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21St Century Socialism: Making a State for Revolution
tripleC 10(2): 537-554, 2012 ISSN 1726-670X http://www.triple-c.at 21st Century Socialism: Making a State for Revolution Lee Artz Purdue University Calumet, Department of Communication, Hammond, IN, USA, [email protected] Abstract: The Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela has built mass organizations of workers and communities that have erratically challenged class and market relations – verifying that taking political power is difficult but essential to fundamental social change and that capitalist cultural practices complicate the revolutionary process. This work identifies components of state power, separating state apparatus (government) as a crucial site for instituting social change. The case of democratic, participatory communication and public media access is presented as central to the successes and problems of Venezuelan 21st century socialism. Drawing on field research in community media in Caracas, the essay highlights some of the politico- cultural challenges and class contradictions in producing and distributing cultural values and social practices for a new socialist hegemony necessary for fundamental social change. Keywords: community media, public media, state, state power, participatory communication, social change, hegemony, culture, revolution, class, class conflict. Acknowledgements: Much thanks and solidarity to Ana Viloria at MINCI (Ministry of Communication and Information, Wilfredo Vasquez at Catia TV, and Carlos Lujo at Radio Primero Negro for their time, insights, and dedication to democracy and social justice; thanks to Carlos Martinez for logistics and translation during our visits with dozens of Venezuelan media workers, and to Steve Macek and the organizers and participants of the Marxism and Communication conferences at the National Communication Association who provided critique and corrections for this work. -
Television in Venezuela: Who Dominates the Media? by MARK WEISBROT and TARA RUTTENBERG *
Issue Brief December 2010 Television in Venezuela: Who Dominates the Media? BY MARK WEISBROT AND TARA RUTTENBERG * It is commonly reported in the international press, and widely believed, that the government of President Hugo Chávez controls the media in Venezuela. For example, writing about Venezuela’s September elections for the National Assembly, the Washington Post’s deputy editorial page editor and columnist, Jackson Diehl, referred to the Chávez “regime’s domination of the media...” 1 In an interview on CNN, Lucy Morillon of Reporters Without Borders stated, “President Chávez controls most of the TV stations.” 2 And on PBS in November 2010, former Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Roger Noriega stated that the Venezuelan media is “virtually under the control of Chávez.” 3 Such statements are made regularly in the major media and almost never challenged. Table 1 shows the evolution of Venezuelan television audience share from 2000-2010. There are three categories: private broadcast channels, which are privately owned and available on broadcast television without payment; the state channels, which are run by the government and also broadcast, without payment 4 by the viewer; and private paid TV, which includes cable and satellite, for which the subscriber must pay a fee; and other paid programming that is being watched during the time of the survey. As can be seen from the table, as of September 2010, Venezuelan state TV channels had just a 5.4 percent audience share. Of the other 94.6 percent of the audience, 61.4 percent were watching privately owned television channels, and 33.1 percent were watching paid TV. -
Televisión Del Estado, Comercial Y Comunitaria En Venezuela: La Lucha Por El
Televisión del Estado, comercial y comunitaria en Venezuela: la lucha por el poder y consumo mediático José Miguel Gámez Pérez – Doctorando Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona. Resumen El artículo se centra en el pluralismo y la concentración mediática en Venezuela, donde los debates sobre la comunicación presumen la falta de democracia. Se intenta entender la estructura y el funcionamiento de los medios, en específico de la televisión y sus patrones de consumo mediático, profundizando en cómo se clasifica y qué rol tiene en una sociedad orientada políticamente hacia el Socialismo del siglo XXI o en contra del postcapitalismo-neoliberal, la cual de seguro es de difícil comprensión en otros sistemas políticos. El texto realiza un análisis metodológico cualitativo de carácter documental y transdisciplinario, enfocado en las dimensiones económica, política, legal y tecnológica, de los modelos de concentración a menores escalas y sus implicaciones económicas y políticas. También describe desde una perspectiva técnica, la clasificación de la televisión en Venezuela: pública y comercial (privada), de las cuales la pública a su vez se divide en TV del Estado y Comunitaria; no obstante todas, incluyendo la TV comercial de estricto carácter capitalista, están sujetas a una nueva regulación nacional que garantiza el cumplimiento de la misión social. Vale destacar que los medios públicos se asocian con el Gobierno por recibir en muchos casos las concesiones y subsidios, lo cual porcentualmente aparecería como una tendencia al monopolio del Estado, -
