STUDIES IN EARLY BUDDHIST MONUMENTS AND BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS OF ANDHRADESA

Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradesa

I.K. SARMA

Foreword by Jagatpati Joshi Director Geoeral, Archaeological Survey of , f New Delhi I MSU LIBRARY

13329

DATTSONS PUBLISHERS & PUBLISHER'S DISTRIBUTORS JAWAHARLAL NEHRU MARG, SADAR NAGPUR-440001 '© liK. Sarma, 1988 MB

Printed in India ; Published by Vinod Nangia for Dattsons, J-Nehru Marg, Nagpur-440001 Printed at Print India, A-38/2 Mayapuri, Phase I, New Delhi-110064, DEDICATED TO &rlmati and Sri Potukuci Prabhakara ^d'stri Gdru, as a token of our esteem and affection on their SastyabdapUrtl day

CONTENTS

Preface :xi Acknowledgements xiii Foreword :xvii Bibliographical Abbreviations xix List o f Figures xxi List of Photos xxiii General Introduction: Buddhist Monuments in Andhra 1 Literary and Traditional Accounts. 1 Geographical and Historical Background. 5 Recent Archaeological Evidences from AmarSvati. 7 Va(^damanu and Other Sites. 11 Some Important Buddhist Sects found in Andhra: Their Spread. 13 Later Developments. 17 -1. Bhaftiprolu StQpa: Its Vdstu, Agamic Observances and Inscriptions : 30 Introduction. 30 Some Characteristics of the . 31 Vdstu and Agamic Observances. 32 Granite Stone Relic Containers, Their Placement, Characteristics and Inscriptions. 37 The Contents within GSRC I to III. 40 Some Unique finds within GSRC. 43 (a) Silver Punch Marked Coins in BS-5. 43 (b) Crystal Reliquary. 43 Palaeographical and Linguistic Features. 44 viii Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments andBrahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlso-

Identification of the Toponym ‘Nandapura’. 46 Dating. 48 3. (i) Gufffupalle Rock-cut Caityas and Vihdras 57 Introduction 57 Rock-Cut Vestiges : 58 (1) Vrtta-Caitya. 58 (2) Vihdra Caves. 59 Cave at the South-East Tor. 61 A New Vihdra Cave. 61 (ii) Structural and Monastery at Guntupalle {Mahdndgaparvatd) 62 Circular Brick Caityagrha. 62 Stone Mandapa. 63 Limestone Mandapa and Structural Stupas in Stone (Middle Terrace) 63 Foundational Detail of a Bigger StUpa. 64 Four Limestone Pillars bearing identical Inscriptions. 65 A Bigger Mandapa of Limestone Pillars. 65 k^s,vdidX Buddha-Caitya. 66 (iii) Brdhml Inscriptions from Gurnupalle 67 (1) Location and Details of Discovery of the Inscriptions. 67 (A) Pillar Inscriptions assignable to 2nd-1st centuries B.C. 68 (B) Inscription on a Sopana stone leading to Circular Stupa-Caitya at the East. 71 (C) Inscriptions of lst-2nd centuries A.D. 72: (D) Inscriptions of Early 5th-6th centuries A.D. 78 (E) Inscribed Bronze Image of Bodbisattva- PadmapSpi. 82: (2) Geographical Identifications, Importance of the Epigraphs. 82' (3) Other Important References. 84 Contents i*

4.(A) Cavern with Inscription at Malekdnda, District Prakasam. 92 (B) Rock-cut Vestiges at Rampa Errampalem, District East Godavari. 93 5. Correlations 97 6. Appendix 102 A. Punch Marked Coins from Stupas of Andhra, 102 B, Buddhist Sites of . Ill Select Bibliography 123 Index 127

PREFACE

This work, “Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahml Inscriptions o f AndhradeSa, embodies an exhaustive account on certain important discoveries made by me at BhattiprOlu and Guptupalle. These sites exemplify two distinct trends in the Development of Early and Architecture in South-East India. Apropos, an up- todate review of the Field work undertaken is provided in the first chapter. This simple but very comprehensive survey brings a unique picture of a vast creative and religious activity of the Buddhist in Ancient Andhra. Bhattiprolu Stupa (Dist. Guntur, Andhra Pradesh) and inscrip­ tions on the granite Relic containers therefrom, occupy an important place in the Indian Epigraphical Studies, thanks primarily to Alexan­ der Rea (1892) and George BUhler (1894). It was Alexander Rea who carefully retrieved them from the despoiled Stupa. Specially the ins­ criptions are among the most ancient, oft quoted and valuable to the students of Ancient Indian History. I have earlier noticed certain new features among the inscribed members of this place and placed them before the scholars, in a brief paper presented at the 8th Session of the Epigraphical Society o f India hosted by PrSchya Nikfitana, Bhopal in the year 1982. (Journal of Epigraphical Society of India, IX, Dharwar, 1983, pp. 23-25). Little attention was paid to collate the enormous field data recorded meticulously by certain distinguished British Scholars in the Archaeological Reports of the last hundred years on the Buddhist remains in Andhradesa. The central aim of the present endeavour is therefore briefly to examine this treasure metho­ dically in the light of the experience and knowledge gained in the Buddhist sites from the scientific field-archaeology of post 1950’s and later. In this attempt I thought of dealing with Bhattiprolu StUpa at first on account of its highly important material. In the subsequent *ii Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brdhmt Inscriptions of Andhradlsa chapters I have taken up Malekd^da caverns and Inscription (Dist. Prakasam), Gun^upalle (Dist. West Godavari), and Rama-Errampalem (District East Godavari), in order to discuss in detail certain important discoveries I made during the years 1974-76, Keeping in view valuable field notes left with an insight by the erst while pioneers like Robert Sewell, Alejtander Rea and A.H. Longhurst, one can see from this study how by a multi-disciplinary approach the architectural wealth of a site can be correlated with fresh epigraphical finds and art depictions. Lastly an uptodate review of the discoveries made in Andhra Pradesh in respect of Buddhist sites is also appended to facilitate future studies. I.K. Sarma ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

As in all other works of mine foremost help was received from the Archaeological Survey of India, my alma mater. The copyright of all the illustrations therefore rests with the Archaeological Survey of India. I am grateful to the former Directors General, Sarvalrl M .N . Deshpande, B.K, Thapar and Dr. (Mrs.) D. Mitra, for all the encouragement and sanctions to undertake works at Guntupalle and other sites mentioned in the text. Though the probes were smaller in scope, the results were rich and yielded a good crop of epigraphs and other antiquities. At Guntupalle Excavation-cum-Conservation pro­ gramme (1974-76), I was ably assisted by my former colleagues of the Gircle-Sarva^ri B. Raja Rao and D. Hanumantha Rao

are due to Shri M.U. Qureshi and P.M. Bhope for the cover design and Layout of plates in a befitting manner. Shri N.K.S. Sharma, Stenographer has done the entire typing work very deligently. Shri J.N. David, Librarian Gr. I of the Branch has procured all references. All the above technical personnel of the Branch and Hyderabad Circle helped me spontaneously, as a matter of love for the subject, during their spare time. Similarly I am beholden to Shri G.V. Srinivasa Rao, Dy. Superintending Archaeologist and: Shri S.K. Lekhwani for all the assistance while checking up the mss. and preparation of the Appendix, etc. I pay my respectful regards to Dr. K.M. Varma, Professor (Retd.), ^flntiniketan and Shri N.S. Krsna Marti a senior Advocate, Nellore, both reputed scholars, who inspite of their engagements, spared their valuable time, read the manuscript meticulously, corrected it and recorded their comments. The academic value of the work is substantially enhanced by their valuable criticism and suggestions. Sri ^ivalenka Radhakrishna, the Chief Editor of Bhdrati (a Telugu literary monthly) has been my patron for the past two decades. All my epigraphical researches and fresh discoveries were promptly published in the issues of Bhdrati from time to time. My debt to Bhdrati is immense and cannot be repaid. Similarly the Epigraphical Society of India, specially its learned Executive Editors (Past and pre­ sent), Drs. A.M. Shastry, K.V. Kamesh and S.H. Ritti have shown keen interest and extremely considerate to me in accepting for publi­ cation papers on epigraphs from Amaravati, Guntupalle, Bhattiprolu and others in the pages of their Annual Journal of the Society. To my teacher Prof. Ajayamitra Shastry of Nagpur University, I have no words to express fully my grateful thanks. Sri M.C. Joshiji, Joint Director General, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi has been a source of strength to me in all my academic pursuits. Sri Jagatpati Joshi, Addl. Director General, Archaeological Survey of India, inspite of his official engagements spared his valuable time and bejewelled my work with a scholarly Foreword. My associa­ tion with Sri Joshi goes back to the time of our excavations at the famous Buddhist sites of (1957-59) and Pauni (1968- 69). lam deeply beholden to him as well as to M.C. Joshiji. Acknowledgements xv

At home Shri I.V. Rao, my brother, Srimati Rajeswari and children (Vimala Snnivas, Siva and Srivijaya) have helped me in various ways. I am glad that the work is being published as a Memoir No. 2 of the Raviprolu Subrahmanyam Research Centre, Guntur (A.P.). This is a nucleus for study and higher Research in Indian History, Culture and Archaeology established in 1982 at Guntur (A.P.), in memory of Dr. R. Subrahmanyam, the pioneer Archaeologist of Nagarjunakopda fame. I am grateful to the Trust Board of the kSRC, its President Dr. O. Ramachandraiya, for his guidance and help. The publishers Messers Dattsons, Nagpur and Print India, New Delhi, deserve to be highly appreciated for the neat get up and print­ ing of the book in record time.

Aksaya Samvatsara Vijaya DaSami 12th October, 1986 , „ „ I. K. Sarma

FOREWORD

It is fascinating to probe into the past of a country, and studies on controversial and little known aspects of history turn out to be much more especially when data, archaeological and literary, the critically assessed to reconstruct the story of forgotten cultures in a regional context, as exemplified by Dr. I.K. Sarma’s present work. He makes investigation into the growth of and associated art in ancient Andhradesa critically and logically and exposes many facets of history. The author feels that Buddhism was introduced in Andhra in the Ufe time of the Master and there existed a system of communi­ cations between the north (Magadhan area) and south in pre-Mauryan period. Some scholars many not agree with him but his ideas are to be given due weightage especially keeping in view the factors respon­ sible for secondary state formation in this part of the country in early historic period. Dr. Sarma has brilliantly analysed the stQpa of Bhattiprolu and other extant structural remains and related data including scores of epigraphs discovered and deciphered by him. His presentation is marked with his characteristic originality and clarity. The author, who is a scholar of repute, has in himself a rare combination of an archaeo­ logist, epigraphist, art critic and historian with a scientific outlook, objectivity of approach, keenness of observation, knowledge of sciences and capacity to interpret. As a colleague in the Archaeological Survey of India,. Dr. I.K. Sarma is intimately known to me for nearly last thirty years. We have worked together on several occasions especially in the Nagarjunakonda Excavation Project (Andhra Pradesh) and excava­ tions at Pauni () and had had occasion to discuss fruitfully many archaeological problems both during the field work and outside. The work is a reflection of Dr. Sarma’s experience, knowledge xviii Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Indhradlsa and thought and inspires us to reassess the early remains of Buddhist StQpas at Piparhawa, , , Pauni, Panguraria, etc. The merit of this contribution lies not only in the author’s analytical and stratigraphical approach in handling the material at his disposal but also in his correlative study of structural remains and related antiquities in all their varieties. With his inferences. Dr. Sarma provides interesting clues for proper understanding of the growth of structural art in each of the representative sites. I have great pleasure in recommending this work for serious study to all students of , art historians and other savants who would certainly find it to be useful and thought provoking. I am certain that Dr. I.K. Sarma would continue to write more on art and archaeology of India and make available to us valuable studies on Buddhist monuments and connected epigraphy of other regions of the country.

