Reviews by Peter Oleson
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My Favourite Pieces: Alexandra Tolstoy Blends Fashion and Heritage
My favourite pieces: Alexandra Tolstoy blends fashion and heritage The collection is a tale of symbolism, stolen heirlooms and tsarist traditions Alexandra Tolstoy © Alan Knox/FT Few names are so intertwined with Russian culture as that of Leo Tolstoy, the writer best known for his 1,200-page tome War and Peace, first published in 1869. His family was part of the old nobility and was politically active in imperial Russia. Their fortunes turned, however, with the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II in 1917 and the ensuing civil war. Among wider family members who fled the Bolshevik repression in 1920 was Alexandra Tolstoy’s grandfather Count Dmitri Tolstoy, a distant cousin of the illustrious writer. He sought refuge in England, where Ms Tolstoy was born and raised. The countess, who presented the BBC series ‘Horse People’, now arranges adventure trips to Russia. She says it “feels funny” that she was unable to speak Russian until the age of 18, when she spent a year in Moscow before university. “I speak it every day [to my children] and it feels so much a part of me,” she says. The Russian Orthodox cross is a staple of Ms Tolstoy’s apparel. She pairs this with other traditional Russian symbols such as matryoshkas, or Russian dolls, which represent motherhood and fertility. She says symbols and aesthetics are more important to her than monetary worth. Jewellery and clothes should “work together harmoniously”, she says, and her collection seamlessly blends in with her signature clothing style of mix-and-match folkloric patterns. But despite her love of clashing contrasts, she strictly obeys one rule — “never to mix gold and silver”. -
ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� -
The Trump-Russia Collusion Case
The Trump-Russia Collusion Case Updated to August 2020 Source: http://www.scaruffi.com/politics/trumptraitor.html For those who have been following this page for a while: my main target is not Trump, my target is Putin. Putin, not Trump, is the most dangerous person in the world. Trump is just a lackey, a small-time crook and bit-time liar whom Putin is using to attack the USA. The problem is not that there is no evidence of Trump-Putin collusion, the problem is that there is too much of it. I have added some background about the motive of Russia's interference in US politics. In my opinion, it was not only a general attempt at undermining US institutions (that came later) but originally it was a determined effort to make sure that Hillary Clinton did not become president. Putin feared her more than anyone else. For those who have NOT followed this page from the beginning: this website was one of the first to talk about the Trump-Russia collusion at a time when few dared mention the Steele dossier. Just to be very clear: this is not about whether Russia's interference changed the results of the election (i personally think that the FBI investigation into Clinton's email server had a much bigger impact). It is about Putin's strategy to attack the USA, and, secondly, it is about the extent of Trump's collaboration with Putin. And, just to be fair, Putin's Russia is not the only country that ever interfered in US politics. -
Tom Burgis October 19Th, 2020 INTRODUCTION Tom Burgis Is an Investigations Correspondent at the Financial Times, Based in London
Rise of a New Kleptocracy: How Dirty Money is Conquering the World | Tom Burgis October 19th, 2020 INTRODUCTION Tom Burgis is an investigations correspondent at the Financial Times, based in London. Previously, he was the paper's west Africa correspondent, based in Lagos, and Johannesburg correspondent. His latest book, “Kleptopia: How Dirty Money Is Conquering the World,” chronicles the world of dirty money and its complex web of criminals, money launderers, and politicians who enable it. The Washington Post calls it a “magisterial account of the money and violence behind the world’s most powerful dictatorships.” His book, "The Looting Machine: Warlords, Tycoons, Smugglers and the Systematic Theft of Africa's Wealth," was published in 2015. The New York Times called it a "brave, defiant book." Burgis won top prize for investigative reporting at the 2015 Society of Publishers in Asia awards and FT's Jones-Mauthner Memorial Prize in 2013, and was short-listed in 2015 for the European Press Prize and Young Journalist of the Year at the 2010 British Press Awards. Before joining the FT, he did a stint in Chile and traveled the world covering globalization and its discontents. WHY DO I CARE? Tom Burgis weaves together four stories that reveal a global web of corruption: the whistle blower from Basingstoke, England who stumbles on the secrets of a Swiss bank, an ex-Soviet billionaire building a private empire, the righteous Canadian lawyer with a tycoon ex-minister and bank founder client, and a Brooklyn crook protected by the CIA. Glimpses of this shadowy world have emerged over the years. -