Television in Venezuela: Who Dominates the Media? by MARK WEISBROT and TARA RUTTENBERG *
Issue Brief December 2010 Television in Venezuela: Who Dominates the Media? BY MARK WEISBROT AND TARA RUTTENBERG * It is commonly reported in the international press, and widely believed, that the government of President Hugo Chávez controls the media in Venezuela. For example, writing about Venezuela’s September elections for the National Assembly, the Washington Post’s deputy editorial page editor and columnist, Jackson Diehl, referred to the Chávez “regime’s domination of the media...” 1 In an interview on CNN, Lucy Morillon of Reporters Without Borders stated, “President Chávez controls most of the TV stations.” 2 And on PBS in November 2010, former Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Roger Noriega stated that the Venezuelan media is “virtually under the control of Chávez.” 3 Such statements are made regularly in the major media and almost never challenged. Table 1 shows the evolution of Venezuelan television audience share from 2000-2010. There are three categories: private broadcast channels, which are privately owned and available on broadcast television without payment; the state channels, which are run by the government and also broadcast, without payment 4 by the viewer; and private paid TV, which includes cable and satellite, for which the subscriber must pay a fee; and other paid programming that is being watched during the time of the survey. As can be seen from the table, as of September 2010, Venezuelan state TV channels had just a 5.4 percent audience share. Of the other 94.6 percent of the audience, 61.4 percent were watching privately owned television channels, and 33.1 percent were watching paid TV. -
Urban Exclusion, Civil Society, and the Politics of Television in Venezuela John Patrick Leary Wayne State University, [email protected]
Wayne State University DigitalCommons@WayneState English Faculty Research Publications English 1-1-2009 TV Urgente: Urban Exclusion, Civil Society, and the Politics of Television in Venezuela John Patrick Leary Wayne State University, [email protected] Recommended Citation Leary, J. P. (2009). TV Urgente Urban Exclusion, Civil Society, and the Politics of Television in Venezuela. Social Text, 27(2), 25-53. doi:10.1215/01642472-2008-021. Available at: http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/englishfrp/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the English at DigitalCommons@WayneState. It has been accepted for inclusion in English Faculty Research Publications by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@WayneState. TV Urgente Urban Exclusion, Civil Society, and the Politics of Television in Venezuela John Patrick Leary “Aqui no hay barrios” (There are no barrios here) was what real estate agents told me when they showed me apartments in one of the middle-class zones of eastern Caracas, to assure me that the slum districts that house roughly half of the city’s population, called barrios in Venezuela, were safely distant. Shortly after I arrived in the country, a security official at the U.S. Embassy warned me never to travel into the slums. “The people there are so desperately poor,” he insisted earnestly, “that they’ll rob your shoes, your shirt, your eyeglasses, your belt — and that’s if you get out alive.” The barrios are often identified in everyday conversations like these as a kind of cancer on the city, pouring bodies into and draining resources out of the valley of Caracas. -
Obitel Bilingue Inglês 2020 Color.Indd
IBERO-AMERICAN OBSERVATORY OF TELEVISION FICTION OBITEL 2020 MELODRAMA IN TIMES OF STREAMING IBERO-AMERICAN OBSERVATORY OF TELEVISION FICTION OBITEL 2020 MELODRAMA IN TIMES OF STREAMING General coordinators Maria Immacolata Vassallo de Lopes Guillermo Orozco Gómez Coordinator of this edition Gabriela Gómez Rodríguez National coordinators Morella Alvarado, Gustavo Aprea, Fernando Aranguren, Catarina Burnay, Borys Bustamante, Giuliana Cassano, Gabriela Gómez, Mónica Kirchheimer, Charo Lacalle, Pedro Lopes, Guillermo Orozco Gómez, Ligia Prezia Lemos, Juan Piñón, Rosario Sánchez, Luisa Torrealba, Guillermo Vásquez, Maria Immacolata Vassallo de Lopes © Globo Comunicação e Participações S.A., 2020 Capa: Letícia Lampert Projeto gráfico e editoração: Niura Fernanda Souza Produção editorial: Felícia Xavier Volkweis Revisão do texto: Felícia Xavier Volkweis Revisão gráfica: Niura Fernanda Souza Editor: Luis Antônio Paim Gomes Foto de capa: Louie Psihoyos – High-definition televisions in the information era Bibliotecária responsável: Denise Mari de Andrade Souza – CRB 10/960 M528 Melodrama in times of streaming [digital book] / general coordinators Maria Immacolata Vassallo de Lopes and Guillermo Orozco Gómez. -- Por- to Alegre: Sulina, 2020. 383 p.; [recurso eletrônico] ISBN: 978-65-5759-013-3 1. Television – Internet. 2. Streaming – Television Programs. 3. Fiction – Streaming. 4. Technology – Ibero-American Television – Streaming. 5. Television – Ibero-American. 6. Social Communication. I. Lopes, Maria Im- macolata Vassallo de. II. Gómez, Guillermo -
Modelo VALE TV Brief History of Radio and Televisión in 20Th Century Venezuela: VALE TV Model
