Rickshaw, a Motion Craft

A Study on Material Culture in Dhaka | Rickshaw, A Motion Craft

Prepared By | Nazmul Islam Supervised By | Dr. Robert Mellin

Master of Architecture Major - Urban Design and Housing School of Architecture McGill University Montreal, Quebec

A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Architecture

I wish to express my admiration for all the rickshaw making artisans of Dhaka

Contents Acknowledgement 01 Abstract 02 Résumé 03 Preface 05 Chapter I 09 . Literature Review . Material Culture 10 . Folklore 23 . Methodology . Qualitative Research – Observational Study and Documentation 25 Chapter II 31 . Rickshaws of Dhaka 32 . Background 33 . Rickshaw, a Motion Craft 35 . Rickshaw Pullers, Artisans and Others, 38 Related to the Rickshaw Industry Chapter III 59 . Rickshaw-making Workshops and Artisans 60 . Rickshaw Equipment-producing Factories 89 . Rickshaw Equipment Wholesale Stores 94 . Rickshaw Artists’ Studio Spaces 98 . Rickshaw Repair Workshops 116 Chapter IV 121 . Rickshaw Art 122 . Subject Typology of Rickshaw Art 132 . Legends of Rickshaw Art 148 Conclusive Remarks 153 Bibliography 156

Acknowledgement It’s my great pleasure to express sincere gratitude to my mentor and research supervisor Professor Dr. Robert Mellin, for his patience and cordial guidance throughout my tenure at McGill School of Architecture. No doubt, his continuous coordination and valuable suggestions have provided me the opportunity to work on my current research, a study on material culture in Dhaka, more precisely ‘Rickshaw, A Motion Craft’.

I would like to extend my special thanks to Dr. Annmarie Adams, Dr. Nik Luka, Dr. Avi Friedman, Professor Vikram Bhatt, and of course to Ms. Marcia King, who helped me with their endless support to overcome difficulties and lead a successful studentship in this highly reputed school.

I would also like to share the names, with cheers, of my friends and colleagues, who have contributed a lot in making the field study really effective; notably, I would like to mention architect Mohammad Muazzem Hossen Akash, architect M.M. Rabbi Anik, and Fahim Alam who is a B.Arch. student and an excellent photographer. I am also very grateful to my friend engineer Samia Enayet for her support in French language matters.

It’s my privilege to thank my new friends, found while doing the field study in Dhaka, rickshaw maker Mohammad Shiraz, artist Tapan Das and Rafiqul Islam and other artisans, who kindly allowed me to document their activities, their studio and workshop spaces. I am certainly quite pleased with their patience and their information regarding the subject matter to explore the appropriation of this artifact and its artisans.

I am deeply indebted to my parents, siblings and in-laws, who always inspire me to continue my career in architectural practice and research.

And, last but not least, I am profoundly grateful to my best friend and loving wife Samina Mazumder Tuli, who is an architect and researcher, for her eager interest, advice and cooperation in my research work.

Abstract The rickshaw is the most common and popular means of transport in Dhaka. It is a human-powered, passenger-carrying tricycle. Dhaka’s rickshaws have already garnered worldwide appreciation, not only for their environmentally responsive design features but also for their displays of artistic expression and splendid decorations. The rickshaw is not an object; rather, it is a pure form of art that is celebrated in shapes and forms, colors and patterns, designs and crafts. Rickshaw decoration represents a local folk art that is clearly true in expression and rich in experience. The colorful eccentricity of these highly crafted rickshaws is an entirely unique feature of Dhaka’s cultural landscape (Dutt & Williams, 2010). Over the years, a number of skilled mechanics and rickshaw artists have been in their informal workspaces to produce this handmade vehicle as a heartfelt expression of local craft. However, a battery-powered, passenger-carrying tricycle is beginning to replace traditional rickshaws in some areas of Dhaka because they are quite efficient and convenient to operate. In addition, most traditional rickshaw art is beginning to be replaced by printed images. Nevertheless, considering the significance of rickshaws in Dhaka and the probable disappearance of the industry in the near future, this research work has been undertaken to document the traditional rickshaw-making process and its very local technology. More precisely, this documentation illustrates rickshaw workshops and rickshaw artists’ studio spaces as well as the artifacts and the contributions of artisans.

Reference Dutt, K. L., & Williams, D. J. (2010). Moving Pictures: Rickshaw Art of Bangladesh. Ocean, NJ: Grantha Corporation.

Résumé Rickshaw est le moyen le plus commun et populaire de transport à Dhaka. Il est un passager à propulsion humaine portant tricycle. Le pousse-pousse de Dhaka a déjà assuré une appréciation dans le monde entier, et il est non seulement pour ses caractéristiques de conception écologiques et sensibles de l'environnement mais aussi pour son expression artistique et décors magnifiques. Il n’est pas un objet, mais plutôt une forme pure de l'art qui est célébré dans les formes, couleurs et motifs, dessins et artisanats. La décoration d’un Rickshaw représente les arts folkloriques locaux, ce qui est clairement vrai dans l'expression et riche en expérience. L'excentricité colorée des Rickshaws très artisanales est entièrement une caractéristique unique du paysage culturel de Dhaka (Dutt & Williams, 2010). Au fil des ans, un certain nombre de mécaniciens de compétences et des artistes de Rickshaw ont travaillé de tout cœur dans leurs espaces de travail informels pour produire ce véhicule à la main comme un symbole de l'artisanat local. Toutefois, un passager-portant tricycle alimenté par batterie est occupé certains endroits de Dhaka en remplaçant les Rickshaws, en raison de sa grande efficacité et une utilisation commode. De plus, l'art de rickshaw le plus populaire a déjà commencé à être remplacé par des images imprimées. Cependant, compte tenu de l'importance de Rickshaw à Dhaka et de la disparition probable de l'industrie dans un avenir proche, ce travail de recherche a été lancé pour documenter le processus de fabrication traditionnelle de Rickshaw, et pour démontrer sa technologie vraiment localisée. Plus précisément, les ateliers de Rickshaw et les espaces de studio de l'artiste de Rickshaw, ainsi que les artefacts et les contributions des artisans ont été illustrés dans le présent document.

Référence Dutt, K. L., & Williams, D. J. (2010). Moving Pictures: Rickshaw Art of Bangladesh. Ocean, NJ: Grantha Corporation.

A decorated rickshaw body

Preface The rickshaw is the most available and popular means of public conveyance in Dhaka. Rickshaws are human-powered and pedal-driven three-wheeled cycles used for carrying passengers. This vehicle has achieved great recognition in the world, not only for its nature-friendly, sustainable features but also for its unique artistic expression. “Swarms of bright rickshaws add interest to the city’s slow motion, and they have frequently excited the curiosity of foreign visitors, for collectively they comprise a quantitatively astounding public exhibition of art” (Glassie, 1997). Over the years, a number of skilled mechanics and rickshaw artists have been working in their informal workspaces in a heartfelt manner to produce this handmade vehicle, a symbol of local craft. This extraordinary artwork represents one of the most distinctive folk cultures of the region. This research was undertaken in order to document the traditional rickshaw- making process – the very local technology, its workshop settings, the expertise involved as well as the rickshaw artists and their artwork.

The rickshaw is a necessary part of Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh. According to the Institute for Transportation and Development Policy (ITDP) of Dhaka and the Strategic Transport Plan (STP) 2005, there are approximately six hundred thousand rickshaws on the streets of Dhaka, and over a million people are directly involved for their livelihoods in this gigantic industry (RAJUK, 2005). Currently however, a battery- powered, passenger-carrying tricycle has occupied some areas of Dhaka and has replaced rickshaws because of its operational convenience, more passenger carrying capacity, better speed, and higher efficiency. In the future, this new technology could become a threat by replacing the existing traditional rickshaws. In addition, machine- printed design elements recently have been replacing the traditional artwork found on rickshaw panels because of their cheaper cost and availability. However, considering the significance of rickshaws regarding the environmental, socio-cultural, and economic aspects of Dhaka city as well as their appreciated craft value, and the probable disappearance of the industry in the near future, this research work was initiated to create an archive of the conventional rickshaw-making process.

A rickshaw puller, carrying a passenger

A literature review was initially done to provide the theoretical framework to study material culture and folklore, which has helped to shape the methodical approach of this research. The objective of this study is to document the traditional methods of making rickshaws. Furthermore, it illustrates rickshaw workshops and rickshaw artists’ studio spaces as well as the artifacts and artisans’ activities. This research is a qualitative case study of observation. A photographic survey was also done to provide a clear picture of these workshops and studios, and a series of sketches were produced to aide in visualizing real life experiences within the workspaces in order to understand the rational notion of spatial configuration. As part of the fieldwork, a series of oral interviews of rickshaw mechanics, artists, factory workers, shopkeepers, and pullers were conducted to learn about their workspaces and the technology, and about their experiences and involvements. Finally, the overall observations were syndetized to animate the complete rickshaw-making process, the configuration patterns of workspaces, and the contributions of artisans.

Reference Glassie, H. (1997). Art and Life in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Indiana University Press. RAJUK. (2005). Strategic Transport Plan (STP) 2005 for Dhaka. Dhaka: RAJUK.

Hand painting on a rickshaw seat

Chapter I | Literature Review and Methodology

Literature Review

Material Culture

The study of material culture involves the examination of physical objects to learn about a culture at a certain point in time. It is a disciplinary process of scholarship that clarifies a cultural identity. In defining this subject, Jules D. Prown states, “Material culture is the study through artifacts of the beliefs—values, ideas, attitudes, and assumptions—of a particular community or society at a given time” (Prown, 1982). He also identifies material culture as a “mode of cultural investigation” where objects are used as primary data. Henry Glassie provides a similar idea for defining material culture including a more precise objective of the study, that of “human interaction.” He says, “Material culture is culture made material; it is the inner wit at work in the world. Beginning necessarily with things, but not ending with them, the study of material culture uses objects to approach human thought and action” (Glassie, 1999). In addition, Ian Woodward attempts to address both the issue of culture and that of human interaction to define material culture; “The study of objects – as the representation of culture – provides researchers with a better understanding of “social structure” and even different social patterns such as “inequality” as well as “human action, emotion and meaning”” (Woodward, 2007). Thus, it is clear from scholars’ writings that the study of material culture is not the study of objects only; rather, it is the use of objects to attempt to understand culture and social beings. In essence, material culture is the object-based study of culture.

To discuss the discipline’s title, “material culture,” Prown explains that “The term material culture thus refers quite directly and efficiently, if not elegantly, both to the subject matter of the study, material, and to its purpose, the understanding of culture” (Prown, 1982). But Glassie argues that “Material culture is the conventional name for the tangible yield of human conduct. It is an odd term, material culture, for culture is immaterial” (Glassie, 1999). He adds that “Culture is intellectual, rational, and abstract; it cannot be material, but material can be culture and material culture embraces those segments of human learning which provide a person with plans, methods, and reasons

10 for producing things which can be seen and touched” (Glassie, 1999). However, scholars identify material culture as a discipline where the material is tangible and culture is intangible. It includes all the manmade and modified objects of the universe. The object can be natural or artificial, tangible or intangible. Material culture studies tangible elements in order to understand the intangible phenomena of a society. The tangible elements are the objects – including arts and crafts – that are common artifacts; the intangible phenomena embrace societal history and heritage, knowledge and power, skills and expertise. Prown compares the object with words, where this object communicates a specific sense beyond its original meaning. Glassie refers to Ralph Waldo Emerson’s definition of art as a blending of nature and will, the unity of things in mind and matter. Glassie defines art as a special realm within material culture. He also believes art is the center and peak of material culture (Glassie, 1999). According to scholars, the material culture discipline discusses the daily objects of life, the crafts that are shaped by beliefs and values. Glassie, Prown, Woodward, Robert Mellin, Steven Harries, Berke Deborah, Firoz Mahmud and other recognized scholars in the field of material culture have already provided a number of classic writings on the study of everyday objects, namely Henry Glassie’s Art and Life in Bangladesh, reflects the material culture of Bangladesh; Robert Mellin’s Tilting, illustrates the everyday experiences of a fishing village in Newfoundland; and Firoz Mahmud’s Metalwork of Bangladesh: A Study in Material Folk-culture, discusses traditional local metal crafts; no doubt, these are all excellent contributions in the material culture discipline. Prown mentions that all tangible artworks are part of material culture, but that not all the material of material culture is art (Prown, 1982). Therefore, contemporary studies of material culture use the term “artifact” for both art and craft. Prown even uses artifact to define material culture; according to him, the term “material culture” mainly refers to artifacts (Prown, 1982). Artifacts are the most essential elements used to study culture and human interaction in the material culture discipline. “Artifacts, like other historical events, do not just happen; they are results of causes. There are reasons why an object comes into existence in a particular configuration, is decorated with particular motifs, is made of a particular material, and has a particular color and texture” (Prown, 1993).

Material culture is the combined study of history and ethnology. Glassie mentions the importance of ethnology and history in studying material culture. Accordingly, he argues that ethnology is the spatial configuration of material culture whereas history is the temporal dimension (Glassie, 1999). He adds, “History and art connect in the study of material culture. Material culture records human intrusion in the environment. It is the way we imagine a distinction between nature and culture, and then rebuild nature to our desire, shaping, reshaping, and arranging things during life. We live in material culture, depend upon it, take it for granted, and realize through it our grandest aspirations” (Glassie, 1999). In addition, he contends that “The past is vast and it is gone. Almost all of it is gone utterly, leaving no trace in the mind or archive. We know the past only through things that chance to exist in the present: old books, broken pots, disturbed memories” (Glassie, 1999). Material culture also includes geographical and archeological evidence with which to experience artifacts. Both of these studies respectively discuss contextual matters of the natural and artificial environment, which emphasize cause and effect.

Glassie defines material culture as a transdisciplinary movement, introduced to integrate the study of art through a wider approach. However, Prown explains that in human history, abstract, intellectual and spiritual elements are superior to material and physical things, he begins to clarify the higher historical value of artworks over utilitarian craft objects (Prown, 1982). But in Glassie’s argument, the method of historical study has recently changed; it now focuses on the arts and crafts of ordinary people to make it more democratic. According to Glassie, culture is no longer defined by elites; rather, it is a conceptual order developed by all people in society. He also mentions the importance of ordinary individuals and their contributions to developing social history. He says, “Without the challenge of folk history or ethnohistory – or black history or women’s history or the alternative of memory – history will fail to reach its potential. Without the challenge of folk art, the study of art will collapse again into prejudices of class and gender and race” (Glassie, 1999). Glassie refers to V.S. Naipaul’s autobiography,

Hindu community in Trinidad, in which Naipaul spoke about two histories – one was carefully organized with dates and names and was taught in school; the other was of darkness and unspoken, and was reflected in the local people. This signifies the importance of learning about society in people’s lives. However, material culture attempts to represent people in general and their everyday history. Philosophically, it is the study of genetic rights of human beings. Glassie states that “It upholds a meaningful relationship between the conceptual and the physical, the personal and the social, the cultural and the historical. [….] Politically, the study of material culture confronts prejudice and seeks justice, resisting forces that deny art or history – excellence or significance – to human beings on the basis of gender, say, or race or class or culture” (Glassie, 1999).

