How Foreign Disinformation Emerges from Domestic Propaganda
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Development of the Global Film Industry The global film industry has witnessed significant transformations in the past few years. Regions outside the USA have begun to prosper while non-traditional produc- tion companies such as Netflix have assumed a larger market share and online movies adapted from literature have continued to gain in popularity. How have these trends shaped the global film industry? This book answers this question by analyzing an increasingly globalized business through a global lens. Development of the Global Film Industry examines the recent history and current state of the business in all parts of the world. While many existing studies focus on the internal workings of the industry, such as production, distribution and screening, this study takes a “big picture” view, encompassing the transnational integration of the cultural and entertainment industry as a whole, and pays more attention to the coordinated develop- ment of the film industry in the light of influence from literature, television, animation, games and other sectors. This volume is a critical reference for students, scholars and the public to help them understand the major trends facing the global film industry in today’s world. Qiao Li is Associate Professor at Taylor’s University, Selangor, Malaysia, and Visiting Professor at the Université Paris 1 Panthéon- Sorbonne. He has a PhD in Film Studies from the University of Gloucestershire, UK, with expertise in Chinese- language cinema. He is a PhD supervisor, a film festival jury member, and an enthusiast of digital filmmaking with award- winning short films. He is the editor ofMigration and Memory: Arts and Cinemas of the Chinese Diaspora (Maison des Sciences et de l’Homme du Pacifique, 2019). -
China in 2018 Presidents, Politics, and Power
Manuscript version: Published Version The version presented in WRAP is the published version (Version of Record). Persistent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/114518 How to cite: The repository item page linked to above, will contain details on accessing citation guidance from the publisher. Copyright and reuse: The Warwick Research Archive Portal (WRAP) makes this work by researchers of the University of Warwick available open access under the following conditions. Copyright © and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable the material made available in WRAP has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. Publisher’s statement: Please refer to the repository item page, publisher’s statement section, for further information. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected] warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications SHAUN BRESLIN China in 2018 Presidents, Politics, and Power ABSTRACT President Xi Jinping dominated the Chinese stage during 2018, continuing to con- solidate his power as the CCP sought to reassert its primacy. China flexed its muscles as a great power in a pitch for global leadership. Xi pushed constantly to portray China as the promoter of an open global economy, even as his own continued to slow incrementally amid the widening trade war with the US. -
How the Chinese Government Fabricates Social Media Posts
American Political Science Review (2017) 111, 3, 484–501 doi:10.1017/S0003055417000144 c American Political Science Association 2017 How the Chinese Government Fabricates Social Media Posts for Strategic Distraction, Not Engaged Argument GARY KING Harvard University JENNIFER PAN Stanford University MARGARET E. ROBERTS University of California, San Diego he Chinese government has long been suspected of hiring as many as 2 million people to surrep- titiously insert huge numbers of pseudonymous and other deceptive writings into the stream of T real social media posts, as if they were the genuine opinions of ordinary people. Many academics, and most journalists and activists, claim that these so-called 50c party posts vociferously argue for the government’s side in political and policy debates. As we show, this is also true of most posts openly accused on social media of being 50c. Yet almost no systematic empirical evidence exists for this claim https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055417000144 . or, more importantly, for the Chinese regime’s strategic objective in pursuing this activity. In the first large-scale empirical analysis of this operation, we show how to identify the secretive authors of these posts, the posts written by them, and their content. We estimate that the government fabricates and posts about 448 million social media comments a year. In contrast to prior claims, we show that the Chinese regime’s strategy is to avoid arguing with skeptics of the party and the government, and to not even discuss controversial issues. We show that the goal of this massive secretive operation is instead to distract the public and change the subject, as most of these posts involve cheerleading for China, the revolutionary history of the Communist Party, or other symbols of the regime. -
Information Systems in Great Power Competition with China
