law," 110-17 29; classical and English courses, Burris A. Jenkins versus McGar• 34-35; in Main St. Church, 62; vey on "Biblical Criticism," 130- electives, 101-02, 163-64; thesis, 34 162; principles, 223-25; inte• John T. Brown versus A. W. For• grated with Transy, 228-30; tune, 139-49 grading system, 268, 349; pur• "Heresy Trial" of 1917: Cal• pose, 347; at end of century, 349- houn's early dissatisfaction, 168; 50 Battenfield letter, 168-70; Cross- The Curriculum of Religious Edu• field reply, 170-73; student peti• cation by Bower, 232 tion, 171-72; and Men and Mil• Curriculum, see also Diplomas and lions Movt., 175, 176, in Tran• Degrees Index 487

D Doan, R. A., 150 Donaldson, W. T., 93 Danville, Ky., and Transylvania Donovan, Herman L., 279, 296 Seminary, 394-95 Drake University, 127, 293 Darwinism, 111, 116, 166, 205-06 "A Dream Being Realized," 295-97 Daugherty, W. H., 93 Dugan, Dawson Dwight, 89 Day Law (segregation), 358-59 Deans, list of, 431 Deanship, 123-24, 136, 212, 221, E 299-300, 350-51 Debates, see Organizations Earle, Henry S., 74 The Decade of Decision, 340-41 Ecumenism, 80, 82, 292, 375 Dedication, So. Limestone Campus, Ecumenical Exchange student, 356 295-97 Ecumenical Institute, 357 Deism, 398-99 Edds, W. Harold, 342 Delcamp, Ernest W., 217-18 The Education of American Min• Depression, 33, 34, 41, 56, 61, 73, isters by May, 295 247-48 Educational Congress, 144 "Destructive Criticism," 166, 169, Education Day, 156-57 173, 174, 185, 187. See also "Education for the Christian Min• Higher Criticism istry for Tomorrow's Church," Deweese, Benjamin O, 120, 121, conf., 334 136, 141, 169, 172 The Education of Ministers of Dis• Diehl, Charles Franklin, 332-33 ciples of Christ by Montgomery, Dietze, Charles E., 335, 338 294 Digweed, Marilyn, 302, 339 Ehlers, Walter, 356 Diplomas and Degrees, 418-20; "Eigendinkle, Dr.," 187, 188 early period, 34; classical diplo• Elkins, Alberta, 302 mas, 34, 79-80, 101-02, 162; de• Elley, George W., 50 partmental certificates, 34; En• Ellis, George W., 207 glish diplomas, 34-35, 101-02, 163, 225; B. D., 79-80, 162, 228, Elmore, R. E., 187 231; M. R. E., 228, 231 ; B. Endowment, see Finances P.Th., 163, 164; M. A. in Rel., England, missionaries to, 74 228, 231; M. Th., 348-49; sta• Enrollment, 33, 34, 35, 53, 56, 103, tistical review, 246-47 155, 298-99, 330-31, 339, 359-60. Disciples of Christ: Bible chairs, 77; 416-17, 437 note divinity houses, 78; colleges Errett, Isaac, 195, 386, 388 founded, 77; Commission on Errett, Russell, 144, 174, 199 Brotherhood Finance, 304; Com• Everest, H. W., 57 mission on Restructure of the Evolution (biological), 88, 111, 112. Brotherhood, 292; Congresses, 115-16, 130, 182, 183-84, 205-07 119-20; 206; International Con• Expansion Program, under Bowen, ventions, 119, 188, 189, 205, 208, 259-60, 274-76 292, 304, 342; membership sta• tistics, 74, 119; Unified Promo• F tion, 293 Disciples Divinity House, 131, 203 Faculty: Personnel, 28, 120-24, 127- Discipline, 105 30, 211-13, 221-22,'232-33, 257, Disentanglement of Transylvania 265-68, 277, 299-300, 331-33, and The College of the Bible, see 343-47, 425-30; Preaching, 158; Joint-administration publications, 313, 351-52; re- 488 Index

