Available Online at http://www.recentscientific.com International Journal of CODEN: IJRSFP (USA) Recent Scientific

International Journal of Recent Scientific Research Research Vol. 12, Issue, 01 (D), pp. 40680-40689, January, 2021 ISSN: 0976-3031 DOI: 10.24327/IJRSR Research Article

POLITICAL CONTEXT, CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES AND HIGHER EDUCATION IN

Dina Beltrán López

DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.24327/ijrsr.2021.1201.5743

ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT

Article History: This article deals with the transformation of the Colegio Rosales into the Universidad de Occidente in the state of Sinaloa, , in 1918; a project promoted by the Ramón F. Iturbe government to th Received 13 October, 2020 develop higher education in the face of political changes at the end of the ’s th Received in revised form 11 armed phase (1910-1917). The creation of a regional university whose coverage included three states November, 2020 (Sinaloa, , and Nayarit) and the territory of , represented an innovative project th Accepted 8 December, 2020 given that it was the first of its kind in Mexico and it worked under an autonomous regime. The th Published online 28 January, 2021 project did not advance due to the struggles between factions of the revolutionary political class and university faculty, which also impacted Sinaloa’s Constitution. Key Words:

Regional autonomous university, Political Constitution, political parties, university autonomy in México, Mexican Revolution.

Copyright © Dina Beltrán López, 2021, this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons

Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is

properly cited.

INTRODUCTION endorsed Iturbe’s candidacy.2 From the onset of the race for the governorship, Carranza canvassed for Flores and urged Iturbe The First Constitutional Government of Sinaloa under not to participate, but the latter refused-despite his political Ramón F. Iturbe affinity with Carranza-proclaiming his commitment to the 3 In November 1910, after more than three decades under a people. dictatorial regime (1876-1911) that neglected the well-being of Iturbe assumed the governorship with several plans in mind to the majority, the Mexican society began a revolutionary improve the state. In regards to public education, the process by attending the Francisco I. Madero’s call to arms. administration of Manuel Rodríguez Gutiérrez (1915-1916) had This complex process concluded with the enactment of a new already drafted some projects. One of them consisted of political Constitution on February 5, 1917. Even though the preparing the conditions to establish a reform that transformed new constitution and the inauguration of office of President the Colegio Rosales (also known as Rosalina) from a college on May 1917, formally marked the into a regional autonomous university.4 This proposal intended beginning of the postrevolutionary state, the armed struggle to break with a tradition of 44 years, in which the educational concluded until 1920, and the winners outlined the new center operated as an institution controlled by the local state characteristics of the Mexican State for the following decades. One of their essential elements was “the leadership of a non- radical revolutionary middle class, based on a great pact with 2Mercedes Verdugo, Gobiernos de la Revolución en Sinaloa. Administración, partidos y the popular sectors”.1 elecciones, el municipio libre, Collection La Suave Patria (México: Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa e Instituto Sinaloense de Cultura, 2010), 63-4. The crucial events of the 1910 Revolution marked a path for 3 Manuel Woolrich, “Ramón F. Iturbe”, in Amado González, Diccionario Geográfico, Histórico, Biográfico y Estadístico del Estado de Sinaloa(México, DF: Gobierno del local politics in each Mexican state. In the mid-1917 Estado de Sinaloa, 1982), 296. gubernatorial elections in Sinaloa, General Ramon F. Iturbe 4Dina Beltrán, “Currículum y educación media superior en la institución rosalina. Un estudio desde la historia cultural” (PhD thesis, Centro Escolar del Mar de Cortés, Culiacán, defeated General Angel Flores by a wide margin.The Sinaloa, México, 2015), 109-10. Progressive Liberal Party and the Sinaloa Liberal Party had Rosalina is the common name to refer to the current Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa (UAS) as well as toitspredecessors: Colegio Rosales (1874-1918), Universidad de Occidente (1918-1922), Colegio Civil Rosales (1922-1937), Universidad Socialista del 1 Javier Garciadiego and Sandra Kuntz, “La Revolución mexicana”, in Erick Velásquez Noroeste, and Universidad de Sinaloa (1941-1965). The adjective Rosalina in Spanish García and others, Nueva Historia General de México (México: El Colegio de México, means pertaining to Rosales and is a tribute to General Antonio Rosales, a hero of the War 2010), 563. of the French Intervention.

