Reunifying Korea: Challenges, Uncertainties, and an Agenda for US-ROK Cooperation*1)
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From Crisis to Opportunity for Sustainable Peace
From crisis to opportunity for sustainable peace A joint perspective on responding to the health, employment and peacebuilding challenges in times of COVID-19 From crisis to opportunity for sustainable peace A joint perspective on responding to the health, employment and peacebuilding challenges in times of COVID-19 November 2020 Copyright © International Labour Organization 2020 First published 2020 Publications of the International Labour Office enjoy copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention. Nevertheless, short excerpts from them may be reproduced without authorization, on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to ILO Publishing (Rights and Licensing), International Labour Office, CH-1211 Geneva 22, Switzerland, or by email: [email protected]. The International Labour Office welcomes such applications. Libraries, institutions and other users registered with a reproduction rights organization may make copies in accordance with the licences issued to them for this purpose. Visit www.ifrro.org to find the reproduction rights organization in your country. From crisis to opportunity for sustainable peace: A joint perspective on responding to the health, employment and peacebuilding challenges in times of COVID-19. International Labour Office, Interpeace, United Nations Peacebuilding Support Office and World Health Organization – Geneva: ILO, 2020 ISBN 9789220336809 (web PDF) Also available in French: De la crise à l’opportunité d’une paix durable. -
Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse
CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Security Research Division View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This report is part of the RAND Corporation research report series. RAND reports present research findings and objective analysis that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND reports undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for re- search quality and objectivity. Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse Bruce W. Bennett C O R P O R A T I O N NATIONAL SECURITY RESEARCH DIVISION Preparing for the Possibility of a North Korean Collapse Bruce W. -
Use of Mixed Signaling Strategies in International Crisis Negotiations
USE OF MIXED SIGNALING STRATEGIES IN INTERNATIONAL CRISIS NEGOTIATIONS DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Unislawa M. Wszolek, B.A., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2007 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Brian Pollins, Adviser Daniel Verdier Adviser Randall Schweller Graduate Program in Political Science ABSTRACT The assertion that clear signaling prevents unnecessary war drives much of the recent developments in research on international crises signaling, so much so that this work has aimed at identifying types of clear signals. But if clear signals are the only mechanism for preventing war, as the signaling literature claims, an important puzzle remains — why are signals that combine both carrot and stick components sent and why are signals that are partial or ambiguous sent. While these signals would seemingly work at cross-purposes undermining the signaler’s goals, actually, we observe them frequently in crises that not only end short of war but also that realize the signaler’s goals. Through a game theoretic model, this dissertation theorizes that because these alternatives to clear signals increase the attractiveness, and therefore the likelihood, of compliance they are a more cost-effective way to show resolve and avoid unnecessary conflict than clear signals. In addition to building a game theoretic model, an additional contribution of this thesis is to develop a method for observing mixed versus clear signaling strategies and use this method to test the linkage between signaling and crisis outcomes. Results of statistical analyses support theoretical expectations: clear signaling strategies might not always be the most effective way to secure peace, while mixed signaling strategies can be an effective deterrent. -
China on Asia's Mind