search, 313; sabbaticals and re• G tirement, 272, 351; salaries, 270, 333 Garnett, Arthur Campbell, 257, 360 Fac-simile, page from McGarvey's Garrison, J. H., 119, 131, 195, 196- Class Notes, 84 97, 214 Fairhurst, Alfred, 182, 183-84, 185, Garst, Mr. and Mrs. C. E., 75 199 Garth, Claude L., 98 Fanning, Tolbert, 404 Garth, Mrs. Claude L., 99 Farnsworth, B. F., 402 Garth Education Society, 95, 98-99 Farra, C. A., 61 Georgetown, Ky., 401-05 Farra, Oliver, 61 German Rationalism, see also Kul- Faulconer, Joseph, 362 tur, 187 Field Education, 108-09, 210-11, Gibbs, Walter Chesterfield, 239-40 222, 223, 315-29 Gilkey, Langdon, 361 Finances: Agents, 93, 244-45, 432- Goff, Mrs. Anna Chandler, 275 33; indebtedness, 337-38; budget Goodloe, D. S., 45, 58 of current operations, 33, 303, Graduate Study, 79-80 333, 341; campaigns, 61, 248-49, Graduate status, see Accreditation 269; church giving, 281-82, 304; Graham, Billy, 288-89 deficit, 156, 341; endowment, Graham, Robert, 60, 61, 64, 68-70, 33, 63, 93-95, 155-56, 282, 420; 217, 358, 364, 410, 415; student faculty salaries, 27, 60, 68, 92, 93, 248-49, 270, 303; Hamilton at Bethany College, 12; president College stock, 233, 242-43; hard• of KU arts college, 24, 44; dis• ships of 1960's, 339, 340; student satisfaction with Bowman, 44; to fees, 30, 105-06; in conjunction faculty of COB, 57; physical ap• with Transylvania, 155, 220, 227, pearance, 69 ; courses, 69; resigna• 243 tion, 70, 117; death, 70 Finnell, J. L. 182 Green, Irvin Taylor, 181-82, 200 Foreign Christian Missionary So• Greenwade, John Bunyan, 65, 66 ciety, 74-75, 106, 261 Groom, B. B., 50 Forrer, Samuel H., 336, 340 Gross, Mrs. Josephine, 244, 283-84 Fortune, Alonzo Willard, 139, 140- Grubbs, Isaiah Boone: early life and 49, 166, 168, 169, 171, 172, 179, education, 70; pastorates, 70; 181, 182, 185, 200, 212-13, 221, physical appearance, 70, 72; 232, 259, 266-67, 269, 296-97 health, 70, 72; courses, 70, 72; Fosdick, Harry Emerson, 166, 194, humor, 71; as Paulinist, 71; 205, 290 death, 149; his Manual of Church Foster, James, 379 History and Exegetical Analysis Foster, W. F., 335 of the Epistles, 72 Fountain, Thomas, 357 Franklin, Benjamin (churchman), II 385 Franklin, Benjamin (statesman), Haines, Alexander, 357 395 Hamburger fry, annual, 354 Frazier, John T., 61 Hamilton College, 28, 44, 219-20, Free inquiry, 159-161 221, 226-27, 233-34, 242-43 "Free Lectures for Ministers," 388 Hardin, Mrs. Elvira, 95 Fundamentalist-modernist contro• Hardy, John Win., 170 versy, 166, 204-07, 368 Harlin, Thomas F., 338 Index 489