STRATEGIC STUDIES QUARTERLY - PERSPECTIVE Decide, Disrupt, Destroy: Information Systems in Great Power Competition with China AINIKKI RIIKONEN Abstract Technologies for creating and distributing knowledge have impacted international politics and conflict for centuries, and today the infrastructure for communicating knowledge has expanded. These technologies, along with attempts to exploit their vulnerabilities, will shape twenty-first- century great power competition between the US and China. Likewise, great power competition will shape the way China develops and uses these technologies across the whole spectrum of competition to make decisions, disrupt the operational environment, and destroy adversary capabilities. ***** he 2018 US National Defense Strategy (NDS) cites Russia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as “revisionist powers” that “want to shape a world consistent with their authoritarian model— gaining veto authority over other nations’ economic, diplomatic, and secu- T 1 rity decisions.” It describes these countries as competitors seeking to use “other areas of competition short of open warfare to achieve their [au- thoritarian] ends” and to “optimize their targeting of our battle networks and operational concepts.”2 The NDS assesses that competition will occur along the entire spectrum of statecraft from peace to open conflict and that Russia and the PRC will align their foreign policies with their models of governance. If this assessment is correct, and if technology plays a sig- nificant role in international politics, then technology will affect the whole spectrum of great power competition and conflict. Information architec- ture—the structures of technology that collect and relay information worldwide—is innately connected to power projection. The PRC has been innovating in this area, and its expanded information capabilities—and risks to US capabilities—will shape competition in the twenty- first cen- tury. -
Freedom on the Net 2016
FREEDOM ON THE NET 2016 China 2015 2016 Population: 1.371 billion Not Not Internet Freedom Status Internet Penetration 2015 (ITU): 50 percent Free Free Social Media/ICT Apps Blocked: Yes Obstacles to Access (0-25) 18 18 Political/Social Content Blocked: Yes Limits on Content (0-35) 30 30 Bloggers/ICT Users Arrested: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 40 40 TOTAL* (0-100) 88 88 Press Freedom 2016 Status: Not Free * 0=most free, 100=least free Key Developments: June 2015 – May 2016 • A draft cybersecurity law could step up requirements for internet companies to store data in China, censor information, and shut down services for security reasons, under the aus- pices of the Cyberspace Administration of China (see Legal Environment). • An antiterrorism law passed in December 2015 requires technology companies to cooperate with authorities to decrypt data, and introduced content restrictions that could suppress legitimate speech (see Content Removal and Surveillance, Privacy, and Anonymity). • A criminal law amendment effective since November 2015 introduced penalties of up to seven years in prison for posting misinformation on social media (see Legal Environment). • Real-name registration requirements were tightened for internet users, with unregistered mobile phone accounts closed in September 2015, and app providers instructed to regis- ter and store user data in 2016 (see Surveillance, Privacy, and Anonymity). • Websites operated by the South China Morning Post, The Economist and Time magazine were among those newly blocked for reporting perceived as critical of President Xi Jin- ping (see Blocking and Filtering). www.freedomonthenet.org FREEDOM CHINA ON THE NET 2016 Introduction China was the world’s worst abuser of internet freedom in the 2016 Freedom on the Net survey for the second consecutive year. -
Mainstream Cinema As a Tool for China's Soft Power
Master’s Degree programme in Languages, Economics and Institutions of Asia and North Africa “Second Cycle (D.M. 270/2004)” Final Thesis Mainstream cinema as a tool for China’s soft power Supervisor Ch. Prof. Federico Alberto Greselin Assistant supervisor Ch. Prof. Tiziano Vescovi Graduand Alessia Forner Matriculation Number 846622 Academic Year 2017 / 2018 To the two stars that have guided me from above TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Introduction 5 Chapter one: Soft power: a general overview and the beginning of China’s soft power era 7 1.1 Joseph Nye’s definition of soft power 7 1.2 Culture: the core of soft power 10 1.3 The entry of the concept of soft power in China and its translations 12 1.4 Hu Jintao’s speech at the 17th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and China’s first steps towards its soft power strategy 14 Chapter two: China’s focus on cultural soft power and the Chinese film industry 19 2.1 China’s investments in the film industry and films as a soft power resource 19 2.2 The situation of the Chinese film industry in the 1980s and 1990s: is Hollywood China’s lifeline? 26 2.3 Main melody films and the correlation with the China dream (( : taking the documentary Amazing China ()() and the film American Dreams in China (() as an example 32 2.4 Focus on the film Wolf Warrior II II) : a successful soft power strategy 56 Chapter three: Sino-US collaborations 65 3.1 Hollywood and China: same bed, different dreams 65 3.2 The different types of collaborations between China and Hollywood 69 3.3 Is China changing Hollywood? 78 -