New Delhi JAGAT PATI JOSHI BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONS

AI Ancient India, Bulletin o f the Archaeological Survey o f India-, (Ed.) Director General, Archaeological Survey of India, (New Delhi). ARASI Annual Report, Archaeological Survey o f India. ARAP Annual Report, Department of Archaeology and Museum', Government o f Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad. ARASDSC : Annual Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey Department, Southern Circle, (Madras/Calcutta). ARPM (1882) : R. Sewell, Antiquarian Remains in the Presidency o f Madras-I, Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, Vol. VII (1882). ARSIE : Annual Report, South Indian Epigraphy. ASSI : Archaeological Survey o f South India, (1887). ARIE : Annual Report, Indian Epigraphy. Bharati : Telugu Literatary Monthly (Ed.) Sivalenka Radha- krishna. BJS : Buddha Jayanti, Souvenir, (Jdggayyapeta, 1956). CII : Corpus Inscription Indicarum; Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi. DASSI : B.K. Guru Raja Rao”(Ed.) A Decade of Archaeo­ logical Studies in South India, (Dharwar, 1978). EP. And. : Epigraphia Andhrica, Department of Archaeology and Museums, Govt, of Andhra Pradesh (Hyderabad). EP. Ind. : Epigraphia Indica, Quarterly Journal of the Archaeological Survey of India, Epigraphy Branch, (Ed.) Chief Epigraphist/Director (Mysore). lA : Indian Antiquary (Old Series). lA R : Indian Archaeology, A Review. XX Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahml Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

ITIHAS : Journal of the Andhra Pradesh Archives, Govern­ ment of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad. JAHRS : Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society Rajahmundry/Hyderabad (New Series), JBORS : Journal of Oriental Research Society. JESI : Journal of the Epigraphical Society of India (Mysore/Dharwar). Also titled as Studies in Indian Epigraphy (BhdratJya Purabhilekha Patrikd). JIH : Journal of Indian History, University of Kerala, Trivandrum. JOIB : Journal o f Oriental Institute, Maharaja Sayaji Rao University o f Baroda. JRASB : Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Briton and Ireland. MAR : Madras Archaeological Reports, Southern Circle. MASI : Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, (Simla/New Delhi). NBP : Northern Block Polished Ware Pottery. PMC ; Punch Marked Coins (Silver and Copper) l^rinidhih : Perspectives in Indian Archaeology, Art and Culture, Sri K.R. Srinivasan Festschrift (New era, Madras, 1983). Svasti ^ri ; Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra Felicitation Volume, (New Delhi, 1984). Sri Kanthika : S. Srikantiah Felicitation Volume (Mysore, 1973). SS, 1981 : Satdvahdna Souvenir, 1981 Published by the Director, Dept, of Archaeology, Govt, of A.P. (Hyd.). TEXT FIGURES

1. Principal Buddhist Sites of Andhra Pradesh. 2. Bhattiprolu: Dist. Gunturu: StUpa. Sectional elevation. 3. Bhattiprolu: StUpa, Plan Section across the axial post. 4. Pauni: Dist. Bhandara, Chandakapur Tekde, StUpa Central Past (After Pauni Excavation, 1968-70, Fig. 84). 5. Bhattiprolu: GSRC-I, BS-1. 6. Bhattiprolu: GSRC-I, LS-2. 7. Bhattiprolu: GSRC-II, BS-3. 8. Bhattiprolu: GSRC-II, LS-4. 9. Bhattiprolu: GSRC-III, BS-5. 10. Bhattiprolu: Arrangement of Silver PMC below the, Crystal Phial, GSRC-III, BS-5. 11. Bhattiprolu: Crystal Inscribed Pendant. 12. Guntupalle, Dist. West Godavari: Rock-cut Circular Caitya G^ha: Sectional elevation (After D. M itra, 1971, Fig. 14). 13. Guntupalle: Rock-cut Circular Caitya Plan and elevation. 14. Guntupalle: Vihdra Caves (After Longhurst). 15. Guntupalle: Structural Caitya Gfha, Plan; (After D. Mitra, 197l» Fig. 15). 16. Guntupalle: Site Plan of Structural S’/ftp^ Middle Terrace. 17. Early Rock-Cut Caves: Diffusion Lines.

PHOTOS

1(A). Bhattiprolu: GSRC-I, BS-1. 1(B). BhaUiprolu: Closer view of the slot. 2(A). Bhattiprolu: GSRC-I, LS-2. 2(B). Bhattiprolu: Closer view of the inscribed part, see the flak­ ing of the polished part. 3. Bhattiprolu: GSRC-II, BS-3. 4(A). Bhattiprolu: GSRC-II, LS-4. 4(B). Bhattiprolu: Closer view of the inscribed part. i(A). Bhattiprolu: GSRC-III, BS-5. 5(B). Bhattiprolu: Closer view of the slot, 6. Bhattiprolu: GSRC-III, LS-6. 7(A). Bhattiprolu: Crystal Reliquary, Kala§a type from GSRC-I, BS-i. 7(B). Bhattiprolu: Crystal Reliquary, KaM a type from. 7(C). Bhattiprolu: Crystal Reliquary, circular phial from GSRC- III, BS-5. Bhattiprolu: Silver PMC arranged in (A) Svastika pattern in BS-5; (B) Additional coins right at the base of the crystal phial. 9. AmarSvati, Dist. Guntur: Sculptured stele showing the Jetavana scene. 10(A). Amarflvati: Silver PMC from Period-II. 10(B). Peddavegi: Silver PMC, broken example from Period-IA. 11. Guntupalle; West Godavari: Buddhist Monuments, Panora­ mic View. 12. Guntupalle: Circular Caitya Cave, Frontal view. 13. Guntupalle: Circular Caitya Cave, StUpa and the inner ceiling. 14. Gunitupalle: Rock-cut Vihdras. 15. Guntupalle: Cave at the South-East Tor. xxiv Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahml Inscriptions of Andhradlsa- 16. Guntupalle: A Newly Discovered Vihdra Cave (lower Terrace). 17. Guntupalle; Circular Brick at the Eastern end —Buddha images inside. 18. Guntupalle: Structural Stupa, Middle terrace (From East), See Inscriptions nos, 1, 3, 4A, 5 to 14. 19. Gunlupalle: Votive StUpas, Middle terrace (from west). 20(A). Guntupalle: Inscription I-1, Pillar Record of the time of king Sri Sada. 20(B). Guntupalle; Estampages of the Four Inscriptions. 21. Guntupalle 1-2, Sop&na record. 22. Guntupalle: Inscription 1-3 on a stone slab. 23. Guntupalle: Inscription I-4B, Lamp socket, Brahmi letters at the cave entrance. 24. Guntupalle: Inscription 1-5 on a Floor slab. 25. Guntupalle: Inscription 1-6 on stone Relic casket. 26. Guntupalle: Inscription 1-7, on a Mandapa Pillar. 27. Guntupalle: Inscription 1-8, on another Mandapa pillar. 28(A). Guntupalle: Inscription no. 9 on floor slab. 28(B). Guntupalle: Inscription no. 11 on Floor slab. 29(A). Guntupalle: Mandapa pillar with inscriptions (as unearthed). 29(B). Guntupalle; Inscriptions I-IO and 1-12 (closer view). 29(C). Guntupalle; Detailed view of I-10 and partly 1-12. 30. Guntupalle: Inscription 1-13 on a stone plaque. 31. Guntupalle; Inscription 1-14 on the Lotus Pedastal of th& Bronze image of Bodhisattva PadmapSni. 32. Malekonda, Dist. Prakasam: Parvatiguha, Rock-cut cave. 33(A). Malekonda: Inscription on the Brow of the cave. 33(B). Malekonda: Estampage of the Inscription on the brow of the cave. 34. Malekonda: Rock-cut shelter. 35. Rampa Errampalem, Dist. East Godavari: Rock-cut cave, entrance etc. 36. Rampa Errampalem; Rock cut Cave, Monolithic Caitya inside. 37. Rampa Errampalem: Monolithic Stupas ivL open. 38. Badarala, Dist. West Godavari: Boggu Gullu, General view. 39. Badarala; Boggu gudi. Closer View. I

GENERAL INTRODUCTION: BUDDHIST MONUMENTS IN A n d h r a

Early spread of Buddhism, after its North-Eastern nucleus, is no where better attested to, than in Andhra. Buddhism appears to have had its roots in Andhradesa right from the times of the Master. As a prelude we propose to examine here the literary and traditional accounts connected with the rise and spread of Buddhism in ancient Andhra in the light of the fresh archaeological evidences that have come to hght as a result of extensive field work right from the beginning of this country.

Literary and Traditional Accounts Though it is hazardous to rely on literary accounts, (1) the mention of Buddha’s visit to A‘ndhra by Heun Tsang,^ (2) the Jataka story relating to Buddha’s previous birth as Sumedha in the city of Dhdnyaka(aka\ (3) the great ascetic Bflvari despatching the disciples according to the Dhammapaddttakatha,^ from Molaka to Rajagrha to meet Buddha^ echo the great importance and sacredity attached to Andhradesa as an early seat of Buddhism. The spread of Theravada doctrine into the Andhra region might not be a mere surmise although H. Sarkar^ sees no such impact to begin with. Mahdsdfighikas made a dent into Andhra under the Mauryan patronage. Missionaries have been sent to several places and there appears to be some sequential order in their despatch. The places are Kashmira-; Mahi§amandala-Vanavasi; Aparanta-Maharatha, Yona: Himavanta; Suvannabhumi and Tambapanni. According to MahdvamSa, Moggaliputta sent five Theras to Tambapamni', one Mahadeva Thera to Mahisamandala; one Rakhita to Vanavasi; one 2 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahml Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

Rakhita to Aparanta and Mahd-Rakhita to another country. This took place after the council (third Buddhist meet). Tamba Pathni^ is regarded by some as the area where river Tamaparni flows and Mahisamanciala is not in Mysore but in Godavari-Kri§na region.® Here the inclusion of ‘Mahisamandala" is of great significance. Ptolemy’s Maisolia might be its capital. This was a renowned exit port on the east coast. The name ‘Maisolia’ might have, in course of time, become Masulipattanam. This is perhaps the ‘ Mucilindahagara’ referred to in Mahdvamia (ch. 36, p. 144) as P.S. Sastry’ would have us believe. It may not be without significance that the episode of "Ndgamucalinda’’ protecting Buddha from a great storm, soon after the enlightenment, became a prolific theme in the Godavari-Kr§na valley Buddhist art and this depiction spread far and wide. The route was coastal as well as inland and we find Mahdndvikas mentioned in the inscriptions at Ghantasala (Kantakossala), and MahanSgaparvata (Guntupalle). The Buddhist monks and missionaries perhaps moved through this Maisola port to South-East Asia and Ceylon. Helmut Hoffman,® a Germ an Scholar, who studied Kdlacakra tantra says “Its seems to me, there cannot be the shghtest doubt, that Buddha was supposed to have preached the Mantraydna in general, and specially the Kdlacakra Mttlatafitra at the well known and famous stupa of Dhanyakataka. Buddha’s pronouncement of the third vehicle is expressly paralleled with the “Second turning of the wheel that of the Mahayana” or ‘‘Perfection of wisdom on the mountain CrdhrakQta in M agadha.”