Objective of Material Culture Studies

The study of material culture is a scholarly approach to culture. Culture is the collective form of human behavior and interactions within a social structure. It provides social identity. Glassie states that “Culture is a mental construct, built by individuals in shifting experience. [….] Cultures, like histories, are created by people to serve them during their ordeal. [….] Culture is a pattern in mind, inward, invisible, and shifting” (Glassie, 1999). The term “material culture” refers quite directly both to the subject matter of the discipline, material – the study of objects, and to its purpose – the understanding of culture (Glassie, 1999). Prown also emphasizes the study of culture as the core subject matter of material culture. “The fundamental purpose of the study of material culture is the quest for cultural belief systems, the patterns of belief of a particular group of people in a certain time and place” (Prown, 1982). Prown provides five specific reasons to study material culture. The first is “internal and attached value,” which describes the rarity of the object as well as its utilitarian, aesthetic, and spiritual values. The second is the “surviving historical value,” which clarifies the object’s significance as evidence in history. The third is the “more representative” aspect; it provides more detailed information about an object, its time and context. Fourth is the “veracity” value, which

13 ensures the authenticity of a subject matter. Finally, the “cultural perspective” ensures the most specific and trustworthy identification of a society.

Glassie’s philosophical explanation provides a clear reason for studying material culture. He says, “Material culture is as true to the mind, as dear to the heart, as language, and what is more, it reports thoughts and actions that resist verbal formulation. Like a story, an artifact is a text, a display of form and a vehicle for meaning. Both stories and artifacts arise out of concentration, both are created in time and shaped to cultural pattern, but they differ in apprehension. The story belongs to temporal experience. It moves in one direction, accumulating associations sequentially. The artifact belongs to spatial experience. It unfolds in all directions at once, embracing contradictions in simultaneity, and opening multiple routes to significance” (Glassie, 1999). He also includes architecture as an object for studying material culture. He states that “Architecture works in space as history works in time. History interrupts time’s ceaseless flow, segmenting and recording it on behalf of the human need for meaning. Architecture intrudes in the limitless expanse of space, dividing it into useful, comprehensible pieces. Converting space into places through disruption, architecture brings meaning to the spatial dimension. [….] Architecture gives physical form to claims and names, to memories and hopes. As a conceptual activity, architecture is a matter of forming ideas into plans, plans into things that other people can see. Architecture shapes relations between people. It is a kind of communication. The mode of its thinking connects architecture to all of culture, but its mode of realization distinguish it from other varieties of communication. To be architecture, it must be realized in materials” (Glassie, 1999). Peter Zumthor defines architecture as an applied art that holds human activities, and memories. He states that “Architecture, after all, is made for our use. It is not a free art in that sense. I think architecture attains its highest quality as an applied art. And it is at its most beautiful when things have come into their own, when they are coherent. That is when everything refers to everything else and it is impossible to remove a single

14 thing without destroying the whole. Place, use and form. The form reflects the place, the place is just so, and the use reflects this and that” (Zumthor, 2006).

The study of material culture, in a collective form, provides an opportunity to learn about cultural landscapes. Paul Groth defines cultural landscape as the study of “everyday spaces” like rooms, yards, buildings, streets, fields, etc., that are studied in order to establish socio-cultural identity, relationships and meaning whereas material culture is the study of everyday objects, including contexts (Groth, 1997). According to Brown, the cultural landscape provides a much better arena for appreciating the value of material culture studies (Brown, 1993). He offers the careful observation that material culture studies can directly contribute to the field of cultural landscapes. Groth indicates six frameworks that can be used to discuss cultural landscapes, which directly relate to material culture studies, namely, the “ordinary” experiences of life; the urban and rural contexts for “production and consumption”; the “contrast of diversity and uniformity” in culture; both “popular and academic” studies to influence more participation; the “interdisciplinary nature”; and, the “visual and spatial information” framework (Groth, 1997).

Material culture investigations explore the domain of human acts and beliefs. They help to characterize human interaction and behavioral patterns. According to Glassie, “Artifacts recall the technology by which nature was made culture, and they incarnate the creator’s mind, holding in form and ornament the plans that preceded them and the decisions committed in their making” (Glassie, 1999). He encountered a very similar philosophy while interviewing Haripad Pal, a potter working in Dhaka; “Sometimes I become part of God. Sometimes God becomes part of me. I feel God in myself when I concentrate” – Haripad Pal (Glassie, 1999). Material culture is not only the study of artisans but also of the users of artifacts. In his book, Tilting, Mellin introduces a number of local people from Tilting, Newfoundland, and animates their life stories, their

15 attachments to nature and locality, their responses to the contextual environment, and their livelihoods, craftsmanship, skills, experiences, adaptability and performances. Here, Mellin illustrates the versatile events of Dan Greene’s life in the small fishing village of Tilting, where Greene contributed not only as a local fisherman, but also as an experienced artisan making houses and out buildings, and crafting fishing stages and efficient root cellars. According to Jon Lang, three psychological processes – perception, cognition, and spatial behavior – are particularly important in understanding human behavior within a context. Perception is the process of obtaining or receiving input; cognition is the throughput function involving the process of thinking, remembering and feeling; and spatial behavior denotes the output manifested in an organism’s actions and responses. Lang believes that the cultural environment is not only a container of human activity but also a complex system of behavioral patterns (Lang, 1974). Ralph Linton defined culture as the configuration of learned behavior of a particular society. Again, according to Lang, culture influences behavior through the process of socialization, by which language, traditions, norms, values, expectations and sanctions are taught (Lang, 1974). “Everything man does is associated with the experience of space. Nothing occurs, real or imagined, without a spatial context, because space (along with time) is one of the principles of organizing systems for living organisms. Proxemics deals with man’s use and structuring of space, particularly the unconscious patterns that deeply influence life” (Hall, 1971). However, researches note that the study of culture requires the knowledge of human behavioral patterns, and that human behavior can be experienced through the study of material culture. In essence, material culture refers to the study of human actions in order to learn about culture.

One of the primary reasons for studying material culture is to document existing or barely surviving artifacts as well as their makers and contextual aspects. Over time, it may not be possible to document certain lost features or lost people. Glassie argues that “What has changed can change again; the moment in which I write will pass” (Glassie,

1999). According to Glassie, history is not the past; rather, it is a story about the past which is told in the present to construct a useful future (Glassie, 1999).

Material culture provides the scope to study the affordances and performances of an object where the object can be a piece of art, a craft or artifact, and maybe even architecture. The opportunities that support a range of uses of any object can be defined as its affordances. Concerning performance, an object shows its reaction to the context of both the natural and artificial environment. Glassie describes the relation between the object and the context, and their interdependence, in order to observe the object’s performative act; he calls this “artifactual system.” He says that “In performance, an idea of context, of a thing’s fit in the world, its uses and meanings and functions, precedes and sparks the enactment of compositional competence” (Glassie, 1999). David Leatherbarrow expresses a similar idea of performance in his book, Architecture Oriented Otherwise, in which he emphasizes to a greater extent the observational study of architecture’s independent performance in order to identify its contributions to the context (Leatherbarrow, 2009). Thus, material culture can help to study what an object does, not only what it is.

Methods of Studying Material Culture

Scholars such as Henry Glassie, Ian Woodward, Robert Mellin, Steven Harries, Berke Deborah, Firoz Mahmud and other experts on material culture have already introduced and successfully implemented a series of efficient methodologies for the study of material culture. The most used method involves collecting information through a qualitative, observational study and syndetizing in a documentation. [Based on my understanding, syndetizing is a contemporary approach to observational studies, which refers to animating significant findings and experiences. The term “syndetic” may be compared with “synthesis,” but it is more applicable to appropriating a situation than it is to organizing the found data (Castro, Mellin, & Rueda Plata, 2014).] Taking

17 photographs, preparing drawings, making illustrations, interviewing artisans and users, and collecting and providing texts are some very common techniques used to approach the documentation of material culture. According to Glassie, there are two challenges in this process of documentation – the first is to describe complexity so well as to avoid unassociated information; the second is to correctly relate the subject matter with the context. He says, “We may not know what the object means, but it can be described. [….] The artifact is described, analyzed in a compositional move, made meaningful in an associational move, and the final step is to comprehend the unity of creation by looping composition and association – text and context, form and meaning, structure and function – together” (Glassie, 1999). Prown provides a method using three stages to analyze any object. The analysis begins with the description, an introduction to the object; deduction, or the interaction between the object and the observer; finally, speculation, raising questions and forming a hypothesis for resolution. Inspired by the pattern language of Christopher Alexander, Glassie focuses on finding and organizing the patterns in the artifacts. “We seek pattern. Patterns imply intentions and carry toward meaning” (Glassie, 1999). Glassie explains that the way to find the significance of an artifact is through the study of its contexts, which he defines through a series of occasions in the form of both tangible and intangible expressions. He speaks about three “master classes” that cumulatively recapitulate the life history of the artifact; these are creation, communications, and consumption. Thus, according to Glassie, the domain of material culture can be defined from creation to consumption through communication. The context of creation defines the overall process of creation. It includes not only the creator and the creation but also addresses the context of concentration, learning, teaching, cooperation, technology, formal expression, memory and hope. To explain contexts, Glassie writes about Aysel Ozturk, a carpet designer and weaver from Turkey. The first master context is the context of creation, in which Aysel is the creator. Aysel’s concentration is her devotion to her profession in the creation of art pieces, decorative carpets, and prayer mats. She learned carpet making from her mother and she transferred this knowledge to her sister, which is how she has been trying to keep this craft alive over the years. She helps her cousins and friends, and collaborates

18 in their works. She collects the natural materials for weaving the carpets, using very local technology. She uses her creative mind to produce focus, symmetry, rhythm and continuity in her designs; she uses shapes and colors for various formal patterns. This carpet-making story creates memories for every single day of her life and the events, for its known and unknown faces. She does everything for a prosperous life and to make her dreams come true. The second master context is found in discussion, within the context of communication. Glassie compares this communication with storytelling and its way of being transferred from person to person and receiving a cultural identity. Aysel’s carpet arrives at the market, then travels from market to mosque, mosque to exhibition, and finally, to a gallery as a true piece of art. The carpet becomes a model for weavers as well as an identity of a culture. Glassie also mentions three aspects of communication – performance, the acceptance of Aysel’s work by artisans; donation, promoting her creativity among friends and community; and, commercial exchange, utilizing her skill to make money. Once again, the context of communication explains the physical acceptance of the object. According to Glassie, in consumption, the object goes from its creator to its consumer. He also provides categories of consumption – the context of use, where the consumer’s reaction overlaps with Aysel’s intention; the context of preservation, which ensures the recognition of the object’s deepest meaning through care and conservation; and the context of assimilation, here the object completes its experiences through a range of communities over time, and in the end, raises the question of its origin and its creator. Glassie contends that “Contexts of creation teach about creators. Contexts of consumption teach about consumers. Contexts of communication connect the two, balancing creation against consumption, enfolding their similarities and differences” (Glassie, 1999). He also mentions two more basic contexts – conceptual context, which deals with intangible notions that reflect the abstract mindset of the creators as well as users; and physical context, which discusses all available tangible parameters and sensory experiences. Based on his extensive experience in material culture studies, Glassie recommends this list as an effective approach to fieldwork. He also suggests a historical study to learn about complexities and increase awareness. Peter Zumthor uses the term “atmosphere” to replace

“context” and which has a similar meaning. “We perceive atmosphere through our emotional sensibility – a form of perception that works incredibly quickly, and which we humans evidently need to help us survive. Not every situation grants us time to make up our minds on whether or not we like something or whether indeed we might be better heading off in the opposite direction. Something inside us tells us an enormous amount straight away. We are capable of immediate appreciation, of a spontaneous emotional response, of rejecting things in a flash” (Zumthor, 2006).

Glassie refers to the investigation experiences of historian Hugh Nolan, in Ballymenone, where Nalon interviewed elderly people in the area to learn about the location and their true stories. While speaking with them, Nalon also came to understand the time, the changes in their life style, and many more things about their unwritten history. Glassie gives us an excellent example of material culture studies while writing about Tapati Rani Dey, a rickshaw painter from Bangladesh. In his book, Art and Life in Bangladesh, he provides an elaborate narrative of Tapati’s studio space, from a wide perspective to very specific details, and includes informative photographs to support his description. Tapati’s house, the neighboring fabric of old Dhaka, her workspace and painting tools, her sources of raw materials, the help she gets from her husband, sister and daughter, her artworks, and the overall trading process in the market receive real-life exposure through his presentation. Scholars of material culture show a great appreciation for non-textual documentation such as photography, drawings, and illustrations. To support this idea, Glassie states, “Material, a part of the world, the record of bodily action in nature, the artifact perpetually displays the process of its design, the pattern in the mind of its creator. It incorporates intention. Intentions need not so register in consciousness that they can be brought forth in orderly commentary. Their reality does not depend on words. [….] Visions come first, of cypress and pine and oak, of the roughness of bark and the blackness of limbs in winter, then I must work to recover the idea that gathers all of that and confines it in a word. I cannot be alone when I think in images, quicker and larger than words. [….] I worry that studies focused on words,

20 whether written or spoken, omit whole spheres of experience that are cumbersomely framed in language but gracefully shaped into artifacts” (Glassie, 1999). Glassie illustrates Peter Flanagan’s house in Ballymenone with photographs and rendered cross sections to provide a clear image of the local scenario. Mellin shares his powerful observation and excellent drawing abilities to illustrate the material culture and cultural landscape features of Tilting, a fishing village on Fogo Island, Newfoundland. His drawings “provide opportunities for comparison” rather than a “descriptive substitute for real artifacts.” In his book, Winter in Tilting, Mellin illustrates – using a series of sequential watercolor paintings – his experiences of a slide hauling trip from Tilting to the southern coast of Fogo Island. His argument in favor of using paintings instead of photographs centers on having more careful and slower opportunities for observation, which made him particularly thoughtful about the natural and artificial details along the way. Again, oral histories have been used as a powerful tool for material culture studies. Mellin demonstrates that material culture studies can be enriched using formal and informal oral histories to convey the hidden meanings and cultural layers attached to the daily lives of folk societies. In Winter in Tilting, he shares a range of interviews with local people in order to animate context and history in a more participatory manner.