Nota De Coyuntura Centro De Estudios Internacionales Gilberto Bosques
NOTA DE COYUNTURA CENTRO DE ESTUDIOS INTERNACIONALES GILBERTO BOSQUES Senado de la República, 7 de abril de 2016 EL CONSORCIO INTERNACIONAL DE PERIODISTAS DE INVESTIGACIÓN REVELA DOCUMENTOS SOBRE LA UTILIZACIÓN DE PARAÍSOS FISCALES POR PARTE DE LÍDERES POLÍTICOS Y EMPRESARIOS DE TODO EL MUNDO El despacho de abogados panameño Mossack Fonseca es el dueño de los documentos filtrados (BBC). Fuente: Telesur, “Panamá Papers: ¿Cómo esconden su riqueza los ricos y poderosos?”, 4 de abril de 2016. Consultado en la misma fecha en: http://www.telesurtv.net/news/Panama-Papers-Como-esconden-su-riqueza-los- ricos-y-poderosos-20160404-0027.html 1 Introducción El pasado 3 de abril, el periódico alemán Süddeutsche Zeitung reveló una investigación realizada en por el Consorcio Internacional de Periodistas de Investigación (ICIJ, por sus siglas en inglés) por medio de la cual se obtuvieron millones de documentos pertenecientes a la firma panameña de abogados Mossack Fonseca, y en los cuales se constata que diversos líderes políticos y asociados, empresarios, celebridades, y presuntos criminales contrataron los servicios de dicha empresa. El establecimiento de estos vínculos se dio con la intención de crear sociedades de ultramar (offshore) en pequeños países catalogados como “paraísos fiscales”, debido a la laxa regulación y las bajas tasas tributarias que imponen a los ingresos de las personas. Aunque el Consorcio Internacional de Periodistas de Investigación ha sido enfático en que los llamados “documentos de Panamá” (o Panama Papers, en inglés) no demuestran necesariamente que los individuos involucrados hayan incurrido en ilegalidades,1 el recurso de las sociedades de ultramar en paraísos fiscales se utiliza frecuentemente ya para evadir obligaciones impositivas, ya para procesar o esconder ganancias producto de actividades ilícitas. -
Historical Dictionary of Russian and Soviet Intelligence
Russia • Military / Security Historical Dictionaries of Intelligence and Counterintelligence, No. 5 PRINGLE At its peak, the KGB (Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Bezopasnosti) was the largest HISTORICAL secret police and espionage organization in the world. It became so influential DICTIONARY OF in Soviet politics that several of its directors moved on to become premiers of the Soviet Union. In fact, Russian president Vladimir V. Putin is a former head of the KGB. The GRU (Glavnoe Razvedvitelnoe Upravleniye) is the principal intelligence unit of the Russian armed forces, having been established in 1920 by Leon Trotsky during the Russian civil war. It was the first subordinate to the KGB, and although the KGB broke up with the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the GRU remains intact, cohesive, highly efficient, and with far greater resources than its civilian counterparts. & The KGB and GRU are just two of the many Russian and Soviet intelli- gence agencies covered in Historical Dictionary of Russian and Soviet Intelligence. Through a list of acronyms and abbreviations, a chronology, an introductory HISTORICAL DICTIONARY OF essay, a bibliography, and hundreds of cross-referenced dictionary entries, a clear picture of this subject is presented. Entries also cover Russian and Soviet leaders, leading intelligence and security officers, the Lenin and Stalin purges, the gulag, and noted espionage cases. INTELLIGENCE Robert W. Pringle is a former foreign service officer and intelligence analyst RUSSIAN with a lifelong interest in Russian security. He has served as a diplomat and intelligence professional in Africa, the former Soviet Union, and Eastern Europe. For orders and information please contact the publisher && SOVIET Scarecrow Press, Inc. -
Initial Evidence of Corruption Risks in Government Oil and Gas Sales
Briefing June 2016 Initial Evidence of Corruption Risks in Government Oil and Gas Sales Aaron Sayne and Alexandra Gillies In many oil-producing countries, the government receives a physical share of production, and that oil is then typically sold by the national oil company (NOC). These trading transactions are currently subject to limited regulation and even fewer reporting requirements. NRGI has argued for some time that these physical oil trading transactions merit greater transparency and oversight, for two reasons. First, the sales are economically important. For countries such as Iraq, Libya and Nigeria, oil sales have in past years generated over half of total government revenues. From 2011 to 2013, oil sales by the governments of Africa’s top ten producers totaled $254 billion, an amount equivalent to 56 percent of those countries’ total public revenues.1 Second, as with other high-value transactions in the extractive sector, the sales are susceptible to corruption.2 To illustrate what these corruption risks look like in practice, this briefing summarizes 11 real-world situations where corruption or the perception of corruption arose around NOC oil and gas sales.3 While achieving a comprehensive understanding of corruption risks in NOC commodity sales requires further analysis (as detailed in our conclusion), this briefing provides some initial evidence that these risks are real; subdivides the risks into three distinct stages of the sale process; and offers preliminary ideas about the type of policy response that is warranted. Global recognition of the need for trading transparency is growing. Some initial steps toward advancing extractive sector transparency, such as the original Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) requirements as well as mandatory payment reporting rules recently legislated in the US, EU, Norway and Canada, did not incorporate trading transactions. -