Grdhrakuta Yathd SdHra Prajhdpdramitd naye ! Tathd mantrdnaye proktd $rl dhdnye dharmade§d naW. Ku(ah Sthdndt Kttfah Sd§trdt Tatra tantrdica desitah !

I Translation'. As the instruction of the by the Teacher has been preached in the case of the ‘method of the perfection of wisdom’ on the GrdhrakQta (Rajagrha), so in the case of the ‘method of spells’ at $rldhdnya (kd(aka). This happened on Vaisdkha purnimd day and the Tibetan tradi- General Introduction Buddhist Monuments in Andhra 3 tion has, therefore, shifted the anniversary of Buddha to Jyesfha instead of VaiMkha. Accordingly, the birth of Buddha was taken to be Jyestha Buddha Saptaml day, Enlightenment and Parinirvdna on Jyesfha !§u Purnimd and Dharmacakraparavartana on iSrdvana l§ukla Caturdhl". This is at variance with the Sthdvira tradition, according to which, the Birth, Enlightenment and parinirvam were all on Vai§dkha pournaml at . KathdvatthU and Abhidhamma Pitaka speak of andhaka hegemony extending upto , {andhakannda, near Magadha, andhakavana near SrSvasti), the various schools of Andhaka monks and the specific inclusion of Dhamhakada among these places leave no doubt of the pre-A^okan base of Buddhism in ancient Andhra. It might be noted that in the contiguous Orissa, ( and ), Buddhism existed before the times of Asoka.® Andhrade^a was within the Mauryan empire {anta or Iha- rdjavisaya). The beginnings of the political and cultural history of the Andhra can be traced to a still earlier period^” from the large number of silver PMC hoards of ‘Pre-A^okan”, some say “Pre-Mauryan” sequence echoing a “Nanda-Maurya” conflict (See Infra IX-A). The Tamil literature also confirms this. Erragudi or Jonnagiri and Rajula- Mandagiri, both in district Kurnool, where the Minor rock-edicts were found, appears to be a prominent centre as the very place name 'Rajula-manda-girV possibly implied a hill where congregation of kings took place. It is, therefore, not surprising that apart from the known ones at Brahmagiri (JMla) and , as many as four minor rock edicts found recently*^ in a concentrated area of North (Udegolam, Nittur) closer to the above Kurnool area have given scope to rise several interesting theories. Brahmagiri and Siddhapur Rock Inscriptions, also Sahasaram (U.P.), contain a reference to the presence of Asoka himself at Suvarnagiri from where he advises through his mahamdtras at Isild to follow up the proclamation made during his tour on 257th day. The Maha-mStras posted at Isila and Suvarnagiri perhaps caused these epigraphs. K.V. Ramesh thinks of a head-quarters of a Southern Division of Mauryan Empire and “an important halting point on a much frequented trade route”.^^ In fact Brahmagiri and Siddapur Rock edicts refer to the presence of A^oka at this important place.^® While M.J. Sharma, laying stress on the 4 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa occurrence of the proper name^^ Raja Asoka, in these Karnataka edicts (also exceptionally in Gujarra, M.P.) proposed that the Minor Rock Edicts were issued by Mahindra from Ceylon on behalf of his father. The specific citation of the king’s name as Demnampiya and Raja A§oka was necessary to avoid confusion as the Tissa, the king of Ceylon, contemporary of Asoka, also bore the proper name Devdndmpriya. It is again of interest to note that the Panguraria edict (near Hoshangabad, M.P.) addressed to the local governor Sdmva- Kumdra, obviously a son of A^oka, the king is mentioned by another name Piyadasirdja^^ and not as Devdndmpiya or Asoka. The expression “men in Jambu-dvlpa'’—(Brahmagiri edict) does not occur in the group of Rock Edicts or Pillar Edicts but only in the group of Minor Rock Edicts. In the Ceylonese Chronicle, Mahdvamsa the people of the entire Indian sub-continent were addressed as belonging to Jambu-dvipa. Why this reference? It appears that in Buddhist tradition Asoka was known as dvlpacakravartin and the expression Jambudvlpa included a larger territory of which Bhdrata- varsa is a part. In the Sankalpa one utters '■‘Jambudvlpe Bharata Varse- Bharatd-khande, etc.”, which clearly indicates that the term includes other lands or countries also. An inscription as late as of 2nd century A.D. from Salihuntidam'® mentions this monarch by name Dharma rdjho A§oka Sirind. This clearly shows that Asoka was famous and remembered as a model King, dharma-maharaja, in coastal Andhra €ven after centuries. According to some scholars Suvarnagiri mentioned in the Brahmagiri Edict is in Ceylon, south of Sigiriya and Pojonnaruva. Dariibulla caves are called Suvanriagiri-guhd in later inscriptions. It appears, therefore, that official text of the Minor Rock Edicts was prepared centrally in Ceylon. They were issued by Mahendra, the monk-son of A^oka from Ceylon and the mention of the proper name as A§oka or Priyadar^i was necessary to distinguish him from the •contemporary Ceylonese king. It may be noted that this is only in respect of the Minor Rock Edicts. How is it that we do not get even a stray indication of any Mauryan or say A^okan inscription or relic in the vast territories of Tamilnadu-Kerala? This absence was perhaps due to the presence of which appears to have considerably

Spread from a fairly early period in southern parts of Tamilnadu as noted from sites like SittannavflsaF (Pudukkottai) and Tirup- parankunram'* (Madurai). The highly polished rock-beds of Sittannavasal have to be looked upon as technically Mauryan imita­ tions in the south. Early Tamil-BrShmi inscriptions from Madurai, Tirunejveli and Ramanathapuram districts, specially those from Madurai referring to PSqdya king Neduncheliyan and Chera king Ijankadungo, (who were mentioned in Sangam literature) also date these beds to circa third century to first century B.C. Early Jainism has not created any visible structural establishments or models of shrines or Devakulams till fifth-sixth century A.D. anywhere in South India.

Geographical and Historical Background : (Fig. 1) It may sound queer that no comprehensive attempt has been made, in the past, to study the political history of Andhradesa prior to the coming of the Mauryan and early SatavShana rule. In 1959 Sir Mortimer Wheeler^® modified himself by saying that “the three copies of Anoka’s Minor Rock Edicts at Brahmagiri were appropriately addressed to the southern most colonists of his father’s empire, and not, as I had previously conjectured, to their bucolic precursors.” In recent years, some relevent work has been done by scholars which led to a thorough reapprisal of earlier views expressed by Haimendorf*® and Vincent Smith. We now see that in Peninsular India, i.e. South of Narmada right upto the lower regions of Penna, the iron age techno­ logy has, steadily but slowly, transformed the earlier village com- miunities of the ‘Neolithic-Chalcolithic’ assemblages into iron age semi-urban settlers. Not only the advent of iron, but also the subse­ quent advancement of great religious faiths such as Jainism, Buddhism and accelerated this growth towards organized life. The discovery of quite a large number of NBP ware sherds from the pre and contemporary layers coeval with the foundation of the Amarflvati StUpa, opened up a new chapter in the early historical archaeology of Peninsular India, Except in the famous Mahdjanapada sites, nowhere such profuse quantities of NBP ware was found in clear stratified ■contexts. From the digs at Dharanikota fortifications (1962-65) and 6 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brdhmi Inscriptions of Andhradisa- Amaravaii^^ Stupa (1974-75), burnt brick structures and Black-and- Red ware besides NBP ware and iron were recorded from the lowest levels of Period lA, datable to Circa. 4th century B.C. and fortunately the former site has also been dated by C. 14 method^^ which has shown a date range of 405 ± 95 (475 + 100 B.C.) to 145 ± 100 B.C. (205 + 100). In the light of these explicit evidences we cannot, fully subscribe to the view of (Late) A. Ghosh,®® (which obviously emerges out of Wheeler’s hypothesis), that “In 3rd century B.C., there were important people in the south, not included in Asoka’s empire. Whether they had shed their tribal character and had established full-fledged king­ doms is not certain. But it is noteworthy that while Asoka recounts his contemporary Greek rulers in the west by their names, he only mentions the peoples who were his southern neighbours”. In his Rock Edict II, we find among the independent border kingdoms, the Cojas, Paijdyas in Plural, Satiyaputa (Probably Atiyaman of the Kongu region), and Keralaputa in Singular with whom the Mauryan king maintained good rapport. This mode of mentioning the Satiyaputa and Keralaputa is conspicuously absent in Rock Edict III, which, suggests that these two contiguous territories came under A^okan spell between the issues ‘of Rock Edict II and III,®* This was perhaps a sequal to the conflicts between Nandas and Mauryas in their expansion towards South, i.e., lower Deccan and Dravidadesa during the preced­ ing century. The south had a later start in the urban development than the north. How much later is vital here and the evidences prove almost a simultaneous growth, and an admirable receptivity to the new technological changes and patterns of life is seen. D.P. Agrawala*® sees a ‘distinct possibility of the iron age in the south antedating that of the north” and Hallur and Paiyampalli 14-C dates for iron age levels amply confirm this view point.®’ It is, therefore, difficult to agree with A. Ghosh’s view®® that sites close to the A^okan records such as Maski, Brahmagiri do not show remains of prosperous towns. The reported excavations cited by Ghosh were too meagre exercises and do not qualify to form any finality on this aspect. Recent explorations at the rock-edict sites of Jonnagiri and Rajulamandagiri in Kurnool District revealed a very •General Introduction: Buddhist Monuments in Indhra 1

extensive and rich habitational mounds over and above them and an account of the new discoveries made at AmarSvati and Dharanikola such as inscribed A^okan pillar fragment, NBP ware suggesting the existence of Buddhism of a Pre-Asokan date we have got to be open- minded with regard to the early developments of towns and cites in the south. A problem-oriented excavations and exploration to find out the early historical cities and towns in Peninsular India is long over-due. As pointed out by S.P. Gupta^* a subtle “distinction is called for between the “civilized life” from “city” or “urbanized life” particularly in a tradition bound country like India.” In the early historical period, that is before the introduction of Jaina and Buddhist faiths, the Hindu ideals of social structure, personal religion and ethics had already crystallized in Peninsular India as the enormous literary evidences supported by a few scraps of archaeological artefacts indicate. The abundant inscriptions from the early historical sites like AmarSvati, Bhattiprolu, prove the existence of organized guilds (gosthis), co­ operatives (nigamas) in 4th-3rd centuries B.C. and, as M.C. Joshi®* pointed out, this in itself is “a determinant trait of Urbanism”, Indeed we learn from Megasthenese, the Greek Ambassador, of the 30 fortified towns and elaborate military organization during the 3rd cent B.C. in the south.