Typological studies and typomorphology are both effective tools for clarifying anything concerning material culture and cultural landscapes. Similarly, they are used in urban design studies to describe objects and contexts as well as human interactions or behavioral patterns. Anne V. Moudon defines typomorphology as a typological study approach to urban form and context that includes the study of form, scale, and chronology (Moudon, 1994). She discusses various reaction patterns of users in response to different typomorphology. In a similar discussion, Karen A. Franck states that “Types are us because use types support reinforce our patterns of activities, relationships, and beliefs” (Franck, 1994). Material culture scholars often share their interests in typological studies regarding both tangible and intangible issues. Writing about historian Hugh Nolan’s process of documenting material culture, Glassie

21 discusses Nolan’s use of a typological study – “Thinking spatially, not temporarily, lifting his stories from places on the land, rather than locations in chronology, relating them typologically, rather than setting them into sequences of cause and effect, Hugh Nolan at once tells the history of his small, dark place, and makes history into a description of the human condition” (Glassie, 1999). In Vernacular Architecture, Glassie provides a detailed typological study of the buildings of Ballymenone in order to impart a clear picture of the traditional house types of that area. Mellin uses the same approach to typological studies and illustrates the various outbuildings of Tilting with noteworthy sketches and paintings.

Folklore

One of the most significant aspects of material culture is folklore. Currently, society recognizes three distinct levels of culture – folk culture, popular culture, and elite culture. Material culture specifically refers to folk culture (Mahmud, 2003). Folklore is the unique heritage of any tribe or nation. It is the identical expression of many similar aspects of different social communities including the geographical aspects of a region; the identity of a society – its beliefs and rituals, customs and ceremonies, its thoughts, aspirations and values, its spiritual and material concepts, its endless effort to rid itself of inequality and, its aesthetic concepts, traditional arts and craftsmanship, and its experiences and creativity (Mahmud & Khatun, 2013). Thus, the study of material culture can be defined as the study of folklore, as well.

The term “folk culture” represents the practice of folklore in a society or in a community. Glassie contends folk culture is closer to folk life. The Bengali translation of “folklore” is lokasamskriti, which is very similar to “folk culture” in meaning.

According to Mahmud, “Folklore is a living manifestation of human creativity” (Mahmud, 2003). Dan Ben-Amos defines folklore as “artistic communication in small groups. [….] A group could be a family, a street corner gang, a roomful of factory workers, a village, or even a tribe”; to identify the folklore process, Ben-Amos speaks of “changing human noise to music, movement and gesture to dance, and object to sculpture” (Ben-Amos, 1972). He mentions two essential conditions for this to happen – people need to confront each other face to face, and to relate directly (Ben-Amos, 1972). This is a vital consideration for folkloric performing arts, which demand an intimate local context to ensure face to face interaction between the performer and the audience.

Folklore is a reflection of the collective thinking of the common people in a society (Mahmud, 2003). In essence, it is the traditional art of people in general. It signifies the everyday experiences of art in any particular community. Mahmud and Khatun identify folklore as a testimony of the past. The creation of folklore is a continuous process in which elements are ever changing due to socio-economic movement, yet its impact is so vital for preserving socio-cultural identity within community life. The materials and values of folklore are transmitted orally by generations. Glassie notes that the study of folklore even changes to follow the shifting patterns of folklore. To study folklore, Glassie introduces the concept of contextual discussion, which is very similar to the study of material culture. He signifies four aspects of recording folklore – creation, context, consumption, and creator or performer. The creation aspect records the art or craft, context records the setting of the creation, consumption records the process of reception, and the creator or performer records the life of an artist or artisan (Glassie, 2013). Khan emphasizes both recognized methods for studying folklore – the diachronic approach, to study the historical context; and, the synchronic approach, to observe the performance context (Khan, 2013).

Methodology

Qualitative Research – Observational Study and Documentation

First, a literature review was done to establish a theoretical framework regarding material culture and folklore in order to clarify their content and context, the objective of these studies, and their relationship to culture and human behavior, which has helped to shape this research work within a methodical approach. The literature review was developed based on both international and local study materials as well as research findings reflecting a mix of classic and contemporary texts. In addition, this theoretical framework provides an established range of techniques for studying artifacts.

The primary objective of this study is to document the traditional method of making rickshaws. More precisely, it illustrates rickshaw workshops, rickshaw artists’ studio spaces, the artifacts, and artisans’ activities. This research is a qualitative case study of observation and documentation. A four-week comprehensive field survey was conducted in an area at the southern edge of Dhaka city to gather relevant information and collect adequate material as primary sources for subsequent studies. The field survey was done at three distinct levels of observation. First, the survey documents the overall context of the study area, the historic old part of Dhaka along the banks of the Buriganga River. The fieldwork includes understanding the morphological setting of the study area and its scale, the urban block and street patterns, and the modes of connection and communication. It covers both sides of the Buriganga River and includes an island, Kamrangir Char. Second, the fieldwork concentrates on the architecture of the workshops that make rickshaws, the artists’ studio spaces, the repair spaces, and the sources for materials such as factories and wholesale shops. Thus, the study covers two fully operational rickshaw workshops, three rickshaw artists’ studio spaces, three factories supplying equipment, two shops supplying wholesale materials, and two sidewalk repair spaces. These observations attempt to clarify the requirements for, and operation of, the entire work process concerning all spaces for functioning and storage. Third, this fieldwork focuses on the details of these artifacts and on the other

Map of Dhaka

26 objects related to the spaces that are required in order to function. This field survey also describes the structure of a rickshaw, the overall process of making one as well as the sources of raw materials and equipment, the operational procedure, the delivery system, the artisans’ activities and artists’ experiences.

The fieldwork was done using photography, videography, sketches, drawings, measurements, and oral interviews. A detailed photographic survey was done to provide a clear picture of work processes as well as the workspaces. In addition, a series of sketches were produced to help visualize the actual experience of these work places in order to understand the rational notion of spatial configuration. This paper demonstrates the range of focus used to illustrate the study of context – natural and built environments, urban and architectural spaces, typomorphology and typology, functional and temporal dimensions, visual and perceptual experiences. The fieldwork encompasses oral interviews of rickshaw mechanics, artists, factory workers, shopkeepers, and pullers to learn about their workspaces, the technology they use, and their experiences and involvements. The formal and informal interviews were done using semi-structured and open-ended questionnaires. In addition, a series of videos were filmed to make a brief documentary on the overall rickshaw-making process. Moreover, some original pieces of rickshaw-artwork were collected from well-known artists and painters for exhibition, discussion and documentation. Finally, overall observations were syndetized to illustrate the complete rickshaw-making process and the configuration patterns of workspaces as well as the artisans’ contributions to the industry.

Reference Ben‐Amos, D. (1972). Toward a Definition of Folklore in Context. In A. Paredes & R. Bauman (Eds.), Toward New perspective in Folklore (pp. 3‐15). Austin: University of Texas Press. Brown, I. W. (1993). The New England Cemetery as a Cultural Landscape. In S. Lubar & W. D. Kingery (Eds.), History from Things. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press. Castro, R. L., Mellin, R., & Rueda Plata, C. I. (2014). Modernismos Syndeticos: Syndatic Modernisms 1. Bogota, Colombia: Universidad Piloto de Colombia. Dutt, K. L., & Williams, D. J. (2010). Moving Pictures: Rickshaw Art of Bangladesh. Ocean, NJ: Grantha Corporation. Franck, K. A. (1994). Types Are Us. In K. A. Franck & L. H. Schneekloth (Eds.), Ordering Space: Types in Architecture and Design. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold. Gallagher, R. (1992). The Rickshaws of Bangladesh. Dhaka: The University Press Limited. Glassie, H. (1997). Art and Life in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Indiana University Press. Glassie, H. (1999). Material Culture. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Glassie, H. (2013). Recording Folklore. Paper presented at the Folklore New Challenges: The international Folklore Conference, Dhaka. Groth, P. (1997). Frameworks for Cultural Landscape Study. In P. Groth & T. W. Bressi (Eds.), Understanding Ordinary Landscapes. Michigan: Yale University Press. Hall, E. T. (1971). Proxemics and Design. Design and Environment, 2(58), 24‐25. Khan, S. (2013). In Search of a Model for Bangladesh's Folklore Materials Paper presented at the Folklore New Challenges: The international Folklore Conference, Dhaka. Kirkpatrick, J. (2003). Transports of Delight: The Ricksha Arts of Bangladesh. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Lang, J. (1974). Fundamental Processes of Environmental Behavior. In J. Lang, C. Burnette, W. Moleski, & V. D (Eds.), Designing for Human Behavior: Architecture & the Behavioral Sciences. Pennsylvania: Dowden, Hutchinson & Ross Inc. Lasnier, F. (2002). Rickshaw Art in Bangladesh. Dhaka: The University Press Limited. Leatherbarrow, D. (2009). Architecture Oriented Otherwise. New York: Princeton Architectural Press. Mahmud, F. (2003). Metalwork of Bangladesh: A study in Material Folkculture. Dhaka: Bangla Academy.

Mahmud, F., & Khatun, S. (2013). Folklore: New Challenges. Paper presented at the Folklore New Challenges: The international Folklore Conference, Dhaka. Momotaz, S. N., Sharmin, I., & Rasna, F. E. (2009). Socio‐Economic Benefits of Rickshaw‐ Pulling with Special Reference to Income, Employment and Services: A Case Study of Dhaka City in Bangladesh. Daffodil International University Journal of Business and Economics, 4(1 & 2), 71‐85. Moudon, A. V. (1994). Getting to Know the Built Landscape: Typomorphology. In K. A. Franck & L. H. Schneekloth (Eds.), Ordering Space: Types in Architecture and Design (pp. 289‐311). New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold. Prown, J. D. (1982). Mind in Matter: An Introduction to Material Culture Theory and Method. Winterthur Portfolio, 17(1), 1‐19. Prown, J. D. (1993). The truth of Material Culture: History or Fiction? In S. Lubar & W. D. Kingery (Eds.), History from Things: Essays on Material Culture (pp. 1‐19). Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press. RAJUK. (2005). Strategic Transport Plan (STP) 2005 for Dhaka. Dhaka: RAJUK. Selim, L. R. (Ed.). (2007). Art and Crafts. Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. Wheeler, T., & I'Anson, R. I. (1998). Chasing Rickshaws. Victoria, Australia: Lonely Planet Publications Pty. Ltd. Zumthor, P. (2006). Atmospheres: Architectural Environments. Surrounding Objects. Basel: Birkhauser.

A decorated rickshaw

Chapter II | Rickshaws of Dhaka

Rickshaws of Dhaka

Dhaka is a highly populated mega city of 12 million with a density of 8229 people per square kilometer (Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, 2011). Over decades, it has grown into a major South Asian business hub through large scale commercialization, industrialization, and urbanization. Dhaka’s massive transportation demands and the inadequate services that exist have always provided opportunities for rickshaws to ply the city’s roads. In addition, rickshaws are popular with city dwellers because of their moderately acceptable quality of service within a reasonable cost range, for their privacy, a comfortable journey with a sense of security, wider accessibility, and their noise-free and fuel-free environmental friendliness. Thus, rickshaws are the preferred travel mode – for the incapable, vulnerable and deprived social groups such as women, children, the elderly and physically challenged, and people without a driver’s license – because of their availability, safety, security and comfort (Momotaz, Sharmin, & Rasna, 2009).

Currently, pulling a rickshaw is not permitted during working hours on all roads in Dhaka city. Pulling a rickshaw is restricted on main roads, which are similar to the arterial roads in North America, from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. Some intersections on the main roads between different neighborhoods allow rickshaws to cross through the controlled signals. They are completely prohibited on the highways or freeways. Rickshaws are permitted on the collector and local roads. In some parts of the city, especially in the Old Town area, the narrow streets and alleys accommodate rickshaws as the only means of transportation. According to STP 2005, for 90% of rickshaw rides, the average travel distance is four kilometers. Because of their slow speed, some dedicated rickshaw lanes have already been provided by the authorities to avoid collisions. Notably, in Dhaka Cantonment, the local authority has successfully implemented a dedicated lane system for the movement of rickshaws. Unfortunately, in the developing urban areas, no initiatives have been taken to accommodate rickshaws in a safer way.

Despite their considerable use, most city dwellers consider rickshaws to be a symbol of under-development (Gallagher, 1992). The government, private sectors, and the general public think that this slow-moving vehicle is one of the main reasons for Dhaka’s severe traffic congestion. Gallagher reports that the traffic police authority even blames rickshaws for the city traffic’s congestion, slow speed, and accidents. He also notes that the informal profession of rickshaw pulling allows uncontrolled migration to the city that hampers environmental and socio-cultural stability (Gallagher, 1992). Yet, no one can deny the necessity of this transportation system in Dhaka or its contribution to the employment sector and the national economy.

Background

Dhaka is well known throughout the world as the capital of rickshaws – however, the rickshaw originated in Japan. In the 1870s, it first appeared on the streets of Japan as a human-powered, passenger-carrying transport vehicle. Rickshaws were first created to be pulled using hands. Later, a kind of bicycle was attached to it that allowed one to pedal this vehicle. Almost sixty years after its invention, the cycle rickshaw was first brought to Bangladesh in the 1930s; it first appeared in Dhaka in 1938. The term “rickshaw” also originated in Japan; the Japanese word Jin Riki Sha means “man powered vehicle.”

According to Salim Rashid, in 1938 a Bengali zamindar (“landlord”) from Sutrapur area and a Marwari businessman from Wari each purchased six rickshaws from Calcutta and attempted to introduce those to the city of Dhaka. Those rickshaws were not like the current models. The much wider seat was black leather and more comfortable, the hood was khaki canvas, and the metal frame was painted green or black. After the liberation of the Indian subcontinent from British rule, rickshaws began to display colorful decorations in the 1950s. By the end of 1960s, the current appearance and look had emerged.

Rickshaw and its puller

In Dhaka, the first rickshaw licenses were issued in 1944 for 100 rickshaws, where the permits instructed the pullers to assure the security and maintain the neatness of the rickshaws (Gallagher, 1992).

