NEW DEAL LEFTISTS, HENRY WALLACE and "GIDEON's ARMY," and the PROGRESSIVE PARTY in MONTANA, 1937-1952 Hugh T

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HUGH T. LOVIN

Many forces occupied America's sociopo federal government's thrust to the leftward litical terrain to the left of New Dealers who in. certain particulars, and impose New Deal dominated U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt's style reform programs in states where the administration of the 1930s. Some fastened Democratic Party's conservative wing had themselves temporarily to the New Dealers' gained the upper hand. coattails. Ideologically motivated, others touted Subscribing to the last proposals, self-defined their special panaceas for ending the Great New. Deal Leftists in Montana, a group whose Depression that had begun in 1929, and certain members often labeled themselves as "progres of the mainstream Democratic Party's expa sives," in part because they traced their politi triates added to this cacophony by pursuing cal identities to the Bull Moosers' Progressive their own agendas. Comprised principally of movement in 1912, judged themselves as the Democratic Party's out-of-power people, Roosevelt's only truly committed followers in another group wanted to restore Roosevelt's the state. But they wanted more social change reforming to its 1933-34 height, change the than Roosevelt's forces had accomplished and in 1937 broke away from the more conservative Democratic Party majority in Montana. It was Key Words: Communism, Democratic Party, Harry a divorce between sides that had tired of their Truman, Korean War togetherness.l Then these Leftists reasserted numerous New Deal principles but sought to Hugh T. Lovin, a PhD graduate of the University of expand the scope of existing New Deal pro Washington (1963), is professor emeritus of history at Boise State University. He has also taught at the grams, tried to elect like-minded Montanans University of Alaska, and at what was then known as to public offices in 1938-48, and generally sup Kearney State College in Nebraska. He is the editor ported Montana liberalism in 1947-52. It was a of Labor and the West, an anthology published by fight that the Leftists lost. Sunflower University Press (Manhattan, KS), and his But even in failure, the Leftists' course was work has appeared in many different historical journals. remarkable. They supplied another yardstick [GPQ 32 (Fall 2012): 273-86) with which to measure the dimensions of the

273 274 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2012

many realignments within the Democratic gave them a fighting chance to prevail. Even Party that happened after 1932. A scholar more than in Montana, a rich and dissenting labeled these readjustments "Aftershocks of the Populist heritage from the nineteenth century New Deal Earthquake."z Such realignments remained intact, as in Kansas, Nebraska, and continued to happen. The most dramatic the Dakotas. In several Plains states, Socialist incidents included Dixiecrats migrating to the ideas thrived among these anti-New Deal Republican Party in the 1940s to the 1970s and critics, and they proposed modifications to Green Party members to the Democrats after mainline New Dealers' programs that they the 2000 elections.3 Meanwhile, among groups judged economically too weak and socially that rebelled earlier against the Democratic constrained by middle-of-the-road conven Party in the wake of Roosevelt's New Deal. tionality. More important, as in Montana, the of the 1930s, Montana's New Deal Leftists ranks of these activists in the Plains included believed so strongly in their principles that many survivors of Arthur Townley's earlier they bolted from their old party instead of Nonpartisan League movement, especially in muddling through within the Democratic the Dakotas, who helped to promulgate and Party's reigning coalition.4 Moreover, these struggle for left-of-the-New-Deal measures.6 Montanans acted independently in a state They, too, constituted a lively component of so where their political realignment seemingly called aftershocks of the New Deal earthquake. had reasonable prospects for enduring. There, Scholars have written at length about only a Montanans' old-time flirtations with radicals number of these developments outside Montana. had left behind a residue of nineteenth-century Among the more dramatic examples of such Populist and early twentieth-century Socialist Plains dissent, Milo Reno's Farmers' Holiday thinking as well as living remnants of a strong Association spread from Iowa to Plains farm Nonpartisan League movement of farmers ers who liked the association's ideologies and which made an appreciable showing in the radical direct action practices. Sometimes with 1920s despite conservative efforts to suppress Communist intervention, these farmers par it. And in the northeastern sector of the state, ticipated in incidents such as ones at Loup City, Communist ideas and certain practices flour Nebraska, and Sisseton, South Dakota, in 1934, ished briefly in the 1930s in Sheridan County that had disturbing sociopolitical implications'? and attracted sympathizers in neighboring Different radical activists helped to convince Daniels and Dawson Counties.5 Nonetheless, 12,487 electors in Nebraska and 36,708 in complex historical time-and-place conditions North Dakota to vote for William Lemke, the precluded Montana's New Deal Leftists from Union Party opponent of Roosevelt in the 1936 succeeding either in making their political elections. Meanwhile, other elements called for realignment permanent or, along the way, drastic changes and received a hearing in the becoming the main architects of the sociopo Plains states for their scheme to create a farmer litical order they envisioned. labor party that would implement production Furthermore, Montana's New Deal Leftists, for-use economics in the nation. The latter even though they failed in the end, contributed became a force in South Dakota politics and a significant chapter in the historical annals of generated considerable interest in successful movements in the 1930s and 1940s by plains farmer-labor party activity in Minnesota.8 people who were especially dissatisfied with In the following pages, this narrative the achievements of Roosevelt, his national focuses on New Deal Leftists in Montana administration, and Little New Deal forces in who, like other discontented plainspeople, certain states. As in Montana, these dissidents attempted to establish better conditions for threatened to disrupt conventional political Americans. The Montanans' journey began life, and their dissonance received considerable in 1937; their political aspirations were largely nurture from a political milieu that seemingly frustrated in the ensuing decade. In 1947,