Recent Archaeological Evidences from Amaravatl, Vaddamanu and Other Sites (Fig. 1) Asoka was perhaps charmed at the overwhelming enthusiasm and good work of the gosthis and nigamas based at Dkdnyakafaka and Bhatttiprolu, He was the first royal patron who endowed at the front­ age of the great Caitya at Amaravati, an inscribed dharma-stambha and a partial railing of Mauryan polished granite uprights at the Eastern and Western cardinals of the Caitya. This Dhamnakada Caitya had close contacts with VaisSli, Rajagrha, Vidisa and Sravasti centres. The monastic seals, inscriptions and a rich variety of NBP ware from the early levels of the Mahdstapa digs confirm this. John Marshall observed in 1906, on A. Rea’s first hand report®^ of the :granite rail parts, they “date from the Mauryan epoch and prove that 8 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhrndlsa

at that early date the Buddhists were already in occupation of the famous site of Amaravati.” Subsequent writers ignored this evidence and once again my excavation has proved stratigraphically that all these architectural members were of Mauryan times.^^ The polish on the granite blocks, is undoubtedly Mauryan’. As Karl Khandalwala says, this ‘Mauryan pohsh’ on pillars and sculptures is never seen after their downfall.®® The writing on them was engraved before the polish. The Asokan pillar fragment of Amaravati bears this polish, though' it is made of a local variety • of quartzite and clearly exhibits that the engraving of the letters was earlier to its polish. S.P. Gupta^* con­ cludes that Pillars of Asoka went side by side with the holy structures (Stupa on Caitya-grhas), and it could be that in some cases Asoka got inscribed the edicts sometime after their erection. The pillar and the nucleus of the Amaravati Sttipa are interrelated. Moreover in these new operations at the Mahdcaitya^^ site (1973-75) NBP ware was abundantly found in the early Mauryan levels and the thickness of the core ranged between 2 mm. to 6 mm. The evidence from Period-IA (Early Mauryan) and IB (Asokan) is the richest ever found from South India. Period IA dated to beginning of Fourth century B.C. characterises the earliest occupation at Site by the Buddhists in thatched huts-on-posts and yielded a total of 190-sherds. The Stupa appears to be a low mound of mud. An equal number of NBP sherds was found from Period I-B (third century B.C.) the distinction being mainly structural additions like a railing in granite to the Stupa and inscribed pillar at its threshold. Both were embellish­ ments of the Asokan phase. Period-II represents the post-Asokan phase second-first century B.C.) and coeval with and Sanchi phase-I. Here the NBP yield was very much reduced. Only 39 fragments were found. The fabric is very fine, ihe colour of the core ranges dull grey to ashy grey, buff, chocolate with burnt patches, the minimum thickness is 1 to 1.5 mm. whereas maximum is 9 mm. The types and surface hues of this ware present a remarkable variety known only from the NBP yielding sites of Ganga-Yamuna doab. The colours are steel-black, silvery, golden, and various other shades. Black pigment over silvery gloss, and purple bands over the General Introduction: Buddhist Monuments in Andhra 9

rim of a bowl which has a pinky hue, indicate the presence of painted variety as at Kausambi etc. The silver and golden variants are many and remarkable. A wide variety of copper revetting and luting by clamps is present in many examples of bowls, cups and dishes. It clearly shows that this deluxe ware is carefully put to use and deemed very precious. Amaravati evidence of NBP is the richest both qualita­ tively and quantitatively in the entire Peninsular India and belongs to Pre-Asokan phase. To this one can add the evidence from another excavated stupa on the hill in the village of Vaddamanu=*« just 10 km. direct eastwards of AmarSvati stttpa. Here also NBP ware is reported in its earlier levels along with silver PMC and fine Black-and-red ware, like that of Kausambi and . This could be equated to Period IB of Amaravati. From this hill-monastery we get an inscription on a rock cistern which refers to a king named Rdjd Dainaka, recalling the name of the well-known Bhatfiprolu king Rdjd Khubiraka. Both the epigraphs are unquestionably of Mauryan period (either early or late) and the tw'o Rajas appear to be local kings in succession.*’ The NBP of VaddamSnu is, however, in small numbers. S. Shankaranarayanan®® after a critical analysis of the Bhattiprolu records says that the Rdjds Khubiraka and Damaka were local rulers heading a democratic assembly {gd^thls) prior to the Mauryan conquest. Such a democratic set up was prevalent during Buddha’s life time but came to an end in the North after the rise of Magadhan imperialism. The Mauryan conquest of coastal Andhra was, therefore, probably earlier to A^okan accession and the Religion of Buddha came to Andhra almost cer­ tainly in the pre-Mauryan age. It is of great importance that Asoka in his IVth pillar enict defines the duties of such rdjukas in the adminis­ tration. We have seen above how Amaravati-Dharaqikota grew with a Buddhist base right from a Pre-Mauryan period. This very place came to be regarded as an drdma-ksetra with the AmarSsvara Lihga as the presiding deity of the Sthala. The toponym Amaravati itself is regarded as a corrupt form of “i4rdmavar/”. It is not without significance that the long east coast covered by Godavari-kr?na deltas, located mid-way between theMagadha (the home of Buddhism) and Ceylon (the strong­ hold of Buddhism) developed drdmakshetras?* We have known atleast five such dramas. These are Drdkshdrama and Kurmdrdma, both in 10 Studies in Early Buiiiist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Ind/iradisa

East Godavari district; Somarama and Ksirdrdma, in West Godavari district and Amarardma in Guntur district. In eacti of these places a vast temple complex for Siva was raised by Bhima-I (812-921 A.D.) the Eastern Calukyan monarch. An unusually tall Lifiga was conse­ crated in the Sanctum which is a double storeyed Sarvatobhadrikd shrine. Several ahgdlyas, tall prdkdra walls with dalans on the inner side and imposing gateways with torana dvdras were added by the successive rulers. An examination of such a Linga within the Amaresavra temple, Amaravati itself has revealed that the upper most part of the Liiiga, which is nearly six metre high, has a square mortise hole although rounded off and in the remaining four places too (also Adik6.

detail and each frame (Photo-10) was duly labelled also in early Brahmi characters of 3rd century No where else in Buddhist art we have such well dated sculptured scenes. All these facts em­ phasize the close affinity and the firm hold of the Magadhan Buddhism on the coastal Andhradesa with Amaravati-Dharanikota as its nucleus.

Other Sites In no other part of India, one can find such a close concentra­ tion of Buddhist remains, datable from Mauryan period to second- third centuries A.D. and continued, except in a few cases, till the late medieval times. It is a formidable task, however, to describe all the Buddhist sites of Andhra. Here we shall provide a list of sites mostly excavated examples and some recently discovered ones from the village-to- village explorations.

(a) Mauryan {Hindydna phase) 1. AmarSvati (Guntur) Structural Stupas and Monasteries of brick. 2. Bhattiprolu (Guntur) Earliest phase of the StUpa. 3. Vaddamanu (Guntur) Earliest phase of the Stupa on Hill top and an inscribed brow of water trough. 4. Garikapadu (Kr§na) Brick Stupa and Vihdra. 5. Guntupalle (West Godavan) Rock-cut Vrtta Caltya. 6. Rampa Errampalem (East Godavari) Rock cut Stupas and cells.

(b) Post-Mauryan but Pre-Christian {Hlnaydna phase): Apart from the above sites which continue till later periods other notable examples with early Buddhist remains, basally non-Mahdyana sites, dated to second century B.C. are;

1. JaggayyapeJa (Kfsna) Structural Stupas and Caltyas. 2. Sankaram (Vi^akhapat^am). Besides, monolithic Stupas and rock cut Vihdra cells, later brick caltyas too. 12 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

3. Kapavaram (East Godavari) Rock-cut as well as open air structural establishments remain to be explored fully. 4. Salihu^idam and Kajingapatnam (Srikakulam) besides Viharas and StUpas of the early period of medieval Vajrayana phase is extent at the former site as well as at Ramathirtham, district Vijianagaram. 5. Dhillikatta (Dist. Karimnagar), Stupas provide an exclusive Hinayana phase during second century B.C. 6. Kondapur (Medak), Structural Stupas of brick. 7. Chandavaram (Prakasam) Structural Stupas of brick. 8. Kesanapalli (Guntur) Structural Stupas of Brick.

Later Sdtavahana and Iksvdku Period (Mahdydna) All the above mentioned sites have witnessed a rich and flourish­ ing art phase during the post-Christian period right upto early medieval age. In recent years an important Buddhist site was excavated at Adapur,*^ in Cuddapah district. The finds from this site as well as Puspagiri,^^ and Peddacapalli are noteworthy. The inscriptional evidences at Siddulagavulu rock-shelters near Ketavaram (Dist. Kurnool) where a large habitation site of an early historic period was discovered by K. Krishnamurthy, is important in this context. The existence of early Buddhism in the Rayalasima area is certain but its nature and historical associations have not been properly studied with clearer archaeological perspective as in the coastal Andhra. Not much field work is undertaken in this region. Several early historical sites with inscribed pottery and brick structures were located by P. Sitarama Murthy^® in Addanki Taluk

Sannati, besides of course, Kaiichi, Mahabalipuram and Kaveripatti- nam and farther away to Ceylon. There is definite need to study the large number of inscriptions from these Buddhist sites, both site-wise as well as in an integrated manner, along with the sculptures and architecture in minute detail. There is no comprehensive work on the Rock-Architecture of Eastern Deccan, though Vamsadhara- Godavari-Kr§pa tract is dotted with several early examples such as at Rampa-Errampalem, Kodavali, Kapavaram, all in district ofEast- Godavari; Ramatirtham and Saiikaram in Vizag district and most improtant of all these are in Guntupalle, in Dist. West Godavari. Guntupalle revealed an extensive brick monastic units as well, datable to first-third centuries A.D. The earliest Buddhist wave in the Rayalasima area was of the Asokan times. Near Bellary and falling in line with Erragudi {Suvamagiri) and the damaged Rajulamandagiri Edicts, are the Minor Rock-Edicts found recently at Udegolam and NittQr. They indicate the crucial importance of the area during the Asokan Period.^® The spread of this early Buddhism to Karnataka, like the second wave during the Later Satavahana period, was through inland route-Praka- iam-Kurnool along the upper raches of Kri§na-Tungabhadra cross country. Andhra was within {antd) of the Mauryan empire. The other route was through the long East-Coast touching the port towns of Tamilnadu-Mahabalipuram,^* Ka&clpuram-Kaveripattinam®“ and right upto Sri Lanka. The close contact with $riparmta (Nagarjunako^da) vihdras in Sn Lanka and reciprocal Sri Lankan patronage to the Mahayana Buddhist existing at Sriiparvata and Sannati {Karnataka) during the second-third centuries A.D. is quite revealing.