*Corresponding author: Dina Beltrán López International Journal of Recent Scientific Research Vol. 12, Issue, 01 (D), pp. 40680-40689, January, 2021 through a Board of Counselors. The latter was the highest allied as interim governor-the local representative Eliseo ruling body in education, and the governor chaired it during Quintero. After two extended leaves of absence,15Iturbe most of its existence.5 The leadership of Bernardo J. Gastélum reassumed his position on December 1. However, he only was fundamental to achieve the education reform.6 remained in office until December 31, when he again requested another leave for an indefinite period after having accepted the The atmosphere was very adverse to this project because the position of Chief of the First Northwest Division headquartered struggle for power remained very intense. Several high-ranking in Mazatlán. The local Congress then appointed representative military officers believed they deserved the governor’s chair. Miguel L. Ceceña, an Iturbe’s political adversary, as interim During the discussion in the Congress to approve the governor.16 appointment of Iturbe as governor, Miguel L. Ceceña, a local representative, claimed that Iturbe was an illegitimate governor The Conflict between Venustiano Carranza and the Sonora because he failed to meet the age requirement. Even though Group and its Effects on Sinaloa this was not the dominant position among representatives, an As the Carrancista administration winded down, the networks array of city councils rejected him as governor.7 of power around its succession were woven and unwoven. As The defeated candidate Ángel Flores led the opposition. He had General Álvaro Obregón realized that he was not the plotted with a group of military officers to prevent Iturbe from President’s candidate, helaunched an independent candidacy in taking office as governor. On July 2, Fernando Espinoza de los June 1919.17 At the local level, the Sinaloan Democratic Party Monteros, a former general in Pancho Villa’s army took up (SDP) was formed the previous month to support the arms, forcing the government to transfer state powers from Obregón’s political project as well as to promote the candidacy Culiacán to the port of Mazatlán.8 But the movement was of Ángel Flores for governor of the state of Sinaloa.18 short-lived because General Álvaro Obregón intervened as a At the beginning of 1920, a conflict erupted between the mediator9 and this ended up with the detention of Espinoza de President and the Sonoran group allegedly because Carranza los Monteros and the restoration of state powers to Culiacán on had declared federal waters both the San Miguel Horcasitas and August 9, 1917. On July 23, 1917, from Huatabampo, Sonora, the Sonora rivers. As differences intensified, the Sonora group Obregón had expressed to Iturbe and Flores his willingness to stopped recognizing Carranza as legitimate president and intervene “in the simple role of a former comrade-in-arms”.10 declared the Plan of Agua Prieta on April 23, 1920. The In compliance with Sinaloa’s Constitution, in effect since Sinaloan generals who followed the Plan included: Angel September 1894, Iturbe should have never competed for the Flores, Francisco R. Serrano, Roberto Cruz, MacarioGaxiola, governorship. At the time of the election, he was only 27 years Anatolio Ortega, Guillermo Nelson, and Pablo Macías old, while the Constitution stipulated that candidates had to be Valenzuela.19 There were also university proffessors who at least 30 years old to hold the office.11 Nevertheless, Iturbe supported the cause, including the lawyers José Luis Valencia and his party argued that because the national constitutional and Fortino Gómez, the engineer Ramón Ponce de León, and order had been interrupted in February 1913, the application of the mathematician Epitacio Osuna.20 the 1894 local constitution was suspended. This discussion was one of the factors that triggered a change to the state Generals Iturbe and Juan Carrasco sided with Carranza. On Constitution-approved in August 1917-, which reduced the April 21, Iturbe issued a manifesto in Mazatlán, condemning requirements for holding the office of the governor from 30 to the separatist movement led by the state of Sonora. He argued 25 years.12 that the federal government was “obligated to prevent any symptom of national dismemberment,” and called the Iturbe had to overcome several obstacles, including the Sinaloans to support the President.21 Due to this turbulent animosity of the Flores’s faction, and governed Sinaloa until political climate, on April 15 the local government of Sinaloa August 1919, when the Congress granted him a leave of had approved once again to transfer state powers from Culiacán absence to travel to Mexico City.13 One of the purposes of this to Mazatlán.22 trip was to negotiate the payment of the debt of the federal government to Sinaloa that amounted to $337,102.85 pesos, The national conflict had a major impact on Sinaloa as Ángel originated from loans that Sinaloa made to federal forces Flores and his followers intended to prevent Iturbe from during the Revolution.14Iturbe also sought a further returning to power by all means, causing government involvement in national politics. Before leaving office, he instability. An acephalous state resulted from the disappearance skillfully managed to ensure the Congress appointed a closed of the constitutional powers and the lack of recognition of the Miguel L. Ceceña’s government by the Iturbe’s faction. In 5 Beltrán, “Currículum y educación media”, 106. 6 Ibid., 108-9. Gastélum had graduated as a medical doctor in Guadalajara in 1908 and immediately joined the Colegio Rosales as a professor of Psychology, Sociology, and 15EES, September 18 and October 16, 1919. Logic. 16 Idem., December 31, 1919. 7 Ramón F. Iturbe, Informe correspondiente al periodo transcurrido del 1º de julio al 15 17 Sergio Gaspar, Biografía de Venustiano Carranza, Collection Mexicanos Ilustres de septiembre de 1917, rendido a la XXVII Legislatura de Sinaloa, sobre su gestión (México: Editores Mexicanos Unidos, 2013), 81-3. administrativa como Gobernador Constitucional del Estado (Culiacán, Sinaloa: Talleres 18El Demócrata Sinaloense (hereinafterEDS), Mazatlán, Sinaloa, May 1919. The board of Gráficos de la Compañía Comercial de Sinaloa, 1917), 4-5 and 9. directors of the SDP was made up by Isauro Ibáñez (chairman), Adolfo Andrade (first vice 8El Estado de Sinaloa (hereinafterEES), Culiacán, Sinaloa, July 17, 1917. chairman), José Gómez Luna (second vice-chairman), Enrique López (first secretary), 9 Iturbe, Informe como Gobernador Constitucional, 13. Santiago D. Rodríguez (second secretary), Ramón Franco Estavillo (alternate secretary), 10 Ibid., 13-4. Francisco Yépiz (treasurer), and Francisco Terríquez (assistant treasurer), in addition to 11 Héctor Olea, Sinaloa a través de sus constituciones(México: UNAM, 1985), 258. ten regular members and their corresponding alternates. 12 Ibid., 285. 19 Marco Antonio Berrelleza, De Liceo a Universidad. La institución rosalina: 1872-1922 13EES, August 7, 1919. (Culiacán, Sinaloa: UAS, 1998), 433. 14 Eliseo Quintero, Informe comoGobernadorConstitucionalinterino del estado de Sinaloa 20EDS, May 21, 1920. (Archive of the Congress of the State of Sinaloa [hereinafter ACES, by its initial in 21EES, May 1, 1920. Spanish], September 15, 1919). 22 Idem., April 24, 1920. 40681 | P a g e Dina Beltrán López., Political Context, Constitutional Changes And Higher Education In Sinaloa consequence, Alejandro R. Vega came to power on April 20, The Ángel Flores Government and its Hostility towards the appointed by Ángel Flores as the government’s general agent. University On May 10, for instructions of the leaders of the Obregonista Flores took office on September 27, 1920, and only twelve group, Enrique Pardo took over the government in his capacity days later President Obregón appointed him head of the First as president of the State Supreme Court. However, on May 20, Division of the Northwest. Flores then requested a three-month Alejandro R. Vega became a substitute governor again to leave and the local representative, Colonel José Aguilar, conclude the Iturbe period.23 replaced him and served as interim governor until March Alejandro R. Vega carried out a fierce persecution against any 1923.29 Although Ángel Flores was ephimerally in the trace of Iturbismo. After the assassination of Venustiano governor’s office, his political influence allowed him to Carranza on May 21, 1920, the Flores’ faction had a clear path exercise an almost absolute control over the three branches of to reassemble the pieces of the Sinaloa’s political machine; government. He also continued his campaign against his therefore the triumph of Obregón had also consequences at the political adversaries Iturbe and Carrasco, until eliminating them state level.24 By the time that Alejandro R. Vega delivered the from the political scene.30 annual government report in September 1920, the state powers The projects that the government of Iturbe endorsed had had been reestablished in Culiacán. Vega launched a already encountered hurdles prior to the rise of Obregonismo, devastating critique of Iturbe's government, accusing him of but from the onset of the Flores administration the lack of being corrupt, inept, and inefficient. The most significant part support and the attacks to them intensified significantly. The of the report dealt with the results of an audit of the former Universidad de Occidente, one of the Iturbe’s projects intended government, which allegedly demonstrated that the state budget to develop higher education in the region, endured economic had been practically emptied and that the treasury was in suffocation. Also, the university became a target of spiteful terrible conditions. Damages to the state treasury consisted of criticism from the journalists of El DemócrataSinaloense, the illegal loans and debts relief; the purchase-sale operations that official publication of the SDP.31 Journalists recriminated benefited private interests (including those of Iturbe); missing University professors for not contributing to Sinaloa’s material tax receipts; careless reforms; anticipated tax collections and progress; for not helping to solve its economic problems; and tax increases.25 for spending a substantial part of the education budget in few It is hard to determine whether the accusations made by Flores students, thus causing a shortage in funds needed to primary and his supporters were true. However, some scholars have education.32 documented that Iturbe was a man with an entrepreneurial The University’s Board of Counselors, led by Chancellor spirit, concerned with increasing his fortune, but this also was Bernardo J. Gastélum and Vice-chancellor Enrique Peña the case of Flores and other revolutionaries.26Furthermore, Alcalde handled criticisms with assertiveness. They argued that several complaints against Iturbe were vitriolic and resentful; higher education was not a luxury but a necessity to develop therefore, they have to be analyzed within the framework of the the state and the nation.33 The autonomy regime contained in struggle for power. As usually happens in these cases, the the law that created the university determined the appointment winners exploited any resources at their disposal to claim their of authorities and the institutional functioning of the triumph and eliminate their enemies. Universidad de Occidente. The autonomy regime adopted On September 5, 1920, both presidential and gubernatorial elements from the discussion of the projects of the National elections took place in Sinaloa, resulting in the election of University in the 1910s, closely resembling the so-called Álvaro Obregón as president.27 In the gubernatorial elections, Proyecto Novelo proposed by the Yucatán Senator José Inés the SDP nominated Flores, who competed with thirteen Novelo and approved by the nation’s Senate in November candidates, including General Juan Carrasco of the Liberal 1917.34 According to Novelo, universities had to work with Progressive Party-the party that had nominated Iturbe three absolute freedom, without the interference of external forces, years earlier. Flores won the election in a landslide since he had only allowing their economic reliance on public authority as reached the height of his political power and benefited from the long as it did not jeopardize its technical autonomy.35 endorsement of Alvaro Obregón. In the end, Flores obtained 28 25,522 votes, while General Carrasco barely earned 76 votes. 29EES, October 9, 1920. 30 Verdugo, Gobiernos de la Revolución, 125; and Instituto Nacional de Estudios Históricos de la Revolución Mexicana, Diccionario de Generales de la Revolución, Primer Tomo (A-L) (México: INEHRM, 2014), 198. Iturbe attempted to gain the support of 23Alejandro R. Vega, Informe como Gobernador Constitucional sustituto del estado de President Adolfo de la Huerta to return to the governor’s office in Sinaloa, but he failed Sinaloa (ACES, September 16, 1920). and went into exile to the United States. He only resumed his political activities in 1929, 24General Adolfo de la Huerta was appointed as interim president to conclude Carranza’s when he adhered to General Escobar’s rebellion to overthrow President Plutarco Elías remaining term of ofice. Calles (Woolrich, Diccionario de Sinaloa, 298). Juan Carrasco continued in the struggle 25 Vega, Informe como Gobernador, 1920. and, after suffering a fierce persecution, his political enemies had executed him on 26 Alonso Martínez, “Nuevos empresarios de la Revolución Mexicana en Sinaloa”, in November 8, 1922, in El Guamuchilar, a village located in the boundaries between Carrillo and others, La Revolución en Sinaloa (México: COBAES.1994), 96-7; and Durango and Nayarit (Verdugo, Gobiernos de la Revolución, 123-5). Gustavo Aguilar, Banca y desarrollo regional en Sinaloa, 1910-1994 (México: UAS, 31 Beltrán, “Currículum y educación media”, 177-8. DIFOCUR y Plaza y Valdez Editores, 2001), 137. Aguilar shows evidence that by 1918 32EDS, March 4, 1922. Iturbe had«invested in practically all-productive activities» and acquired several properties 33 Beltrán, “Currículum y educación media”, 167. worth over 100,000 pesos. In the same year, Iturbe received from the business enterprise 34 Ibid., 159-165. Redo y Compañía the amount of 20,000 dollars for an agreement after a legal dispute over 35 Archivo del Senado de México (hereinafter ASM), July-November, 1917. As for the the Lucernilla Island. The governor exploited the property because he claimed to be the concept of technical autonomy, Novelo affirmed in his deliberations before the Senate that owner of the fifty percent of its territory (Notarial Archive of Sinaloa, 1917-1926, 146- it would be attained when: “[…] the Chancellor and Board of Counselors of the University 150). […] were in control of the University Governance; […] it was established that the 27EDS, June 11, 1920. Chancellor was appointed by the vote of the majority of the Board of Counselors; […] it 28Azalia López, Ángel Flores, candidato a la presidencia de la República en 1924 was established that the principals of the University Institutes were appointed in the same (México: Editorial Praxis, UAS y DIFOCUR, 2005), 29; and Verdugo, Gobiernos de la manner; […] it was established that the faculty of University Schools were appointed in Revolución, 119. like manner, and [that…] such honorable body of professors could not be removed except 40682 | P a g e International Journal of Recent Scientific Research Vol. 12, Issue, 01 (D), pp. 40680-40689, January, 2021