Rickshaw, a Motion Craft

A rickshaw is a pedal-driven, three-wheeled cycle that is mainly used for carrying passengers. The most important feature of the Dhaka rickshaw is its highly ornamented appearance. Describing its beauty, Wheeler and I’Anson note that “A fully decorated, shiny new rickshaw will start out with plastic flowers in jars bolted in front of the handlebars. Streamers and colored tape decorate the bars, the seats are brightly painted, the folding top is vividly embroidered, and the rickshaw body is plated with brilliant chrome, studded and painted” (Wheeler & I'Anson, 1998). Every single inch of this vehicle is crafted in artistic traditional motifs. The design patterns used in Dhaka’s rickshaws provide a real impression of local art and culture. In essence, the rickshaw is a mobile exhibit of Bangladeshi folk art.

Rickshaws found in Dhaka are a modified version of the original imported ones. Local makers devised its present appearance after a number of improvisations through localization. The overall length of the rickshaw is 240 cm, its width is 110 cm, and its weight is approximately 90 kg. The 60 cm wide rickshaw seat is designed for two adult passengers and is located just behind the puller’s seat. A rickshaw has two main parts – (a) the chassis, which includes a metal frame, springs, forks, axle, handlebars, puller’s seat, chain wheel, pedal cranks, wheels, etc.; (b) the wooden body with a bamboo hood, which includes the passenger seat and backrest, foot rest, a rexine cloth hood on a bamboo frame, curtains, etc. The body also includes a range of decorative elements including cages, caps, flower vases, tassels, lace, appliqué designs, back plate, etc. Most of these rickshaw parts and materials are locally made and a few are imported from India and China.

A typical Dhaka rickshaw

A rickshaw generally contains over 850 separate parts. The key components of a rickshaw are as follows:

1. Handlebar 26. Sub-frame 2. Grip (mutthi) 27. Spring 3. Break Lever 28. Rear Axle 4. Bell 29. Free Wheel 5. Cage (khancha) 30. Rear Hub 6. Cap (tupi) 31. Bearing 7. Vase (phooldani) and Flowers 32. Lower Bracing (tana rod) 8. Lace 33. Upper Bracing 9. Tassel 34. Back Plate (noksha board) 10. Front Fork 35. Body 11. Fork 36. Passenger Seat 12. Mudguard 37. Backrest 13. Wheel 38. Side Rest 14. Tire 39. Footrest 15. Wheel Rim 40. Store 16. Spokes 41. Clamp Board (paan/gol board) 17. Tube Valve 42. Bent Bar (Bent Rod, Footrest) 18. Break 43. Hood 19. Saddle (Puller’s Seat) 44. Hood Frame (kamani) 20. Frame 45. Hood Bracket 21. Rear Stays 46. Hood Latches (kobja) 22. Frame Curtain (frame jhalor) 47. Hood Cap 23. Chain Wheel or Sprockets 48. Window Curtain (khirki parda) 24. Pedal and Crank 49. Side Curtain (side parda) 25. Chain 50. Screen (bou parda)

Making and assembling rickshaws is a complicated process. Yet, producing them does not require any hi-tech industrial support. Skilled local mechanics are very experienced and are capable of making traditional rickshaws. In addition, pullers as well as makers are satisfied with the current technology, and with their rickshaws. However, in the opinion of experts, Dhaka’s rickshaw is very poorly designed and really hard to operate (Gallagher, 1992). In 1978, the Bangladesh Planning Commission’s transport survey section employed Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) to improve the efficiency of rickshaws and reduce their risk factors. Gallagher mentions that, in 1985/86, a Canadian engineer named Fred Willkie spent six months in Bangladesh and worked with local makers to build a better cycle rickshaw. Willkie addressed some urgent issues regarding design development – (a) most important, adding gears for easier riding with extra loads and comfortable pedaling on sloppy roads; (b) improving the steering for easier turning; (c) providing better brakes to ensure safety; (d) developing springs for carrying extra loads; (e) introducing high-strength wheels to reduce risk factors; (f) strengthening metal joints for a sound chassis; and (g) reducing the weight by redesigning the springs, wooden body, and bamboo hood. However, nothing was implemented successfully because of the industry’s existing large-scale setup and familiarity with the available technology. While studying rickshaws in the 1990s, Wheeler and I’Anson also noticed the same problems with the Dhaka rickshaw. They attributed its poor efficiency to the absence of gears, unstable steering, weak brakes, extra weight, and limited strength and reliability (Wheeler & I'Anson, 1998). It is interesting to note that the pullers are still quite happy with the efficiency of present-day rickshaws, which may have impeded all attempts to improve this vehicle.

Rickshaw Pullers, Artisans, and Others Related to the Rickshaw Industry

A large number of people are directly or indirectly engaged in the rickshaw industry and contribute to the national economy of Bangladesh. Rickshaw pulling, manufacturing, making, painting, repairing, the business of owning and renting – these are the key

38 contributing fields. There are various skill groups involved in the industry, namely the rickshaw puller, mechanic, equipment maker, equipment supplier, wholesale material vendors, and owners. There are also some other groups that are indirectly involved such as sidewalk restaurants and small shop owners who provide cheap food for the pullers, transportation workers who deliver rickshaw products, and the other agencies that maintain the sound operation of the industry. According to the Strategic Transport Plan (STP) 2005 for Dhaka, in 2005 the total number of rickshaws in Dhaka was 600,000; only 89,000 were licensed (RAJUK, 2005). This strategic guideline states that 36% of the total number of journeys was made by rickshaws in the city, and also, that over a million people were directly involved in this industry. However, in reality, the numbers are higher than the government statistics report. Gallagher, Glassie and Lasnier, and numbers of other researchers, have expressed doubt about the actual number of rickshaws in Dhaka. Due to the restrictions of the Dhaka City Corporation (DCC), countless numbers of unregistered rickshaws travel the roads without a license and permits, which goes unnoticed because of their high demand and successful operation. While studying the rickshaw industry in Bangladesh, the urban planner and transport expert Rob Gallagher proposed a rational structure to calculate (a) the number of rickshaw pullers, which is about 1.83 times the total rickshaw number, and (b) the others dependent on the industry, where there are four ancillary people employed for every ten rickshaws. Based on the STP 2005 statistics indicating 600,000 rickshaws in 2005, the approximate number of pullers was 1,098,000 and the number of other dependents was 240,000. Therefore, in total, about 1,338,000 people were directly engaged in this industry. According to the United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2006), the population of Dhaka was 12.9 million in 2005, which means that approximately 10.37% of the total city population was dependent on the rickshaw industry for their livelihoods. Wipperman and Sowula report in their study, The Rationalization of Non-Motorized Public Transport in Bangladesh, that in 2007, approximately 2.5 million people directly and indirectly relied on Dhaka’s rickshaw industry. Studies found that the rickshaw industry is one of the largest sources of employment in Dhaka. According to Wheeler and I’Anson, “It has been estimated that

39 one taka [the local currency] in every three spent on transport goes to the rickshaw business, which is twice as big as Bangladesh Biman, the national airline” (Wheeler & I'Anson, 1998). However, very mysteriously, this important sector is completely ignored by government authorities and private agencies, which is why it has been operating informally in Dhaka for almost 100 years.

There are various skill groups involved in Dhaka’s rickshaw industry. Some of them are directly involved in operating the rickshaw, and some work anonymously supporting this mega transportation system. These workers can be classified into four categories: a. Rickshaw Puller b. Rickshaw Owner c. Artisan d. Others related to the rickshaw industry

Rickshaw pullers are the most familiar faces of the rickshaw industry – they pull the rickshaws. The rickshaw is the primary mode of transportation in Dhaka, here most city dwellers depend on rickshaws and therefore need to communicate with rickshaw pullers. Pullers are found moving around with their rickshaws on every single street and in every alley of the city.

Owners make up a huge group in the rickshaw industry. They are the actual money makers and are capable of investing large amounts to purchase new rickshaws and operate them.

Dhaka’s rickshaws are not only vehicles, they are also mobile art galleries covered in traditional folk art. Clearly, these are a pure form of artifact, crafted by various artisans including rickshaw makers, decorators, painters and artists. These experts have been working since the 1950s, continuing this heritage of making decorated rickshaws for generations.

There are other groups of people who support the functioning of the rickshaw industry such as repair mechanics, and the material producers and suppliers. Each of these

40 groups makes a large contribution to this giant industry to ensure that it operates efficiently.

Rickshaw Pullers

The primary professional group in this industry is the rickshaw puller (in Bengali, rickshaw wala). This is a completely male-dominated profession. Because it requires very hard labor, females never become rickshaw pullers. Despite the hard labor, this is one of the very attractive professions for the underprivileged and people who have migrated to the city; in other words, pulling a rickshaw is an easy option for employment. Because it does not require any special skills, education or literacy, and no driver’s license or capital, rural people easily become involved in rickshaw pulling almost immediately after they migrate to big cities or even to small towns. People mainly start pulling a rickshaw in their mid-30s to mid-40s, and some start in their 20s. This is rarely a profession for elderly people, but it is not completely unknown.

A rickshaw puller carrying both a passenger and goods

Rickshaw pullers during their break

According to Momotaz, Sharmin and Rasna, the majority of pullers are permanent migrants to Dhaka while one third of them are seasonal migrants from rural areas (Momotaz et al., 2009). These seasonal workers generally do agricultural work in their villages such as farming, fishing, tree cutting, etc. They also work as day laborers doing earth excavation and at construction sites, etc. After the harvest season, agricultural workers and their helpers are free to migrate to the cities to work as rickshaw pullers. Sometimes they even migrate at the time of Eid, the main Muslim religious festival, because of the greater demand for public transportation at that occasion, and they charge extra during this holiday period and consider that “a tip.”

A rickshaw puller during a break

Most of these rickshaw pullers live in the city without their families. They leave their family members in their remote villages where the cost of living is cheaper, making it easier to support them. Their families usually include a wife, children and parents, and sometimes sisters and brothers as well. The average size of these families is five people, including the rickshaw puller, who are directly dependent on his income; the average

43 monthly income for a rickshaw puller is not more than 8,000 Tk (approximately 100 US dollars) (Momotaz et al., 2009).

In most cases, rickshaw pullers rent rickshaws from owners for a day or half day. Some pullers pull their own rickshaws. There are two main work shifts and each is eight hours long – the morning shift, from 6 am to 2 pm; the evening shift, from 2 pm to 10 pm. There is one other, the midnight shift, from 10 pm to 6 am; only a few rickshaws are available during this time period. Thus, on average, more than one puller is employed per rickshaw. In his study, Gallagher found that approximately 1.8 pullers rent each rickshaw per day (Gallagher, 1992). Some young and energetic pullers or rickshaw owners take more than one shift per day.

Rickshaw pulling is a highly controversial topic for both the general public and critics because it requires undeniably hard, inhumane labor. Lasnier uses the phrase “exploitation of one man by another” to describe the Western perception of rickshaw pulling (Lasnier, 2002). Mass people still considered this a painful and unorthodox means of transport. In contrast, during the 1870s, the Japanese people introduced the rickshaw as technological progress, and considered renting one to be a symbol of social status (Lasnier, 2002). Gallagher attempts to highlight the positive aspects of pulling a rickshaw by arguing against the overall opinion, which does not support the practice. He cites Indonesian research reporting that, while pulling a rickshaw, the average heartbeat of a rickshaw puller is 120 to 150 beats per minute, which is similar to that of an agricultural worker. He also refers to an engineering study stating that a comfortable power output for a person is around 0.10 hp whereas a rickshaw puller must use 0.12 to 0.13 hp to pedal his vehicle with two passengers under normal wind conditions. Gallagher also said that it is easy for a puller to carry one passenger, reasonable to carry two, but difficult to carry three or more (Gallagher, 1992). However, it is also true that upward slopes and severe weather conditions such as high temperatures and humidity are really challenging for rickshaw pullers.

Pullers waiting for passengers Loading goods

Loading leaves for cleaning purposes Pullers taking a break

A puller hiding himself from the rain A puller taking a nap during his break

Rickshaw Puller Hares Ali

Hares Ali is a struggling rickshaw puller who is 60 years of age. Two years ago, he came to Dhaka from Pabna; he now lives by himself in Kamrangir Char. His wife lives in Pabna with his only son, Ratan, and his family. Hares was very settled living in Pabna; he owned seven rickshaws and also worked as a rickshaw puller. Recently, Ratan got a teaching position at a school. Now, as the father of a school teacher, it is socially unacceptable for Hares to pull a rickshaw. That is why he left Pabna and began working in Dhaka. On average, his daily income is 500 to 600 Tk (6.25 to 7.50 US dollars), after renting the rickshaw for 100 Tk (1.25 US dollars). He tries to send most of his income to Pabna to his wife. He said, “I love my wife, and I need to take care of her. Actually, there is no one to think about this lady, except me.” Hares is a great fan of Sufism and likes the songs of Lalon, a great Sufi artist from Bangladesh. Hares believes the sun is the source of all power, inspiration, and action. Like Lalon, he thinks god has sent him to find peace in his limitations, and in what he really appreciates and celebrates.

Hares Ali

Rickshaw Puller Mohammad Giashuddin

Despite their poverty, rickshaw pullers still love to celebrate life in their own ways, to gain inner peace. Mohammad Giashuddin is such a person. He is a middle aged rickshaw puller from Bikrampur who has spent 1,800 Tk (approximately 22.50 US dollars) to add a decorative brass feature that includes a pair of bells, a few vases, the Islamic word Allah, a swan and a dolphin – just for his own inner peace and happiness.

Proud Giashuddin and his newly added brass decorations

Rickshaw Owners

Rickshaw owners are known locally as rickshaw malik. Some pullers have their own rickshaws, but in most cases rickshaw owners own more than one rickshaw. In his study, Gallagher found that some wealthy owners have even more than one thousand rickshaws (Gallagher, 1992). Owners rent their rickshaws to pullers for different shifts; they usually charge 100 Tk to 125 Tk (1.25 to 1.50 US dollars) per shift. Rent varies based on the decoration and condition of a rickshaw. Often, a good looking new rickshaw is rented for a little more than an old one. In support of this higher rent, owners argue that a new rickshaw performs better, thus there will be fewer interruptions, and that their new decorations attract passengers very well. The place where owners store a rickshaw is known as a rickshaw garage, which is why some people call an owner a garage malik, which means “garage owner.”

Khorshed, a successful rickshaw owner

Mohammad Khorshed Alam is a seventy year old owner who owns twenty-two rickshaws. He drove a taxi earlier in his life and later got involved in the rickshaw rental business. His garage is in the Sayedabad area in the southeastern part of Dhaka. He offers rentals for both half days and full days. He charges 60 Tk (0.80 US dollars) for a half day and 120 Tk (1.60 US dollars) for a full day rental. His son is a mechanic who helps him fix the problems he has with his rickshaws. Sometimes he needs to hire another repair mechanic to do extra work, which costs 400 Tk (5 US dollars) per day for labor.

