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NEW DEAL LEFTISTS, HENRY WALLACE and "GIDEON's ARMY," and the PROGRESSIVE PARTY in MONTANA, 1937-1952 Hugh T

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NEW DEAL LEFTISTS, HENRY WALLACE and University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for Fall 2012 NEW DEAL LEFTISTS, HENRY WALLACE AND "GIDEON'S ARMY," AND THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY IN MONTANA, 1937-1952 Hugh T. Lovin University of Washington Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly Part of the American Studies Commons, Cultural History Commons, and the United States History Commons Lovin, Hugh T., "NEW DEAL LEFTISTS, HENRY WALLACE AND "GIDEON'S ARMY," AND THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY IN MONTANA, 1937-1952" (2012). Great Plains Quarterly. 2820. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/2820 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. NEW DEAL LEFTISTS, HENRY WALLACE AND "GIDEON'S ARMY," AND THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY IN MONTANA, 1937-1952 HUGH T. LOVIN Many forces occupied America's sociopo­ federal government's thrust to the leftward litical terrain to the left of New Dealers who in. certain particulars, and impose New Deal­ dominated U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt's style reform programs in states where the administration of the 1930s. Some fastened Democratic Party's conservative wing had themselves temporarily to the New Dealers' gained the upper hand. coattails. Ideologically motivated, others touted Subscribing to the last proposals, self-defined their special panaceas for ending the Great New. Deal Leftists in Montana, a group whose Depression that had begun in 1929, and certain members often labeled themselves as "progres­ of the mainstream Democratic Party's expa­ sives," in part because they traced their politi­ triates added to this cacophony by pursuing cal identities to the Bull Moosers' Progressive their own agendas. Comprised principally of movement in 1912, judged themselves as the Democratic Party's out-of-power people, Roosevelt's only truly committed followers in another group wanted to restore Roosevelt's the state. But they wanted more social change reforming to its 1933-34 height, change the than Roosevelt's forces had accomplished and in 1937 broke away from the more conservative Democratic Party majority in Montana. It was Key Words: Communism, Democratic Party, Harry a divorce between sides that had tired of their Truman, Korean War togetherness.l Then these Leftists reasserted numerous New Deal principles but sought to Hugh T. Lovin, a PhD graduate of the University of expand the scope of existing New Deal pro­ Washington (1963), is professor emeritus of history at Boise State University. He has also taught at the grams, tried to elect like-minded Montanans University of Alaska, and at what was then known as to public offices in 1938-48, and generally sup­ Kearney State College in Nebraska. He is the editor ported Montana liberalism in 1947-52. It was a of Labor and the West, an anthology published by fight that the Leftists lost. Sunflower University Press (Manhattan, KS), and his But even in failure, the Leftists' course was work has appeared in many different historical journals. remarkable. They supplied another yardstick [GPQ 32 (Fall 2012): 273-86) with which to measure the dimensions of the 273 274 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2012 many realignments within the Democratic gave them a fighting chance to prevail. Even Party that happened after 1932. A scholar more than in Montana, a rich and dissenting labeled these readjustments "Aftershocks of the Populist heritage from the nineteenth century New Deal Earthquake."z Such realignments remained intact, as in Kansas, Nebraska, and continued to happen. The most dramatic the Dakotas. In several Plains states, Socialist incidents included Dixiecrats migrating to the ideas thrived among these anti-New Deal Republican Party in the 1940s to the 1970s and critics, and they proposed modifications to Green Party members to the Democrats after mainline New Dealers' programs that they the 2000 elections.3 Meanwhile, among groups judged economically too weak and socially that rebelled earlier against the Democratic constrained by middle-of-the-road conven­ Party in the wake of Roosevelt's New Deal. tionality. More important, as in Montana, the of the 1930s, Montana's New Deal Leftists ranks of these activists in the Plains included believed so strongly in their principles that many survivors of Arthur Townley's earlier they bolted from their old party instead of Nonpartisan League movement, especially in muddling through within the Democratic the Dakotas, who helped to promulgate and Party's reigning