The functioning of the Universidad de Occidente under an Contrary to the weak investment in education, the development autonomy regime was one of its most important innovations, of hydraulic infrastructure was a top priority. The local but there were others worthy of mention. For example, the government strenghtened this effort with the construction of the university was intended to have a regional coverage to Antonio Rosales canal, which resulted in the revitalization of comprise Sinaloa, Sonora, Nayarit, and Baja California. One of agriculture, a significant economic activity in the state, where its goals was that faculty had a high academic level, including the political class had investments.42 In May 1921, the federal doctoral degrees. It also aimed at offering ancillary specialties government had authorized Flores a loan for up to three million pertaining to sub-professional categories. The project posed pesos for the construction of the canal, which was almost that the inclusion of secondary and teacher training was completed by September 1922.43 provisional, while the state created the necessary conditions for The Preparation for the Renewal of Legislative Powers in their independent functioning. Finally, the organizational law 1922 of the University included the proposal for future postgraduate studies, thus contributing to the development of scientific and The elections for the local Congress and the two houses of the technological knowledge.36 federal Congress took place by mid-1922. Several professors of the Universidad de Occidente prepared to participate in the It is important to underscore that the struggle for power not process. However, unlike their participation during the Colegio only occurred at the national and state levels but also at a local Rosales period (1874-1918), where university professors were level in the elections for mayors, council members, and included in the official ballot, this time many of them commissaries. In Sinaloa, the inchoate state of political contemplated the possibility of forging an alliance to oppose organizations37 and the deficient electoral law, which mandated the SDP, the official party since Flores won the governorship in the annual holding of municipal elections and granted any 1920.44 citizen the right to request the annulment of elections, fueled the political struggle.38 Thus, during the first years of On October 14, 1921, Ángel Flores summoned to a meeting at constitutional life in the state, the post-electoral conflicts were the city hall with Governor José Aguilar, several local a constant and demanded the attention of local representatives representatives, Culiacán’s Mayor Francisco Ochoa, the state and municipal authorities. Supreme Court Chief Justice, Enrique Pardo, and Justices José María Tellaeche, and Carlos C. Echeverría.45 Pardo, Tellaeche, Although there were disputes about electoral results in many Echeverría, and some local representatives were professors at municipalities, in Mazatlán they reached higher proportions, the Universidad de Occidente. given its relevance as an economic and political hub, and also because it was the most populated city in the state.39In fact, At the meeting, Flores presented a ten-point plan, which SDP leaders never accepted that their opponents led by Iturbe included three relevant changes: the first proposed reducing all ruled the city where were located the headquarters of their the municipal functions to administrative duties, an initiative party.40 that limited the already weak municipal autonomy. In this regard, the federal Constitution of 1917 established that the Given this climate of confrontation, the Flores’ faction municipalities were entitled to qualify the elections of the city continued dismissing the projects promoted by the former councils, including trustees and commissioners, aspect with government. Consequently, the Universidad de Occidente was which Flores disagreed. The second major change proposed the unable to launch its educational offer or extend its coverage immediate intervention of the state government to negotiate beyond Sinaloa. In fact, it fell into a payroll shortage as a result with the federal government “the defense of Sinaloa’s residents of the budget reduction. State authorities neither provided threatened by arbitrary agrarian measures.” With this proposal, funds nor concretized the support of the participating states as Flores expressed his anti-agrarian stance, which he had made outlined in the original project, which led to economic 41 evident since he opposed the Ejidos Law of January 6, 1915, strangulation. 46 establishing mandatory land distribution. Lastly, the Flores’ plan promoted a reform to the state Constitution to put it “in accordance with local public needs”.47 During the discussion of for serious misconduct that made them unworthy of teaching the youth, in order to this point Enrique Pardo dissented but Flores managed to press safeguard them from the ups and downs, changes, passions, and miseries of politics; […] it was established, lastly, that everything related to plans, study programs, bylaws and everyone to sign the document. Since the agreements regulations of University institutions had to be first drafted by the faculty of every contradicted the content of the local Constitution of 1917, it institution, later discussed and finally adopted, in a fruitful and thoughtful deliberation by the Board of Counselors” (ASM, July, 20 1917, 12-3). was essential to begin with the constitutional reform to enforce 36 Beltrán, “Currículum y educación media”, 119-20; and EES, May 30, 1918. Flores’ plan. 37 Azalia López, Historia de los partidos políticos en Sinaloa: 1909-1946 (México: Siglo XXI, 2010), 74. The Flores’ faction attack to the university professors who held 38 Óscar Urcisichi, Derecho Electoral Sinaloense (México: Escuela Libre de Derecho de Sinaloa, 2003), 69; and Óscar Urcisichi, comp., Leyes Electorales de Sinaloa (México: public offices was the backdrop of the assault to the 1917 Consejo Estatal Electoral de Sinaloa y Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, 2006), 94. Constitution approved during the Iturbe government. The 39DepartmentofNationalStatistics, Censo General de Habitantes (30 noviembre de 1921) del Estado de Sinaloa (México: Talleres Gráficos de la Nación, 1928), 15. The population Flores’ faction publicly criticized the Constitution since census conducted in Sinaloa in 1921 demonstrates that Mazatlán had 25,254 inhabitants, followed by Culiacán with 16,034, Rosario with 7,050, Escuinapa de Hidalgo with 5,032, and the village of with 3,757 inhabitants. 42 Beltrán, “Currículum y educación media”, 178. 40EDS, October 6, 12, 19 and 22; and November 1 and 30, 1919. 43 José Aguilar, Informe como Gobernador Constitucional interino del estado de Sinaloa 41ACES,Acta de la discusión legislativa del proyecto de la Universidad de Occidente, (ACES, September 15,1922). April 14, 1918. Gastélum and his team had foreseen that the university schools were 44 Beltrán, “Currículum y educación media”, 186. distributed among the capitals of the participating states, according to the main economic 45 Francisco Gil Leyva, Los gobernadores de Sinaloa: 1831-1996, 4.aed, (Culiacán, activities that each one. They also proposed that the Chancellor’s office had a rotating Sinaloa: Imprenta Once Ríos Editores, 1960), 86. nature developed (Alfonso Gómez Palacio, interview by Dina Beltrán López, Mexico 46 Verdugo, Gobiernos de la Revolución, 2010. City,August 4, 2014; and EDS, September 8, 1921). 47Gil, Los gobernadores de Sinaloa, 88. 40683 | P a g e Dina Beltrán López., Political Context, Constitutional Changes And Higher Education In Sinaloa