Rickshaw Makers

After rickshaw pullers, the second most important contributor to this industry are rickshaw makers. They are also known as rickshaw mechanics; the Bengali translation of “mechanic” is mystiri. In fact, rickshaw mechanics make the rickshaws and their responsibilities consist of receiving orders, purchasing materials and equipment from factories and wholesale stores, assembling the mechanical parts, making the body and hood, collecting art from rickshaw artists, decorating the rickshaw with appliqués and paint, and delivering the final product to the person who ordered it. Rickshaw mechanics work individually or with a group in their informal workshops. However, the common practice is to work in a group of five or six skilled workers who do four particular types of work. They require expertise in (a) assembling mechanical parts and the chassis, (b) making the rickshaw body and hood, (c) decorating the rickshaw with appliqués, and (d) painting.

A group of mechanics generally works under the supervision of the foreman of the workshop, the chief mechanic, locally known as the body mystiri, or the “body maker.” It is clear from this title that his expertise is in making the body. He knows almost every aspect of the work, except possibly the painting. His job is to manage the workshop, collect work orders, purchase materials, supervise the overall work process, and to make and assemble the mechanical parts of the rickshaw. Because the chief mechanic often is busy with other duties outside the workshop such as collecting orders and purchasing materials, he always has a second body maker to continue the work so that the entire process is uninterrupted. A helper who assists the body maker in his work is called, topkata mystiri. “Topkata” is the local word for a particular type of nail that is used in large quantities when making the body. Because the helper uses them to do the job of nailing the chubi or topkata, he is called topkata mystiri. Another very important expertise is supplied by the appliqué designer or decorator who is called noksha mystiri. “Noksha” is the Bengali translation of the word “design.” The appliqué designer’s main skills are cutting and stitching. He uses the sewing machine to create different

49 decorative patterns on rexine and plastic sheets that are used for rickshaw hoods. He also produces various colorful laces to ornament the rickshaws. Last but not least, expertise in painting is required to make a rickshaw. Painting work is divided into two steps – the first is to provide a base or ground color on the different parts of the rickshaws; the second is to paint decorative patterns on the wooden body, metal frame, hood frame, and on the rexine hood. The most common decorative patterns include floral motifs, birds and animals, rural landscapes, and abstract compositions. The name of the owner, the owner’s contact number, the body maker’s name, social and religious messages, and other information are included in the decoration. A helper usually assists the main painter by applying the base colors; he is known as astor mystiri. The helper learns painting techniques and will be a future painter.

A group of rickshaw makers normally takes a maximum of three to four days to make a rickshaw. This covers all the essential steps from order to delivery, including obtaining the materials. The makers accept a contract for the total package, at a certain fixed price. The average cost for a completely decorated rickshaw is 20,000 Tk (250 US dollars) whereas a less decorated one costs 18,000 Tk (225 US dollars). It is surprising to know that most owners do not hesitate to spend more than 10% in addition to the regular price for a highly decorated rickshaw – strictly for their peace of mind. In the opinion of some owners and makers, a nicely decorated rickshaw can easily attract pullers as well as passengers. Rickshaw making is a limited industry; only a few workshops are found in Dhaka that make really good quality rickshaws with traditional decorations. It is interesting to note that most rickshaw makers got their training from their family members, a father or an uncle, and then came into this profession. This fieldwork found that the second and third generations of rickshaw makers are now doing this traditional work.

Mohammad Yusuf, rickshaw maker

Rickshaw Artists

Rickshaw artists are the most highly recognized experts in the rickshaw industry. Gallagher introduces them as the aristocrats of the whole process of rickshaw making (Gallagher, 1992). They are independent artists who do very unique and specialized artwork for the back plate of a rickshaw, which is known as rickshaw painting or rickshaw art. The artists also paint on the rexine seat covers, on the backrest, and on the side curtains of rickshaws. This art form is an excellent expression of Bangladeshi folk art.

A decorated rickshaw hood

Rickshaw artists do not have any institutional education or training. Most learned this form of painting from a family member or a well-known master. The basic reasons they enter this profession are a love of painting and their inherent talent. These artists mainly work as helpers for their masters while learning to achieve this skill. This profession requires natural artistic ability and skill, and of course, a passion for artwork.

Like rickshaw makers, there are very few highly regarded rickshaw artists, which keeps them quite busy delivering a massive volume of orders. Most rickshaw artists copy certain popular themes and patterns for their paintings; the talented and creative ones mainly rely on their imaginations when coloring their canvases, and on social issues. Some of the motifs, like the Taj Mahal, have been painted for so long and were first introduced by the painting pioneers. Some paintings are copied from cinema posters, calendars, magazines, etc. Hence, not many of the motifs are completely original, and if a particular scene becomes very popular, it may be copied and re-copied by many artists, each time losing a little of its original quality (Gallagher, 1992). However, artists usually cannot complete more than two or three pieces of artwork per day, and the selling price is a maximum of 200 Tk to 250 Tk (approximately 2.50 to 3 US dollars), which is really quite cheap. For that price, they cannot produce very good quality work due to time constraints. Quality work requires a lot of time and attention, which raises the price quite a bit higher. In fact, the market demands the cheaper versions of artwork to reduce the cost of making a rickshaw. Very recently, some well-known artists have received national and international recognition. They have participated in various exhibitions and workshops, both at home and abroad, providing highly visible platforms that have helped increase the value of their work. The organization Rickshaw Art in Bangladesh is an online platform that collects and sells rickshaw art by recognized artists; costs range from 80 to 200 US dollars. These selected artworks are highly commendable for their subjects, content and details compared to the very ordinary pieces available in the local markets.

Gallagher compares the rickshaw-making team to an orchestra – the body maker is the conductor, decoration workers are the lead violinist, and the rickshaw artist is certainly the soloist (Gallagher, 1992). The field study found two generations of recognized artists in the creative field of rickshaw painting; only a few masters now remain – maybe not even ten! Some of the first generation artists are R.K. Das, D.C. Das, P.C. Das, Abdul Latif, Alinoor, Alauddin Ahmed, Golam Nabi, S.M. Samsu, and Ahmed Hussain. They were

53 mostly self-taught and stayed in this profession for a long time. A few are still working on a very limited scale; most are retired and many of them have died. Some of these artists were pioneers in their distinctive styles and subject matters. Notably, R.K. Das, who is a living legend, claims to have invented the painting of the “Taj Mahal floating on a water lily;” and Abdul Latif established “the fables” as a subject matter for rickshaw painting (Gallagher, 1992). D.C. Das introduced the subjects of famous monuments, architecture, and cityscapes to rickshaw painting. Among second generation artists, Rafiqul Islam, Tapan Das, and Yousuf Nabi are some well-known figures who paint rickshaw backplates. Traditionally, artists used signatures in their paintings; some prefer their full names, some use their initials, and a few of them use pseudonyms or the name of a loved one. When signing, D.C. Das uses his full name as well as the pseudonym, “Old Shetu.” Ahmed Hussian’s signature is “Ahmed Art” whereas Yousuf Nabi uses his gmail account address as his signature. Alauddin Ahmed, one of Dhaka’s finest rickshaw artists, preferred to use his first name as his signature at the beginning of his career. Later, he began to use “Naj,” the name of his beloved, departed daughter.

A rickshaw backplate

Rickshaw Repair Mechanics

Rickshaw makers work as repair mechanics for large-scale repair jobs or the restoration of old and broken rickshaws. However, there are also mobile mechanics who can provide various support services to fix most problems. In general, repair mechanics are found at street-side locations or even on the sidewalks. Their arrangement is quite informal as well as temporary. These repair mechanics carry a small wooden toolbox full of small repair tools and bottles of lubricating oil. The tools include wrenches in various sizes, pliers, screwdrivers, sockets, a hammer, clamps, hand saws and other essential items. They also keep a pump and a metal tripod on which to raise the frame while repairing the wheels. Sometimes these mechanics work by themselves, but often, they just provide their tools to the rickshaw pullers who fix the problems at a lower cost.

A rickshaw mechanic fixing the wheel

Reference

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Moudon, A. V. (1994). Getting to Know the Built Landscape: Typomorphology. In K. A. Franck & L. H. Schneekloth (Eds.), Ordering Space: Types in Architecture and Design (pp. 289‐311). New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold. Prown, J. D. (1982). Mind in Matter: An Introduction to Material Culture Theory and Method. Winterthur Portfolio, 17(1), 1‐19. Prown, J. D. (1993). The truth of Material Culture: History or Fiction? In S. Lubar & W. D. Kingery (Eds.), History from Things: Essays on Material Culture (pp. 1‐19). Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press. RAJUK. (2005). Strategic Transport Plan (STP) 2005 for Dhaka. Dhaka: RAJUK. Wheeler, T., & I'Anson, R. (1998). Chasing Rickshaws. Victoria, Australia: Lonely Planet Publications Pty. Ltd. Zumthor, P. (2006). Atmospheres: Architectural Environments. Surrounding Objects. Basel: Birkhauser.

A decorated rickshaw body

Chapter III | Making and Repairing Rickshaws

Rickshaw-making Workshops and Artisans

Making a rickshaw is a complex, systematic process but not a critical engineering. This study found that local informal workshop settings can easily support this industry. In Dhaka, most of the well-known, established rickshaw workshops are located on the backstreets of the northern area in the old part of town, along the banks of the Buriganga River. To support these workshops by providing the necessary raw materials, parts-producing factories have also been developed in old Dhaka. The field study identified specific areas where rickshaw making workspaces and equipment producing cottage industries are available, namely Lakshmi Bazar, Bangshal, Narinda, Kamrangir Char, Bash Patti, Pargandaria, etc. In addition, workshops are also found in the new part of town that are comparatively recent and less organized. These new workshops do not even specialize in making traditionally decorated rickshaws. However, rickshaw-making workshops occupy small spaces with very simple architecture. The average size of a workshop is not more than 15 to 20 square meters. These rectangular workspaces are mainly temporary or semi-permanent structures made of concrete and brick masonry, or tin, wood and bamboo. At most, they contain low-height mezzanine levels for both work and storage purposes. Some much bigger workshops have secondary storage spaces. Surprisingly, due to the lack of indoor space they require, makers use the immediate outdoor spaces such as the pavement, street, courtyard, etc., to assemble rickshaws, especially for painting purposes. These workshops are not equipped with heavy equipment but mainly use simple carpentry tools including one or two manually operated sewing machines and an electric drill.

This research investigates two workshop spaces in two completely different settings; both are located in the southern part of Dhaka city: a. Mohammad Selim’s Workshop b. Mohammad Yusuf’s Workshop

Buriganga River

61 a. Mohammad Selim’s Workshop Mohammad Selim is a well-known rickshaw maker in Dhaka. His workshop is one of the very few that makes traditionally-crafted rickshaws with rich decorations. Selim’s workshop is in the Lakshmi Bazar area, within the context of the busy Old Town and near the historic Bahadur Shah Park. It is located on a backstreet named Kazi Abdur Rouf Road, just behind the Dhaka Mohanogor Mohila College. This part of Lakshmi Bazar is a congested and mixed-use area dominated by wholesale markets and educational institutions. Beyond the main road, the backstreet suddenly losses its chaotic atmosphere and acquires a quiet residential appearance. However, Selim’s workshop mainly keeps the street busy during the daytime with its continuous low and steady noise, the activity, and attention from the public.

The silent Kazi Abdur Rouf Road, and Selim’s workshop in the garage space of the faded yellow building

The workshop is located in the roadside garage of a typical four-story residential apartment building. It is a reinforced cement concrete structure with brick masonry partition walls. It is rectangular in shape and measures 11.85 square meters; its width is 3.2 meters facing the street, and it is 3.7 meters deep. The only opening is the façade- width steel shutter at the front. Like a street-side shop, it was made as a rentable space. The neatly finished cement floor is the main work area for assembling rickshaws. This workshop is adjacent to a storeroom of similar size and layout, like a next-door shop in the row. This storage area is used for keeping wooden parts. Surprisingly, within its 3.55 meters height, this workshop space accommodates a wooden mezzanine floor supported by a bamboo frame. The mezzanine space, which is 3.2 meters by 1.37 meters and 1.5 meters high, is used for stitching on appliqué decorations using a sewing machine. The machine operator works in a seated position, which is why this space does not need to have standard-height clearance. Consequently, a person must always bend while moving around in this mezzanine space. A bamboo ladder is used for climbing up to the mezzanine. Beneath its wooden floor, the area is used for storage purposes for both materials and equipment.

The storage room at Selim’s workshop

Selim’s workshop The mezzanine level

Here, the primary tools of the workshop are two sewing machines and an electric drill. Other tools include cutting saws, hammers, pliers, scissors, measuring tapes, etc. Under the mezzanine, there is a metal cabinet that has many locks, which is the most secure area and is used for keeping all tools and equipment. So many items hang from the ceiling and on the walls of the workshop including handmade shelves, a fan, some lights, wall clock, calendar, cutting saws, metal sheets in various shapes, plastic decorations, laces and tassels. One of the most notable aspects of these workshops – discovered during field studies – is the tape recorder or radio. This is a very common and popular means of entertainment for rickshaw makers while working such long hours. They mainly love to listen to very loud old or new Bengali music. In Selim’s workshop, I noticed two of these, one on the ground level and the other on the mezzanine.

The wooden mezzanine platform on a bamboo structure with storage underneath

Cladding the metal sheets Making the bamboo hood

Preparing the seat Covering the seat with decorated rexine cloth

Appliqué decoration Pasting photos in the wooden frame

Selim’s workplace is the perfect image of a traditional Bangladeshi rickshaw-making workshop. There are seven people including Selim working there – six full-time and one part-time. Although Selim is the chief mechanic, he also stays busy with other concerns such as getting orders, purchasing materials, managing financial transactions, etc. This workshop handles the four distinct areas of expertise. Mohammad Selim and Mohammad Shiraz are the main mechanics, or body mystiri, in this workshop. Mohammad Manik is their helper, the topkata mystiri. Selim assembles the entire chassis including the wheels and all mechanical parts, which are collected from different frame- making factories and wholesale parts stores. Rickshaw owners sometimes provide a complete chassis for assembly and decoration. In fact, making the body of the rickshaw is the beginning of the craft process. Making the body consists of two parts – preparing the seat and making the hood. The main maker and his helper, mainly Shiraz and Manik, both clad the wooden body in shiny aluminum sheets. They decorate it with shiny boat pins arranged in attractive patterns. They also pin on postcards of popular film stars. Then comes the wooden box stuffed with sundried coconut fiber and locally made springs. At this stage, the whole seat including the sides and backrest are wrapped with rexine cloth covered in drawn and painted designs. In the next step, the body maker prepares the bamboo hood frame, or kamani. A bracket is used to hold the bamboo strips and a pair of latches is installed to operate the hood function. The frame is then wrapped with decorative plastic covers. To produce the decorated rexine cloth or plastic covers, the decoration mechanics apply stitching and appliqué work using the paddle-operated sewing machine. In this workshop, Jewel (a talented young eighteen year old) works on rexine decorations; Bahar does the same job, but only part-time. Most of their decorations consist of floral patterns and include the name of the chief body maker, Selim, in decorative Bengali letters. Jewel usually works on the ground level and Bahar works on the mezzanine platform.