How the Vietnamese State Uses Cyber Troops to Shape Online Discourse
ISSUE: 2021 No. 22 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 3 March 2021 How The Vietnamese State Uses Cyber Troops to Shape Online Discourse Dien Nguyen An Luong* A Vietnamese youth checks his mobile phone on the century-old Long Bien Bridge in Hanoi on September 3, 2019. Vietnamese authorities have handled public political criticism - both online and in real life - with a calibrated mixture of toleration, responsiveness and repression. Photo: Manan VATSYAYANA, AFP. * Dien Nguyen An Luong is Visiting Fellow with the Media, Technology and Society Programme of the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. A journalist with significant experience as managing editor at Vietnam’s top newsrooms, his work has also appeared in the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Guardian, South China Morning Post, and other publications. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 22 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The operations of Vietnam’s public opinion shapers and cyber-troops reveal that the online discourse is manipulated to enforce the Communist Party’s line. • Vietnamese authorities constantly grapple with the vexing question: How to strike a delicate balance between placating critical public sentiment online while ensuring that it does not spill over into protests against the regime. • When it comes to methods, targets and motives, there appears to be significant crossover between public opinion shapers and the government’s cyber troops. • The Vietnamese state cyber-troops have been encouraged to use real accounts to mass- report content. This helps explain why it is the only Southeast Asian state to publicly acknowledge having a military cyber unit. -
Chinese Computational Propaganda: Automation, Algorithms and the Manipulation of Information About Chinese Politics on Twitter and Weibo
This is a repository copy of Chinese computational propaganda: automation, algorithms and the manipulation of information about Chinese politics on Twitter and Weibo. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/136994/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Bolsover, G orcid.org/0000-0003-2982-1032 and Howard, P (2019) Chinese computational propaganda: automation, algorithms and the manipulation of information about Chinese politics on Twitter and Weibo. Information, Communication & Society, 22 (14). pp. 2063-2080. ISSN 1369-118X https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2018.1476576 © 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Information, Communication & Society on 24 May 2018, available online: https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2018.1476576 Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Chinese computational propaganda: automation, algorithms and the manipulation of information about Chinese politics on Twitter and Weibo Gillian Bolsover and Philip Howard1 Oxford Internet Institute, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK. -
Forbidden Feeds: Government Controls on Social Media in China
FORBIDDEN FEEDS Government Controls on Social Media in China 1 FORBIDDEN FEEDS Government Controls on Social Media in China March 13, 2018 © 2018 PEN America. All rights reserved. PEN America stands at the intersection of literature and hu- man rights to protect open expression in the United States and worldwide. We champion the freedom to write, recognizing the power of the word to transform the world. Our mission is to unite writers and their allies to celebrate creative expression and defend the liberties that make it possible. Founded in 1922, PEN America is the largest of more than 100 centers of PEN International. Our strength is in our membership—a nationwide community of more than 7,000 novelists, journalists, poets, es- sayists, playwrights, editors, publishers, translators, agents, and other writing professionals. For more information, visit pen.org. Cover Illustration: Badiucao CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 INTRODUCTION : AN UNFULFILLED PROMISE 7 OUTLINE AND METHODOLOGY 10 KEY FINDINGS 11 SECTION I : AN OVERVIEW OF THE SYSTEM OF SOCIAL MEDIA CENSORSHIP 12 The Prevalence of Social Media Usage in China 12 Digital Rights—Including the Right to Free Expression—Under International Law 14 China’s Control of Online Expression: A Historical Perspective 15 State Control over Social Media: Policy 17 State Control over Social Media: Recent Laws and Regulations 18 SECTION II: SOCIAL MEDIA CENSORSHIP IN PRACTICE 24 A Typology of Censored Topics 24 The Corporate Responsibility to Censor its Users 29 The Mechanics of Censorship 32 Tibet and -
Dataset of Propaganda Techniques of the State-Sponsored Information Operation of the People’S Republic of China