September 1921, by arguing that it was riddled with errors and assistant secretary,58a fact that shows that some politicians flaws, and therefore a new one was urgently needed.48 were incongruent, as they participated in one or more parties, Nevertheless, there were strict controls that prevented the either as candidates or as board members. However, it is worth introduction of quick constitutional changes, like the ones mentioning that the life of political organizations nationwide proposed by Flores, unless the Congress reviewed the bill in revolved around great characters rather than on political two successive legislative terms. Therefore, as a first step to programs and principles, which caused that political parties had reform the local Constitution, on October 21, the state a shortage of candidates willing to compete for office.59 Congress approved the self- granting of extraordinary powers.49 The participation of professors in the elections added an The Congress also approved a plebiscite to amend the element of tension to the harsh relationship between the state Constitution, thus pretending to listen to “the people’s government and the university, given that a sector of the ruling opinion,” but in fact, this aimed at legitimizing the agreement elite interpreted faculty involvement in politics as a serious taken by the ruling elite. The plebiscite resulted in the majority threat to their power. Therefore, the elite did not hesitate to use voting for a constitutional reform.50However, the change did the pages of the journal El DemócrataSinaloense to attack the not take place immediately. 60 university. In 1922 began the political campaigns. University professors Amid the electoral race, Bernardo J. Gastélum resigned to his announced their intention to compete for seats in both the local position of Chancellor to the Board of Counselors in January and federal congresses. Among the most popular competitors 1922. However, the board did not accept his resignation were the lawyers José G. Heredia and Jesús M. Güémez, and immediatly but after two months. José María Tellaeche the engineers Ramón Ponce de León and Juan de Dios Bátiz, replaced Gastélum as Chancellor, a fact thatfueled discontent initially nomitated by three local parties: the SDP, the Popular and criticism from the Flores’ faction.61Tellaeche graduated as Independent Party (PIP) and the Social Democratic Party a lawyer from the Colegio Rosales in 1910, was appointed a (SODP). The PIP and the SODP were created expressly for this justice of the State Supreme Court in October 1918,62and electoral process.51 José G. Heredia had been appointed as a became president of the latter at the beginning of justice of the State Supreme Court in August 1920,52 while 1922.63Supporters of Flores who wrote in the El Ponce de León and Juan de Dios Bátiz were local DemócrataSinaloense claimed that the Court was a space for representatives between 1920-1922, and Jesús M. Güémez was recruiting professors opposed to Flores. running for the first time to a public charge. EDS columnists made public complaints affirming that the It is important to highlight that Rafael Juan Padilla was the state Court failed to comply with its duties given that its chief promoter to create the PIP. He joined the Colegio Rosales members devoted most of their time to politics and private at the end of 1915 as academic secretary, prefect, and treasurer, business. They accused Tellaeche of promoting the Senate and also served as secretary of the direction after Bernardo candidacy of José G. Heredia as well as being focused on his Gastélum resigned from the position of director in 1916.53 On farming activities.64 Columnists also claimed that Telleache the other hand, a group led by CándidoAvilés promoted the neglected the university’s affairs and granted degrees and SODP.54Avilés was a former high school student at the Colegio certificates in large numbers. Nevertheless, this accusation Rosales, who took part in the Maderista and Constitutionalist proved false since during the existence of the Universidad de movements, worked in the state’s public administration, and Occidente only twelve students graduated (nine lawyers, two represented Sinaloa in the Constituent Congress of 1917.55 The chemists, and a schoolteacher), which results in an average of SODP was intended to build an alliance with the National three certificates per year, fewer than those issued by the Cooperative Party (NCP).56The SODP launched a platform to Colegio Rosales (3.4).65 support the Universidad de Occidente, demilitarize public charges, and reduce the number of elections in Sinaloa.57 The The Reform of the Sinaloa Constitution as an Electoral latter was an adequate proposal, considering that Sinaloa lived Strategy under a permanent state of tension due to post-electoral conflicts that distracted legislators from attending state Only three months before the elections, the local Congress priorities. called for a special session to discuss and adopt the new Constitution. The local representatives Francisco de P. Álvarez The SDP prepared for the elections too by organizing its new and Victoriano Díaz-a Rosalina professor-made up the board of directors and appointing Juan de Dios Bátiz as its