Harmon, Andrew D., 219, 225-32, Institutional Relationships, chart of, 234-36, 238 42 Harner, Nevin C, 297 Integration and segregation, 287, Harper, Wm. Rainey, 127 357 Harrodsburg, Ky., 405, 406 Inter-Church World Movement. Hartsfield, Elizabeth A., 284 213-15 Harvard Gateway Inscription, 376 International Convention, see Dis• Hatch, Samuel, 406, 407, 408, 414 ciples of Christ Hatch, William, 405 International Council of Religious Hawkins, J. T., 93, 103 Education, 216 Hayes, Ray II., 333, 344 Interracial Consultations, 326-27 Heath, Kevin, 357 Interseminary Movement, 357 Hebrew Union College, 361 Instrumental Music, see Organ Hemry, George W., 151, 172, 179, Irvine, John, 24 182, 185, 200, 211 Irvine, W. S., 178, 179 Henderson, Charles R., 127 Irwin, W. G., 190 Henry, Frederick W., 82 Henry, Roemol, 284 Heresy Trial of 1917, see Contro• J versies Japan, missionaries to, 75 Higginbotham, Mrs. Ottie, 285 Japan, students from, 104 High Schools and Academies, 102, Jarvis Christian College, 358 103 Jefferson, Samuel M., 120-21, 136, Higher Criticism, see Bible 141, 150, 217 Hobgood, H. C, 104 Jefferson, Thomas, 396, 398 Hocker Female College, see Hamil• Jenkins, Burris A., 107, 124, 130-34 ton College Johnson, Ashley S., 145-46 Hocker, James M., 219-20 Johnson, Madison C, 24, 412-13, Hoick, Doctor A., 74 414 Holland, Sue, 339 Johnson, Robert Francis, 301, 344 Holley, Pres. Horace, 397-99 Johnson, Thornton F., 401-03 Hopkins, Robert M., 128, 180 Johnson Bible College, 199 Hopper, Myron Taggart, 265, 267, Johnston, W. G., 176 301, 344 Joint-administration with Transyl• Hopson, Winthrop II., 15, 50, 55 vania College, 152-53, 154, 155, "How the Sermon Grows" by For• 217-19, 240-45, 260-62, 306 tune, 266 Jones, A. P., 381-82 Hudspeth, W. R., 182 Jones, Edgar DeWitt, 269 Hughes, Mary E., 234 Jones, J. B., 61 Hurst, J. G., 170 K I Kangaroo Courts, 105 Identity, struggle for, 371-73 Keith, James C, 34, 120, 217 "Image" of ministry, 363 Kent, Charles Foster, 131, 132 Independent Bible Colleges, 368-69 Kentucky Commonwealth, 395, 396 Independent Christian Churches, Kentucky Academy (Pisgah), 396 292 Kentucky Christian Bible School Independent Monthly Magazine, 45 Association, 127, 223 India, missionaries to, 75 Kentucky Christian Advance, 304 Indian hostilities, 394 Kentucky Christian Education So• Influenza epidemic (1918), 208-09 ciety, 30-31, 55, 58, 60, 62, 98 490 Index

Kentucky Christian Missionary So• Library, 154, 306-14 ciety, 346 Literary Societies, see Organizations Kentucky Female Orphans School, The Living Bible by Bower 55, 95 Living Link, missions, 106, 209 Kentucky University (Harrods• Locke, John, 357 burg), 42, 68-9, 409-15, 462 note Logan, W. Hume, 264 56 Long, R. A., 157, 189-91 Kentucky University (Lexington), Loos, Charles Louis, 12, 124, 126, chart of institutional rel., 42; 217, 386, 388 consolidation with Transylvania Louisville Bible College, 358 U., 37; constituent colleges, 25- Lunger, Harold A., 360 26; A & M College of Kentucky, Lunger, Irvin E., 305 26, 37, 40, 49, 55, 58, 391, 400, Lykins, W. B., 182 407, 413, 414; COB relations to, Lyon, D. Willard, 106 25, 58, 60-67, 101, 367; denomi• national jealousy, 40 Kershner, F. D., 197 Mc Kim, Choon Young, 357 Macartney, Thomas B., Jr., 124, King, Forrest L., 