N° 74, Vol. XXXVIII. Julio-Diciembre, 2020 Depósito Legal: pp198402DC2832 • ISSN:1315-9496 TiempoyEspacio Breve historia de la radio y la televisión en la Venezuela del siglo XX: Modelo VALE TV Brief history of radio and televisión in 20th century Venezuela: VALE TV Model Recibido: 30/11/2019 Aprobado: 18/01/2020 María Eugenia Mosquera Licenciada en Historia Universi- dad Central de Venezuela (UCV) . Fundadora / Directora ValeTV. Twitter: @memosquera Resumen: Las primeras emisiones de radio en Venezuela comienzan en mayo de 1926 durante la dictadura del General Juan Vicente Gómez. Veinte años después, se inician los ensayos técnicos en transmisión de imágenes, pero sería el 22 de noviembre de 1952, en medio de otro régimen militar de facto, el de Marcos Pérez Jiménez, cuando la televisión irrumpe de manera oficial. Mientras que la radio hace su aparición por intermedio de la iniciativa privada, la televisión en Venezuela, al igual que en otros países latinoamericanos empieza como medio estatal, aunque de inmediato surgen nuevas estaciones de televisión privada-comercial que a la postre se convierten en el sector dominante. El 4 de diciembre de 1998 VALE TV inicia transmisiones sobre la banda VHF (televisión abierta) concebimos el canal como un medio especializado en conocimiento, apto para todas las edades, todos los públicos y todos los saberes, lo cual nos llevó naturalmente a elegir el documental como la herramienta ideal para lograrlo. En el año 2020 ValeTV cumple 22 años en las pantallas de las TV de los venezolanos. Palabras claves: Conocimiento, innovación, comunicación, ValeTV. Centro de Investigaciones Históricas Mario Briceño Iragorry 247 N° 74, Vol. -
Mass Media and Politics in Latin America Taylor C. Boas Boston
Mass Media and Politics in Latin America Taylor C. Boas Boston University January 6, 2012 Prepared for inclusion in Jorge I. Domínguez and Michael Shifter, eds., Constructing Democratic Governance in Latin America, 4th ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, forthcoming. In Latin America, the mass media are sometimes referred to as a cuarto poder, or “fourth power,” to denote their potentially crucial role in safeguarding and deepening democracy.1 By reporting on wrongdoings and malfeasance as well as achievements and good governance, the media can hold politicians accountable and help citizens make informed decisions about their choice of leaders. By giving voice to individuals, social movements, political parties, and interest groups, the media help determine who gets to participate in public discourse and influence the political agenda. Through their own decisions about what to cover and how to cover it, the media can also play a crucial independent role in shaping that agenda. Following Waisbord (2008), we can refer to these three pro-democratic actions of the mass media as their watchdog, gate- keeping, and agenda-setting functions. This chapter explores politics and the mass media in the eight countries covered in detail in this volume, examining the degree to which they contribute to, or hinder, healthy democratic governance. The first section examines media concentration and ownership structures and their implications for the media’s gate-keeping function. Historical patterns of market concentration and ownership have changed little for Latin America’s mass media; a few media sources in each country boast a majority of viewers or listeners, and these outlets are typically controlled by wealthy families or individuals with conservative political leanings. -
Opposition Media, State Censorship, and Political Accountability: Evidence
Opposition Media, State Censorship, and Political Accountability: Evidence from Chavez’s Venezuela* Brian Knight† Ana Tribin‡ January 20, 2021 Abstract This paper investigates the effects of the 2007 government closing of RCTV, a popular opposition televi- sion channel in Venezuela. Some parts of the country had access to a second opposition channel, Globovision, while other parts completely lost access to opposition television. We first show that viewership fell on the pro-government replacement, following the closing of RCTV, but rose on Globovision in areas with access to the signal. Based upon this switching, we then investigate whether support for Chavez fell in areas that retained access to opposition television, relative to those that completely lost access. Using three measures, Latinbaramoeter survey data, electoral returns, and data on protest activity, we show that support for Chavez fell in municipalities that retained access to opposition television, relative to municipalities that lost access to opposition television. Taken together, these findings suggest that changes in media consumption by voters can limit the effectiveness of state censorship. *We thank audiences at the California Institute of Technology, Columbia University, Harvard University, London School of Eco- nomics, Nottingham University, Stanford Graduate School of Business, the University of Warwick, the Paris Empirical Political Economy Seminar, the New York City Media Seminar, and the RIDGE/LACEA-PEG Workshop on Political Economy. Julia Cage, Greg Martin, Adam Szeidl, Ferenc Szucs, and Maria Petrova provided helpful comments. †Brown University ‡Regional Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean United Nations Development Programme 1 Introduction Opposition media has the potential to help voters hold incumbent politicians and parties accountable. -
The Media in the Core of Political Conflict Venezuela During the Last Years of Hugo Chávez's Presidency