Organization of the Soviet Intelligence and Security Structure Source
Figure 1- Organization of the Soviet Intelligence and Security Structure General Chairman First Deputy Chairman Chief, GRU Deputy Chairman Space Intelligence Operational/ Technical Administrative/ Directorate for Foreign First Deputy Chief Chief of Information Personnel Directorate Political Department Financial Department Eighth Department Archives Department (KGB) Directorate Directorate Technical Directorate Relations First Chief Directorate First Directorate: Seventh Directorate: (Foreign) Europe and Morocco NATO Second Directorate: North and South Second Chief Eighth Directorate: America, Australia, Directorate (Internal) Individual Countries New Zealand, United Kingdom Fifth Chief Directorate Ninth Directorate: Third Directorate: Asia (Dissidents) Military Technology Eighth Chief Fourth Directorate: Tenth Directorate: Directorate Africa Military Economics (Communications) Fifth Directorate: Chief Border Troops Eleventh Directorate: Operational Directorates Doctrine, Weapons Intelligence Sixth Directorate: Third (Armed Forces) Twelfth Directorate: Radio, Radio-Technical Directorate Unknown Intelligence Seventh (Surveillance) First Direction: Institute of Directorate Moscow Information Ninth (Guards) Second Direction: East Information Command Directorate and West Berlin Post Third: National Technical Operations Liberation Directorate Movements, Terrorism Administration Fourth: Operations Directorate from Cuba Personnel Directorate Special Investigations Collation of Operational Experience State Communications Physical Security Registry and Archives Finance Source: (Richelson 22, 27) Figure 2- Organization of the United States Intelligence Community President National Security Advisor National Security DNI State DOD DOJ DHS DOE Treasury Commerce Council Nuclear CIO INR USDI FBI Intelligence Foreign $$ Flow Attachés Weapons Plans DIA NSA NGA NRO Military Services NSB Coast Guard Collection MSIC NGIC (Army) MRSIC (Air Analysis AFMic Force) NCTC J-2's ONI (Navy) CIA Main DIA INSCOM (Army) NCDC MIA (Marine) MIT Source: (Martin-McCormick) . -
The Long Arm of Vladimir Putin: How the Kremlin Uses Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties to Target Its Opposition Abroad
The Long Arm of Vladimir Putin: How the Kremlin Uses Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties to Target its Opposition Abroad Russia Studies Centre Policy Paper No. 5 (2015) Dr Andrew Foxall The Henry Jackson Society June 2015 THE LONG ARM OF VLADIMIR PUTIN Summary Over the past 15 years, there has been – and continues to be – significant interchange between Western and Russian law-enforcement agencies, even in cases where Russia’s requests for legal assistance have been politicaLLy motivated. Though it is the Kremlin’s warfare that garners the West’s attention, its ‘lawfare’ poses just as significant a threat because it undermines the rule of law. One of the chief weapons in Russia’s ‘lawfare’ is the so-called ‘Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty’ (MLAT), a bilateral agreement that defines how countries co-operate on legal matters. TypicaLLy, the Kremlin will fabricate a criminaL case against an individual, and then request, through the MLAT system, the co-operation of Western countries in its attempts to persecute said person. Though Putin’s regime has been mounting, since 2012, an escalating campaign against opposition figures, the Kremlin’s use of ‘lawfare’ is nothing new. Long before then, Russia requested – and received – legal assistance from Western countries on a number of occasions, in its efforts to extradite opposition figures back to Russia. Western countries have complied with Russia’s requests for legal assistance in some of the most brazen and high-profile politicaLLy motivated cases in recent history, incLuding: individuals linked with Mikhail Khodorkovsky and the Yukos affair; Bill Browder and others connecteD to Hermitage Capital Management; and AnDrey Borodin and Bank of Moscow. -
Turning the Tide on Dirty Money Why the World’S Democracies Need a Global Kleptocracy Initiative