© 2012 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska-Lincoln NEW DEAL LEFTISTS 275 through a political marriage of convenience the Voice even accused Billings of holding for both sides, the Montana leftists joined pro-Communist ideas, and a columnist at the Henry Wallace's national third-party move University of Montana's student newspaper menr, and the leftist-controlled Montana alleged that Billings provided a forum to "any Progressive Party emerged from these nup crackpot, poolroom pink who feels like blow tials. After 1947, though the Montana party ing off a little steam."ll The Voice, which was encountered numerous tribulations, it sur published at Helena until 1969, remained the vived but prospered little until explosive dis MCPPA's main editorial voice. A few weeklies putes over Korean War issues and election-day admired the MCPPA, and Hamilton newspa setbacks destroyed it early in the 1950s. per publisher Miles Romney transformed his weekly into a MCPPA mouthpiece. A BLEAK FiRST DECADE FOR MONTANA In common with aggrieved farm and labor LEFTISTS groups in different locales, MCPPA Leftists criticized Roosevelt's federal administration After breaking away from the Montana and Democratic majorities in Congress. They Democratic Party conservatives in 1937, these denounced the Democrat-controlled regimes New Deal Leftists created the Montana Council in Montana's state government in 1938-46. for Progressive Political Action (MCPPA), For instance, they faulted Democrats in power and through it, tried to impose their agenda for not compelling industrialists to bargain col in state and federal circlesY Subsequently, the lectively with their workers despite new federal MCPPA movement expanded, and by the end laws such as the Wagner Act of 1935; they of 1940 its largely middle-class founders had deplored resistance from the same Democrats lost part of their influence to like-minded but to their demands for government-guaranteed politically more left-of-center agrarians and "cost of production" pricing of agricultural labor unionists. The newly dominant compo products; and they lamented that Democrats in nents included agrarian representatives of the power failed to mandate more generous hours, Farmers' Educational and Cooperative Union wages, and social benefits for wage earners, the (Farmers Union for short), which was orga aged, and handicapped people. The Leftists pro nized in 1902 and whose strength was rooted posed local reforms including more restrictions in the prairie counties of eastern Montana; a on gambling and fewer state controls on wildlife. few leaders of American Federation of Labor Also, MCPPA Leftists charged, Democrats in (AFL) locals; and industrial unionists of the Montana had created political machines that newly established Committee for Industrial corrupted the state's government.J2 Organization (CIO). The latter belonged Active in state politics starting in 1938 and mainly to one CIO affiliate, the International claiming to speak for all Montana "liberals and Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers progressives," the MCPPA engaged in political Union and its locals at Butte, Anaconda, East action to correct the ills that it deplored. It Helena, and Great Falls.1O After 1940, Farmers helped U.S. Senator James Murray, a conspicu Union representatives controlled the MCPPA ous liberal in Congress, to stay in office during by selecting a majority of the organization's cen the next eight years.13 Otherwise, the MCPPA tral committee, supplying most of its funding, usually boosted in vain when it biennially and providing nearly all of the financing when endorsed sympathetic Democrats for state and the Farmers Union and several labor groups congressional offices. Even the MCPPA's favor launched a weekly newspaper, the People's Voice. ite choices, Jerry O'Connell and Leif Erickson, Herman "Cap" Bruce, often a spokesman repeatedly lost in elections. Despite MCPPA for Farmers Union interests, edited the People's support, O'Connell failed, in 1940 and 1942, Voice until 1948, when a controversial figure, to regain the U.S. congressional seat that he Harry Billings, followed Bruce. Enemies of could not retain in 1938. Erickson, sometime

Sidney lawyer and a sitting Montana Supreme clubs.'6 Here, like in the old MCPPA, Farmers Court jurist, polled 89,224 votes but failed in the Union agrarians positioned themselves at the contest for governor of Montana in 1944. Then forefront and ensured that Chester Kinsey, the Erickson prevailed over veteran U.S. Senator Montana PCA's first secretary, led the Wallace Burton Wheeler in the 1946 Democratic pri for President movement in Montana. Former mary. However, despite strong support from manager of a cooperative organization in east the MCPPA, which had assailed Wheeler in ern Montana and a Farmers Union organizer, the past for his many disputes with Roosevelt, Kinsey finally became the Montana Progressive Erickson succumbed in the general election to a Party's state secretary when it was created sev conservative Republican, Zales Ecton.14 eral months later. Subsequently, most of the Montana Farmers Union leadership continued HENRY WALLACE'S PROGRESSIVES to boost for Wallace even though James Patton, national president of the Farmers Union orga Despite little success, the MCPPA group nization, later campaigned for Truman in the persevered until it could seize what it deemed 1948 national elections and insisted that the better political openings. Its wait ended shortly. Montana Farmers Union not officially endorse On September 26, 1946, U.S. Secretary of Wallace's U.S. presidential candidacy in 1948.'7 Commerce and former u.S. Vice President In short, the MCPPA forces had been Henry Wallace criticized President Harry finessed into Wallace's camp to their own Truman on grounds that Truman's foreign liking. For the most part, these Montana policies could provoke a war with the Soviet Leftists had acted on the premise that Wallace Union. Retorting privately, Truman labeled sought the Democratic Party's U.S. presidential Wallace "a pacifist one hundred percent." nomination. But Wallace was persuaded, late Wallace also aired numerous reservations in 1947, to lead an independent Progressive about Truman's domestic policies, especially Party and run for the United States presi those that had neither ended social and racial dency on this third party's ticket.'8 Many of discrimination nor effected social justice for his neW Montana allies disliked this choice, legions of other less privileged Americans. and Romney-an old MCPPA supporter and In reply, Truman expelled Wallace from his the (Hamilton) Western News publisher-pre cabinet, and Wallace replied by renewing his dicted that nationally "labor leaders and liber attacks, thus raising speculation that Wallace als" would not "stand up and be counted" for might become the Democratic Party's U.S. Wallace and his new party over the 10nghaul.'9 presidential nominee in 1948.15 Nonetheless, most of Wallace's new Montana Tired of inhabiting a political wilder followers stuck by him. In supporting Wallace, ness since 1937, MCPPA people sensed many they ignored the weakening of his movement opportunities for them to exploit by attaching in 1948 on account of considerable Communist the MCPPA apparatus to Wallace's movement, influence in his camp. Communists could and Wallace's allies piqued the Montanans' be members of the new Progressive Party; interest. Nationally, Wallace's supporters Progressives like C. B. "Beanie" Baldwin, who organized the Progressive Citizens of America was deemed "close" to the Communist Party, (PCA) to boost for Wallace's cause, and managed Wallace's presidential campaign; Montana Farmers Union leaders were among and Wallace reportedly eyed some of these the first to endorse the new organization. same controversial Leftists, among them Then, partly on account of Farmers Union Harry Dexter White, for posts in his U.S. influence, the MCPPA had metamorphosed presidential administration. Consequently, into the PCA's voice in Montana by the end many of Wallace's early liberal supporters, now of 1947, and its chapters at Butte and several offended by Communist machinations in the other towns organized Wallace for President Progressive Party, established the Americans