Dataset of Propaganda Techniques of the State-Sponsored Information Operation of the People’s Republic of China Rong-Ching Chang Chun-Ming Lai [email protected] [email protected] Tunghai University Tunghai University Taiwan Taiwan Kai-Lai Chang Chu-Hsing Lin [email protected] [email protected] Tunghai University Tunghai University Taiwan Taiwan ABSTRACT ACM Reference Format: The digital media, identified as computational propaganda provides Rong-Ching Chang, Chun-Ming Lai, Kai-Lai Chang, and Chu-Hsing Lin. a pathway for propaganda to expand its reach without limit. State- 2021. Dataset of Propaganda Techniques of the State-Sponsored Informa- tion Operation of the People’s Republic of China. In KDD ’21: The Sec- backed propaganda aims to shape the audiences’ cognition toward ond International MIS2 Workshop: Misinformation and Misbehavior Min- entities in favor of a certain political party or authority. Further- ing on the Web, Aug 15, 2021, Virtual. ACM, New York, NY, USA, 5 pages. more, it has become part of modern information warfare used in https://doi.org/10.1145/nnnnnnn.nnnnnnn order to gain an advantage over opponents. Most of the current studies focus on using machine learning, quantitative, and qualitative methods to distinguish if a certain piece 1 INTRODUCTION of information on social media is propaganda. Mainly conducted Propaganda has the purpose of framing and influencing opinions. on English content, but very little research addresses Chinese Man- With the rise of the internet and social media, propaganda has darin content. From propaganda detection, we want to go one step adopted a powerful tool for its unlimited reach, as well as multiple further to providing more fine-grained information on propaganda forms of content that can further drive engagement online and techniques that are applied. -
Digital Authoritarianism and Human Rights in Asia’ (2019) 3 Global Campus Human Rights Journal 269-285
MAV Ambay III, N Gauchan, M Hasanah & NK Jaiwong ‘Dystopia is now: Digital authoritarianism and human rights in Asia’ (2019) 3 Global Campus Human Rights Journal 269-285 https://doi.org/20.500.11825/1575 Dystopia is now: Digital authoritarianism and human rights in Asia Mark Anthony V Ambay III,* Neha Gauchan,** Mahesti Hasanah*** and Numfon K Jaiwong**** Abstract: The advent of new information and communication technologies has opened up new economic opportunities, heightened the availability of information, and expanded access to education and health knowledge and services. These technologies have also provided new avenues for political, economic, social participation, and have presented new opportunities and methods for the advancement of human rights. At the same time, these same technologies can be used to violate human rights. This article queries as to how exactly states and other actors use digital authoritarianism to limit human rights. The study aims to understand what threats to human rights are presented by using new information and communication technologies. The article critically examines available literature on authoritarian practices using information and communication technologies, reports of government and intergovernmental bodies, non-governmental organisations, and various media agencies as well as by gathering first-hand data of samples of digital authoritarianism. The article argues that states and other actors practise digital authoritarianism by invading privacy, denying access to information and spreading misinformation, and limiting expression and participation, all of which violate the rights to freedom of expression, information and participation. Case studies of digital authoritarian practices are presented in the study, drawing on experiences and circumstances in several Asian countries. -
How Censorship in China Allows Government Criticism but Silences Collective Expression GARY KING Harvard University JENNIFER PAN Harvard University MARGARET E
American Political Science Review Page 1 of 18 May 2013 doi:10.1017/S0003055413000014 How Censorship in China Allows Government Criticism but Silences Collective Expression GARY KING Harvard University JENNIFER PAN Harvard University MARGARET E. ROBERTS Harvard University e offer the first large scale, multiple source analysis of the outcome of what may be the most extensive effort to selectively censor human expression ever implemented. To do this, we have W devised a system to locate, download, and analyze the content of millions of social media posts originating from nearly 1,400 different social media services all over China before the Chinese government is able to find, evaluate, and censor (i.e., remove from the Internet) the subset they deem objectionable. Using modern computer-assisted text analytic methods that we adapt to and validate in the Chinese language, we compare the substantive content of posts censored to those not censored over time in each of 85 topic areas. Contrary to previous understandings, posts with negative, even vitriolic, criticism of the state, its leaders, and its policies are not more likely to be censored. Instead, we show that the censorship program is aimed at curtailing collective action by silencing comments that represent, reinforce, or spur social mobilization, regardless of content. Censorship is oriented toward attempting to forestall collective activities that are occurring now or may occur in the future—and, as such, seem to clearly expose government intent. INTRODUCTION Ang 2011, and our interviews with informants, granted anonymity). China overall is tied with Burma at 187th he size and sophistication of the Chinese gov- of 197 countries on a scale of press freedom (Freedom ernment’s program to selectively censor the House 2012), but the Chinese censorship effort is by Texpressed views of the Chinese people is un- far the largest.