BRIEF POLICY CHINA ON ASIA’S MIND François Godement SUMMARY Talk of an “Asian century” is increasingly overshadowed by This brief is based on a study trip to Tokyo in speculation about the prospect or risk of a “Chinese century”. June 2014, during which a group of ECFR’s China, India, Indonesia, and Japan will make up half of the Council members met with a wide and world’s GDP by 2030. The continent is becoming the global distinguished group of interlocutors from Japan, South Korea, and elsewhere in Asia, price maker for oil, iron ore, copper, and aluminium – China and discussed how they see the future of the and South Korea alone make up 67 percent of the world’s continent and its implications for Europe. iron ore consumption. Speculative bubbles from China’s What had often been predicted to be an “Asian currency reserves and runaway lending now drive global century” is turning out to be one in which property markets and their excesses. China has amassed China is foremost in Asia’s mind. Tensions in $4.5 trillion of currency reserves – an amount that seems East Asia are becoming the new normal and immense until one compares it with the estimated cost of it is increasingly clear that trade does not Korean reunification – estimated at around $5 to 6 trillion.1 guarantee peace and stability. Europe can Its defence budget, which is becoming four times as large neither take Asia’s stability for granted nor every 10 years, looks set to approach America’s by 2030. afford to be complacent about Asian security. -
Temporary Workers from the Democratic People's Republic Of
Temporary Workers from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in Mongolia Mitsuhiro Mimura (The Economic Research Institute for Northeast Asia) Yuji Fukuhara (University of Shimane) This presentation is based on fieldwork and interviews from 5 to 8 September 2017 in Ulan Bator, Mongolia. We went to construction sites and companies employing North Korean workers, and looked at the places of construction. We will report the contents of this fieldwork and discuss the significance of sending and receiving the North Korean workers from the viewpoint of Mongolia and DPRK relations. Mongolia has a population of 3 million whereas the DPRK has 24 million. Although North Korea is very small, it has 8 times more population of Mongolia. Ulan Bator is the only large city in Mongolia and has a population of 1.5 million. Because the economy is growing, there is a lot of construction work. In terms of history, Mongolia was established in 1924, and the DPRK was founded on 9 September 1948. After the USSR, the second country that established diplomatic relations with the DPRK was Mongolia in October 1948. During the Korean War, Mongolia supported North Korea together with the USSR and China, providing material support and horses. It also received many war orphans. From 1948 to 1989 was a honeymoon period for Mongolia-DPRK relations. North Korea had some flexibility about doing business with the USSR and China. Mongolia, on the other hand, was a landlocked country, located between the Soviet Union and China. Speaking bluntly, usually countries next to China don’t like China. Of course, the countries next to Russia don’t like Russia. -
Reunification of Korea: Economic Consequences from an External Point of View*
International Studies Review Vol. 6 No. 2 (October 2005): 21-33 21 Reunification of Korea: Economic Consequences from an External Point of View* EDWARD M. GRAHAM ** Korean reunification remains an uncertainty. When and if it comes, the condition of the North Korean economy is primitive compared to the economy of South Korea. Because of massive investment needs in the North, and under plausible assumptions regarding savings rates in a unified Korea, the balance of payment of a reunified Korea is likely to deteriorate significantly in the event of reunification. Foreign direct investment could ameliorate this result, and might contribute to a more rapid catch-up of the North to the South. Keywords: Korean reunification, economic effects of Korean re unification, balance of payments effects of Korean reunification Originally Prepared for 2005 IKUPD Forum "Korean Reunification in Korea-US Relationship," Harvard Law School, April 9, 2005. " The author would like to thank Ted Kim, Jim Lister, Paul Karner, Marcus Noland, two persons of Korean nationality who wish to remain anonymous, and two anonymous reviewers for valuable comments on an earlier draft. Direct all correspondence co Edward M. Graham, Senior Fellow, Institute for International Economics, 1750 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C. 20036-1903 USA; Tel: 1-202-454-1326; E-mail: [email protected] Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 05:49:58AM via free access 22 Reunification of Korea I. INTRODUCTION lmost all Koreans dream that the "two Koreas," the Republic of Korea A (ROK) in the south and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) in the north, reunify. -
International Crisis and Neutrality: United States Foreign Policy Toward the Iran-Iraq War