58Idem., January 11, 1922. 48EDS, September 3, 1921. 59 Samuel León and Germán Pérez, De fuerzas políticas y partidos políticos, Collection 49EES, October 25, 1921. Folios Universitarios (México: Plaza y Janés – Plaza y Valdez, 1988), 21. 50Idem., December 20, 1921; and Gil, Los gobernadores de Sinaloa, 90. 60EDS, February 2 and 12, March 4, April 8, August 21 and October 9, 1922. 51EDS, January 5 and 14, 1922. 61 Beltrán, “Currículum y educación media”, 190-2. When Gastélum resigned, he had 52EES, August 19, 1920. Heredia graduated as a lawyer in the Colegio Rosales in May, 1911. already an appointment as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of Mexico to Later on, he was appointed justice of the State’s Supreme Court. During the government of the Republics of Paraguay and Uruguay. On February 25, Montevideo accepted him as a Felipe Riveros, he served as the government’s secretary general. «persona grata» to be in charge of this position. His departure was delayed until May 11 53Berrelleza, De Liceo a Universidad, 266; and Beltrán, Currículum y educación media”, due to illness of a family member (Diplomatic Historic Archive of the Ministry of Foreign 187-8. Relations, file of Bernardo J. Gastélum, 2-20-47). This appointment reveals a close 54EDS, January 9 and 12, 1922. relation between Gastélum and President Álvaro Obregón. Also, their wives were friends 55Congreso del Estado de Sinaloa, El Muro de Honor: 25 ilustres mexicanos, 25 and relatives(Gómez Palacio, 2014). semblanzas (México: Congreso del Estado de Sinaloa, 2000), 133-7. 62EES, October 5, 1918. 56 Luis J. Garrido, Un partido de la Revolución institucionalizada. La formación del nuevo 63EDS, March 15, 1922. Estado en México (1928-1945), 11.ª ed. (México: Siglo XXI Editores, 2005), 39. Jorge 64Beltrán, “Currículum y educación media”, 176. Prieto Laurens led the National Cooperative Party, which was founded in 1917 by middle- 65 Jorge Luis Sánchez, Sociedad y educación en Sinaloa. 1874-1918: El Colegio Rosales class students and professionals. (tesis de doctorado) (México: Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa y Universidad Autónoma 57EDS, January 17, 1922. de Aguascalientes, 2000), 288-90. 40684 | P a g e International Journal of Recent Scientific Research Vol. 12, Issue, 01 (D), pp. 40680-40689, January, 2021 commission appointed to present the new Constitution. The measure to raise funds to overcome the economic crisis.73 state Congress and the majority of the eleven municipal The 1922 local Constitution had two major differences in councils approved it.The Constitution included substantial relation to the 1917 federal Constitution. On the one hand, the changes related to the political context and amendments federal Constitution only considered primary education to be intended to improve the structure and organization of the free, on the other one, the concept of secularity that it state.66 The constitutions of other Mexican states served as a contained, which had led to intense debates, was not clearly source of inspiration, and representatives took from them what established in the 1922 Constitution. Another relevant change they deemed more convenient.67 Certainly, Flores’s followers consisted of a detailed description of the responsibilities of did not feel confident about their electoral triumph; therefore, public servants, introducing the causes for impeachment. All they managed to precipitate the constitutional reform to public servants could be subjected to this process, from the introduce changes that would provide their candidates a governor, local representatives, and Supreme Court justices to mechanism to challenge unfavorable results. 74 the heads and directors of all state-owned entities. The faults This analysis is not intended to fully compare the 1917 and or omissions that could be considered cause for impeachment 1922 state constitutions, but rather focus on the most relevant were: any grave violation of the Constitution, the changes. For instance, the extension of legislative terms was mismanagement of state funds and resources, and any attack on from two to three years, and for municipal councils it was from electoral freedom. If the impeachment trial resulted in a guilty one to three years. Up to six proportional representatives were verdict, the public servant would be dismissed and disqualified included, and the period in which public servants had to resign from holding public offices. Moreover, no legal recourse would to be able to hold the state governor’s office, or become a local be filed against a sentence rendered by the full Court.75 representative, state attorney general, tax collector or mayor The new legal framework determined that impeachment could was reduced from 6 months to 90 days. These changes only be initiated during the period in which the public servant entertained the probability that the opposition candidates were took office and within the year following the conclusion of his the potential winners in the upcoming elections. Also, the new term in office. The Court would apply penalties for a period not constitution restored the age requirement to be governor to 30 exceeding one year from the beginning of the process. years old while reduced it for representatives from 25 to 21 However, the Constitution also stated that “criminal years old, and replaced the four-year term for a six-year term, proceedings arising from liability for offenses committed which would begin on January 1 rather than September 27.68 during the term in office are subject to the statute of limitations The idea of limiting municipal autonomy promoted by Flores expressed in the Criminal Code, but such statute shall never be was successful since the local Congress had the authority to shorter than three years”, and this term would be interrupted for qualify the elections of the municipal councils, which the 1917 as long as officers perform their duties.76 Flores and his local Constitution vested on the municipalities. The anti- followers sent a clear message to opponents of what awaited agrarian policy also succeeded as the state congress lost its them if they intended to remain on the political stage. In a way, power to “enact laws within the powers granted by the Federal instituting this constitutional process was part of the strategy of Constitution of Labor and Social Security, as well as any laws Flores to maintain Iturbe in exile. related to the local solution of agrarian and cadastral problems”.69 The latter implied a major setback in the social Electoral Results and Conflicts reform fostered by the 1910 Revolution because it led to a legal In Sinaloa, citizens voted on July 2, 1922, amid a charged system that protected the interests of wealthy landowners over political environment. The local Congress reported the results poor peasants.70 revealing the winners. Supported by two local organizations, The state Constitution approved during Iturbe’s government the SDP and the Popular Independent Party, José Heredia won vaguely established that it was the Congress’ responsibility to a seat in the Senate obtaining 15,557 votes-Ramón Ponce de “provide education and public instruction in the state, on the León was elected as his substitute with 15,554 votes. The basis of a free and secular education”.71 The new Constitution Flores’ followers who wrote for the El DemócrataSinaloense included three articles on public education-missing in the 1917 had disapproved this candidacy. The losing candidates, José local Constitution-which established free education at all levels Gómez Luna77 and his substitute Filiberto R. Quintero78 only and mandatory primary education.72 The loss of the charge-free obtained 10,780 and 10,741 votes each with the support of the nature of the education offered at the Rosalina was one of the NCP and the SODP.79 Gómez Luna contested the results by aspects on which the Flores’ faction attacked university arguing the existence of several invalid ballots and the official professors during the electoral contest. Certainly, during both coercion during the election process. He also claimed that the late years of the Colegio Rosales and the period of the Universidad de Occidente student fees were imposed as a 73 Beltrán, “Currículum y educación media”, 195. 74 Olea, Sinaloa y sus constituciones, 337. 75 Ibid., 295 and 339. 66EES, June 22, 1922. 76 Ibid., 340-341. 67 David Cienfuegos,comp.Colección de constituciones de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos 77 José Gómez Luna was a Congressman by the second district of Sinaloa in the XXIX (México: Editora Laguna, Fundación Académica Guerrerense, Centro de Estudios del Federal Legislature (1920-1922). He was a founding member of the SDP and the second Derecho Estatal y Municipal-UNACH, Escuela Libre de Derecho de Puebla y Escuela vice-president of its first Board, and also a columnist of the El DemócrataSinaloense Libre de Derecho de Sinaloa, 2010), 450-4. (Roderic Ai Camp, Mexican Political Biographies, 1884-1934 [Austin, Texas: University 68 Olea, Sinaloa y sus constituciones, 307-8 and 319. of Texas Press 1991]; and Beltrán, “Currículum y educación media”, 179-180). Given his 69 Ibid., 282. background, he considered he was entitled to be nominated to the senate by the SDP over 70 Guillén, “Sinaloa después de la Revolución: su legislación como expresión de los grupos José G. Heredia; hence, when the SDP nominated Heredia, Gómez Luna sought the triunfadores”, in Memoria del II Congreso de Historia Sinaloense (Culiacán, Sinaloa: nomination by other parties. Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, 1986), 227-8. 78 Filiberto R. Quintero was also an alternate member by the fifth district in the same 71 Olea, Sinaloa y sus constituciones, 283. Legislature (Camp, Mexican Political Biographies, 1991). 72 Ibid., 326. 79EES, August 10, 1922; and ASM, November 9, 1922. 40685 | P a g e Dina Beltrán López., Political Context, Constitutional Changes And Higher Education In Sinaloa certain articles in the Constitution banned Heredia and Ponce president and leader, Jorge Prieto Laurens, also presided over de León from holding public office. When the Senate rendered the newly inaugurated federal legislature that would lead the its resolution, it annulled more than 5, 000 votes and this presidential changeover in 1924. The NCP, like the Mexican changed the number of votes for each candidate. Nevertheless, Labor Party and the National Agrarian Party, had branches the situation did not alter the final results nor invalidate the throughout the country. All these parties had formed the entire electoral process. In the end, Gómez Luna-Quintero National Revolutionary Confederation as a common front in obtained a total of 17, 837 votes, while Heredia-Ponce de León the elections for legislative power.85 had 22, 155 votes.80 The new representatives of the local legislature were: Cosme According to the vote count by the state Congress, the winners Álvarez, Ramón J. Luque, Alejandro P. Estrada, Melesio Cuén, of the race for federal legislators were CándidoAvilés, Salomé Fausto A. Marín, José Arce Lizárraga, Eugenio Osuna, Antonio Vizcarra Jr., Francisco de P. Álvarez, and two professors from R. Pérez, Santiago Paredes, Luis D. Fitch, José Palomares, the Universidad de Occidente, Juan de Dios Bátiz and Matías Victoriano Díaz, and Jesús M. Güémez.86Even though Díaz and Ayala.81 The House of Representatives of the Congress of the Güémez were the only university professors, the political Union looked at the electoral packages sent by the Congress of weight of the representatives standing up for the Universidad Sinaloa and ratified the results in four out of five districts. de Occidente was significant. Only Victoriano Díaz and Luis However, in the fourth district-which included the D. Fitch were in their second term as representatives. municipalities of Sinaloa, Mocorito, Angostura, and - When the local Congress publicly announced the electoral where the local Congress declared Matías Ayala as the winner, results, columnists of El DemócrataSinaloense were quick to the federal Congress recognized the triumph of Ángel Montoya turn down the elections.87 They denounced in the newspapers instead.82 several irregularities with headlines like “Immoral acting of the The candidates for federal representatives of the fourth district Congress of Sinaloa. Rogues and scoundrels. Oh! Justice,” and were: Matías Ayala, supported by the SDP, and Ángel asserted that there were violations of the recently approved Montoya, Candelario Peña Rocha, and Joaquín Silva endorsed state Constitution. However, their claims only addressed the by both the NCP and the SODP. While the Congress of elections of Jesús M. Güémez, José Arce Lizárraga, and Luis Sinaloa’s vote count had recognized Ayala’s triumph, the D. Fitch.88Although the electoral results constituted a major federal Credential Commission, acting in an unethical manner, political blow to the SDP, their members only persist in declared Ángel Montoya as the winner. Matías Ayala attempting to overturn the results of one of its defeated challenged the decision with courage and determination and candidates, Celso A. y García. They embarked on several submitted evidence of fraud. He proved that a substantial actions to annul Luis D. Fitch’s election using newspapers as a number of polling stations had been annulled and that the platform.89 landowner Blas Valenzuela had coerced votes to favor Ayala’s Former members of the SDP also took advantage of the Day of opponents. He also showed that an arrest warrant had been the Dead celebration on November 2 to express their issued against him the day before the election. However, the disappointment about their defeat and the bitter taste that the federal Congress dismissed Ayala’s grievances and approved election process had left them. They filled the pages of the El the triumph of Montoya by an overwhelming majority of 145 DemócrataSinaloensewith literary compositions called votes (there were only 16 votes against).83 What did prevent calaveras. The poem dedicated to the loser Celso A. y García Matías Ayala from being recognized as federal representative? emphasized the “black fate” of this chemist with poetic Undoubtedly, a number of issues had him defeated, like his tendencies. The calavera dedicated to Fitch affirmed that his lack of affiliation with a strong nationwide party like the triumph was possible thanks to the official support by National Cooperative Party; his nomination by a local party Governor José Aguilar. The poem read as follows: closely associated with Flores, who attempted to run for candidate in the 1924 presidential race; his revolutionary Despite being young, he revolutionizes / Armed as a brave background as follower of the Aguascalientes Convention, and citizen / Few times he has WON / That is, he loses. / With vast the effectiveness of electoral fraud strategies.84 erudition / This «smart» Concordian / Made his bet: / Offering What occurred in that electoral district made evident the type of without limits, / And when he could not win, / He imposed an interests of the national political parties concerning federal illegal shameless cheat, / Backed by Aguilar. / An unjust prize elections. The NCP, then in control of the absolute majority of to his behavior, / That García still mourns. / [Fitch] was given the House of Representatives, formed a considerable bloc in the a black epitaph / Over his black contumacy.90 Senate, and controlled a portion of the judicial branch. NCP’s Nevertheless, these strategies proved worthless and local representatives maintained their positions. At that moment the 80ASM, November 9, 1922. Flores movement had undergone a reconfiguration given that 81El Universal, México, DF, August 9, 1922. 82Archive of the House of Representatives of the United Mexican States Congress Governor Aguilar was confronted with the Flores’s followers (hereinafter ACDCEUM), Journal de los Debates, August 8, 1922. who wrote for the EDS. This political fracture can be noticed in 83Ibid., August 28, 1922. 84Matías Ayala participated in the 1914 Aguascalientes Convention siding with Francisco Villa. The 1914 Convention was the setting where the main revolutionary factions that had 85León and Pérez, Fuerzas y partidos políticos, 22; and Garrido, Partido de la Revolución, formed a coalition to oust discussed their political differences, but the 47. Constitutionalists broke with it and took over the government. Ayala graduated as a 86 José María Figueroa, Los gobernadores de Sinaloa: 1831-1996, 4.a ed. (Culiacán, surveyor and hydrographer engineer at the Colegio Rosales in March of 1911. He Sinaloa: Imprenta Once Ríos Editores 1996), 122. participated in the Revolution since 1910 and was imprisoned in Mexico City due to his 87 These columnists had been SDP members but during the electoral process they opposition to the Huerta’s regime. In 1914, he served in the administration of Sinaloa’s abandoned the party because they had differences with the nominees. Governor Felipe Riveros (ACDCEUM, Journal of Debates, August 28, 1922; and Gilberto 88EDS, September 14, 1922. López, “Ing. Matías Ayala Quintero”, Presagio, 73, Culiacán, Sinaloa, México, October 89Idem., September 14, 19 and 22, 1922. 1995, 14). 90 Idem., November 2, 1922. 40686 | P a g e International Journal of Recent Scientific Research Vol. 12, Issue, 01 (D), pp. 40680-40689, January, 2021 a newspaper article that blamed the governor on the electoral given that it worked under an autonomy status, and constituted failure and pointed out to his political inconsistency and the center of confluence of all expressions of culture.96 notorious partiality that “brought about fruits of immorality and Sinaloa’s federal representatives penned a letter to President obscene insolence”.91 The sharp authors that wrote for the El Obregón dated on September 23, to negotiate the reopening of DemócrataSinaloense could target any character of the political the University. Nineteen federal representatives from Sonora, field in Sinaloa, except for Ángel Flores, who still controlled Nayarit, Guanajuato, and Baja California endorsed the petition. the whole political machinery in the state and to whom They requested funding for the university amounting 5,000 everyone paid tribute. pesos a month. On October 5, the chairman of the Sinaloa The Closing of the Universidad de Occidente and the Struggle Congress, Fausto A. Marín, sent a petition to the federal for its Reopening representatives from Sinaloa, asking them to accelerate the negotiations before the federation. Eight days later he would Due to the environment of political confrontation, the address the petition directly to President Obregón.97 economic hardship of the Universidad de Occidente continued to mount. On July 28, 1922, Tellaeche called a meeting with On October 14, President Obregón requested information to the University Board of Counselors to decide the fate of the Governor Aguilar about the situation at the university. Nine institution. After deliberating and ratifying Tellaeche as days later, the governor responded by informing that the Chancellor, the meeting concluded by turning over the Congress initially assigned a subsidy of 50, 000 a year to the University to the state government.92Despite the atmosphere of university but it had to reduce it by half due to a shortage of economic and political neglect of the university project, the state funds.98 Aguilar delayed his response deliberately because electoral results raised hopes, since most of the winning in the meantime he pressured the local Congress to approve the candidates were willing to defend it. Some envisioned the order to create the Colegio Civil Rosales (CCR).99 possibility that the future of the university fulfilled its motto General Guillermo Nelson, chief of the Calvary Division of the “sursum versus” (towards the summit) chosen by the Ministry of War and Navy, was another important voice University Board. Before the beginning of the new school year, strongly opposed to reopening the university. He had been in the midst of a climate of uncertainty about the university’s cosigner of the Plan of Agua Prieta,100 and embodied the fate, federal representatives, local representatives, and Senator Flores’ faction opposition to Iturbe. On October, 14, Nelson José G. Heredia considered that the project should continue.93 sent a petition to President Obregón against those who were While representatives of the new state Congress forged a negotiating the university’s subsidy-especially federal strategy to reopen the university, the conflict between its representatives CándidoAvilés, Juan de Dios Bátiz, and opponents and defenders reached the national press. On Francisco de P. Álvarez.101 September 13, 1922, the engineer and former Rosalina professor, Norberto Domínguez, published an article where he The exchanges between opponents and defenders of the defended the closing of the Universidad de Occidente because university and President Obregón continued, as well as the it was a bad imitation of the National University, it had a high animosity among factions. In the end, the Sinaloan operating cost, and its existence was unjustifiable given representatives attained that the federal government contributed Culiacán’s small population. One of his arguments focused on with an entry of 3,500 pesos a month to the Universidad de the urgent need of primary education in Mexico to benefit the Occidente, which intended to last for a year starting in majority of the poor population. Several characters close to the November 1922.102 Nevertheless, the economic support did not Flores’ faction and opposed to the university shared this view. prevent that the dominant political group led by Flores imposed They argued that allocating funds to higher education centers its project. The Universidad de Occidente closed its doors to for the elite was against the tenets that made people give way to the Colegio Civil Rosales that the local Congress participating in the revolutionary process.94 It is worth of had approved since October 18. mentioning that in the early 1920s about 50% of children did Afterward not attend school nationwide due to the small amount of schools. The illiteracy rate was around 80%, and there were The Colegio Civil Rosales did not restore the former Colegio enormous educational disparities between states and its 95 regions. 96El Demócrata, México, DF, September 20, 1922. Domínguez's article provoked an immediate response from 97 AGN, Fondo O-C, Galería 3, Expediente 816 U4. 98Idem. university professors, who challenged his position and 99EES, October 26, 1922. advocated for the reopening of the Universidad de Occidente. 100Sinagawa, Sinaloa, historia y destino. 2da. ed. (Culiacán, Sinaloa: UAS, 2013), 448. 101Juan de Dios Bátiz studied engineering in Mexico City after completing high school at One of them was the professor and lawyer Francisco Verdugo the Colegio Rosales, where he met Rafael Buelna. He participated in the Maderista Fálquez, who published an article in the newspaper El Correo Revolution and joined the Rafael Buelna’s revolutionary force in Tepic in 1914, where he de Occidente, “Outside of Mexico, everything is Cuautitlán”. ascended to colonel and became the general staff’s chief of the brigade. In 1915, Juan de Dios Bátiz became a military commander and governor of the Tepic territory, and after the He pointed out that the university had to defend itself because constitutional victory against Huerta, he joined the Villista movement, but he ultimately it was an institution that counterbalanced the official power defected to move to El Paso, Texas. He returned to Culiacán in 1918 and became a university professor, a municipal councilman, and local Congress representative for two consecutive terms (1918-1920 and 1920-1922) (Congreso del Estado de Sinaloa, El Muro de Honor, 155-61). 91Idem., September 20, 1922. Francisco de P. Álvarez also studied high school at the Colegio Rosales. Upon the death of 92Archivo Histórico de la Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa (hereinafterAHUAS), Fondo the porfiristagovernor Francisco Cañedo, Álvarez participated in the rebellion led by Consejo Universitario, libro de actas de sesiones, 1919-1925. Rafael Buelna in June 1909, against the official gubernatorial candidate for Sinaloa, Diego 93 Archivo General de la Nación (hereinafterAGN), Fondo Obregón-Calles (OC), Galería Redo (Berrelleza, De Liceo a Universidad, 1998) (Berrelleza, De Liceo a Universidad, 3, Expediente 816 U4. 249-53). Later on, he probable joined the Maderista and Villista movements, and was also 94EDS, September 13, 1922; and Beltrán, “Currículum y educación media”, 214. a local representative from 1918 to 1922 (Figueroa, Los gobernadores de Sinaloa, 118). 95UNAM Historical Archive, SEP Bulletin, May 1, 1922. 102 AGN, Fondo O-C, Galería 3, Expediente 816 U4. 40687 | P a g e Dina Beltrán López., Political Context, Constitutional Changes And Higher Education In Sinaloa