fot Democratic Action and several similar to MCPPA idealism-became a Montana organizations to oppose Wallace.2o Progressive Party warhorse.24 In the opposite When this anti-Communist resistance to political spectrum, Montana Communists Wallace intensified, most of the MCPPA crowd newly involved themselves in Montana Pro renewed their support for him. Having anteced gressive Party affairs; like Communists in ents in radical rural agrarian and urban labor California, they backed Wallace despite their circles likely influenced some to make this party's national leadership demanding that its choice. Others judged Wallace's Progressive locals desist until the Com intern authorized Party to be suitable political machinery for this course. Such directions arrived belat them over the long term. Meanwhile, differ edly in the summer of 1948.25 Meanwhile, ent MCPPA activists argued that Wallace the Montana Communist Party, composed of deserved strong support because he proposed seventy-one people in 1948 {according to the many of the social betterment measures that Federal Bureau of Investigation's estimates} the MCPPA had called for since 1937. Others participated in the Montana Progressive Party believed a theory that Wallace's third party by exercising the Communists' influence in might evolve into a liberal-labor coalition that several Farmers Union locals and a number could replace the Democratic Party at federal, of Mine-Mill unions at Butte and Great Falls. state, and local levels.21 Consequently, just a More important, a Montana Communist Party handful of MCPPA activists deserted, most official, John Hellman, led what he described of them going to Americans for Democratic as a "left" faction in the Montana Progressive Action, which charged that "Communist dom Party. Most of Hellman's followers were Mine inated [labor] unions" and "Communist apolo Mill union radicals.26 gists" controlled the new Progressive Party.22 Growing more slowly in the political middle, Wallace's so-called Gideon's Army thus the Montana Progressive Party absorbed sev passed its first tests in Montana, whereupon eral small groups that had, since the 1930s, his partisans circulated nominating petitions advocated generous pensions for the aged by which Montana laws allowed third parties and whom the conservative-minded Montana to place their nominees on the state's election legislature had riled. More consequential, the ballot. However, Kinsey negated this work by party recruited successfully in a few differ selecting another procedure that Montana ent middle-class circles. For instance, party laws permitted-naming Wallace and his organizers converted Jerome Locke and most vice presidential running mate, U.S. Senator of his Missouri Valley Association associates. Glen Taylor, at a nominating convention. This group proposed a U.S. Missouri Valley On June 26, 1948, such a convention was Authority similar to the Tennessee Valley held at Helena, and the Montana Progressive Authority that New Dealers had established Party was launched. But by not following, in in the 1930s. A politically influential activist, June, certain procedures that Montana laws Locke once presided over the irrigation farm prescribed, it was necessary for Wallace and minded Yellowstone Valley Association and Taylor to be selected again, this time at a party flirted in the 1930s with midwestern radicals conclave on September 4, 1948.23 who wanted to organize a nationwide farmer With the Wallace-Taylor ticket safely on the labor party, but finally focused politically on Montana ballot, Gideon's Army recruited new federally controlled economic development followers statewide. Principally a handful of in the Missouri River Basin despite resistance Mine-Mill labor unionists, certain radicals, and from Montana stockgrowers and commercial reform-minded professionals were added. For forces. Wanting no federal controls on the example, Henry Maury-a Helena attorney, state's water resources, the resisters charac former Socialist activist, courtroom attorney terized the Missouri Valley Authority plan· for numerous radicals, and lately a convert a "socialist" scheme.27 In short, in 1948 the

Montana Progressive Party had gradually [regime in the Soviet Union] is trying to get become a broader coalition of forces, partly by control of Montana.,,32 adding special interest groups at a time when On September 4, 1948, this dispute ended pollsters' data revealed that the Progressive when, at the Montana Progressive Party's state Party was losing ground nationally. According convention, Hellman's forces retreated and to one poll, 51 percent of Americans wrote off only a Wallace-Taylor ticket appeared on the the Progressive Party because they believed Montana ballot in November. The victorious that Communists controlled it.28 camp also wrote a platform composed of thirty Adding these forces to the Montana Pro five planks, which included public ownership gressive Party coalition undercut the hegemony of utilities, improvements in the nation's social of the Farmers Union and its middle-class allies security system, the forty-hour workweek, guar in the party, and intraparty conflicts ensued. anteed annual wages, better unemployment A major dispute centered on the party's next benefits, and new restrictions on gambling political strategies. Led by Hellman, his fac in Montana.33 Conversely, Hellman's radical tion {mostly Mine-Mill radicals} proposed that faction prevailed in Silver Bow County {an in addition to the Wallace-Taylor ticket, the industrialized sector, including Butte and party try to elect its own third-party candidates Anaconda, where Mine-Mill unions exercised for Montana congressional offices, important considerable influence}. There, Montana elective posts in the state government, and Progressive Party radicals placed a slate of many state legislative seats.29 This proposal five candidates for the state legislature on the evoked stiff opposition. Admirers of U.S. ballot over opposition from the Silver Bow senator Murray argued that, were the Montana Trades and Labor Assembly {which had sided Progressive Party to run its own senatorial can with Democrats statewide in order to stymie didate, it would jeopardize Murray's chances Republicans in the coming elections}. The of winning reelection in 1948. Furthermore, Progressive slate included three miners, a this group contended that Murray deserved retired railroad industry employee, and a Mine help from the party because he tended toward Mill union organizer.34 their idealism even though he recently voted Begun with vigor, the Montana Progressive in Congress for several of Truman's Fair Deal Party's election campaign lost its momentum. proposals and supported the Truman adminis In part the campaign faltered because Wallace tration's alliances with "reactionary" elements appeared in Montana only once, and Taylor in Greece and Turkey for anti-Communist rea staged just a few rallies in this state.35 sons. These activists also posited that Murray Moreover, Taylor's campaign style evoked deserved to win with Montana Progressive criticism of the Wallace-Taylor ticket. Taylor's Party help because he professed to be a good stumping, his critics alleged, exhibited show "friend" of "labor," the "middle class," "small manship {earlier he was a local entertainer in business," and "professional men and women."30 Idaho} but little intellectual depth.36 At the Furthermore, it was argued that running same time, nearly nationwide "vilification" Montana Progressive Party nominees for of Wallace and Gideon's Army harmed the state elective offices could deprive "liberal Montana Progressive Party ticket in Montana. Democrats" of just enough votes to win over According to People's Voice editor Bruce, party Republicans in 1948. And doing so seemed locals lacked enough resources and access to doubly impermissible in light of Montana New "channels of communication" to rebut such Deal Leftists always helping such Democrats to "red herring propaganda" successfullyY win since MCPPA days.31 Also, People's Voice The party's electoral prospects improved editor Bruce contended that "with a full slate of briefly when the national Mine-Mill union orga candidates on the Progressive Party ticket, the nization endorsed Wallace, and most of its state hue and cry would be raised that [the] Moscow and local unions followed suit. Also, several of