Metal bars and cloths hanging on the bamboo ladder

In the next step, the rickshaw is painted with a base color and with beautiful folk drawings in patterns consisting of flowers, birds, nature, and rural landscapes, etc. Mohammad Giashuddin, the principal painter, has magnificent skills and works for Selim’s workshop; Shumon helps him do the base colors. In some cases, they paint the back section of the body and the bracings with folk proverbs such as Mayer doa, meaning “Mother’s blessing,” or Bhulona amay, meaning “Don’t forget me”; religious messages such as Namaz kayem koro, meaning “Do your prayers,” or Allah vorosha, meaning “God is helpful”; social messages such as Apnar shontanke school e pathan, meaning “Send your children to school,” or Shobar jonno shiksha, meaning “Education for all,” and Aides mukto shomaj chai, meaning “Aides free society.” Information such as the owners name and contact information, etc., may also be included. Since Selim’s workshop is not spacious enough to contain all of these activities inside the shed, Giashuddin works on the street right in front of the workshop, next to a boundary wall and under the pleasant shadow of a tree. In the final stage, Selim and Shiraz wrap brightly colored plastic strips around the metal frame to bind tassels in different places such as the handle grips, front cage, and other decorated spots.

Appliqué design with Selim’s name in Bengali letters

From left to right: Shiraz, Giashuddin, Manik, Selim, Shumon, and Jewel

Selim and His Workers: Words from Rickshaw Makers Mohammad Selim is a forty-eight year old, self-made businessman who learned about making rickshaws from his uncle. He has been doing this for the last thirty years with great success and recognition. He told us, “Nowadays, a complete rickshaw costs 20,000 Tk [approximately 250 US dollars], and it needs at least 2,000 Tk [approximately 25 US dollars] to add decorations,” which is 10% of the total cost. He added, “Generally, it takes four days to complete a rickshaw, and on average we get ten to twelve orders per month.” He is quite happy to be a part of this cottage industry, but at the same time expressed anxiety about its future – “Only a few mechanics are now making decorative and traditional rickshaws. So anytime, this industry may lose its identity and pride.”

Selim preparing bent metal bars for rickshaws

Fifty-five year old Mohammad Shiraz, one of the most experienced of Dhaka’s rickshaw makers, has been working for more than forty-five years. He said, “I learned this rickshaw making from my father and uncles, it’s my family tradition.” Shiraz, who wishes to make

71 rickshaws until his last breath, said, “I will continue rickshaw making as long as my blood flows on.” He is not only a skilled worker but also has a nice personality, and always encourages all his co-workers to keep their working environment lively. He is the primary rickshaw maker in Selim’s workshop.

Shiraz cladding the wooden frame with glossy tin

Mohammad Giashuddin, one of the finest rickshaws painters of our time, has twenty years of experience. He learned this painting craft from his master, Mohammad Yakub. Later, he became a master in this field himself and taught many people. He said, “I taught my brother rickshaw painting, but he could not continue due to the lack of opportunity.” He can complete a rickshaw in three and a half hours, charges 350 to 400 Tk (4 to 5 US dollars) for his labor, and works either by the hour or contractually. He loves to make different patterns on the different parts of a rickshaw. In his words, “I draw flowers, birds, and scenery on rickshaws. I draw on eight to ten parts of the rickshaw – the chassis, hood, latches, spring, axle, mudguard, forks, bracings, footrest, and so on.”

Giashuddin painting a rickshaw chassis on the street, next to the tall boundary wall

Hand painted decoration on bamboo hood frame, by Giashuddin

Hand painted axle and lower bracing, by Giashuddin

Hand painted drawings, by Giashuddin

Decorated rickshaw handlebar

78 b. Mohammad Yusuf’s Workshop

Mohammad Yusuf works alone in his workshop for making rickshaws, which is not typical but also is not rare. It is located in a very scenic, natural setting in Kamrangir Char, facing the Buriganga River. Kamrangir Char is an island at the southern edge of Dhaka that is connected to the city mainly by a number of bridges and roads. Due to unplanned development patterns and the poor economy, this area still has many temporary structures as well as open green spaces along the river’s edge – the juxtaposition of an urban setting in a semirural context. Yusuf’s workshop is located just next to the Matbor Bazar Ghaat, which is a small dock for boats that carry passengers on their daily commutes from one side of the river to the other. The flowing river, slow moving boats, row of green trees, playing shadows, and human voices make for a lively scene. The pleasing natural surroundings, the brick paved front courtyard of the workshop, the metal bench under the green shade trees all appeal to those, with familiar and unknown faces, who come to speak and spend time with Yusuf.

Yusuf’s workshop

The context of Yusuf’s workshop

Section drawing of Yusuf’s workshop space

Yusuf’s workshop space is a temporary structure made of bamboo framing, wooden planks, corrugated sheet (tin) panels, and a raised masonry plinth neatly finished in cement. The space measures nine square meters and each side is three meters in length. Its front facade is completely open to the river view through a pair of custom-made folding panels supported by wooden latches. The only rear window always remains closed in order to keep extra materials in front of it. It has some shelves hanging on the wall that are full of materials, tools, and other necessary supplies. Wall panels are mostly covered with decorated rexine cloths, painted back plates, and other essentials. Yusuf’s most important tools at the workshop are – a sewing machine that was his father’s, now over 50 years old; an electric welding machine with massive gas cylinders for repairing old and broken rickshaws; an electric drill; and, other typical equipment such as hammers, scissors, pliers, screwdrivers, wrenches, etc. He keeps most of his small tools in a wooden cabinet secured with a lock.

Yusuf at his workshop

Yusuf’s view through his open folding panels – courtyard, street, greenery…

… river, floating boats…

Yusuf works mainly by himself making and decorating rickshaws; sometimes he gets help from his brother, Mohammad Israfil. From order collection to delivery – including the purchase of materials, making the body and hood, doing the appliqué decoration and basic painting – Yusuf can do everything himself. He only temporarily hires painters to do the decorative drawings for his rickshaws. He must spend a maximum of seven days to complete a rickshaw and cannot produce more than five a month.

Yusuf’s painting things

Yusuf has been working as a rickshaw maker since he was 12 years of age. He is a maker and mechanic as well as an artist. He learned the trade from his father, Mohammad Ismail; his father inherited his rickshaw-making skill from Yusuf’s grandfather, Mohammad Jamal. Maybe he will be the last in his family to work in this traditional family business. His two sons are educated and each has a different business of his own. In his forty-two years of experience, he has seen so many changes in rickshaw making. According to Yusuf, “In 1972, after the liberation, my father could complete a rickshaw

84 for only 350 Tk [approximately 4.50 US dollars]. At that time, except for the wooden body and bamboo hood, most of the parts were imported, especially from China. In the 80s, Indian parts started to come to Bangladesh. But now, we use all local parts, and these are very good, sometimes even better than foreign parts, like Bangladeshi tires are more durable than imported tires.”

Yusuf working with decorated wood panels and sewing appliquéd lace

An old rickshaw… with old parts…

and old metals…

Yusuf’s belongings on tin wall

Rickshaw Equipment-producing Factories

Numerous parts and rickshaw equipment are produced in different areas of Dhaka. This study focuses on the very prime elements of the rickshaw and their production process. a. Metal Frame

Making a rickshaw frame is a very simple technology. It is an industry that is present in Dhaka, essentially as metal cutting and welding workshops. These workshops are found in the Old Town of Dhaka, Jatrabari, and Keraniganj. Mohammad Hasib is a young, twenty-six year old technician who produces rickshaw frames in a workshop located in the Bangshal area. His is a small workplace comprising only five square meters; its dimensions are two meters in width and two and a half meters in depth. Hasib gathers his raw materials such as pipes and metal bars from Alu Bazar. His tiny workshop is equipped with a metal cutter and a welder. He can produce 15 to 20 frames per day and sell each for 700 Tk (8.50 US dollars).

Hasib (on the right) in his tiny workshop space

89 b. Wooden Body

Factories that make wooden rickshaw bodies are widely available in the Kamrangir Char, Bash Patti, and Shampur districts of Dhaka city. They do strictly carpentry work, which requires much bigger spaces for storing both the raw materials and finished products. Rickshaw bodies are mainly made from mango tree wood, locally known as aam kath, but mehegoni wood serves the same purpose. Ibrhaim Hossain Mithu is a promising young businessman as well as a student who is the owner of a rickshaw body-making factory located in the Bash Patti area, just on the bank of the Buriganga River. He inherited this business from his father, Jahangir Hossain. Mithu prefers to use mango tree wood from Jessore for his product because of its better shape and size. He told us, “The average production cost is 500 Tk [6.25 US dollars] per body and the market price is about 800 Tk [8 US dollars]. We provide these bodies to both the rickshaw maker and the wholesale businessman. But our main customer is the wholesale businessman.” One of his senior carpenters, Mohammad Minna, said, “We four people can make twenty-five pieces of bodies per day.”

Mohammad Minna

90 c. Bamboo Hood Frame

Bamboo hood frame factories mainly are found right along a river or a water channel. This is because waterways provide easier transportation for bulk amounts of raw bamboo from different parts of the country. This study found a hood-making factory in Bash Patti, on the edge of the Buriganga River. In fact, “bash” means bamboo and “patti” means area, so Bash Patti is the “Bamboo Area,” and this place is quite well known for bamboo-based factories including those that produce rickshaw hoods.

A bamboo hood frame workshop

Shahidul Islam is a middle-aged man of 35, an experienced hood maker who has been working in the Bash Patti area for the last 12 years. According to him, “We collect bamboo from different places, like Gazipur, Modhupur, Rangpur and so on. I can make 40 to 50 kamani (“hood frame”) per day.” He is not happy with work because of the very low wages that make his life quite challenging.

Shahidul Islam

Saadman Mia, an old fellow in his late seventies, works in the same factory cutting bamboo to the right size and shape. He can prepare 100 to 125 pieces per day. Mirza Anwara Begum cleans these bamboo strips for the final stage of production; she has been working in this factory for the last 15 years. She gets 20 Tk (0.25 US dollar) for cleaning five bamboo strips. She is from Barishal and is quite happy with her earnings. She feels that “Being a woman, I can earn for my family, my kids. It’s not that much, still a contribution and support. It relieves my husband from his excessive pressure.”

Saadman Mia Mirza Anwara Begum

Bash Patti

Rickshaw Equipment Wholesale Stores

Rickshaw equipment and raw-material stores are found all around Dhaka. However, the Bangshal and Kazi Alauddin roads are well known for rickshaw cycle parts. Numerous wholesale and retail stores selling rickshaw parts are located on these two roads. There are three types of stores that sell three distinct categories of parts for rickshaws – (a) metal parts, (b) rexine cloth and paintings, and (c) decorative items. a. Metal Parts

These stores sell all metal parts for chassis and wheels. Their items include rickshaw frames, springs, handles, forks, chains, wheels, axles, bracings, brakes, hubs, bearings, nuts, bolts and so many other metal parts necessary for rickshaws. Mohammad Russel, manager of the Jahangir Cycle Store in Bangshal, informed us that “Except the chain, most of the parts are locally made and collected from nearby factories.”

Jahangir Cycle Store

Raw materials, metals

95 b. Stores Selling Rexine Cloth and Paintings

Stores that sell rexine cloth and paintings are the most colorful and attractive ones on Bangshal Road. These stores sell three important components for rickshaws – rexine cloth for seat covers and hoods; lightweight, shiny metal sheets for wrapping the wooden body; and artwork for rickshaws. Salahuddin Miaji, a successful businessman and the owner of Ateki Traders, said that “I have different color of rexines in my store, but the most popular are the red, yellow and blue, some like the green as well.” He keeps both hand-drawn and press-printed rickshaw art in his store. He does not need to go out to collect this artwork because brokers and artists come to his shop to deliver their products. According to him, “There are demands for both hand-drawn and press- printed paintings. But the hand drawings are little more expensive than the printed copies.” The average price of paintings in his store is 200 to 300 Tk (2.50 to 3.75 US dollars). A set of painted seat covers includes the seat cover, two side rests and a backrest, and costs 500 Tk (6.25 US dollars).

Ateki Traders on Bangshal Road

Rexine cloths and rickshaw backplates c. Decorative Items

Stores selling decorative items do not only sell rickshaw parts but also sell items for cycles. The most common items are bells, laces, tassels, vases and flowers, pedals, and other necessary parts. This type of store is widely available in Dhaka city.

Printed plates and boards

Rickshaw Artists’ Studio Spaces

Rickshaw artists do not have any special studio arrangements. They usually use a courtyard, outer lobby, rooftop attic, balcony, or corridor space at their own homes as workspaces; these spaces are quite informal in appearance, but are highly interactive and social in experience. Artists paint on metal panels and rexine sheets, which are available at local markets. They use enamel paints that usually dry to a colorful, hard and glossy finish, which is durable outdoors in variable temperature, sunshine, and rain conditions. Kerosene oil is used as a thinner for the colors. The artists use several grades of soft brushes, according to their preferences. They mainly use a handmade wooden easel, and keep a vertical wooden or bamboo strip to support their hands while painting the details. Some artists prefer to work on the floor surface or on a wooden platform rather than using an easel.