Mercer Law Review Volume 43 Number 2 Lead Articles I - The Legal Article 1 Implications of a Nation at War 3-1992 International Crisis and Neutrality: United States Foreign Policy Toward the Iran-Iraq War Francis A. Boyle Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.mercer.edu/jour_mlr Part of the International Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Boyle, Francis A. (1992) "International Crisis and Neutrality: United States Foreign Policy Toward the Iran- Iraq War," Mercer Law Review: Vol. 43 : No. 2 , Article 1. Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.mercer.edu/jour_mlr/vol43/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Mercer Law School Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Mercer Law Review by an authorized editor of Mercer Law School Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LEAD ARTICLES International Crisis and Neutrality: United States Foreign Policy Toward the Iran-Iraq War by Francis A. Boyle* Prescript This Article was written in 1986 and submitted to the University of New Orleans Symposium on Neutrality. The Article reflects the author's analysis regarding the United States military intervensionism into the Middle East with a special focus on the Persian Gulf region. The author analyzes the United States' policies to divide-and-conquer the Arab oil * Professor of International Law, University of Illinois College of Law, Champaign, Illi- nois. University of Chicago (A.B., 1971); Harvard Law School (J.D., magna cum laude, 1976); Harvard University (A.M., 1978 and Ph.D. -
South Korea's Economic Engagement Toward North Korea
South Korea’s Economic Engagement toward North Korea Lee Sangkeun & Moon Chung-in 226 | Joint U.S.-Korea Academic Studies On February 10, 2016, the South Korean government announced the closure of the Gaeseong Industrial Complex, a symbol of its engagement policy and inter-Korean rapprochement. The move was part of its proactive, unilateral sanctions against North Korea’s fourth nuclear test in January and rocket launch in February.1 Pyongyang reciprocated by expelling South Korean personnel working in the industrial complex and declaring it a military control zone.2 Although the May 24, 2010 measure following the sinking of the Cheonan naval vessel significantly restricted inter-Korea exchanges and cooperation, the Seoul government spared the Gaeseong complex. With its closure, however, inter-Korean economic relations came to a complete halt, and no immediate signs of revival of Seoul’s economic engagement with the North can be detected. This chapter aims at understanding the rise and decline of this engagement with North Korea by comparing the progressive decade of Kim Dae-jung (KDJ) and Roh Moo-hyun (RMH) with the conservative era of Lee Myung-bak (LMB) and Park Geun-hye (PGH). It also looks to the future of inter-Korean relations by examining three plausible scenarios of economic engagement. Section one presents a brief overview of the genesis of Seoul’s economic engagement strategy in the early 1990s, section two examines this engagement during the progressive decade (1998-2007), and section three analyzes that of the conservative era (2008-2015). They are followed by a discussion of three possible outlooks on the future of Seoul’s economic engagement with Pyongyang. -
South Korean Efforts to Counter North Korean Aggression
http://www.au.af.mil/au/csds/ South Korean Efforts to Counter North The Trinity Site Korean Aggression Papers By Major Aaron C. Baum, USAF http://www.au.af.mil/au/csds/ Recent North Korean nuclear aggression has raised debates Prior to the armistice, President Dwight Eisenhower signaled about how the United States should secure its interests in North- his willingness to use nuclear weapons to end the Korean Con- east Asia. However, any action on the peninsula should consid- flict. He then reiterated his resolve should China and North Ko- er the security preferences of American allies, especially the rea reinitiate hostilities.3 From 1958 to 1991, the United States Republic of Korea (ROK). With militaristic rhetoric coming stationed nuclear artillery, bombs, and missiles in South Korea from the Trump administration, the question arises of how im- to counter a North Korean invasion.4 Further, in 1975 the Ford portant U.S. policy is to the actions of our Korean allies in administration affirmed that the United States would consider countering North Korean (DPRK) nuclear aggression. Thus, it the use of nuclear weapons in a conflict “likely to result in de- is important to review nuclear crises of the past and the align- feat in any area of great importance to the United States in Asia ment of U.S. and ROK policy toward Pyongyang. This paper … including Korea.”5 reviews three periods of nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula It was not until 1978 at the 11th Security Consultative and argues that U.S. military policy is not the sole factor deter- Mechanism (SCM) that extended nuclear deterrence was for- mining South Korean response to DPRK nuclear provocation. -
THE BRINK BACK to the Hague Centre for Strategic Studies the BRINK ESCALATION and INTERSTATE CRISIS