304, 334, 338 239 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 288 McCasland, Vernon S., 360 King, S. H., 93 McCormick, Harry B., 269 Knight, D., 403 MacDougall, W. C, 130-31 Kuhn, Karl Heinz (Dieter), 357 McGarvey Bible College, 194 Ku Klux Klan, 205 McGarvey, James Thomson, 81 "Kultur," German, 166, 187, 188 McGarvey, John William, 60, 61, 64, 75, 80, 197, 224, 364; bap• L tism, 12; biblical knowledge, 82; "Biblical Criticism" col., 87-88; Labor, 12 hour day, 214 and Civil War, 15, 16; college Land grant for Transylvania U., teaching, 17; COB idea, 11, 20- 394 21, 81; Commentary on Acts, 15, The Lands of the Bible by Mc• 16; curator of K. U., 17; deaf• Garvey, 90 ness, 83-85; death, 135-36; dis• Lappin, S. S., 140, 144, 148 missal at K. U., 51-54; free Lard, Moses E., 44, 50, 56, 64-66, inquiry, 159-61; as higher critic, 75-76, 358 204-05; Holy Land visit, 90-91; Lard's Quarterly, 75-76 house burns, 95; Lands of the Last Will and Testament of the Bible, 90; pastorates, 15, 27; Springfield Presbytery, 354 marriage, 15; missionary attitude, Lauechli, Samuel, 361 76-77; musical instruments in Lawwill, Wilson Case, 283 worship, 76-77; near drowning, Leavenworth, Lynn and William L. 90-91; Negroes, preaching to, Bradley, 342-43 358; president COB, 118; public Lew, Moonki, 357 school teaching, 14-15; rein• Lewis, Hazel A., 216 stated at K. U., 57; resignation, Lewis, Mrs. Jesse K. (nee Emily 134; teaching methods, 81-86; Fortune), 267 vision of future, 134-35 Lewis, Stella W., 106 McGarvey, Sarah, 230-31, 284 Lexington, Ky., population, 120 McKee, Alexander, 394 Liberty Bond drives, 208 McKenzie, Robert, 394 Librarians, 154, 284, 290-91, 299, McKown, Delos, 357 433 Index 491

McLean, Raymond F., 262, 265 Modernism. 390-91 McLean, A., 106, 261 Moninger, Herbert, 129 McMichael, R., 61 Montgomery, Riley B., 250, 284, McQuary, Rodney L., 213, 222, 286, 294-95, 305, 343, 361, 364 223 232 Moore, George Foote, 166-67 Moore, George V., 223, 232, 262- M 65, 275, 321, 323, 343 Moore, James, 396 Maeda, Itoka, 357 Moore, William T., 27, 28, 196 Magoffin, Gov. Beriah, 16, 414 Morales, Miguel, 357 Mahoning Baptist Asso., 380-82 Morrill, Arthur, 336 Main Street Christian Church versus Morrill Land Grant, 26, 39-40, 413 John Bowman, 44-48 Morrison, C. C, 173 Malones, Eduardo, 357 Morrison College (Hall), 23, 24 Mandrell, W. F., 339-40 Morrison, J. W., 192 Manker, Charles C, 301 Morro, William C, 123, 135, 136, Manual of Church History by 160, 269 Grubbs, 72 Mott, John R., 261 Marshall, C. K., 61 Mullins, S. G, 403, 407 Marriage of students. 209 Munnell, Thomas, 14 Martin, Dorothy, 357 Music: department, 331-32; chapel Marts & Lundy, Inc., 335 choir, 355; vesper choir, 355; Marty, Martin E., 289 Christmas, 355; Easter, 355; oc• Matthews, G. H., 407 tet, 281, 355; workshops, 327 Men and Millions Movt.. 156-58, Myers, Mattie, 32 175, 176, 189-91 Myers, Joseph, 410 Metz, Basil, 357 Myles, Albert, 34 Michel, Margrund, 357 Middler's Conference, 327 N Millennial Harbinger, 195 Miller, Dean Arthur of U. K., 280 Name of Seminary, 23fn, 293, 367-71 Miller, Donald G., 361 Names of Transylvania U., 391 Milligan, Alexander R., 59, 61, 66- Names of University of Ky., 391 67. 