Based on fieldwork, this paper illustrates the settings of three different types of artist’s studios as well as the artist’s lives and their attachment to rickshaw art. a. Open Courtyard Spaces: Yousuf Nabi’s Studio b. Interior Spaces of the Corridor and Balcony: Rafiqul Islam’s Studio c. Terrace Spaces: D.C. Das and his Sons’ Studios

A rickshaw painting, by Yousuf Nabi

Tapan’s studio

99 a. Open Courtyard Spaces: Yousuf Nabi’s Studio

Yousuf Nabi is a promising young artist who works at his home, which is located at Shuvash Bose Lane, Lakshmi Bazar. This is an old middle- and lower-middle class residential area of Dhaka. His studio space is located at the entrance to the narrow courtyard of a small, one-story row-house complex. This space is quite charming due to the natural surroundings and the great social interaction that takes place here, all of which is visible just after entering through the main gate of the complex. All units face directly onto this courtyard and can be accessed from it. The narrow but long courtyard has an open-to-the-sky feeling. There is bamboo fencing over the top of the courtyard supporting vines and herbs, an orange fabric canopy making shadows on the cement floor, green guava leaves growing in planters, hanging clothes waving in the breeze, women’s voices, young curious eyes, and faded memories – all bring the true essence of life to Yousuf’s studio space. It reminds him of his early life, growing up with stories, his father’s color palette, his own shaky first stokes, and many more memories.

Yousuf Nabi with his wife and only daughter, Asha

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Yousuf Nabi’s workspace

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Yousuf and his paintings

Yousuf likes to paint on rexine and on the back plate of rickshaws. His specialty is birds and animals but he also likes to paint rural landscapes and farmers’ happy families in their village homes with courtyard spaces, golden crops, and healthy cows. In his words, “I like to represent our rich village landscapes in my paintings. I get this inspiration from nature, and I learned this skill from my father.” Yousuf Nabi is not the only one in his family who paints; his six brothers also learned rickshaw painting from their father, Golam Nabi, one of the famous first-generation rickshaw artists. Yousuf is twenty-eight and has been painting rickshaws since he was eight years of age. He loves to paint rickshaws, and that motivates him to teach this type of artwork to his dear only daughter, Afrin Akhter Asha. Young Asha is also keen to play with colors and brushes, lines and strokes, shades and shadows. Yousuf said, “She spends hour after hour, restlessly watching my work – how I used to spend my time around my father.”

102 b. Interior Spaces of the Corridor and Balcony: Rafiqul Islam’s Studio

Rafiqul Islam lives in Narinda, part of the dense urban fabric of old Dhaka. His home is – followed by a narrow alley between the neighboring boundary walls – approached through a small metal gate blocked by a hand-pumped tube-well, which then leads to another corridor that ends at his workspace. The long and very narrow corridor, high tin roof, dark cement floor, damp and faded plaster, rusted metal gate, and a sudden shaft of light make a dramatic introduction to this rickshaw artist’s studio space.

Alley leading to Rafiq’s workspace

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Rafiq’s workspace

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Rafiqul Islam likes to work on the cold cement floor, uses a wooden panel as his easel, and paints on galvanized tin sheets that are long-lasting. Like his master, Alauddin Ahmed, he has excellent skills for drawing human figures and details; he is probably the best second-generation rickshaw artist. He has produced so many good motifs including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s speech, the chaka (“wheel”) of Zainul Abedin, and the most remarkable Krishna, for which he received the Bangla Academy Excellence Award. Krishna is a Hindu deity and Radha is his love, a Hindu goddess. In this painting, it is interesting that he didn’t draw Krishna; instead, he portrayed Radha in a wealthy village setting with great details representing Krishna’s love and affection. The layers of greenery in many shades, a village cow, playing deer, colorful peacocks, singing birds, Radha’s appealing pose in an elaborately draped pink saree, her long braid with golden jewelry, her decorative pitcher carried at the waist and pink lotuses in her hand all denote the pure romanticism of traditional Bengali culture.

In 2013, Rafiq went to Japan for a month and a half to participate in an exhibition and workshop to demonstrate the richness of rickshaw painting and Bangladeshi folk art. He is quite happy with his profession as well as with his achievements. He worries that “Now, we have only ten to twelve reputed artists in Dhaka, who really make the effort to do better work. And no one is coming from the new generation. I am trying to teach my youngest daughter, who has little interest, to at least continue our skills and heritage.”

Rafiqul Islam

105 c. Terrace Spaces: D.C. Das and His Sons’ Studios

The Das family lives in Rishi Patti, which is located in Pargandaria on the south bank of the Buriganga River. Rishi Patti was developed recently and is an underprivileged residential area where most of the residents are Hindu. A boat ride from the dock at Farashganj to the Shagor dockyard across the river takes one to Pargandaria.

Farashganj Dock

Heading over a bamboo bridge, there are narrow streets, scattered neighborhoods, rows of green trees, a quiet tea stall, and walkable alleys that bring you to the Das house. It is a newly built, unfinished structure of masonry; you must walk up the concrete steps to find Das’ studios on the roof top terrace. The concrete floor, bamboo and wooden framing, tin walls and roof, small windows, and doorways are arranged around the studio area.

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Shagor dockyard

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Bamboo bridge to Pargandaria

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Narrow walking streets heading toward the Das residence

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Stairway to the Das family’s studio spaces; Rani Das making a clay stove

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From left to right: Shwapon Das, D.C. Das, and Tapan Das – in front of their rooftop studios

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D.C. Das and his two sons have built three studios, each a different size and shape. The largest, straight to the staircase, is approximately nine square meters and is used only by D.C. Das. It is empty except for a wooden easel and a table. The senior Das is 78 years old and barely paints anymore. He said, “I have attempted to leave my painting so many times, but I get bored without work. So I am still working, but very limited.” D.C. Das, whose full name is Dhirendra Chandra Das, is one of the most influential rickshaw artists of his time and even until today. His cityscapes and heritage buildings, and his personal style of replicating the Taj Mahal are excellent examples of rickshaw painting. Like other artists, Dhirendra uses a wooden strip to support his hand when doing the details in his paintings.

D. C. Das

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Tapan Das, D.C. Das’s younger son, works right next to his father’s studio space in a smaller room of approximately six square meters that is mainly occupied by a large wooden bed. Tapan is comfortable painting back plates by laying them down on the wooden bed rather than using any vertical support or easel. He started his career at the age of nine and has been painting rickshaw art for more than 30 years. He mainly paints cinema posters and human figures. But his expertise is in compositions that include flowers and patterns, tigers and deer, birds and the earth, etc. Replicating patachitra in rickshaw art is one of his great contributions to preserving this Bangladeshi folk culture in a new form. In 2010, he conducted a workshop on rickshaw painting in London and introduced this tradition on a global scale.

Tapan Das (left) and Shwapaon Das (right) working in their studios

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Shwapon Das is the elder son of Dhirendra Chandra Das. He works in a small space that is only three and a half square meters, which is opposite Tapan’s studio and mostly open to the outdoors. He likes to work on rexine, especially for the side curtains of the rickshaw’s hood. The Taj Mahal floating on a flower, a praying woman, and cinema posters are examples of his remarkable work.

Tapan’s studio

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Tools for making and repairing rickshaws

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Rickshaw Repair Workshops

Repairing their rickshaws is an everyday occurrence for pullers. This service is available in two very different settings: a. Permanent Repair Workshops b. Temporary Repair Workspaces

a. Permanent Repair Workshops

Permanent repair workshops are the locations where rickshaws are made. Even though most of the well-known workshops cannot provide repair services because of their own work needs, some skilled makers still allow the repair of broken or old rickshaws. However, these makers mainly do large-scale repair work such as changing the entire wooden seat or replacing a hood with one that has detailed decorative paintings. Rickshaw maker Mohammad Yusuf does lots of repair work at his shop. According to him, “In slow seasons, repairing is a pretty good job. And it is always better to do something, rather spoiling time.” Yusuf’s workshop

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b. Temporary Repair Workspaces

Temporary repair workspaces are the most common and easily available places to fix rickshaws. These are tiny setups for repairing rickshaws that are found everywhere in Dhaka. This type of informal, temporary setting is well-equipped to support most repair requirements. These temporary workspaces encroach on streets or sidewalks. There are no legal agencies monitoring them except local politicians and powerful gangs called mastan in Bengali. These repair mechanics must pay the local gangs in order to keep their locations and continue working.

Billal Hosain, rickshaw repair mechanic

Billal Hossain, an energetic thirty-three year old man from Chandpur, has his own rickshaw repair space on the sidewalk of Zahir Raihan Road, just facing Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology. Like other repair mechanics, he has a

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wooden tool box full of the usual small rickshaw-repairing tools in addition to jars of lubricating oil. He can provide all sorts of repair services except work on rexine because of the difficulty of keeping a sewing machine in an open public space. Billal works from dawn to dusk; his schedule is from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m. He is not very happy about his work, but he thinks his income is not bad, “My daily income is 500 to 600 Tk [approximately 6.50 to 7.50 US dollars]; it is not a good amount of money, but I can run my family.” Billal learned this work from his father at a very young age. He has three brothers and all are involved in the same profession, repairing rickshaws.

Billal’s toolbox

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Another repair mechanic, Abdul Kader, works on the same street as Billal and close to Dhaka Medical College. He is sixty-five years of age, from Pabna. Previously, he had his own rickshaw, but now it is not possible for him to do this work because of his age. He has been doing repair work for the last ten years. He doesn’t usually do the work; he mainly provides his tools and equipment to the pullers who do the repairs themselves. For this reason, his earnings are not that good compared to Billal’s income. His average income is less than 400 Tk (less than 5 US dollars). Kader said, “My income is minimum. It is not that easy to survive, but still sufficient for me and my wife, I am not even feeling regret.”

Abdul Kader

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A rickshaw art, by S. M. Samsu

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Chapter IV | Rickshaw Art and Artists

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Rickshaw Art

In Dhaka, “New rickshaws are a blaze of color. Every square inch is decorated. Tassels, tinsel and twirly bits hang from all parts. Plastic flowers sprout in the front and sides, and pictures and patterns are painted or pinned all over it. The overall effect is spectacular” (Gallagher, 1992). Joanna Kirkpatrick recognizes these rickshaws as the world’s largest moving art gallery (Kirkpatrick, 2003). Based on their experiences studying rickshaws in fourteen Asian cities, Wheeler and I’Anson, in their book, Chasing Rickshaws, stated that “Bangladeshi rickshaws are the most colorful and artistic in the world” (Wheeler & I'Anson, 1998).

Rickshaw backplate art

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The main attraction is the design on a metal panel. In making a rickshaw, the standard practice is to put a small metal panel made of tin at the rear bottom section that shields the axle and chassis parts from public view. This is called the backplate, or noksha board (“design panel”). The rectangular backplate is 66 cm (26 inches) wide and 28 cm (11 inches) high. Rickshaw artists painting on these panels provide pleasant artwork for those who follow behind them on the roads, and for riders and passengers. This artwork is one of the most authentic examples of Bangladeshi folk art. The unique form of expression, selection of subject matter, use of local motifs and patterns, bright color schemes, and the general public’s expressed interest have made this a fundamental part of Bengali folk culture. Its overwhelming appearance not only appeals to local people but it is also attractive to foreign visitors and tourists. Rickshaw painting first received international recognition in the 1970s when the world renowned Bangladeshi artist, Zainul Abedin, exhibited a collection of these paintings in Tokyo.

Rickshaw painting is significant because of its extraordinary subject matter, which always reflects an artist’s choices as well as public demand. Over the past sixty-five-year, rickshaw art has encountered a wide range of interests and many changes due to various socio-cultural influences. At times, it has been challenged by religious and political decisions. When rickshaw painting began, in the 1950s, the most popular subject was film posters with attractive portraits of famous Indian stars including Uttam Kumar, Dilip Kuman, Dev Anand, Suchitra Sen, Madhubala, Suraiya, etc. At the same time, some artists preferred to portray Hindu religious stories, popular myths about gods and goddesses including Radha, Krishna and Mirabai, Hindu angels, and Aladdin with his lamp and genie. One of the early leading artists, R.K. Das, was a pioneer of Hindu religious paintings that included gods and goddesses. He was also well known for his film-based paintings. In an interview about his most popular rickshaw painting, Das spoke about his portrait of Indian superstar, Suchitra Sen, posing in a saree and with her hair braided, and holding a book in her hands. Speaking about its acceptability and the high demand he received, Das said, “I even made more than a thousand copies of

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Suchitra Sen’s portrait by myself, inspired by her movie Shilpi. In the 1960s, Pakistani film actresses such as Neelo and Sabiha began to be the preferred subject for rickshaw paintings.

Suchitra Sen (Image: courtesy of Antara Nanda Mandal, 2015)

However, rickshaw paintings have always been challenged and there have been crackdowns. In the mid-60s, the Pakistani Government, in consideration of Muslim

124 sentiment, restricted the drawing of human figures on rickshaw back plates. After that, artists immediately began to paint religious symbols such as the purity of flowers, decorative mosques, and the Taj Mahal, which is the most famous subject of all rickshaw art. Even though the Taj Mahal is the tomb for the great King, Shah Jahan, and his beloved wife, Mam Taj, its forms and decorations represent of Islamic architecture in the subcontinent. During this period, some artists also began to draw natural landscapes with birds and animals including the cow, a symbol of a Bengali farmer’s healthy family; the Royal Bengal Tiger, a symbol of national pride; the peacock, a sign of beauty; hens and snakes representing the local fauna, and many more. In 1971, at the time of Bangladesh’s war of liberation, artists began to frame patriotic images of people saluting the Bangladeshi flag, or of an astronaut planting a Bangladeshi flag on the moon (Kirkpatrick, 2003). At the same time, paintings of the rousing speech by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding leader of Bangladesh, inspired the nation. In addition, there were many war scenes depicting atrocities on rickshaw plates – these included the Pakistani military shown killing people and raping women; an injured mother saving her child in a severe fight scene; blasting Pakistani tanks; Bengali freedom fighters fighting and winning the battle field; and other emotional situations. According to R.K. Das, the continuous radio news of 1971 inspired these artists to reproduce war incidents and Bangladeshi triumphs in their works. After the war, in 1972, foreigners showed interest in these images of atrocities, which made the new government aware of the developing international image of the new Bangladesh, and which forced artists to stop making these war paintings. Simultaneously, the government of newly independent Bangladesh restricted depictions of unveiled women (Wheeler & I'Anson, 1998). Thus, artists started to paint birds and animals again and included non-native species such as the parrot, macaw, giraffe, kangaroo, etc. They also introduced a new dimension to their animal drawings by adding human figures doing things like fighting and playing – inspiration came from the famous adventure character Tarzan. After the war, the authorities of Dhaka city surprisingly banned rear-view mirrors, on the grounds that rickshaw drivers were using them to eye their female passengers rather than to see the traffic (Wheeler & I'Anson, 1998)! Later, Bengali cinema posters as well as Bangladeshi

125 film stars drew attention from rickshaw artists. In the mid-70s, a cinema poster for the film Nishan was one of the most common and long-lasting subjects of rickshaw art. This poster was composed of three figures – the hero at the center, the heroine on one side, and the villain on the other side. This is still the most popular composition in rickshaw art that replicates cinema posters; these paintings contain either two males with a heroine, or two females with a hero. In the 70s, rickshaw pullers preferred to have Rajjak, Faruq and Alamgir for heroes, and Shabana, Kobori and Bobita for heroines on their back plates. Notably, a painting of actress Shabana, posing in a yellow saree as a shy village woman, became extremely popular. At the same time, a number of Bengali movies were also widespread subjects on backplates, including Layla Majnun, Kotha Dilam, Wada, etc. In 1978, the governing authorities of Dhaka city decided to ban all sorts of movie star paintings because they were being exploited by rickshaw artists, but nothing stopped the artists from doing their work. In this restricted situation, Bangladeshi rickshaw art transitioned to a completely new dimension, the fable. Here, animals and birds were pictured acting like human beings. A lion’s marriage ceremony, animals operating rickshaw workshops, animal schools, and the rural or city lives of animals were some of the great innovations made by rickshaw artists. In the 1980s, foreigners began to arrive to learn about rickshaw painting, which inspired artists to introduce these visitors to the rural and city landscapes of Bangladesh as well as to aspects of the Bengali socio-cultural landscape. When rickshaw artists took this step, they began to paint peaceful Bangladeshi villages and the developing cityscapes that included village life, paddy fields with farmers, farmers’ houses, boats on rivers, bathing women, women carrying water, the pottery works in Bangladesh, the transformation of villages into cities, city traffic, and buildings. These included national monuments like Smriti Shoudha and Shaheed Minar; remarkable architecture, like Louis I. Kahn’s National Assembly Building (in Bengali, Shongshad Bhavan); Ahsan Manzil; and the Star Mosque. They also depicted cultural events such as rural fairs (mela), folk dramas (jatra pala), folk songs (baul gaan), International Mother Language Day, and National Victory Day, etc.