Some Important Buddhist Sects Found in Andhra ; Their Spread : Amaravati, Nagarjunakonda and like sites in coastal Andhra yielded rich inscriptional data on the monasteries and the Buddhist sects that flourished during the early Christian eras. The first wave of Buddhism that reached Nagarjunakonda was a mixed Hinay3na Buddhism. The first Vihara was that of the Aparamaha vinaSeliyas^ where worship of Buddha image was not initially existing and like the 14 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brdhmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa.

Caltyakas or Lokottaravadins, they gave prominence to the worship of Caityas. In all, six Buddhist sects were known at Nagarjunakonda.

1. Aparamahdvinakliyas. {MahdstUpa SitQ-l and Stupa:9); and PurvaSailas. 2. Bahu^rutlya. This is also now found mentioned in the Kesanapalli (Dist. Guntur) record of Maharaja Chariitamula (—1) dated to 13th regnal year;^^ 3. Mahi§dSaka (Orthodox tradition), 4. Mahdvihdravdsin (a Ceylonese sect); 5. Rajagirika 6. Siddhdrthikas.

A Brahmi inscription of the time of Sn Mathariputra Virapurusadatta,®^ the second Iksvaku king dated in 14th regnal year corresponding to 286 A.D., records the building of a Caitya grha within the Culadharmagiri Vihdra on the Sriparvata hill (Site-43) east of the Iksvaku city called Vijayapuri. This was meant for the teachers of Sri Lanka who were engaged in the pursuit of spreading the dhama to various countries. The Theravddins from Tdmraparnidvlpa (Ceylon) greatly influenced the at Sriparvata and converted to the faith those who belonged to Kashm'ira-Gdndhdra-Clna-Cilata, Sosali^ Avardnta, Vafiga, Vanavdsa, Yavana, Damila, Palura and Tambapamni- dvipa.

The text reads : Part of Line 1 ;------{Bhada) ta raja ca rlydnam kdsmira Gandhdra —Clna—Cllata—Tosali—Avaranta— Vahga— Vana- vdsi— Yavana—Damila—Palura— Tambapamnidlpa—Pasadakdnam theriyanam'^— Tambapamnikdnam Suparigahe.

Part of Line-2 : Siri pavate Vijyapurlya-puva-disa bhdge vihdre chula—dhammagi- xiyam cetiya—gharam sapafa—samtharam Secetiyam—Sava niyutam kdritam Uvdsikaya Bodhisirlya—These countries are also mentioned in. the MahdvamSa among the territories which had been converted to General Introduction: Buddhist Monuments in Andhra J 5

Buddhism after the third Council. The mention of China, besides Sri Lanka and other places, in this record is of seminal importance and clearly points out to the pilgrimage of certain dcaryas to such far- flunged countries in their pursuit of proselytizing the Buddhist order. Another important thing that attracted the Sri Lankan monks to the Cula-dharmagiri vihdra on Sriparvata, in particular was the Bodhivrksa prasada, i.e., the Bodhi-tree pavilion a necessary adjunct. It is well known that Asoka through Thera Mahendra®* got a branch of (from Bodhgaya), planted in Sri Lanka. After this great event, the entire island of Sri Lanka became a stronghold of Buddhism. Could it be that another branch of Bodhivrk§a was planted at Sriparvata as early as of the time of the Sn Lankan one ? Whatever it may be, the Simhala Vihdra at Sriparvata became important internationally for its Bodhivriksa prasada during the 3rd century A.D. as clearly noted from the sculptured and inscribed Buddha-pada^^ consecrated at another monastery as well. In this record even the names of the Sr! Lankan dcdryas are stated. Cina and Cilata were also mentioned®® together in Milindapanha among the countries frequented by the traders. It is common knowledge that Buddhism greatly survived on the patronage of the trading community who were converts to the faith. The Lihinimalai (dist. Kandy), inscriptions®’ state that the great king Kanitha Tissa (226-244 A.D.) of Sri Lanka made certain perpetual gifts to the Bodhi house and refectory attached to the Sriparvata monas­ tery. He also caused an uposafha house to be built and a big refectory for the benefit of the community of the bhikkus frequenting the Sipavata vihara. This clearly corroborates evidence available at the Culadhammagiri (Nallarailabodu, Site-43) and the monastic site-38 which was established by the Mahdvihdra-vdsins, another Sri Lankan sect,®* from where the inscribed Buddhapada mentioned above was reported. The Sri Lankan were orthodox theravddins but soon yielded to the worship of Buddha image and constructed votive stQpas as well, at Nag3rjunakonda. Sriparvata is hallowed as the seat of Acdrya Ndgarjuna^^ (2nd century A.D.), the founder of Mddhyamika school of Boddhism which spread subsequently all over Cina. At this place the Mahdsdnghika sects made head-way and its principal schools, Caltydka and Sailas propagated meritorious acts, such as the creation, decora­ 16 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and BrdamI Inscriptions of Andhradisa tion and worship of Caityas and eventually deified the Buddha and Bodhisattvas. Madhyamika tenets of MahaySnism have intensified the missionary zeal among the Buddhists. The patronage of the later SatavShana and Iksvaku kings, specially the royal ladies, w^as pheno­ menal. Several schools sprang up and evolved certain traditions. Nagarjuna was the most outstanding figure.®" The Mahdcaltya at Nagarjunakopda was supposed to contain the relics of the great Master brought by Acarya NSgarjuna from Sri Lanka. He retrieved PragMpdramitd from Nagaloka. He is a great alchemist. He wrote Rasaratnakara from his abode in parvata.. The letter he wrote to Gautamiputra Satakarni goes by the name Suhrllekha. Nagarjuna was also credited to have raised the ornate railing at the Mahdcaitya of Amaravati during the first-second centuries A.D. He was a friend and contemporary of Gautamiputra Satakarni. Several Nagarjunas, at least four of them, are known to Buddhist literature. A Jaggayyapeta inscription,®^ now in Madras Museum reads

1. Svasti Bhadanta Ndgdrjunacdryasya 2. !§isyah jaya prabhdcdryah tat $isyena Candra 3. Prabhem Kdrdpitam—Satu— Sugata— Gata prasada— vUesa visi^fa-Samsare deva-manuja 4. Vibhati-pUrvakarii Buddhatva- prapti—nimittam—Buddha Pratimdm Pratisthdpitam Anumodina 5. Kurvantu Sarve Saugatyd grdya (?) nopi.

This is below the standing figure of Buddha, in fifth-sixth cen* turies A.D. characters and provides a parampara of Buddhist teachers- Acarya Bhadanta Nagarjuna—his disciple Jayaprabhacflrya and his disciple Candraprabhacarya. This Candraprabhacarya is identified with Candrakirti, the author of Madhyamakdvatdra, a commentary on Nagarjuna’s Mddhyamikakdrika. Ar$alankavatarasotra says that Nagarjuna lived in Daksinapatha at Dehali, which is around General Introduction: Buddhist Monuments in Andhra 17

Nagarjunakorda—or nearby Palnad area. From a rock shelter inscrip­ tion of 5th century A.D. in the outskirts of Narsinghgarh,*^ district Rajgarh (M.P) we learn that a Buddhist Vihdra was traditionally known to have been existing from the times of the great king A^oka M aurya (A^oka prakdlikay—dm^ruta prdktana—^iinya-Vihdrem). The gifts were meant for the itinerant members of the bhikshu-sangha of the Sunya vihara. Here is then a clear reference to the bhikshus of SQnyavdda school right from Asokan times. This then clearly points out that Acarya NagSrjuna was not the initiator of ^unyavdda but only an effective proselytizer, and systematiser of its philosphical tenets.

Later Developments During the early centuries of the Christian era a spurt of struc­ tural activity, backed by prosperous trade and political stability was witnessed under the Sstavahana rule from the time of Gautamiputra®^ Satakarni (64—88 A.D.). The city of Dhanyakataka rose to be the eastern capital from the time of Vasi§thiputra Pulumavi (88-116 A.D.). Excavatory evidences from Dharanikota reveal that the township got expanded and the fortifications and wharf were strengthened during 2nd-1st centuries B.C. ft was having trade contacts with some western countries much earlier than the Indo-Roman trade.®* The merchandise was imported high class glass ornaments (Mediterranean) like ear reels of multifarious colour and millifiori technique. Subsequently during the early Christian eras also it was a port town humming with Buddhist monks and Indo-Roman merchandise. The profuse occurence of Rouletted, Amphorae and Arretine wares and gold coins in Amaravati-Dharanikota and various other excavated sites of Andhra speak of the extent of trade backed by religious expansion. The sculp­ tural art, mostly Buddhist in content, was patronised on a grand scale. Several Stupas were raised and beautified with sculptures in more outstanding specimens emerged from the Amaravati School. Many Buddhist sites in coastal Andhra right from the Calingapatnam- Salihuqdam (Srikakulam) to Candavaram (Dist. Prakasam) were subjected to renovation and sculptural adornment during this period. 18 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and BrahmT Inscriptions of Andhradl§a