124, 415 National City Christian Church, 74 Milligan, Robert, 26, 27, 358, 393, Negro Students, 357-59 409; Scheme of Redemption, Neville, John H., 12, 27, 410 25, 26; first president, 23; pre• New Zealand, students from, 62 vious teaching, 24-25; connection News Bureau, 302, 338-39, 433 with Campbells, 24-25; physical Nooe, Roger T., 89, 207 appearance, 25; residence, 30; North American Christian Conven• death, 36, 56 tions, 203 Minister's Conference, 361 Norton, Mr. and Mrs. Albert, 75 Ministerial Education, early, 376-78 Norton, Mrs. Charles F., 284 Ministerial Education, Disciples of Novum Organum by Bacon, 401 Christ prior to 1865, 378-88 Missions, study of Orient, 150, 346 O Missions Matching the Hour by Corey, 262; Missions in the Oftestad, Alf, 357 Modern S. S., by Corey, 262 Oki. Hideo and Taiko, 357 Mitchell, Rev. James, 395 Open membership, 45 Moak. James A., 305 Organ, in Worship, 76-77 492 Index

Organic Evolution Considered by Presidents, a list, 430-31 Fairhurst, 182, 183-84 Presidents of K. U., 124 Organizations, student: Aleph Prewitt, Levi, 61 Theta Ze, 107, 281; Corey Club, Prezmininsky, C. R., 404 281; Credit Union, 355; Literary Price, Gen. Sterling, 16 Societies, 32, 106, 209; Minis• Procter, Alexander, 12, 15, 130 terial Association, 210; Mission• Progress, idea of, 354 ary Societies, 106; Religious Edu• 77t^ Prophetic Voice of Protestant cation Fellowship, 356; Student Christianity by Wilburn, 332 Cooperative Book Store, 355; Pugh, J. Thurman, 170 Student Volunteer Band, 106, Pyatt, Charles Lynn, 212, 230, 232, 209; Theological Forum, 356; 237-39, 240, 244, 250, 251, 267, Women's Club, 281 ; Y. M. C. A., 268, 272, 273, 282-83, 296, 299, 107, 208, 209; Y. W. C. A., 209 301, 343, 354, 361 Overbey, Lucy B., chapel, 274 Owings, Trent, 357 R

P Radio, 327-28 Rains, F. M., 106, 144, 261 Palmer, Lester D., 321-22, 323, 344 The Rambler, 234 Panic, see Depression Rambo, Victor, 106 Pastoral Counseling, 301-02 Rampley, Lester C, 323, 344, 346 Paternalism and Negro, 357-58 Ranck, George W., 45 Patterson, James K., 49, 50, 414 Rasay, Daniel, 357 Patterson, W. F., 61 Rash, Senator J. R., 206 Paul, Alexander, 157, 189 Rauschenbusch, Walter, 135 Peckham, George A., 131 Reaching People from the Pulpit by Pendleton, W. K., 12, 385-86, 388 Stevenson & Diehl, 333 Pensions, faculty, 273 "Readjusting One's Life to Handi• Peter, Robert, 48, 49, 50, 51, 414 caps," by Fortune, 267 Philip of Hesse, 376 "Recentering" of Transylvania, Phillips Graduate Seminary, 293 Hamilton College and COB, 225- Phillips, U. B., 404 32, 234-36, 238 Pickens, D. R., 103 The Reconstruction of Theology, Pickett, Joseph D., 27, 45, 49, 57, ed. by Wilburn, 332 60 Records, Ralph L., 185, 199 Pierson, Roscoe M., 284, 299, 306, Recruitment, 360 308, 309, 344 Reed, William L., 344, 345, 350 Pinkerton, L. L., 