the CIO's United Mine Workers local unions in in Montana but as much as 10.6 percent in Montana supported the Wallace-Taylor ticket.38 Roosevelt County (an eastern Montana strong But lethargy returned after this upturn hold of the Farmers Union) and more in Silver even though the Progressive Party's national Bow County than in any other.42 Nonetheless, organization advanced $2,000 for the Montana the Montana Progressive Party's conservative Progressive Party to expend on bettering its and radical factions saw silver linings in the electioneering.39 Most of the windfall paid for election outcomes. The former claimed that printed material and the expenses of party because the party nominated only a Wallace campaigners. Nonetheless, the party encoun Taylor ticket, Murray preserved his U.S. Senate tered new problems. Belatedly, much of its labor seat, and that in the Democratic Party's 1948 support evaporated when unions, other than landslide in Montana, the party helped liberal certain local Mine-Mill groups, rallied behind minded Democrats to prevail by running no Democrats in the 1948 elections. Secondly, candidates.43 Conversely, the same group could Montana collegians remained mostly disinter not brag because one of its favorites, Judge ested despite considerable student support for Erickson of the Montana Supreme Court, ran Wallace in other states, and Montana's popu third in the primaries among Democrats seeking lation contained few Jewish and other ethnic the state's governorship.44 For its part, Hellman's minorities that were Progressive Party main "left" camp claimed vindication for its liking stays in major urban areas.40 Thirdly, Montana for third-party political action. The camp's five Progressive Party sympathizers tended to with nominees for the state legislature from Silver hold their help on grounds that, given the reali Bow County polled 30 to 40 percent of the ties of Montana's politics, the Wallace-Taylor 10,000 votes by which each could win.45 ticket could not win because the "kept press" Even though certain Gideons credited it of the Anaconda Copper Mining Company with an "impact of vital importance" in 1948, opposed it. Different Montanans judged the the Montana Progressive Party lost members in Montana Progressive Party and its national the next two years to the Democratic Party, and parent as irrelevant inasmuch as they believed its national parent fared worse, losing much of that both parties' ideology grappled little with its political "center and right."46 The Montana American socioeconomic conditions late in Progressive Party faithful warned the defectors the 1940s. Even Wallace Progressives some that changing sides made them "apologists for times agreed, saying their movement's think war [with the Soviet Union] and increased mili ing seemed to echo many of the bygone New tarization" because of Truman's foreign policies Deal's responses to Great Depression tribula and his desire for a universal military training tions in the 1930s. For example, Verda Barnes, program for all youth. But such rhetoric deterred Progressive Party National Committee member few from leaving. The defectors typically who supervised Progressive election campaigns decided, as Senator Murray had done recently, in the Far West in 1948, had concluded that to recant their latest political pasts and make American farmers, workers, and small busi their peace with Truman and his 1948 victors. ness people fared "pretty well" in post-World (As for Murray, he anticipated a new place in the War II times and would generally support the Montana Democratic Party where Murray and Progressive Party only when "their plight," as in newcomers Congressmen Mike Mansfield and the 1930s, became "so desperate they have noth Lee Metcalfwere influential liberal voices.) Many ing to lose by so doing.'>41 of these Montana Progressive Party expatriates particularly applauded Mansfield and Metcalf for ON THE SAME COURSE supporting new proposals for a federal Missouri Valley Authority even though Truman had On election day 1948 the Wallace-Taylor downplayed the scheme after his party's whip ticket polled only 3.3 percent of all votes ping in the 1946 midterm elections.47

These defections left the Montana Pro tion's response. On this date, North Korea's gressive Party weakened but active and still "Red Army" attacked the South Korean dominated by Farmers Union activists and republic, and Truman sent American armies to their middle-class and labor union allies. defend the latter. Similarly, Korean war issues Their protege-Kinsey, Montana Progressive wreaked havoc with Progressives and to a large Party state secretary-remained at the helm. extent doomed Wallace's third party nationally Much of the party's "sporadic activities" in after Wallace more or less sided with Truman 1949 centered in the organization's Progressive on the need for American intervention in Club at Great Falls.4s On a different front, the Korea. Even more detrimental to Progressive old Montana Progressive Citizens of America unity, Wallace withdrew from the national was reorganized and assigned a key role in the Progressive Party. In turn, Progressive Party coming Montana Progressive Party campaign organizations in twenty-two states deplored in 1950 at which it would explain and defend Wallace's choice, and a Montanan accused the party's reform ideologies. The party's him of deserting "us when we needed him the plans also entailed backing Wallace if he ran most.,,51 a second time for the u.s. presidency in 1952. In Montana, the same developments so Meanwhile, the Kinsey-led agrarians and their split the Progressive Party that it lost mem helpers united with the party's Hellman-led bers to the Democratic Party even though the radicals to attack the Truman administration's departers once hated it. Meanwhile, Hellman's foreign policies more vigorously. Their main radicals denounced the Korean War on its face targets included Truman's Marshall Plan to and accused Truman of helping the corrupt prevent the Soviet Union from expanding Syngman Rhee regime to remain in power in its sphere in Europe. Taking their cue from South Korea. Conversely, the Truman admin Wallace, who had characterized the Marshall istration's actions in Korea were praised in Plan as "give guns to people when they want opposite party circles, among them the bulk of plows," these critics charged that the Marshall the party's Farmers Union people. They viewed Plan would precipitate "Cold War Calamity.'>49 Truman as a fighter against Communist aggres Using this unity to their own advantage, sion in Korea. Disputing this interpretation, Hellman's radicals demanded third-party polit antiwar radicals exploited the new differences ical action to elect the mayor and aldermen so outrageously that the state-level leaders of for three wards in Great Falls. The in-power the Farmers Union intervened. Guided by the side acquiesced, despite past MCPPA and MPP thinking of Patton, their national president practices, in trying to elect liberal Democrats who approved of Truman's Korea policies, these to Montana public offices. The third-party leaders deprived Hellman of his place as an orga strategy little benefited the radicals, proving, nizer in the Farmers Union, and they cleansed both sides concluded, that "only 10 percent their state and most local organizations of nearly of the people at Great Falls will support a all Communists and their sympathizers. In Progressive Party candidate," and double this fighting back, they also repudiated the Farmers number might be "high pressure[d]" to do so. 50 Union's old ties to the Montana Progressive Party and threatened to withdraw all Farmers NEW TROUBLES: KOREAN WAR DISPUTES Union subsidization of the People'S Voice. 52 AND POOR SHOWINGS AT THE POLLS Exploiting this turmoil, radicals seized enough power to position the Montana This new comity in the Montana Progres Progressive Party more firmly against any sive Party between the in-power group and the American involvement in Korean warfare. radicals lasted until June 25, 1950, after which Hellman replaced Kinsey as the party's state time the party splintered because of develop secretary. 53 At the same time, these radicals ments in Korea and the Truman administra- gained an important supporter of their antiwar