The Stratified digs at these stupa sites have yielded large large quanti­ ties of pottery wares, such as fine red slipped wares, Red Polished ware, sprinklers, Kaoline and terracotta objects etc. besides a large number of sculptures and lead coins ascribableto the later SatavShana- Ik§vaku period. At Nagarjunakonda itself no less than 30-major monastic establishments®® were raised, the nucleus however was the Mahacaitya which contained the tooth relic of Buddha, The earliest Buddhist base at Vijayapuri is of the times of Vijaya Satakarni,®® Seperate monastic establishments for the foreign missionaries existed at this place for example Simha\a vihdra. Buddhist teachers, monks and nuns from Sriparvata (Nagarjunakonda) and Lihinimalai,®^ (Dist. Kandy) visited the places as the inscriptions testify. The Mahdsanghika schools, such as Caityaka, Kailas, and Mahdvihdravdsins with their epicentres at Sriparvata (Nagarjunakonda) and DhSnyakataka spread over the intermediary regions too on the east coast on their way to Sri Lanka and beyond towards East. As a result, we can see clearly from the excavations at KaveripaUinam and Kaftchi specifically at the former site, not only Budddist Vihdras and Stupas but also cult objects like Buddha-pddas of palnad line stone, metal®® images of Buddha for personal worship and caitya grhas of the same type as at Nagarjunakonda-Amaravati, The lone bronze®® image of seated Buddha reported from Kaveripajtinam excavation (Melayur) is dated to third century A.D. It is surprising that during this period the Mahdsanghika sects from Dharanikdta-Amaravati region reached far and wide. We find the sculptural art as well as cult objects of Palnad stone in the interiors of KarnStaka such asHampi, Sannati, Banavasi, and several other sites. The Buddhists frequented from Andhra to Vanavasi and we also get plenty of references to the visit of the monks from Sriparvata, Sri Lanka and Vanavasa and to several other countries and again to Sriparvata.’® That at Kanci also during this period a special Caitya with Buddha pddas (of lime stone) and a Vihdra were extant at Dharmadavana, as the interesting Manimekhalai account reveals. According to a recent study made by Lokesh Chandra,’^ the very name Matfi-mekhalai, derived out of the over flowing riches of Kanci with which the Chinese traded in jewels and pearls as early as 2nd century B.C. So “Oddiyana”, that is mekhala, is Kaflci and its General Introduction-. Buddhist Monuments in Andhra 19 prosperous gem trade resulted in its another name mani mekhalai. Han annals speak of close maritime contacts, apart from religious, between China and South east coast, from the times of the Emperor Wu(140-86 B.C.), The Buddhist Stupd^^ and monastery exposed near the Kamak§iamman Temple area in period I-B, dated to second-fourth centuries A.D. might be this site. The SatavShana-Ikjvaku cultural influence into the Toqdaimandalam area is revealed by coins of Rudra from Kanci (12-Coins of lead) apart from Roman Amphorae and brick structures. There seems to be a virtual transportation of cult objects and pillars of Palnad lime stone’® as seen from the remains of square pillar stumps at the frontage under the granite floor slabs of the smaller v^^est facing Rdjasiihhe§vara grha at the Shore Temple com­ plex. There are traces of brick structures and lime stone workings over the back of the hill containing the large mat^dapa caves at Mahabali- puram itself. A careful probe might yield a pre-Pallava phase of art at this place which might be aligned to the Buddhist mandapa and caityas of the Nagarjunakonda type. A lime stone panel of the Nagarjuna- konda type was also reported from a temple at Royapettah in Madras.’* In the pre-Pallava period Kancipuram area perhaps under the later SatavShanas, their allies Naga kings and subsequently came under the Ik§vaku influence, though not political, but of Buddhist and Brahmanical cults.’^ The later historical assemblages found at the excavated sites of Yell5svaram, Dharanikota and Nagarjunakon^a show a general decline in prosperity with the waning of the Ik^vaku dynasty. Minor kingdoms weilded power for short spells of time. Early Pallava rulers of Guntur- Nellore region held control over the Dhanyakataka towards the end of the fourth century A.D. Archaeologically the availability of a large number copper plates, coins, brick structures (both temples and Stupas), assignable to Vi§gukundin kings at Amaravati, Yelleswaram, Nagarjunakonda indicates that Buddhist establishments were still flourishing. The Vaka{ak3s of Vidarbha’® and their allies Vi§nukupdins, inspite of being worshippers of brahmanical Gods, they encouraged Buddhist art. Two splendid bronze figures, (25.5 and 23 cm height), from Ramtek (Dist, Nagpur), point out unmistakable reminscence to the Amaravati and Buddam bronze images of Buddha now in 20 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

Madras Govt. Museum.’’ They are the result of Vakajaka Vispukundin coalesence. After the Ik§evakus, the Salankayanas made Vengipura their capital and seems to have continued to patronise Buddhism too. The pillar epigraph from Guntupalle (Infra VII-D), points out that Nandivarman-II (400-430 A.D.), had caused some donations to Buddhist Vihdras inspite of the fact he was a Paramabhdgavata and devoted to Citrarathavdmi, i.e. Soryanarayana. Recent excavations’® undertaken by the Excavations Branch(I), Nagpur at the site called Dhanamdibba, literally ‘mound of wealth’, north of the village of Peddavegi resulted in the discovery of a Buddhist Stapa at the spot earlier visited by Robert Sewell in the year 1888. The structure consists of a Stupa athe centre over a square platform measuring 12.90 metres and of 1.75 m. high. Noted for its solid brick layout laid in parallel courses, the base of the dome (anda), is cubical on plan measuring 10.70 metres while the total height of the Stupa works out to be approximately 13 metres. On its earliest phase a close circumam- bulatory of .45 m. wide existed around the dome. This walk-way was once paved with cut stone slabs and the dome face appears to have been originally covered with carved lime stone slabs, which according to Robert Sewell’® were removed by the locals. The broad outer pradaksina round the medhl (drum) was spacious (2.20 metres wide), and paved with bricks all around. Subsequently it appears the height of the Stupa, as also the outer Prakdra, was raised covering the lowest brick foor. At the four corners of the prdkdra rectangular chambers or platforms 2.70 x 2.25 m. were caused. These chambers appears to take the place of dyakas a characteristic feature of the Andhra Stupas. Further the Stupa complex has an elaborate entrance porch at the east measuring 8.30 x 4.5 metres with a stepped sopdna and moonstone descent marking the threshold. In its central layout the Peddavegi Stupa resembles the mahdstupa of Ghanfasala, Dist. Krsna, dug by Alexander Rea. A four line inscription*® in Brahmi characters of 4th century A.D. on an octogonal mandapa pillar to some person from Ghaptasala, who caused the mandapa affiliated to the aparasaila sect. The lotus medallion on the pillar sections and the characters of the record clearly suggest a post Iksvaku date to the monastic order of -General Introduction: Buddhist Monuments in Andhra 21

Peddavegi. In fitness of things the Stupa here, like the one at Ghantasala, belongs to Aparamahdv'maseliyas a dominating sect based at !§rlparvata (Nagarjunakonda). Buddhism continued to flourish till medieval times at these centres though Brahmanical cults came to the fore. Many images of Buddha’s and Bodhisattvas besides Vajrayana icons and plaques with mantars are of common occurrence at AmarSvati, Guntupalle and Sankaram etc. More substantial evidence is gathering even on the origin of these later Buddhist schools from the Krsna Valley itself. An inscription dated to 2nd century A.D. from the reserve collections of the Site Museum at Amaravati (Dist. Guntur), is reported to contain a reference to the installation of an image of BhagavatJ Pushpatdrcfi^ Tara is a $aktJ of Avalokite^vara, from the root tar (to cross) and according to Tibetan Text Tara-Dhdrani, Tara helps to cross the “Ocean of existence”. The icono-plastic depiction of Tara was generally regarded as a later introduction not before 6th century A.D. The present epigraphical citation from Amaravati should then be regarded as the earliest known reference to the white-coloured Buddhist Goddess of the East.®^ K. Krishna Murthy®® has described a two-handed limestone image of Bodhisattva Avalokite^vara from Ramatirtham village near Cimakurtf hills (Dist. Prakasam) and assigned a date of 2nd century A.D. on stylistic grounds. The icon closely recalls the limestone Vajrayana images from Amaravati and Ghantasala, etc. datable to 5th-6th century A.D. C. Sivarama Murti** has published a bronze AvalokitSsvara (15.2 cm. high) now in Victoria and Albert Museum, London. It is closer to the Kr§rta Valley copper- bronze images from Amaravati and Buddam®® dated to early centuries of the Christian era. The typical Buddha and Bodhisattva images of Amaravati school found their way®® to Sri Lanka, Jakarta, Vietnam- •Champa all datable to 3rd-5th centuries A.D. It may, however, be noted that worship of Bodhisattva and AvalokitSsvara began at Potalaka identified as Potarlanka in Divi Talub of Dist. Kr§na not far away from Amaravati-Bhattiprolu region. We find tdrd stoiras and exuberance of the images of Goddess Tdra, the mother of all Buddhas and a companion of Avalokitesvara known from the early medieval times. The discovery of a rock inscription®'' on the face of a huge 22 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Braltml Inscriptions of Andhradlsa boulder-hewn cave of HinSyhna order in the eastern outskirts of Hyderabad, falling in Caitanyapuri, area, has not only pushed back the antiquity but highlights the historical and religious significance of Hyderabad area. This rock inscription assigned to the times of Maharaja Govindaraja Govindavarraan, the founder of the Visnu- kundin dynasty (5th century A.D.) cites certain gifts to the Vihdras and makes a pointed reference to the followers of Pirida pdtika sect. The Pindapdtikas were Theravddins. A monastic establishment, for the visiting monks, was caused on the hillock by one Bhadanta Sanghadeva, o f this Govindaraja Vihdra. He is described as a desciple of Bamhadeva Thivira of the lineage of Vasudeva Siriddma who established the great Vihdra on Pu§pagiri (Dist. Cuddapah). He is stated to be a maha pirhda Pdtika vdmadhara. This record as well as the crudely finished Rock-cut cave clearly point out that orthodox Buddhist sects survived till 5th century A.D. in some parts of Andhradesa inspite of the form­ idable sway of the Mahayanists. The first Vi§nukuddin king Govindaraja was indeed a Prama-Saugata. This Pu§pagiri, known as Pu-Sia-P’o-k-i-li of Hiuen Tsang is, however, identified by some scholars as the famous Buddhist settlement of Ratnagiri®® in Dist. Cuttack of Orissa, The long south-east coast line was dotted with several con­ venient anchorages right from Tamralipti, Calingapatham, Pitundra, Maisolia (Nahisamandala), Kri^riSpatnam (Nellore), Maili (Mylapur), Kaveripumpattiriam, NagapatUpam, Korkai and perhaps several others. Kaflci, in particular, grew as a centre of Theravada Buddhism. A galaxy of Buddhist Teachers like BuddhaghoSa, Buddhadatta, Aravana Adigal, Bodhidharmma (470-520 A.D. the founder of dhyana Buddhism), Vajrabodhi {Tantrik Buddhism), Dinnaga Nyaya schnol) and Vinrtaruci (582) were from Kaftci. Dharmapala lived in a vihdra named pararatittai, near Kaflci. Ther cradle of Pdramitayana and Vajraydna was South India, around Sriparvata, Dhanakataka, Potalaka and Oddiydna (i.e. Kaftci) which are in coastal tracts of Andhra and north Tamilnadu. The Prajhdpdra- mita sUtras were declared, for the first time, on the mountain at Kalukumalai (Grdhrakuta), near the city of Madurai. This very zone- assumed great importance due to the rise of Tdntrik Buddhism. ■General Introduction: Buddhist Monuments in Andhra 23

Lokesh Chandra®* opines that it was not Bengal, Orissa or Assam but Oddiydna that is Kanci and Andhrade^a were the chief centres trans­ m itting Tdnfrik Buddhism to Indonesia and China.