coalition.4 Moreover, these struggle for left-of-the-New-Deal measures.6 Montanans acted independently in a state They, too, constituted a lively component of so­ where their political realignment seemingly called aftershocks of the New Deal earthquake. had reasonable prospects for enduring. There, Scholars have written at length about only a Montanans' old-time flirtations with radicals number of these developments outside Montana. had left behind a residue of nineteenth-century Among the more dramatic examples of such Populist and early twentieth-century Socialist Plains dissent, Milo Reno's Farmers' Holiday thinking as well as living remnants of a strong Association spread from Iowa to Plains farm­ Nonpartisan League movement of farmers ers who liked the association's ideologies and which made an appreciable showing in the radical direct action practices. Sometimes with 1920s despite conservative efforts to suppress Communist intervention, these farmers par­ it. And in the northeastern sector of the state, ticipated in incidents such as ones at Loup City, Communist ideas and certain practices flour­ Nebraska, and Sisseton, South Dakota, in 1934, ished briefly in the 1930s in Sheridan County that had disturbing sociopolitical implications'? and attracted sympathizers in neighboring Different radical activists helped to convince Daniels and Dawson Counties.5 Nonetheless, 12,487 electors in Nebraska and 36,708 in complex historical time-and-place conditions North Dakota to vote for William Lemke, the precluded Montana's New Deal Leftists from Union Party opponent of Roosevelt in the 1936 succeeding either in making their political elections. Meanwhile, other elements called for realignment permanent or, along the way, drastic changes and received a hearing in the becoming the main architects of the sociopo­ Plains states for their scheme to create a farmer­ litical order they envisioned. labor party that would implement production­ Furthermore, Montana's New Deal Leftists, for-use economics in the nation. The latter even though they failed in the end, contributed became a force in South Dakota politics and a significant chapter in the historical annals of generated considerable interest in successful movements in the 1930s and 1940s by plains­ farmer-labor party activity in Minnesota.8 people who were especially dissatisfied with In the following pages, this narrative the achievements of Roosevelt, his national focuses on New Deal Leftists in Montana administration, and Little New Deal forces in who, like other discontented plainspeople, certain states. As in Montana, these dissidents attempted to establish better conditions for threatened to disrupt conventional political Americans. The Montanans' journey began life, and their dissonance received considerable in 1937; their political aspirations were largely nurture from a political milieu that seemingly frustrated in the ensuing decade. In 1947, © 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln NEW DEAL LEFTISTS 275 through a political marriage of convenience the Voice even accused Billings of holding for both sides, the Montana leftists joined pro-Communist ideas, and a columnist at the Henry Wallace's national third-party move­ University of Montana's student newspaper menr, and the leftist-controlled Montana alleged that Billings provided a forum to "any Progressive Party emerged from these nup­ crackpot, poolroom pink who feels like blow­ tials. After 1947, though the Montana party ing off a little steam."ll The Voice, which was encountered numerous tribulations, it sur­ published at Helena until 1969, remained the vived but prospered little until explosive dis­ MCPPA's main editorial voice. A few weeklies putes over Korean War issues and election-day admired the MCPPA, and Hamilton newspa­ setbacks destroyed it early in the 1950s. per publisher Miles Romney transformed his weekly into a MCPPA mouthpiece. A BLEAK FiRST DECADE FOR MONTANA In common with aggrieved farm and labor LEFTISTS groups in different locales, MCPPA Leftists criticized Roosevelt's federal administration After breaking away from the Montana and Democratic majorities in Congress. They Democratic Party conservatives in 1937, these denounced the Democrat-controlled regimes New Deal Leftists created the Montana Council in Montana's state government in 1938-46. for Progressive Political Action (MCPPA), For instance, they faulted Democrats in power and through it, tried to impose their agenda for not compelling industrialists to bargain col­ in state and federal circlesY Subsequently, the lectively with their workers despite new federal MCPPA movement expanded, and by the end laws such as the Wagner Act of 1935; they of 1940 its largely middle-class founders had deplored resistance
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