stance. Billings, the new editor of the People's their own party of helping liberal Democrats Voice, provided the radicals an editorial voice to prevail in Montana elections. However, the on grounds that he had detected "silent, but Montana Progressive Party gained no ground very real· and very widespread resentment" in on election day. At best, the party's candidate Montana "over the Korean war." In saying so, for railroad commissioner (Lawrence Price, Billings replicated distaste for the war in many party officer and vice president of the Cascade circles nationwide.54 County Trades and Labor Council) polled More than just denouncing the Truman about 1 percent of the statewide vote. In Silver administration's Korean policies, Hellman's Bow County, radicals fell by the wayside, poll group, Billings, and several other Montana ing about 40 percent of the 10,000 votes each Progressive Party figures called-as the national needed to win. In Flathead County, a Montana Progressive Party organization had done ear Progressive Party sympathizer won a place in lier-for a negotiated peace settlement in the next state legislative session.58 Korea. All of them argued that the United Following the 1950 elections, little remained States had no alternative because American of the political coalition that had comprised forces had been driven back from the Korea the Montana Progressive Party in better days, China boundary at the Yalu River to the region but the Hellman-led camp barely managed surrounding the Thirty-Eighth Parallel border to keep the party alive in the next two years. between North and South Korea. There, it was Trying to infuse new energy and attract more pointed out, American and Chinese armies followers to the party, Hellman issued a mim could only wage inconclusive campaigns that eographed bulletin and publicized the party in cost many soldiers their lives. 55 Maury, the sympathetic publications. 59 He also launched a Helena lawyer and Montana Progressive Party campaign aimed especially at helping western activist, called this proposal "a glorious work Montana miners who had contracted silico for peace." In an "Open Letter" to Truman, two sis. By his proposal, compensation to victims Montana Progressive Party officials plugged of occupational diseases must be paid from for "peace instead of slaughtering American employers' contributions to Montana's state [soldier] boys in Korea," and other writers administered workmen's compensation system. accused "war-making monopolies" of prolong In particular, a party figure added, by Hellman's ing the war. 56 The Montana Progressive Party's proposal the Anaconda Copper Mining Com antiwar forces next organized "peace" rallies at pany would at last be held "responsible for Great Falls and several other towns. Korean compensation to silicosis victims." Then, in War supporters fought back, charging that 1951, the party began a drive to secure 18,000 Communists had inspired the rallies, and at signatures on petitions for a ballot initiative Conrad they recorded the names of persons so that the proposal was enacted. Hellman's participating in a local "peace" rally.57 forces collected about 2,000 signatures before Korean matters aside, Hellman's forces a committee composed of labor union and demanded third-party political action in Farmers Union representatives commandeered the 1950 elections but were persuaded at a the drive. But these efforts were negated by state-level convention for selecting Montana opponents who blocked the initiative from Progressive Party nominees to shorten sail so a place on the Montana ballot. They called much that only two candidates were selected the proposal "dangerous and destructive to (one for state railroad commissioner and Montanans in every walk of life.,,6o another for the U.S. House of Representatives). When the 1952 elections neared, Hellman In Silver Bow County, radicals nominated two anticipated good returns from the Montana of their own to seek seats in the state legis Progressive Party by capitalizing on opposition lature. Thus, the Montana Progressive Party to Truman's Korean War policies, the party's abandoned the old strategy of the MCPPA and recent third-party political action practices, and

Unexpectedly, O'Connell declined to run again for office on grounds that he had aban doned strenuous political roles because of his worsening health, and Hellman revamped the party's course when his forces could not agree on another nominee in place of O'Connell. Finally, third-party political action remained the party's strategy in the 1952 general elec tions. But only Hellman and Lawrence Price, a party official and carpenter by vocation and labor unionist, ran for a state and a congressional office, respectively, alongside the national Progressive Party's U.S. presi dential nominees-San Francisco attorney Vincent Hallinan and California Eagle pub lisher Charlotta Bass.64

AN INGLORIOUS POLITICAL ENDING

Because of poor 1952 electoral outcomes FIG. 1. Jerry J. O·Connell. Member. U.S. Congress. less than 1 percent of the votes statewide for the House of Representatives. 1937-1939. Courtesy of Montana Historical Society Research Center Hallinan-Bass ticket and 2.4 percent of the bal Photograph Archives. Helena. MT. loting for Hellman-the Montana Progressive Party disbanded even though the Progressive a relatively innocuous platform that resembled Party's national organization remained in busi the party's 1948 and 1950 platforms.61 More ness until 1955.65 Already Hellman had aban important in Hellman's view, his plan entailed doned the party, and most of his old followers selecting a prominent U.S. Senate nominee sided against a handful of labor union radicals who could be juxtaposed on the campaign who wanted to resurrect it. This large majority trail to Republican U.S. Senator Zales Ecton backed away from the Montana Progressive and Democratic U.S. Congressman Mike Party remnant partly because none of the Mine Mansfield. Hellman described these people as, Mill locals in western Montana seemed likely respectively, an apostle of "reaction ism" and an to supply any resources to rebuild the party or, apologist for Truman's Korean "war policies." as resurrectors proposed, to create a new party For this role, Jerry O'Connell seemed an ideal that functioned as the unions' own vehicle for choice even though his critics accused him of left-liberal politics. To restore the party in any close kinship with American "Communists and form, the same people also reasoned, invited fellow travelers.,,62 Formerly a U.S. congressman repression from federal authorities and chief from Montana who failed to win reelection tains of the country's anti-Communist AFL in 1938, 1940, and 1942 despite support from and CIO labor federations. Such speculation the Montana New Deal Left, O'Connell had was reasonable. Allied politically to Truman sided with Wallace in his fight against Truman and his Democratic regulars, CIO heads had in 1946-48, helped to establish Wallace's already expelled their Mine-Mill unions, in Progressive Party at its national convention part because of their support of Wallace's in 1948, and was executive secretary of the Progressive Party in 1948.66 Moreover, Mine Progressive Party in Washington State until at Mill official Clinton Jencks was just one of last he returned to Montana where he opened a several of the Mine-Mill international union's law office in Helena.63 secondary-level officials who had already run