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A rickshaw painting of Shabana, by P. C. Das

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Meanwhile, artists copied and re-copied Zainul Abedin’s famous painting, chaka. In the late 80s, rickshaw art became more sensational with film paintings that portrayed action heroes with a tough look, such as Faruq; femme fatals, Dosshu Phulan Devi with an AK47 machine gun; and sexy heroines in vulgar poses. In the 1990s, rickshaw artists focused on international affairs and foreign scenery for their new subject matter. This actually happened as a way of showing respect for the general public’s growing interest in world affairs that began with paintings of the Gulf War hero, Saddam Hussain, in a prayer pose and surrounded by fighter planes. There were also paintings of the London Bridge, the Sydney Opera House, horse riders in the Arabian Desert, the Titanic ship from the movie Titanic, and so on. Modern transportation vehicles including airplanes, ships, and trains also were depicted in rickshaw art. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, some government agencies and NGOs attempted to add important social messages, regardless of the type of rickshaw art. But found that their less-decorative appearance had lower appeal and would not help these initiatives to survive very long. S.M. Samsu, one of the finest first- generation rickshaw artists, attempted to replicate patachitra and their stories in rickshaw plates. [Traditional paintings created on specially-coated coarse cotton and that illustrate narrative accounts are generally called patachitra (Selim, 2007); this is considered the highest form of Bengali folk painting. The Bengali word “pata” means “cloth”; artists who do this kind of folk art are called patuas. Patachitra usually illustrates an entire folk tale and is drawn on a scrolled or folded piece of cloth, which is exhibited publicly at local fairs. The elements are often taken from nature – animals and rural landscapes as well as people. These highly colorful paintings are two dimensional drawings without perspective.] However, studies found that the most popular subjects of rickshaw artwork – film stars, the Taj Mahal floating on a flower, a Royal Bengal Tiger – are still alive today on the back plates of rickshaws.

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A conceptual replica of Patachitra, by S.M. Samsu

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Joanna Kirkpatrick argues that these paintings contain many conscious and subconscious messages (Kirkpatrick, 2003). These colorful pieces of art reflect identity, in religious inspiration; fascination, in film-based images; passion and desire, in sexy and vulgar film stars; rights, in war scenes; democracy, in monuments; satire, in fables; love and nostalgia, in nature and rural landscapes; pride, in cityscapes; and culture, in events and festivals.

A film poster, by S.M. Samsu (Image: courtesy of www.rickshaw-paint.net)

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However, after achieving greater recognition and making many contributions, rickshaw art continues to suffer, even now. In Bangladesh, it has not yet been accepted as a prestigious category of art, especially by the literate class. Lasnier believes this is a conflict between the urban elite and the lower classes (Lasnier, 2002). Some critics consider rickshaw painting a skill, not an art. Their argument focuses on the tendency to copy and the limited subject matter of rickshaw art. As a result, rickshaw artists have suffered from an identity crisis and from financial insolvency. Even today, a beautifully- rendered rickshaw painting – a genuine expression of Bengali folk art – can be purchased for only 2.50 US dollars! Yet, Lasnier contends that rickshaw art is not only decorative; it portrays the ordinary lives of the general public and preserves collective memories, thereby securing a traditional identity (Lasnier, 2002). In the late 90s, while serving as the director of Alliance Francaise de Dhaka (1996-2000), France Lasnier undertook focused research work on rickshaw painting and donated 500 pieces of his personal artwork collection to the National Museum of Dhaka. His intention was to arrange a permanent exhibition space for these rare works in a corner of the folklore section. While doing my research work in 2015, almost 15 years after Lasnier’s donation, I found that those stored works of art have not yet seen the light of day – in fact, they are not appreciated.

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Subject Typology of Rickshaw Art The rickshaw art of Dhaka has gone through many changes in the subjects portrayed. In a very colorful journey of almost 65 years, this artwork has traced a wide range of natural landscapes and socio-cultural issues on the back plates of rickshaws. This study has attempted to document some rickshaw paintings found during fieldwork and in various publications with respect to certain subject categories: a. Cinema Posters: Heroes and Heroines b. Religious Inspiration: Events, Gods and Goddesses c. Important National and International Events: The War of 1971 and Others d. Landscapes of Bangladeshi Villages e. Local Cultural Events f. Birds, Animals, and Animals with People g. Fables h. Famous Architecture, Monuments, and Urban Landscape i. Vehicles: Cars, Trains, Airplanes and Ships j. Human Figures: Famous People k. Folktales l. Abstract Compositions A rickshaw painting, by S.M. Samsu

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Cinema poster of Uttam Kumar and Shuchitra Sen, by Sayed Ahmed Hossain (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

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Cinema poster of Razzak and Bobita from the film Layla Majnun (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

Cinema poster of Faruq and Shabana from the film Kotha Dilam (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

Cinema poster of action hero Jashim (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

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Film poster of Salman Shah and Poppy, by Rafiqul Islam (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

Film poster, by R.K. Das (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

Film poster, by Rafiqul Islam (Image: courtesy of www.rickshaw-paint.net)

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Hindu religious story, by R.K. Das (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

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Hindu goddess Radha, by Rafiqul Islam

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Taj Mahal, symbolizing Islamic architecture, by D.C. Das

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Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s speech for liberation, by Rafiqul Islam

Pakistani military raping women and killing people, Liberation War of 1971, by R.K. Das (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

Success of freedom fighters, Liberation War of 1971 (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

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Village women bathing and getting water, by Haricharan Raj (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

Replica of Chaka, by Rafiqul Islam

Baul and village landscape (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

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Animals, by Tapan Das

Birds and animal, by D.C. Das

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Animal school fable, by S.M. Samsu (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

The lion’s wedding ceremony fable, by P.C. Das (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

Fable of the rickshaw workshop, by S.M. Samsu

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Historic Ahsan Manjil, by D.C. Das

National Assembly Building of Bangladesh (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

National Martyr Monument of Bangladesh (Image: courtesy of Lasnier, 2002)

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Bangladesh Biman Airplane, by S.M. Samsu

Barak Obama and his family, by S.M. Samsu

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Mermaid, by Rafiqul Islam

Aladdin’s Genie, by S.A. Malek (Image: courtesy of www.rickshaw-paint.net)

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Replica of Patachitra, by Tapan Das

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Composition, by Tapan Das

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Legends of Rickshaw Art

S.M. Samsu: The Most Famous Artist of his Time

S.M. Samsu, a well-known name in the rickshaw art of Bangladesh. Born in 1956, he started his career at the age of 12. He shared his experiences from his early years in the following interview – “Because of my drawing skill, my friends told me to draw the matrix for the Sholo Guti game [a popular local game, played with sixteen stone chips, on a square drawn matrix]. At that time, I tried birds, boats, tigers and so on. I started to draw on walls, and in my school’s exercise books. I used to make blue color from blue laundry powder, red from red amaranth leaf, yellow from turmeric, and green from spinach. I had made my brushes with jute fibers [….] I got a lot of inspiration from my teachers, to continue paintings [….] Later on, I took this skill as my profession [….] I prefer to draw different social issues, like our heritage of pottery, wealthy rural life, working women, education for all, flood-affected people, migration to Europe and America by airplane, fables, etc. [….] In 1972, when our new government of Bangladesh banned the human figure in rickshaw painting, I started to draw fables like office-going person, traffic police, transport drivers and passengers – all are different animals – a group of animals working in a rickshaw workshop, like lions, tigers, foxes, monkeys, etc.”

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He continued, “When I was young, my grandmother and aunts used to tell me many folk stories, like Bonobashe Rupban, Dalim Kumar, etc., and I had tried to shape those tales and their characters into my paintings. I was brought up in Shoriatpur, it’s a lowland and often got flooded in the rainy seasons. At that flood time, the women of the villages couldn’t move anywhere without boats, so they spent their time making nokshikatha [decorating a piece of cloth with folk stories and various design patterns] – and I got inspired by those works, their designs and patterns. I can still remember the cloudy and rainy days of Shoriatpur, moments I can still feel.”

P.C. Das

Palash Chandra Das, or P.C. Das, is one of the most highly-regarded rickshaw artists of the first generation. He learned rickshaw painting from his uncle, D.C. Das, another great contributor to this field. He started his career in 1969 and still works on rickshaws. He is quite busy painting on back plates and rexine cloth. He likes to draw cinema posters and fables. He is an expert in drawing the details of human figures and portraits. One of his very favorite subjects is the portrait of the Bangladeshi heroine Shabana posing with a shy expression. He also draws floral patterns, and compositions and rural landscapes for rexine seat covers.

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R.K. Das: A Living Legend of Rickshaw Painting

Raj Kumar Das, known as R.K. Das, is a living legend of Dhaka’s rickshaw art scene. He started his career in 1950 and has continued for more than 50 years. He witnessed various phases of rickshaw painting in Dhaka; he has experienced many ups and downs, laws and restrictions, emotions and reactions, loves and desires. His movie-watching hobby inspired his interest in reproducing the images of film stars on his canvases. His admiration for film stars compelled him to shape them in lines and strokes, shades and colors. The splendid beauty of Madhubala, the appealing face of Hemamalini, the sexy expression of Helen, the pretty and innocent poses of Suchitra Sen had always attracted Raj Kumar to portraying their images on the backplates of rickshaws. His painting had also been touched by the divine love of Radha, Krishna, and Mirabai. In 1971, his patriotism motivated him to depict the emotional and inspiring events of the war for liberation. After achieving a name in Bangladesh, Raj Kumar dedicated himself to presenting the socio-cultural richness of Bengal for a global audience. In his words, “In 1972, many foreign agencies, their delegates and tourists had become interested in learning about the newly born Bangladesh, and because of that, I decided to start painting the wealth of our heritage, and our national pride.”

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Krishna and Mirabai, by R.K. Das (from the 1960s)

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Reference

Gallagher, R. (1992). The Rickshaws of Bangladesh. Dhaka: The University Press Limited. Kirkpatrick, J. (2003). Transports of Delight: The Ricksha Arts of Bangladesh. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Lasnier, F. (2002). Rickshaw Art in Bangladesh. Dhaka: The University Press Limited. Selim, L. R. (Ed.). (2007). Art and Crafts. Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. Wheeler, T., & I'Anson, R. (1998). Chasing Rickshaws. Victoria, Australia: Lonely Planet Publications Pty. Ltd.

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Conclusive Remarks

Material culture offers a scholarly approach that is more than simple awareness. It provides opportunities for the insightful observation of an artifact, facilitates its understanding, develops the study of the subject matter, and signifies socio-cultural identity. In my research, I have attempted to document the rickshaw of Dhaka, its history and traditions, its acceptance as well as ignorance, its pullers and makers, its artists and artisans, its creation through craft, its bold presence and its hidden contributions. This study is an effort to celebrate the significance of the idea of material culture. It begins by systematically demonstrating the study of an artifact, the rickshaw, in order to learn about a culture through its traditions, its folklore and folk arts, its human events and perceptions as well as through thoughts and actions.

The rickshaw is an everyday artifact in Dhaka’s cultural landscape. Beyond its utilitarian purpose, it is more than a vehicle. It is a true piece of folk art. Unfortunately, the rickshaw still has not been recognized or well-received in Dhaka city for its intangible significance, but rather, it is considered a disturbance. Because of this attitude, the new generation of residents is hardly interested in rickshaws – making or painting them – or in preserving this tradition. In this regard, my research has endeavored to archive the state-of-the-art of Dhaka’s rickshaw.

My fieldwork included physical presence and direct observation as well as a series of photographs, drawings and illustrations, and most important, formal and informal conversations that shaped my depiction of rickshaws, the industry and its contributors. I have tried to show not only the visual elements, but I have also characterized the hidden dimensions of the rickshaw industry. I have presented the history of Dhaka’s rickshaw, of its pullers and owners, its makers and their workshops, the repair spaces and mechanics, trade and commerce, and of its arts and crafts. Following the contextual studies of material culture by Henry Glassie and others, I have attempted to carefully

153 illustrate the context of creation in which rickshaws are created including the creators and their workspace settings; the context of their communication, the relationships and interdependence among the various groups related to the rickshaw industry including pullers, owners, artisans, artists, mechanics, equipment producers, etc.; and, the context of consumption regarding the great demand for and utility of rickshaws in Dhaka city. This research work has provided an excellent opportunity for me to explore and learn about the rickshaw industry of Dhaka through a new dimension, the study of material culture. This investigation has certainly inspired me to move ahead with further research to produce more authentic documentation on rickshaws and future publications. My research has attempted to create an overall groundwork study of the rickshaw industry and has also lead to new visions for further investigation and scholarship.

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A decorated rickshaw

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Web Link http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine‐30854038 http://www.rickshaw‐paint.net

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