References

1. Thomas Walter’s, On Yuan Chwang, II (New Delhi, 1961), p. 209. 2. K.R. Subramanian, Buddhist Remains in Andhra and History of Andhra between 225 and 610 A.D (Madras, 1932), pp. 3-4; Also Ghulam Yazdani (ed.) Early History of Deccan, (London, 1961), pp. 78-81. 3. S. Dutt, Buddhist Monks and Monasteries in India, (London, 1962), p. 120. A. H. Sarkar, Studies in Early Buddhist , (New Delhi, 1966), pp. 19, 99-100. 5. Tamil Civilization, Vol, I, no. 3, (Tanjore, June-Septeraber, 1983). But it might be noted that in the Iksvaku period (third-fourth century A.D.) Sri Lanka is referred to as Tambapanni dlpa and the monks as Theriyanarh (Tarhbapa{m) nakanam). In the very same record in line-3, we get Sihalavihara. So the island was known by both the names. Ep. Ind. XX, Inscription F, line-1 and 3; Ep. Ind. XXXIII, p. 250, line-1. €. I.K. Sarma, “Epigraphical Discoveries at Guntupalle”, JESI, Vol. V (Mysore, 1978), pp. 50-51. 7. Indian Historical Quarterly, XXXI, p. 68; and P.V. Bapat (ed.) 2500 Years of Buddhism, (New Delhi, 1976), p. 266. 8. Helmutt HoflFman, “Buddha’s preaching of the Kalachakratantra at the stupa of Dhanyakataka”, German Scholars on India, VaraiiasI, 1973), pp. 236-140. 9. N.K. Sahu, in Omsa, (Cuttack, 1958), pp. 15-16; See also A.L. Basham, “Some Reflections on the Seperate Kalinga Edicts of Asoka” in Buddhism and Jainism, (Cuttack, 1976), pp. 3-5. 10. P. L. Gupta, Punch-Marked Coins in the Andhra Pradesh Govt. Museum, no. 1 (Hyderabad, 1961), p. 2 Also S. Sankaranarayana “Some Pages in Early Cultural ” , Svasti Sri,{ New Delhi, 1984), pp. 61-65. 11. Now published in £ / > . VoL XXXIX, nos. 15 and 35. Also S.H. Ritti, “Newly Discovered Edicts of A^oka in Karnataka”, JIES, VIII, pp. 101-103. 12. Noboru Koroshima (Ed) Indus Valley to Mekong Delta, Explorations in Epigraphy (Madras, 1985), p. 2. 13. C //, I, pp. 175-178. 14. M.J. Sharma, “Recent Epigraphical Discoveries in Karnataka”, Cyclostyled Paper presented in South Asian Workshop on Epigraphy, (Mysore, March-25- 31,1985). Also see M. C. Joshi “A Study in the Names of Asoka, JOIB, XVII, no. 4 (1968), pp. 415-424. 24 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahml Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

15. D.C. Sircar, in £/>./n^„ XXXIX, Pt. 1, pp. 1-8. D.C. Sircar takes it as to encompass the entire dominions of the Mauryan emperor Asoka (MER, 1) Indian Epigrphical Glossary, p. 133. Jambtidvipa is larger than the rest, being a hundred thousand ydjanas in diametre and includes India, Asoka is called Dvipacakravarti, i.e. the Cakravartin of the entire Jambiidvipa, cf. Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India, (New Delhi, 1964), pp. 3, 6, 9, no. 1. 16. Ep, Ind , XXXI, pp. 87-88, M.C. Joshi says that the personal name of the king was Piyadasi, the latter name Asoka was only a title confirmed on him by the Buddhist ..S’az/o’/ya subsequent to his conversion as Upasaka sometime after the . cf JOIB, XVII, no. 4 (1968), pp. 415-424. 17. K.R. Srinivasan, “Sittannavasal and Early Inscriptions of Tamilnadu”, S\asti ^ri, pp. 9-19, U.P. Shah and M.A. Dhaky, (ED) (Ahmadabad, 1975), pp. 274-275. Paper 26. U.P. Shah has published a standing Jina Parsvanatha from Pudukkottai, datable to fourth century A.D. and also supports an early Jaina movement from early centuries B.C. in this region. 18. K.G. Krishnan, “Jaina Monuments of Tamilnadu” in U.P. Shah and M.A. Dhaky (Ed.). 1975, p. 87-88. 19. R.E.M. Wheeler, Early India and Pakistan. (London, 1959), p. 164. 20. Ancient India (New Delhi, 1953), no. 9, p. 114. 21. JESI, (Mysore, 1974) pp. 60-74; I.K. Sarma in Fredrick Asher and G.S. Gai (Ed.), o/J. cir., (1985) pp. 15-24. 22. K. Raghavachary, “Dharanikota and its western contacts”. Quarterly Review of Historical Studies, XII, no. 3 (Calcutta, 1972-73), p. 167; I.K. Sarma in JIH, LIII, pt. 1 (April, 1974), pp. 40-56. 23. A.. G\iOs\i, The City in Early Historicallndia, WAS, 1973), pp. 12-13, 15. It is surprising that this learned author avoids even a passing reference to the early historical cities and towns (pp. 65-67) like Pratishthana (Paithan), Isila Pattana (Brahmagiri), Dantapura (Kalinganagara) Dhdnyakafaka (Dharanikota-Amaravati) and (Bodhan) while comparatively later sites like Sisupalgarh, Chandraketugarh find special mention. 24. D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions Bearing on Indian History and Civilization, vol. I, (Calcutta, 1965), pp. 17-18, 34-36. K.V. Ramesh, “ Recent Discoveries and Research Method” in Naboru Koroshima (ed.) (Madras, 1985), pp. 3-4. 25. M.G.S. Narayanan, Reinterpretations in South Indian History (Trivandrum, 1977), pp. 83-98; Also “Mauryan problem in Sangam Works in Historical Perspectives” / / i/ , LII (Aug. 1975), pt. ii, pp. 245-254. Taranatha says that Bindusara destroyed the kings of 16-towns and made himself master of all the territories between the Eastern and Western Seas. cf. K.P. Jayswal, “The- Empire of Bindusara” JBORS, II (Patna, 1916), p. 82. General Introduction: Buddhist Monuments in Andhra 25

26. D.P. Agrawala, T/?c Cop/)er-£ronze/Ige in India, (New Delhi, 1971), pp. 108-244. 27. lA R , 1968-69, p. 73, TFR-823/640 B.C. 28. A' Ghosh, Op. cit., (Shimla, 1973), pp. 12, 59. 29. S.P. Gupta, in Puratattva, no. 7 (New Delhi, 1974), pp. 53-58; D. Chakravarti in Puratattva, no. 6 (1972-73), pp. 26-36 also See Ibid., no. 7, pp. 87-89. 30. M.C. Joshi, in Puratattva, no. 7 (1974), pp. 90-91. 31. ARASI, 1905-46, pp. 68, 116-119 and also 136-140; 1906-07, p. 40. 32. 7/4/?, 1973-74, pp. 4-5, Fig. 1; I.K. Sarma “Some More Inscriptions from Amaravati Excavations and the Chronology of the Mahastupa”, JESI, Vol. I (Mysore, 1974), pp. 60-74/ Also Bharati, (Telugu), Vol. 52, no. 8 (Aug. 1975), pp. 16-27; Vol. 53, no. 11 (Nov. 1976), pp. 6-10. 33. Lalit Kala, no. 9 (New Delhi, 1961), p. 70, Ibid , no. 1', (1977), no. 47. 34. S.P. Gupta, Roots o f Indian Art, (New Delhi 1980), pp. 38-40. 35. I.K. Sarma, “Early Sculptures and Epigraphs from South East India : New Evidences from Amaravati” in Fredrick Asher and G.S. Gai (Ed.) (New Delhi, 1985), pp. 15-23; Also see “Northern Black Polished Ware from Amaravati Excavation” Prof. R.C. Majumdar Commemoration Volume, BHU, 1985). It is gratifying to note that S.P. Gupta in his poineering study of the Mauryan art, agrees with the new evidences of early Mauryan and Asokan phases of this site. See Roots o f Indian Art, (New Delhi, 1980), pp. 255-257. 36. T.V.G. Sastry (ed.) Vaddamanu Excavations and Explorations in Krsna Valley (BACRI, Hyderabad, 1983), pp. 4-5. The exact number of NBP sherds and sequence is not clear, from the report. However see lAR, 1981-82, pp; 1-2; lAR, 1982-83. pp. 2.3. A pot sherd with Fa#o/na, (lAR, 1982-83, P. 17, no. 2) indicates the early form of the place name. This sherd is datable to 2nd century A.D. See PL. 2. 37. I.K. Sarma, “Some Aspects of Bhattiprolu Inscriptions”, JESI (Dharwar, 1982), Vol. IX, pp 23-25; Also see “Some Important Epigraphical Discoveries from Vaddamanu” Prof. G.S. Dixit Felicitation Volume, (Mysore, in press). See also I.K. Sarma in Bharati, (June, 1986), pp. 6-9. 38. S. Sankaranarayan, “Some Pages in Early Cutural History of Andhra”, Svasti Sri (New Delhi, 1984), pp. 61-65. 39. I.K. Sarma, op. cit., (1982., pp. 78, 94, note. 30. 40. D. Mitra, “A note on the Bhaskaresvara Linga” JASB, vol. I, no. 1 (Calcutta, 1959), pp. 1-2. See also K.N. Mahapatra, in Buddhism and Jainism, (Cuttuck, 1976), p. 103. 41. S.P. Gupta, op., cit., (1980), p. 27 42. H. Sarkar, op. cit., (1966), p. 9. 43. A. Ghosh and H. Sarkar in Ancient India, nos, 20 and 21 pp. 168-177,

V4„ 26 Studies in Early BudJhist Monuments and Brahntl Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