athwart the federal government's antisub ing their rebellious politics. In other words, the versive machinery during the nation's Cold wages of the historic Montana Progressives' War with the Communist world. And it was political realignment-as one of the after common knowledge in Montana that in the shocks of what scholar James Sundquist called Red Scare of the 1950s, federal agents closely the New Deal earthquake-amounted to very monitored Montana Communists, other local little in proportion to these Montanans' politi radicals, and their labor union sympathiz cal efforts. Painfully, Montana Progressive ers. One of the latter even complained that activists learned the lesson that it was risky a federal agent hassled him because he had to become an independent political force, criticized capitalism too harshly and opposed and the outcome from doing so was inevitably American involvement in the Korean War.67 . unpredictable because, down the road, his Other Montanans subjected to such target torical time-and-place conditions intruded and ing included Hellman, whom U.S. Justice often could not be changed. Small wonder that Department authorities later indicted for vio Montana's New Deal Leftists gambled and lost. lating the anti-Communist Smith Act of 1940. However, these unsuccessful Montana forces His criminalization persisted until the U.S. shared plentiful company when they failed in Supreme Court freed him.68 the end. Across the Plains, left-of-the-New-Deal In sum, complicated time-and-place histori groupings-whose dissent focused from the cal conditions so beset the Montana Council outset on criticism of Roosevelt and his main for Progressive Political Action and its succes line New Dealers, sometimes to the point of sor, the Montana Progressive Party, for nearly accusing the latter of doing nothing about the twenty-five years that success was elusive, country's Great Depression maladies-gener and many participants in the two groups' ally achieved little more than the Montanans political realignment were driven back into did. Another of the so-called afterthoughts in the Democratic Party from which they had the New Deal earthquake, these groups at least bolted. Moreover, the survival of the broader enlivened Great Plains politics for a time. coalition of leftist forces became increasingly problematical after 1948 for several reasons. NOTES For instance, when the Montana Progressive Party coalition expanded in 1948 from its 1. Michael P. Malone, "The Montana New Dealers," in The New Deal: The State and Local heavily radical farm and urban labor composi Levels, ed. John Braeman, Robert H. Bremner, and tion, stress was created, tension threatened David Brody (Columbus: Ohio State University to divide the party, and Mine-Mill radicals Press, 1975), 2:240-64. manipulated the new conditions in politically 2. James L. Sundquist, Dynamics of the Party divisive ways. Meanwhile, it proved difficult for System: Alignment of Political Parties in the United States, rev. ed. (Washington, DC: Brookings the party to endure when, in the 1940s, many Institution, 1983),240-68 (qtn. 240). electors judged the party's ideas to be irrelevant 3. Starting with V. O. Key, author of the path to post-World War II conditions in America. breaking Political Parties and Pressure Groups (1948), In another instance of trouble for the coali numerous scholars have theorized about such tion, Korean War issues splintered it so badly political behavior by analyzing conditions under which political party coalitions typically form and after 1950 that Mine-Mill unions gained the collapse. Others have focused on related issues upper hand but could not save the party from such as the crucial roles that interest groups play in extinction. In a different fatal development, these developments. For examples, see Sundquist, anti-Communist ideas and governmental Dynamics, 35-49; John H. Aldrich, Why Parties? antisubversive measures prospectively threat The Origin and Transformation of Political Parties in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, ened the radical remnant of the old Montana 1995), 159-240, 319n23; Allen J. Cigler and Bartlett Progressive Party so much that most of these A. Loomis, eds., Interest Group Politics (Washing frightened radicals sought cover by abandon- ton, DC: CQ Press, 2012).

4. For a better understanding of political behav Society; Kelley, "The People's Voice: Harry and ior in groups such as Montana's New Deal Left, Gretchen Billings," copy in "Oral History Interview see Stephen Skowronek, Presidential Leadership of Delano Bliss Drury," May 23, 2002, OH 2009, in Political Time: Reprise and Reappraisal, 2nd ed. Montana Historical Society; "Helena Member (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2011). Receives Hillman Foundation Award," n.d. (clip 5. Jeffrey A. Johnson, "They Are All Reds Out ping), Montana Typographical Union #95 Papers, Here": Socialist Politics in the Pacific Northwest Collection MC 88, box 11, folder 15; Montana Kaimin (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008); (Missoula), April 26, 1950, 2 (qtn.). Arnon Gutfield, Montana's Agony: Years of War and 12. Malone, "Montana New Dealers," 258-61. Hysteria, 1917-1921 (Gainesville: University Presses 13. Michael P. Malone and Dianne G. Dougherty, of Florida, 1979); Verlaine Stoner McDonald, The "Montana's Political Culture: A Century of Evolu Rise and Fall of Communism in Northeastern Montana tion," in The Montana Heritage: An Anthology of (Helena: Montana Historical Society, 2010). Historical Essays, ed. Robert H. Swartout Jr. and 6. Contrarily, for examples of scholarship about Harry W. Fritz (Helena: Montana Historical Society favorable and important New Deal implications for Press, 1992), 189; MCPPA advertisement, Columbia the Plains, see Geoff Cunfer, "The New Deal's Land Falls (Montana) Review, (clipping), n.d., Daniel S. Utilization Program in the Great Plains," Great McCorkle Papers, Collection MC 59, box 8, folder Plains Quarterly 21, no. 3 (Summer 2001): 193; 4, Montana Historical Society. Peter Fearon; "Relief for Wanderers: The Transient 14. Ellis L. Waldron, Montana Politics since Service in Kansas, 1933-35," Great Plains Quarterly 1864: An Atlas of Elections (Missoula: Montana 26, no. 4 (Fall 2006): 245; Teresa M. Houser, "New State University Press, 1958), 306; "Oral History Deal Experimentation and the Political Economy of Interview of Harry and Gretchen Billings," 35; H. the Yankton Sioux," Great Plains Quarterly 31, no. 3 S. Bruce to C. B. Baldwin, March 5, 1946, Leif (Summer 2011): 205. Erickson to Baldwin, November 21, 1946, Baldwin 7. John L. Shover, Cornbelt Rebellion: The Papers, box 2. Farmers' Holiday Association (Urbana: University 15. John C. Culver and John Hyde, American of Illinois Press, 1965); Lowell K. Dyson, Red Dreamer: The Life and Times of Henry A. Wallace Harvest: The Communist Party and American Farmers (New York: W. W. Norton, 2000), 419-26 (qtn. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982), 71-77, 425); Edward L. Schapsmeier and Frederick H. 99-122. Schapsmeier, Prophet in Politics: Henry A. Wallace 8. David H. Bennett, Demagogues in the Depres and the War Years, 1940-1965 (Ames: Iowa State sion: American Radicals and the Union Party, University Press, 1970), 178. 1932-1936 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University 16. Pratt, "Montana Farmers Union," 64; People's Press, 1969),267; William C. Pratt, ''Another South Voice (Helena), January 9, 1948, 2, May 21, 1948,3; Dakota or the Road Not Taken: The Left and the "Proceedings of the Second Annual Convention Shaping of South Dakota Political Culture," in The of the Montana Progressive Citizens of America," Plains Tradition: Essays in South Dakota Political February 2, 1948, n.p., Records of the Progressive Culture, ed. Jon K. Louk, John C. Miller, and Party (hereafter PP Records), Collection MSS 160, Donald G. Simmons Jr. (Pierre: South Dakota State box 37, folder 57, Special Collections, University of Historical Society Press, 2011), 120-12. Iowa Libraries, Iowa City. 9. J. M. Peterson, "What Is the Montana 17. Curtis D. MacDougall, Gideon's Army (New Council for Progressive Political Action?," n.d. (leaf York: Marzani and Munsell, 1965), 3:608, 610; let), C. B. Baldwin Papers, Collection MSS 343, box William C. Pratt, "Rural Radicalism on the Northern 2, Special Collections, University of Iowa Libraries, Plains, 1912-1950," Montana the Magazine of Iowa City. Western History 42 (Winter 1992): 53; William C. 10. Charles Kinsey to Cap Bruce, May 10, Pratt, "The Farmers Union and the 1948 Henry 1940, People's Voice Records, 1937-67, Collection Wallace Campaign," Annals of Iowa 49 (1988): MC 40, box 3, folder 34, Montana Historical 359-68; People's Voice, October 22, 1948, 1. Society, Helena; Laurie Mercier, Anaconda: Labor, 18. Culver and Hyde, American Dream, 449-55. Community, and Culture in Montana's Smelter City 19. Romney to H. L. Maury, February 18, 1948, (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2001), 61-62, Henry Lowndes Maury Papers, Collection MC 177, 111; William C. Pratt, "The Montana Farmers box I, folder 2, Montana Historical Society. Union and the Cold War," Pacific Northwest 20. Culver and Hyde, American Dream, 478-90; Quarterly 83 (April 1992): 64. Alonzo Hamby, Beyond the New Deal: Harry 11. "Oral History Interview of Harry and S. Truman and American Liberalism (New York: Gretchen Billings," by Steve Kelley, November Columbia University Press), 1973; Schapsmeier 18, 1974, 2-6, 8, OH 2209, Montana Historical and Schapsmeier, Prophet, 168, 189, 190; Thomas