Rosales as it had worked from 1874 to 1918 but was a different Departamento de la Estadística Nacional institution that shared similar features with the Universidad de [DepartmentofNationalStatistics]. Censo General de Occidente. Despite considerable differences with the Habitantes (30 noviembre de 1921) del Estado de Universidad de Occidente, the Colegio Civil Rosales also Sinaloa. México: Talleres Gráficos de la Nación, 1928. functioned under an autonomous regime.103 The preservation of Figueroa, José María. Los gobernadores de Sinaloa: 1831- university autonomy resulted from the reconfiguration of 1996, 4.a ed. Culiacán, Sinaloa: Imprenta Once Ríos power relations given the counterbalances to the Flores’ Editores, 1996. faction. However, when the ruling political group decided to Garciadiego, Javier and Sandra Kuntz. La Revolución shut down the Universidad de Occidente, it thwarted the mexicana; in Erick Velásquez García and others, Nueva development of both Sinaloa and the Northwest higher Historia General de México. México: El Colegio de education. By delaying the progress of a modern university, México, 2010. politicians impeded not only the adequate preparation of local Garrido, Luis J. Un partido de la Revolución professionals that the country desperately needed but also the institucionalizada. La formación del nuevo Estado en possibility that the university extended its functions to research. México (1928-1945), 11.ª ed. México: Siglo XXI Had the regional university been developed as approved by the Editores, 2005. local Congress in May 1918,104probably the present states of Gaspar, Sergio. Biografía de Venustiano Carranza. Baja California, Baja California Sur, Sonora, and Nayarit Colección Mexicanos Ilustres. México: Editores would have also established their universities earlier.The Mexicanos Unidos, 2013. universities of those states were founded many years later: Gil, Francisco. “Integración política de Sinaloa (hacia una Sonora in 1942, Baja California in 1957, Nayarit in 1969, and nueva Constitución)”. Bachelor’sthesis, Universidad Baja California Sur in 1975. In Sinaloa, the Colegio Civil Autónoma de Sinaloa, 1960. Rosales worked until 1937, when it transformed into the Guillén, Alonso. “Sinaloa después de la Revolución: su Universidad Socialista del Noroeste, inspired by the socialist legislación como expresión de los grupos triunfadores”. education reform that President Lázaro Cárdenas implemented En Memoria del II Congreso de Historia Sinaloense. during his term (1934-1940). Culiacán, Sinaloa: Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, 1986. Acknowledgements Instituto Nacional de Estudios Históricos de la Revolución To the Autonomous University of Sinaloa, especially to its Mexicana [INEHRM]. Diccionario de Generales de la Historical Archive, which inspired me to carry out this Revolución, Primer Tomo (A-L). México: INEHRM, research, as well as to other documentary centers. 2014. Iturbe, Ramón F. Informe correspondiente al periodo References transcurrido del 1º de julio al 15 de septiembre de 1917,