GETTY IMAGES Turning the Tide on Dirty Money Why the World’s Democracies Need a Global Kleptocracy Initiative By Trevor Sutton and Ben Judah February 2021 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG Contents 1 Preface 3 Introduction and summary 6 How dirty money went global and why efforts to stop it have failed 10 Why illicit finance and kleptocracy are a threat to global democracy and should be a foreign policy priority 13 The case for optimism: Why democracies have a structural advantage against kleptocracy 18 How to harden democratic defenses against kleptocracy: Key principles and areas for improvement 21 Recommendations 28 Conclusion 29 Corruption and kleptocracy: Key definitions and concepts 31 About the authors and acknowledgments 32 Endnotes Preface Transparency and honest government are the lifeblood of democracy. Trust in democratic institutions depends on the integrity of public servants, who are expected to put the common good before their own interests and faithfully observe the law. When officials violate that duty, democracy is at risk. No country is immune to corruption. As representatives of three important democratic societies—the United States, the European Union, and the United Kingdom—we recognize that corruption is an affront to our shared values, one that threatens the resiliency and cohesion of democratic governments around the globe and undermines the relationship between the state and its citizens. For that reason, we welcome the central recommendation of this report that the world’s democracies should work together to increase transparency in the global economy and limit the pernicious influence of corruption, kleptocracy, and illicit finance on democratic institutions. -
Hacks, Leaks and Disruptions | Russian Cyber Strategies
CHAILLOT PAPER Nº 148 — October 2018 Hacks, leaks and disruptions Russian cyber strategies EDITED BY Nicu Popescu and Stanislav Secrieru WITH CONTRIBUTIONS FROM Siim Alatalu, Irina Borogan, Elena Chernenko, Sven Herpig, Oscar Jonsson, Xymena Kurowska, Jarno Limnell, Patryk Pawlak, Piret Pernik, Thomas Reinhold, Anatoly Reshetnikov, Andrei Soldatov and Jean-Baptiste Jeangène Vilmer Chaillot Papers HACKS, LEAKS AND DISRUPTIONS RUSSIAN CYBER STRATEGIES Edited by Nicu Popescu and Stanislav Secrieru CHAILLOT PAPERS October 2018 148 Disclaimer The views expressed in this Chaillot Paper are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute or of the European Union. European Union Institute for Security Studies Paris Director: Gustav Lindstrom © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2018. Reproduction is authorised, provided prior permission is sought from the Institute and the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. Contents Executive summary 5 Introduction: Russia’s cyber prowess – where, how and what for? 9 Nicu Popescu and Stanislav Secrieru Russia’s cyber posture Russia’s approach to cyber: the best defence is a good offence 15 1 Andrei Soldatov and Irina Borogan Russia’s trolling complex at home and abroad 25 2 Xymena Kurowska and Anatoly Reshetnikov Spotting the bear: credible attribution and Russian 3 operations in cyberspace 33 Sven Herpig and Thomas Reinhold Russia’s cyber diplomacy 43 4 Elena Chernenko Case studies of Russian cyberattacks The early days of cyberattacks: 5 the cases of Estonia, -
A Timeline of Trump's Deals and Investments in Eastern Europe And
A Timeline of Trump’s Deals and Investments in Eastern Europe and Central Asia Thanks to BuzzFeed’s in-depth reporting, we now know more than ever before about how President Donald Trump, aided by Michael Cohen and Felix Sater, sought to establish Trump Tower Moscow during the 2016 election. But that story only scratches the surface of the Trump Organization’s dealings with individuals who are tied to Eastern Europe and questionable business practices in risk-prone jurisdictions such as Russia, Kazakhstan, and Georgia. These partnerships brought Trump and the Trump Organization in closer proximity to apparent money-laundering and reportedly corrupt operations, ultimately making him vulnerable to greater legal and reputational risk. (To date, neither Trump nor the Trump Organization has been charged with money laundering or violation of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act in relation to real-estate developments). The following timeline, compiled from public reports going back decades, shows how Trump’s approach to cultivating post-Soviet consumers and investors has evolved over the years. From the late 1980s through early 2000s, Russian money made its way into Trump’s properties largely by way of individual unit sales in the United States. However, beginning in the mid- 2000s, Trump took a plunge abroad, pivoting to pursuing foreign licensing deals, notably in Russia and its neighboring states. The Washington Post’s report on Trump’s shift from primarily funding projects using debt to doing so through dramatically increased cash spending on assets, including golf courses, coincides with this palpable shift to foreign business deals. These foreign deals may have served not only as a source of cash resources for Trump and his organization during this time but also as the backbone of his and his campaign’s increasingly apparent collusion with the Kremlin during the 2016 election.