W. Divine, "The Eclipse of Progressivism; Henry 30. H. L. Maury to Senator Glen Taylor, July 2, A. Wallace and the 1948 Presidential Election" November 24, 1948, Maury to Henry A. Wallace, (PhDdiss., University of North Carolina, 2000); December 27, 1948, Maury Papers, box 1, folder 2; C. Harvey Klehr and John Earl Haynes, The American B. Baldwin to Senator James Murray, March 3, 1947 Communist Movement: Storming Heaven Itself (New and untitled attachment (qtns.), James E. Murray York: Twayne Publishers, 1992), 114-15, 118-19, Papers, Collection MSS 91, box 954, folder 17, Toole 121-24. Archives. 21. MacDougall, Gideon's Army, 1:51, 105; 3:771- 31. People's Voice, August 27, 1948, 1, September 72; William C. Pratt, "Farmers, Communists, and 3, 1948, 1, September 10, 1948, 1. the FBI in the Upper Midwest," Agricultural History 32. H. S. Bruce, ''A Word of Warning," People's 63 (Summer 1969): 71; Dan Gillmer, ''A Year in the Voice, August 20, 1948, 4. Days of Gideon's Army and Years to Come," National 33. People's Voice, September 10, 1948, 1. Guardian [New York] .1 (November 1, 1948): 7; 34. People's Voice, October 15, 1948, 8, October People's Voice, February 6, 1948, 2. 22, 1948, 7; Mercier, Anaconda, 102; Ellis Wal 22. Americans for Democratic Action Publicity dron, Montana Legislators, 1864-1979: Profiles Department, "Henry A. Wallace: The First Three and Biographical Directory (Missoula: Bureau of Months" (mimeographed), n.d., Mike Mansfield Government Research, University of Montana, Papers, Collection MSS 65, Series XIV, box 8, 1980),96. folder 19, K. Ross Toole Archives, Mansfield Library, 35. Montana Wallace for President Committee, University of Montana (qtns.); Thomas W. Divine, "Bulletin," n.d. (mimeographed), PP Records, box "Dubious Alliance: Communists and Progressives 37, folder 57; MacDougall, Gideon's Army, 3:765; at the 1948 Progressive Party Convention" (master's People's Voice, May 14, 28, 1948, 1. thesis, University of North Carolina, 1993),52. 36. On his campaign style, see F. Ross Peterson, 23. People's Voice, June 18, 1948, 1, July 2, 1948, 1; Prophet without Honor: Glen H. Taylor and the Fight John Hellman to Curtis D. MacDougall, August 22, for American Liberalism (Lexington: University Press 1953, PP Records, box 56, folder 236. of Kentucky, 1974); Richard Neuberger to Charles 24. "Biographical Note" in "Guide to the Henry Angoff, June 15, 1948, Richard Neuberger Papers, Lowndes Maury Papers, 1938-1959" (Helena: Collection AX 78, box 9, Special Collections, Montana Historical Society Archives), 2; Maury to University of Oregon Library, Eugene; Pittsburgh J. O. Bernard, March 22, 1948, Maury to Senator Press, March 2,1948 (clipping), Baldwin Papers, box Glen Taylor, November 24, 1948, Maury Papers, box 54. 1, folder 2. 37. Schapsmeier and Schapsmeier, Prophet, 194; 25. Ted Morgan, Reds: McCarthyism in America Culver and Hyde, American Dreamer, 467-70; (New York: Random House, 2003), 308-9; Joseph Bruce, ''A Word of Warning," 4. R. Starobin, American Communism in Crisis, 1943- 38. Official Proceedings of the 44th Convention of 1957 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter 1972), 162-67. Workers (n.p., 1948), 217; Pratt, "Montana Farmers 26. Federal Bureau of Investigation, "Communist Union," 65n6. Party Membership by State," January 7, 1949, 39. Untitled typescripts, n.d., Henry A. Wallace Harry S. Truman Papers, President's Secretary's Papers, microfilm roll 45, frames 326, 331, Special File "Federal Bureau of Investigation," folder Collections, University of Iowa Libraries. "Communist Party," Harry S. Truman Library, 40. MurrayS. Stedman Jr. and Susan W. Sted Independence, MO; Pratt, "Montana Farmers man, Discontent at the Polls: A Study of Farmer Union," 65; Hellman to MacDougall, September 30, and Labor Parties, 1827-1948 (New York: Russell 1953, PP Records, box 37, folder 57 (qtn.). and Russell, 1967), 117; Sarimel Lubell, The Future 27. "Official Call for the Montana State Con of American Politics, 3rd ed; (New York: Harper vention of the Progressive Party" (clipping), no Colophon Books, 1965), 93, 197-99. source, People's Voice Records, box 6, folder 1; 41. Verda Barnes to Henry A. Wallace, Septem Jerome G. Locke, A Sign of the Times (n.p.: self ber 5, 1950, Wallace Papers, roll 47, frame 394. published, 1935); Locke to Nathan Fine, March 42. Waldron, Montana Politics, 326; Pratt, "Rural 13, 1937, Thomas G. Amlie Papers, box 61, State Radicalism," 53. The Wallace-Taylor ticket fared Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison; Jules E. better in Montana than in the nationwide elections Karlin, "The 1948 Elections in Montana," Western where it received 2.3 percent of the votes. Political Quarterly 2 (March 1949): 110 (qtn.). 43. Donald E. Spritzer, Senator James E. Murray 28. Culver and Hyde, American Dream, 481. and the Limits of Post-war Liberalism (New York: 29. Hellman to MacDougall, September 30, 1953, Garland Publishing, 1985), 266-67; Karlin, "1948 PP Records, box 37, folder 57. Elections," 109.