Aguilar, Gustavo. Banca y desarrollo regional en Sinaloa, rendido a la XXVII Legislatura de Sinaloa, sobre su 1910-1994. México: UAS, DIFOCUR y Plaza y Valdez gestión administrativa como Gobernador Constitucional Editores, 2001. del Estado. Culiacán: Talleres Gráficos de la Compañía Beltrán, Dina. “La autonomía universitaria en la institución Comercial de Sinaloa, 1917. rosalina, 1872-2006”.Bachelor’sthesis, Universidad León, Samuel y Germán Pérez. De fuerzas políticas y Autónoma de Sinaloa, 2007. partidos políticos, Col. Folios Universitarios. México: Beltrán, Dina. “Currículum y educación media superior en la Plaza y Janés y Plaza y Valdez, 1988. institución rosalina. Un estudio desde la historia López, Azalia. Ángel Flores, candidato a la presidencia de cultural”. PhD diss. in Competency-basedEducationby la República en 1924. México: Editorial Praxis, UAS y Centro Escolar del Mar de Cortés. Culiacán, Sinaloa, DIFOCUR, 2005. México, November 21, 2015. López, Azalia. Historia de los partidos políticos en Sinaloa: Berrelleza, Marco Antonio. De Liceo a Universidad. La 1909-1946. México: Siglo XXI, 2010. institución rosalina: 1872-1922. Culiacán, Sinaloa: López, Gilberto. “Ing. Matías Ayala Quintero”, en Presagio, UAS, 1998. 73, Culiacán, Sinaloa, México, October, 1995. Camp, Roderic Ai. Mexican Political Biographies, 1884- Martínez, Alonso. “Nuevos empresarios de la Revolución 1934. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press, 1991. Mexicana en Sinaloa”, inArturo Carrillo and others,La Cienfuegos, David, comp.Colección de constituciones de los Revolución en Sinaloa. México: COBAES, 1994. Estados Unidos Mexicanos. México: Editora Laguna, Olea, Héctor. Sinaloa a través de sus constituciones. México: Fundación Académica Guerrerense, Centro de Estudios UNAM, 1985. del Derecho Estatal y Municipal-UNACH, Escuela Libre Sánchez, Jorge Luis. Sociedad y educación en Sinaloa. 1874- de Derecho de Puebla y Escuela Libre de Derecho de 1918: El Colegio Rosales(tesis de doctorado). México: Sinaloa, 2010. Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa y Universidad Congreso del Estado de Sinaloa [Congress of the State of Autónoma de Aguascalientes, 2000. Sinaloa]. El Muro de Honor: 25 ilustres mexicanos, 25 Sinagawa, Herberto. Sinaloa, historia y destino. 2da. ed. semblanzas. México: Congreso del Estado de Sinaloa, Culiacán, Sinaloa: UAS, 2013. 2000. Olea, Héctor. Sinaloa a través de sus constituciones. México: UNAM, 1985. Urcisichi, Óscar. Derecho Electoral Sinaloense. México: 103 Dina Beltrán López,“La autonomía universitaria en la institución rosalina, 1872-2006” Escuela Libre de Derecho de Sinaloa, 2003. (bachelor’sthesis, Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, 2007), 82. 104EES, May 30, 1918. Urcisichi, Óscar, comp. Leyes Electorales de Sinaloa. 40688 | P a g e International Journal of Recent Scientific Research Vol. 12, Issue, 01 (D), pp. 40680-40689, January, 2021