Department of Social Research University of Helsinki Helsinki THE MEDIA IN THE CORE OF POLITICAL CONFLICT VENEZUELA DURING THE LAST YEARS OF HUGO CHÁVEZ’S PRESIDENCY Virpi Salojärvi ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be presented, with the permission of the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Helsinki, for public examination in lecture room 5, University main building, on 17 September 2016, at 12 noon. Helsinki 2016 Publications of the )DFXOW\ of Social 6FLHQFHV 2016:23 Media and Communication Studies © Virpi Salojärvi Photo: Virpi Salojärvi, 2011 © Virpi Salojärvi Distribution and Sales: Unigrafia Bookstore http://kirjakauppa.unigrafia.fi/ [email protected] PL 4 (Vuorikatu 3 A) 00014 Helsingin yliopisto ISSN 2343-273X (Print) ISSN 2343-2748 (Online) ISBN 978-951-51-1091-6 (Paperback) ISBN 978-951-51-1092-3 (PDF) Unigrafia, Helsinki, 2016 Abstract This dissertation investigates the role of media in political conflict during President Hugo Chávez’s administration (1999-2013). This conflict is under- stood as antagonism where the political opponent is seen as an enemy in- stead of a more equal adversary. In Venezuela, private media were powerful economic and political actors before Chávez’s era due to clientelistic tradi- tion. President Chávez questioned the neoliberal measures taken by previous governments and started to apply his politics of the “socialism of 21st centu- ry” in a manner that shaped his government’s media policies. Several private media outlets disagreed with his drastic measures and took them as an at- tack. Confrontation developed between the private media and state media sectors. This polarized situation offers an excellent case study to focus on the con- struction of hegemonies in a populist context, and the media’s role in it be- cause the society was penetrated by politics. -
The Limits of Propaganda: Evidence from Chavez's Venezuela
The Limits of Propaganda: Evidence from Chavez’s Venezuela Brian Knight∗ Ana Tribin† January 19, 2016 Abstract In this paper, we investigate viewership responses to changes in the ideological content of television programming using variation induced by cadenas, unannounced takeovers of the public television airwaves by the government in Venezuela. Using high-frequency ratings data, we find that, consistent with the predictions of our choice model, the drop off in ratings when cadenas are aired is concentrated among viewers of news programming on opposition private channels, as opposed to viewers of news on pro-government public channels. Also consistent with the predictions of our model, the drop off in ratings for moderate private channels takes an intermediate value and is also stronger for viewers with access to cable channels, which are not required to air cadenas. Consistent with the latter result, we also show that viewership of an opposition cable channel rises during cadenas. Complementing this analysis, we estimate the parameters of the model in a structural analysis, allowing for an examination of the dynamic responses of viewers to cadenas and an analysis of the welfare costs of cadenas. ∗Brown University †Central Bank of Colombia 1 1 Introduction The media is often considered as essential in the functioning of democracy via the provision of information to voters. At the same time, there is often a temptation for incumbent governments to use media outlets to deliver political propaganda. This propaganda can be used by the government, among other ways, to promote its policies, increase its standing with the population in advance of elections, and to criticize opposition leaders and parties. -
Tripa Extramuros 28
Comunicación Política Políticas de Comunicación Political Communication Communication Policies La communication politique Politiques de la communication Comunicazione politica Politiche di comunicazione Politische Kommunikation Kommunikation Politik Comunicação Política Políticas de Comunicação La Línea de Investigación Comunicación Política y Políticas de Comunicación, de La que existe una tradición de investigación en eL ININCO desde su fundación en 1974, aborda Las compLeJas reLa- ciones de interdependencia entre Las dimensiones económicas y po - Lítica de Las comunicaciones. Así, esta Línea de investigación se constituye en un espacio para eL anáLisis crítico deL fenómeno enunciado en Las siguientes vertientes y enfoques: 1. En lo que respecta a los estudios de la comunicación política estos se realizan fundamentalmente desde la filosofía política, el desplie- gue del poder económico y político, la mediación de la ideología y de La opi nión púbLica y, en generaL, desde aL anáLisis deL papeL que Jue ga La co municación en Los procesos a través de Los cuaLes se Logra eL consenso necesario aL poder monopóLico y hegemónico. 2. En Lo que respecta a Los estudios de Las políticas de comunicación, se estudian desde La fiLosofía poLítica, La ciencia poLítica y La sociopoLí- tica, aqueLLos fundamentos que subyacen a La construcción de Las decisiones púbLicas en materia de información y comunicación. 3. En Lo que respecta aL derecho humano a la información y a la comu- nicación, en tanto que un campo discipLinario reLativamente nuevo en nuestro país, se estudia La necesidad de concretar Las Libertades y derechos, vigiLar porque eL Estado garantice su eJercicio y respeto así co mo instrumente poLíticas que tiendan a promover eL acceso y La par ticipación de La pobLación a bienes y servicios de información y comunicación.