44. Oregonian (Portland), July 21, 1948, 10. 1952): 2; Hellman to MacDougall, August 22, 1953, 45. Hellman to MacDougall, August 22, 1953, PP PP Records, box 56, folder 236. Records, box 56, folder 236. 60. Hellman to MacDougall, August 22, 1953, 46. L. L. Price to Harry Billings, November PP Records, box 56, folder 236; H. S. Bruce to T. o. 16, 1948, People's Voice Records, box 5, folder 12; Thackeray, January 18, 1952, Baldwin Papers, box 9; Hellman to MacDougall, September 30, 1953, PP Montana Standard (Butte), April 6, 1952 (clipping), Records, box 37, folder 57; People's Voice, December Mansfield Papers, Series XIV, box 15, folder 23. 3, 1948, 3; James [?] to MacDougall, January 23, 61. People's Voice, August 22, 1952, 4. 1954, PP Records, box 56, folder 236. 62. People's Voice, March 14, 1952, 1; Great Falls 47. Spritzer, Murray, 180, 181; Malone, "Montana Tribune, March 24, 1952 (clipping), Mansfield New Dealers," 261, 263; People's Voice, November Papers, Series XIV, box 15, folder 23; Park County 10, 1950; Great Falls (Montana) Tribune, August 6, News (Livingston, MT), October 5, 1950 (clipping), 1952 (clipping), Mansfield Papers, Series XIV, box Montana Governors' Papers, Collection MC 35, 15, folder 23. box 124a, folder 6, Montana Historical Society. 48. "Montana Progressive Party Report on Organ Republicans assailed Mansfield on many of the ization," June 17-18, 1949 (mimeographed), PP same grounds. F. Ross Peterson, "McCarthyism Records, box 15, folder 63 (qtn.); "Synopsis of Status in the Mountains, 1950-1954," in Essays on the of Party Organizations," n.d. [1949], (mimeographed), American West, ed. Thomas G. Alexander (Provo, Baldwin Papers, box 28. UT: Brigham Young University Press, 1976). 49. People's Voice, December 12, 1948, 1; Culver 63. "Biographical Notes," n.d. (mimeographed), and Hyde, American Dreamer, 452, 457 (1st qtn.); PP Records, box 48, folder 216; "Liberal's Defeat: "Cold War Calamity," National Guardian 2 (February A Case History of the Defeat of O'Connell," 22, 1950): 3 (2nd qtn.). The Nation 147 (November 26, 1938): 564-65; 50. "Montana Progressive Party Report on Organ Malone, "Montana New Dealers," 261; MacDougall, ization," June 17-18, 1949 (mimeographed), PP Gideon's Army, 2:521; Vernon L. Pedersen, "Jerry Records, box 15, folder 63. O'Connell, Montana's Communist Congressman," 51. Schapsmeier and Schapsmeier, Prophet, Montana the Magazine of Western History 62 198-209; New York Post, August 8, 1950 (clipping), (Spring 2012): 3-22. Wallace Papers, roll 47, frame 71; C. L. Burke to 64. Great Falls Tribune, April 4, 1952 (clipping), Wallace, August 27, 1950, Wallace Papers, roll 47, Mansfield Papers, Series XIV, box 15, folder 23; Jerry frame 343 (qtn.). O'Connell to Curtis D. MacDougall, March 4, 1954, 52. Dyson, Red Harvest, 201; Pratt, "Montana PP Records, box 58, folder 256; People's Voice, June Farmers Union," 65-66. 6, 1952, I, August 1, 1952, 4. 53. Montana Progressive Party, "Progressive 65. "Where Are the Radicals?" Fortune 46 Bulletin," n.d. (mimeographed), McCorkle Papers, (October 1952): 115; Waldron, Montana Politics, box 8, folder 2. 352, 356; Jon Bennion, Big Sky Politics: Campaigns 54. Harry Billings to William Coburn, November and Elections in Modern Montana (Missoula: 5, 1950, People's Voice Records, box 12, folder 14 Five Valleys Publishing, 2004), 171; Hellman to (qtn.); David Halberstam, The Coldest Winter: MacDougall, August 22, 1953, PP Records, box 50, America and the Korean War (New York: Hyperion folder 236. Books, 2007), 4-5, 149,608,628. 66. Max M. Kampelman, The Communist Party 55. C. B. Baldwin, "The Progressive Party and vs. the C.I.O.: A Study in Power Politics (New York: the Smoke-Filled Room," National Guardian 4 Frederick A. Praeger, 1957), 167; Robert H. Zieger, (April 9, 1952): 2; "News from the Progressive The CIO, 1935-1955 (Chapel Hill: University of Party," September 20, 1951 (mimeographed), North Carolina Press, 1995),278,280-81; Klehr and Baldwin Papers, box 28; Jerome G. Locke to T. o. Haynes, American Communist Movement, 123-24. Thackeray, January 16, 1953, Baldwin Papers, box 9. 67. Mercier, Anaconda, 66; "Editor's Note," n.d. 56. People's Voice, November 23, 1951, 2, April (typescript), People's Voice Records, box 9, folder 3; 13,1951, 2, April 27, 1951, 2. People's Voice, February 1, 1952, 2-3. On the Jencks 57. People's Voice, November 9, 1951, 1, February matter, see James J. Lorence, "Mexican-American 1, 1952, 1. Workers, Clinton Jencks, and Mine-Mill Activism 58. "Progressive Party Election Returns," Decem in the Southwest, 1945-52," in Labor's Cold War: ber 1, 1950 (typescript), Wallace Papers, roll 47, Local Politics in a Global Context, ed. Shelton frame 776; Montana Progressive Party, "Progressive Stromquist (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, Bulletin," n.d. (mimeographed), McCorkle Papers, 2008), 204-55. box 8, folder 2 ; Waldron, Montana Politics, 338. 68. Pratt, "Montana Farmers Union," 65, 66n11; 59. John Hellman, "Report to Readers: How People'S Voice, April 14, 1956; National Guardian 10 Montana Does It," National Guardian 4 (May 22, (May 26, 1958): 7, {June 9, 1958),3.