México: Consejo Estatal Electoral de Sinaloa y National Archive (AGN, by its initials in Spanish), Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, 2006. FondoObregón-Calles, Galería 3, Expediente 816 U4. Verdugo, Mercedes. Gobiernos de la Revolución en Sinaloa. Notarial Archive oftheStateof Sinaloa, volumen número 2 Administración, partidos y elecciones, el municipio del protocolo de instrumentos públicos que autoriza el libre, Collection La Suave Patria. México: Universidad Lic. José María Tellaeche, nombrado notario público del Autónoma de Sinaloa e Instituto Sinaloense de Cultura, Distrito de Culiacán, 1917-1926. 2010. Historic Diplomatic Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Woolrich, Manuel. “Ramón F. Iturbe”, in Amado González, Affairs (AHDSRE, by its initials in Spanish), Diccionario Geográfico, Histórico, Biográfico y Expediente de Bernardo J. Gastélum, 2-20-47. Estadístico del Estado de Sinaloa. México. DF: Historic Archive of the Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa Gobierno del Estado de Sinaloa, 1982. (AHUAS, by its initials in Spanish), FondoConsejo Universitario [University Board of Counselors Fund], Documentary and journalisticsources Libro de actas, 1919-1925.

Archive of the House of Representatives of the United Mexican Historic Archive of the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de States Congress (ACDCEUM, by its initials in Spanish), México (AHUNAM, by its initials in Spanish), Boletín Journal of Debates, August, 1922. de la SEP, Tomo I, No. 1. México: Talleres Gráficos de la Nación, May 1, 1922. Archive of the Congreso del Estado de Sinaloa [Congress of Archive of the Mexican Senate (ASM, by its initials in the State of Sinaloa] (ACES, by its initials in Spanish): Spanish), Journal of Debates, July-November, 1917 and

 Acta de la discusión legislativa del proyecto de la November 9, 1922. Universidad de Occidente, April 14, 1918. Newspapers  Quintero, Eliseo. Informe como Gobernador El Demócrata. México, DF, September 20, 1922. Constitucional interino del estado de Sinaloa, September El Demócrata Sinaloense (EDS). Mazatlán, Sinaloa, 1919- 15, 1919. 1922.  Vega, Alejandro R. Informe como Gobernador El Estado de Sinaloa (EES). Culiacán, Sinaloa, 1917- 1922. El Universal. México, DF, August 9, 1922. Constitucional sustituto del estado de Sinaloa, September 16, 1920. Oral sources  Aguilar, José. Informe como Gobernador Constitucional interino del estado de Sinaloa, September 15, 1922. Gómez Palacio Gastélum, Alfonso. Interviewed by Dina Beltrán López. Mexico City, August 4, 2014.

How to cite this article:

Dina Beltrán López.2021, Political Context, Constitutional Changes and Higher Education in Sinaloa. Int J Recent Sci Res.

12(01), pp. 40680-40689. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.24327/ijrsr.2021.1201.5743

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