24, 35 Reeves, F. W., 226 Piper, William, 410 Registrars, list of, 432 Pope, Richard M., 344, 345-46 Reichard, Dr. J. D., 267 Porter, J. W., 206 The Reign of Law by Allen, 110, Post B. D. Education, 329 205 Powell, E. L., 196, 207 Religious Education: Alexander Practical jokes, see Pranks Campbell Hopkins Chair, 124, Practice Preaching, 328-29 127-30, 139, 232, 265; depart• Practicums in Field Education, 323 ment, 162, 301; theory, 215-16; Practicums in Religious Ed., 326 fellowship, 356 Pranks, 103, 105 Reneau, Isaac, 31 The Preacher and the Missionary The Renewal of the Church, ed. by Message by Corey, 262 Blakemore, 292, 332 Index 493

Restorationism, 373-74 Smith, I. V., 61 Review of a century, 371-75 Smith, Gen. Kirby, 16 Revivals, mass, 378, 399 Smith, William Benjamin, 116-17 Revolution, American, 376, 394, 395 Smith, William Francis, 124, 127- Rice, "Father" David, 394, 395 30, 136, 153 Richardson, Robert, 13, 388, 410 Smith, W. S., 180 Rigdon, Sidney, 380 Smythe, Lewis S. C, 301, 344, 346 Rivera, Juan and Flor, 357 Snoddy, Elmer E., 150, 168, 169, Robinson, William, 360 171, 172, 179, 181, 182, 185, Rogers, James W., 65, 66 200-01, 217, 232, 254-57 Rogers, W. E., 61 Social and political climate, 73-74, Rogers, W. M., 176 1 18-20, 135, 286-88 Rose, Frank, 304 Social Gospel, 135 Rowel 1, Joseph Cy, 346 South Elkhorn Christian Church, 45 Rutledge, George P., 174, 178, 181, Spanish American War, 104 199 Speer, Robert E., 261 Spring Lectures, 360-61 Russell, Ward, 107, 225 Stainton, Bruce and Elmer, 357 "Stand Up and Be Counted," edi• S torial in Christian Standard, 292 State University of Kentucky, 42 Sacred History, see Class Notes on Stathopoulos, Demetrius, 357 "The Sacred Trio," 67-72 Stauffer, Vernon, 160-61, 221-22, Salaries, see Finances 232 Saltonstall, Dr. G. F., 1 1 Steele, Andrew, 50, 61 Saxon, W. Edward, 151 Stevenson, Dwight E., 278, 332, Scandanavia, missionary to, 74 343, 361 Scheer, Gladys E., 299, 308 Stevenson, Marion, 126, 128 The Scheme of Redemption by Stone, Barton W., 354, 378, 402 Milligan, 27, 70, 160 Stuckey, Dr. J. A., 104 "The School of Preachers," 380-82 Student Preaching, see Field Educ. Schools of Theology, 383-84, 385-88 Student Volunteers, see Organiza• Scopes Trial at Dayton, Tenn., 205 tions Scott, Donald Lee, 346 "Sub-freshmen," 225 Scott, Walter, 380, 382, 392, 403, Summer Seminar, 329 404 Summer Work Camps, 326 Scripture, see Bible Surber, George L., 61, 93 Sealantic Fund, 309 Survey of Theological Education in Second Great Awakening. 398-99 U. S. and Canada, 294-95 Second Christian Church (Lex.), 45 Surveyor's fees, 395 Segregation, 287-88, 357-59 Swift, Jared B., 407 Senior Communion, annual, 365 Shackleford, John, 45 Shannon, James, 406-08 T Shelton, Gentry, 281, 355 Taylor, Major James, 408, 412 Sherrill, Lewis J., 251, 269 Taylor Academy, 409, 410 Sherley, Jack M., 301-02, 344 Telescopic plan, 259 Shimomura, Noboru (Paul), 357 Texas Christian University, 124 Shishmanian, G. N., 74-75, 104 "The" in Seminary name, 367-68 Short, Howard Elmo, 277 Theological Forum, 356 Shouse, J. S., 93 Theological Renewal, 289-91 Sloane, R. R., 50, 57 Theological Seminaries, first, 377f Smith, Harlie, 334-35 494 Index