HCSS StratMon 2016 StratMon HCSS HCSS StratMon 2016 BACK ON THE BRINK BACK TO The Hague THE BRINK Centre for Strategic Studies Centre for Strategic ESCALATION AND INTERSTATE CRISIS The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies < TABLE OF CONTENTS HCSS helps governments, non-governmental organizations and the private sector to understand the fast-changing environment and seeks to anticipate the challenges of the future with practical policy solutions and advice. HCSS STRATEGIC MONITOR 2016 1 BACK TO THE BRINK ESCALATION AND INTERSTATE CRISIS HCSS StratMon 2016 The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies ISBN/EAN: 978-94-92102-33-1 Authors Tim Sweijs, Artur Usanov, Rik Rutten Thanks to Stephan de Spiegeleire, Frank Bekkers, Scott Michael Ward, Willem Theo Oosterveld and Clarissa Skinner The HCSS StratMon Program offers strategic assessments of global risks to Dutch national security. The Program has received financial support from the Dutch Government within the context of the Dutch Government’s Strategic Monitor. © 2016The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this report may be reproduced and/or published in any form by print, photo print, microfilm or any other means without prior written permission from HCSS. All images are subject to the licenses of their respective owners. Graphic Design Dana Polackova & Studio Maartje de Sonnaville The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies Lange Voorhout 16 [email protected] 2514 EE The Hague HCSS.NL The Netherlands BACK TO THE BRINK ESCALATION AND INTERSTATE CRISIS HCSS StratMon 2016 The -
The Looming Crisis: Displacement and Security in Iraq
Foreign Policy at BROOKINGS POLICY PAPER Number 5, August 2008 The Looming Crisis: Displacement and Security in Iraq Elizabeth G. Ferris The Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW Washington, D.C. 20036 brookings.edu Foreign Policy at BROOKINGS POLICY PAPER Number 5, August 2008 The Looming Crisis: Displacement and Security in Iraq Elizabeth G. Ferris -APOF)RAQ Map: ICG, “Iraq’s Civil War, the Sadrists, and the Surge.” Middle East Report No. 72, 7 February 2008. &OREIGN0OLICYAT"ROOKINGSIII ,ISTOF!CRONYMS AQI Al Qaeda in Iraq CAP Consolidated Appeals Process CPA Coalition Provisional Authority CRRPD Commission for the Resolution of Real Property Disputes EIA Energy Information Administration (U.S.) GOI Government of Iraq ICG International Crisis Group ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross IDPs Internally Displaced Persons IOM International Organization for Migration IRIN Integrated Regional Information Service ITG Iraqi Transitional Government KRG Kurdistan Regional Government MNF-I Multi-National Force Iraq MoDM/MoM Ministry of Displacement and Migration (recently renamed Ministry of Migration) NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NCCI NGO Coordination Committee in Iraq OCHA Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs PDS Public Distribution System PKK Kurdistan Workers’ Party PLO Palestinian Liberation Organization PRTs Provincial Reconstruction Teams RSG Representative of the Secretary-General TAL Transitional Administrative Law UIA United Iraqi Alliance UNAMI United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq UNDP United Nations Development Program UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund USAID U.S. Agency for International Development USG United States Government &OREIGN0OLICYAT"ROOKINGSV !WORDONTERMINOLOGY The term “displaced” is used here to refer to both refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) which have clear meanings in international law. -
North Korea's Political System*
This article was translated by JIIA from Japanese into English as part of a research project to promote academic studies on the international circumstances in the Asia-Pacific. JIIA takes full responsibility for the translation of this article. To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your personal use and research, please contact JIIA by e-mail ([email protected]) Citation: International Circumstances in the Asia-Pacific Series, Japan Digital Library (March 2016), http://www2.jiia.or.jp/en/digital_library/korean_peninsula.php Series: Korean Peninsula Affairs North Korea’s Political System* Takashi Sakai** Introduction A year has passed since the birth of the Kim Jong-un regime in North Korea following the sudden death of General Secretary Kim Jong-il in December 2011. During the early days of the regime, many observers commented that all would not be smooth sailing for the new regime, citing the lack of power and previ- ous experience of the youthful Kim Jong-un as a primary cause of concern. However, on the surface at least, it now appears that Kim Jong-un is now in full control of his powers as the “Guiding Leader” and that the political situation is calm. The crucial issue is whether the present situation is stable and sustain- able. To consider this issue properly, it is important to understand the following series of questions. What is the current political structure in North Korea? Is the political structure the same as that which existed under the Kim Jong-il regime, or have significant changes occurred? What political dynamics are at play within this structure? Answering these questions with any degree of accuracy is not an easy task.