Theological Seminaries, Disciple at• Unity Conversations, see Ecumenism titude, 17-20, 79, 383-84 University of Kentucky, 42, 279, Thesis, see Curriculum 280, 391 Thinking Things Through with E. University of Missouri, 407 E. Snoddy by Fortune, 254, 269 University of Nanking Hospital, 209 Thomas, Lavens M. II, 252 Threlkeld, Principal W. L., 103 V Tobacco smoking, 105, 209 Todd, Col. John, 394 Vance, John T., 153, 154, 155, 244 Todd, Rev. John, 394, 395 Vawter, C. R. L., 173 Toulmin, Pres. Harry, 396 Velez, Eunice and Wilfredo, 357 Torah, scroll, 361-62 Veterans of World War II, 281 The Transylvanian, 175 Vice Presidents, list, 431 Transylvania Seminary, 42, 394 Visiting minister, annual, 362 Transylvania University (Old), 394- The Vocabulary of the Church by 400; charter, 396-97; campus, 23, White, 332 395f, 399f; church and state in, Vocabulary of the Seminary, 362-63 42; consolidated with K. U., 37, 400; denominational eras, 397; W finances, 399; name and charter resumed, 42 Wagers, C. Herndon, 257, 360 Transylvania College: department Wake, Arthur N., 33If, 344, 355 of religion, 262-65; Forrer Hall, Walden, John O, 61 279; Henry Clay and Jefferson Wallace, J. B., 61 Davis Halls, 279 Walker, Donald E., 257 Treasurers, list of, 431-32 Walnut Hills Christian Church, 69, Troxel, Daniel O, 233, 239, 343 139 Trustees: first board, 63; list, 421- Walz, Hans Herman, 360 424 Warner, E. T., 61 Turkey, missionary to, 74f Warren, Mrs. Lewis A. (nee Ellen Turner, M. Elmore, 353 Augusta Moore), 359 Turner, William Franklin, 85 Watson, Benjamin E., 346 "Turn on the Light," see Christian Webster, Noah, 407 Bible College League Weigle, Luther A., 295 Twentieth Century Bible Class, Wells, Leslie O, 31 Snoddy, 201, 256 West, William G., 360 Two-day Program, 318 Wharton, Mr. and Mrs. G. L., 75 Tyrell, Frank, 196 White, Henry H., 66, 357, 407, 410, 415 U White, Richard O, 323, 332, 344 Whitley, Oliver R., 361 Undergraduate study, 163, 164, 247 Wider Ranges of World Missions by Unified Promotion, 304, 341 Corey, 262 United Nations Seminar, 327 Wilburn, Ralph G., 332, 344 United States Military Asylum, 411 Wilderness Road, 395 United States Public Health Service Wilkes, L. B., 44, 50, 51 Hospital, 267 William Woods College, 216 The United Christian Missionary Williams, John Augustus, 27, 44 Society, 188, 194, 214, 260 Williams, J. F., 175 United Church of Christ in Amer• Willmott, John Smith, 65, 66 ica, 292 Withers, W. T. ("Justice"), 47f, 54 Index 495

Withers, Mrs. W. T., 62 Workshops, 326-29 Women students, 125-27, 154, 162, Wright, Chaplain C. Q., 104 209, 281, 356, 359 Wood, Howard Thomas, 362 Y Wood, Judge Lorenzo K., 279 Woodlands, 26, 413 Yancey, G. W., 61 World War I, 101, 165, 187f, 204, Yocum, Cyrus M., 302-03 208, 290 Yonitario, Fukumoto, 104 World War II, 260, 272ff, 286 Yong, Joseph, 357