44. ARASL 1912-13, pp. 63-64. For latest digs see N.S. Ramachandra Murthy in ARAP, 1974-77 (Hyderabad, 1978), p. 5. 45. ARSIE, 1926-27, p. 73. Bodhisiri refers to the construction of a Sailamandapa at this place (Puspagiri) which later became a seat of Paspupata worship and a Sai\a Plilta got established here. Some scholars locate Puspagiri in Grissa. See Biswambhar Das, “The Glory that was Ratnagiri” in Buddhism and Jainism (Cuttack, 1976), pp. 108-109. 46. lAR, 1977-78, pp. 2-3, Ibid., 1978-79, p. 4; For Candavaram excavations se^IAR, 1965-66, pp. 4, 79; 1973-74, p. T. 1974-76, pp. 67; 1975-76, pp. 3-4 and 1976-77 pp. 9-10. 47. JESI, Vol. 7 (Dharwar, 1980), pp. 8-11. 48. Vijayakanta Mishra, “Asokan Edicts in South India : Some Fresh Thinking”, Souvenir, Fifth Annual Congress o f the Epigraphical Society o f India (Bangalore, 1979), pp. 4-8, Pis. Also S.H. Ritti, in JESI (Dharwar, 1981), Vol. 8, pp. 100-104. 49. See my paper Historical Archaeology of Tamilnadu and Kerala : Seminar Papers, Tamil University, Tanjore, 1984). 50. K.V. Raman, in DASSI (Dharwad, 1978), pp. 5-7; Also K.R. Srinivasan, Temples South India, (New Delhi, 1979), pp. 5-7, 51. Ep. Ind., X X X V ni, PI. vii (July, 1970) pp. 314-315. 52. J Ph. Vogel, “Prakrit Inscriptions from a Buddhist Site at Nagarjunakonda”, Ep. Ind., XX, Second Apsidal Temple Inscription, F. pp. 7 and 22. 53. The epithets Theriyanam applied to dcariyanam is interesting. Theriyanam should not be taken here to mean the nuns as held by J. Ph. Vogel and Dr. N. Dutt, (Indian Historical Quarterly, VII, p. 633). It is in the masculine plural meaning the fraternities of the Theravadins. cf. A.M. Shastri, An outline of Early Buddhism, (, 1965), pp. 71-72. 54. P.V. Bapat (ed.) 2500 Years of Buddhism, (New Delhi, 1976). p. 75. 55. The epigraph records the installation of a pair of feet {Pada Sanghdda of the Lord in the Vihdra at Site-6, by the Sri Lankan acharyas. Cf. D.C. Sircar and A.N. Lahiri, “Foot Print Slab Inscription from Nagarjunakonda,”, Ep. Ind., XXXIII, pi. VI (April, 1960), pp. 247-249. 56. The Sriparvata is called by the Korean Travellor HUich’ao (725 A.D.) as Hei- feng, that is black stone hill. This is undoubtedly the NallaraUabodu (Site No. 38), not the Nallamalai Range or the later sanskritised black hill— Bhramaragiri : cf. Ep. Ind. XX, p. 8, ft. note. 1. 57. Saddhamangala Karunaratna, “Sri Lankan Epigraphy, its bearing on Art History” , Fredrick Asher and G.S. Gai (Ed.) (1985), pp. 245-247. These inscrip­ tions are quite important also to fix up the chronology of the Iksvaku dynasty afresh as the ^ri Lankan king Kaniiha Tissa (226-24 A.D ) was a contemporary General Introduction: Buddhist Monuments in Andhra 27

to the second Iksvaku king §ri Virapurusadatta (I). See I.K. Sarma, (New Delhi, 1985), pp. 88-90, 58. H. Sarkar, “ Some Aspects of the Buddhist Monuments at Nagarjunakonda” , AI, no. 16 (New Delhi, 1960), pp. 66, 69, 71, Pis. XXXVI A & B and XLVIII. 59. Jan Yun Hua, in JIH, XLVIII, Pt, II, pp. 415-418. 60. I.K. Sarma, Aclicrya Ndgarjuna, (Bangalore, 1977), pp. 15-17. 61. Jas Burgess,'m Archaeological Society of South India, I, (Lonodon, 1887), p. 112, no. 4. 62. K.V. Ramesh in Naboru Koroshima (ed.) Indus Valley to Mekong Delta, (Madras, 1985), pp. 8-9 Sunyata, according to Madkyamiks is not absolute ‘Non-being’ but relative being. See S. Radhakrishnan, Indian pifilosophy, Vol. I, p. 66. 63. I.K. Sarma, Coinage of the Satavdhana Empire (New Delhi, 1980>, pp. 133-135. 64. lAR, 1962-63, pp. 2, I-III and V. Also K. Raghavachary, “Dharaqikota and its Western Contacts” Quarterly Review of Historical Studies, XU’ no. 3., pp. 167-170. 65. H. Sarkar, “Some Aspects of the Buddhist Monuments at NagarjunBkonda” in Aneient India no. 16 (New Delhi, 1962), pp. 19. 66. Ep. Ind., XXXVI, pp. 273-274, A. Sarkar, op. cit., (1966), p. 76. 67. Saddamangala Karunaratna, “Srilankan Epigraphy : Its Bearing on Art History”, In Asher and Gai, (ed.), op. ctt., (1985), pp. 245-247. 68. lAR, 1962-63, p. 13., Ibid., 1963-64, p. 24; PLs. XXXIII-XXXIV; Ibid., 1973-74, p. 25 at Pallavane§varam Site. See also K.S. Ramachandran, Archaeology of South India, Tamilnadu, (New Delhi, 1980), p. 123; For further digs see lAR, 1977-78, p. 50. 69. Lain Kala, no. 22, p. 32., PL. XIII, Fig. JO. Banavasi Inscription : Journal of the Epigraphical Society of India, I (Mysore, 1974), pp. 34-39; Ep. Ind., XXXIV, p. 238 (Naga Mucilinda slab): Hampi, JESI, Vol. VII, pp. 8-11. Buddhist pillar inscription on stone, a stucco head are formerly known and more recently brick Viharas also have been unearthed’ Sannati : ARIE, 1966-57, nos. B. 203-205; 228-43; Ibid., 1968-69 nos. B. 82-97; M. Seshadri, “Buddhist Monuments in Mysore” Artibus Asiae, XXXIV, no. 213 (1972), pp. 169-170; Eor a recent compila­ tion of all Buddhist inscriptions from this place See M.S. Nagaraja Rao, in Fredrick Asher and G.S. Gai, ed., (New Delhi, 1985), pp. 41-45; A grhini from Simhala is identified at p. 43. PI. 71. This is apparently due to the wrong reading of the text. The correct reading is {gha) riniya Sihadiya. .. hamana deya”. 71. Lokesh Chandra, “Kafichi and the cultural Efflorescence o f Asia” Tamil Civilization Vol. 3, no. 4 (Tanjore, 1985), pp. 9-12 28 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahml Inscriptions of A ndhradlsa

12. lAR, 1969-70, p. 35. Also lAR. 1970-71, p. 32. For sequence see lAR, 1974-75, pp. 37-38. 73. K.R. Srinivasan, '‘Temples of the Late Pallavas” in Pramod Chandra (ed.), Studies in Indian Temple Architecture, (Aaranasi, 1976), pp. 207-208. 74. The Hindu, dated 7th December, 1976. 75. K.V. Sounderarjan, “The Satavahana Legacy of Indian Art”, Srikanlhika. (Mysore, 1973), pp. 14-15. 76. A.P. Jamkhedkar, “Buddhist Bronzes from Ramtek”, Lalit Kala, no. 22. pp. 14-15, 17-20, PL. IV, 3,4. 77. P.R. Srinivasan, Bronzes of South India, PO. IV, Fig. 9. 78. lAR, 1985-87, Such local names for Buddhist mounds Peda-Dhanam bddu and Cinna-Dh anarhbodu are found at Ke^anapalle (Dist. Guntur), also, Abdul Waheed Khan, A Monograh on Early Buddhist StUpa at Kesanapalle, (Hyderabad, 1969). 79. All these had been removed for the Canal on the South-west side of the circular trench was a white marble slab about 5 feet by 3 feet, with a “tiger” sculptured on it; it was also removed. Some bricks and stones lie around. “The ring of stones might have been the base of a stone faced StUpa. . . . The excavators had simply carried round this trench so as to enable them to remove the circular ring of built masonry, and had not attached the bank of earth which surrounds it. The white marble slab would, I believe, form a portion of the rail, and they had unfortunately come on it carrying their trench just a little too far into the outer bank at this point. The centre of this mound had not been dug, and if, as appears, this is a Stupa, the relic casket may still be there” . R. Sewell, in Annal Report o f the Archaeological Survzy of Madras, 30th April, 1888, no. 457, Public, p. 15 extract from Para (5). 80. N. Lakshminarayana Rao in Madras Epigraphist’s Reports, Southern Circie, no. 219 of 1927. 81. M. N. Katti, Chief Epigraphist : Paper read at tne National Seminar on the Impact of Buddhism on the Life and Culture of South India, Mythic Society of India, (Dec., 19J9), Bangalore. 82. Bhattacharya, Buddhist Iconography, (Calcutta, 1959), p. 241., Refer also to R.S. Gupte, Iconogarphy of Buddhists and Jains (Bombay, 1972), pp. 116-117. 83. Svasti Sri, (1984), pp. 335-338. 84. C. Sivarama Murti, Souh Indian Bronzes, (Lalit Kala Academy, New Delhi, 1963), PL. II B, also Ic., Id. For a good discussion on there date and importance see K.M. Varma, Amaravatl and the Beignnings of Stucco Modelling in India, (Santintinketan, 1985), pp. 51-53. foot notes. 36. •General Introduction: Buddhist Monuments in Andhra 29

85. P.R. Srinivasan, Bronzes of South India (Madras, 1963), pp. 6-10. 86. David L. Snellgrove (ED). The Image o f Buddha, (Vikas, New Delhi, 1978), pp. 125-126, 141, 157, 165. PLs. 87.88, 94, 110 and 119. 87. P.V. Parabrahma Sastry, “Hyderabad Prakrt Inscription of Govindaraja Vihara” JESI, XI (Dharwar, 1984), pp. 96-99 : Also Bharati (July, 1983), pp. 13-18 (Telugu). 88. See for a discussion on this in Buddhism and Jainism, (Cuttack, 1976), pp. 107-109. 89. Taranatha calls Kanci as Urgyana : Lokesh Chandra, “Oddiyana A NeW Interpretarion”, International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics, (Trivandrum, Jan. 1980), p. 127. BHATTIPROLU STUPA, ITS VASTU, AGAMIC OBSERVANCES AND INSCRIPTIONS

Introduction Bhattiprolu (Lat. 16° 6' N., Long, 80° 47' E.) is now a pros­ perous village on the Gunturu-Repalle railway line. In all three ancient mounds exist in the village, differently located and locally known as Lanjedibba (harlot’s heap), Cinna Lanjedibba and Vikra- mdrka Kofa dibbd. The first one is important and of bigger dimension— standing about 12-metres high, escaped partly from destruction at the hands of the road constructors and canal excavators during the middle of the last century. Boswell mentioned this site in 1870, for the first time, and subsequently Walter Elliot (7-6-1871) and Robert SewelU (before 1882) gave an account of the demolition of the site for making a road. During one such random operations at the first mound, a crystal reliquary with ashes, gold leaf and pearl etc., was found inside the dome which had also six small stone slabs each measuring 76.25 x 45.25 X 30.50 cm. dovetailed into one another. In 1892 Alexander Rea attempted a small excavation of the ruined mass and drew the plan of the Lanjedibba. R. Subrahmanyam^ conducted a small scale excavation at the Stupa and Vihdra area in 1969-70. This excavation also laid bare,, wings of a Vihdra, each wing constituted a set of four rooms in a row, measuring 2.75 x 1.8 metres with a common front varandah. A stucca head of Buddha, seated sculpture of Nagaraja, (Mucalinda) in lime stone, besides, pottery of Black-and-Red and red polished wares were recovered. They indicate the survival of the entire monastery right upto c. 4th^cent. A.D. BhaUiprolu Stupa, its Vastu Agamic Observances and Inscriptions 3 f

The Stupa was found to be built of bricks, of the size of 45 x 30 X 8 cm., the dome masonry raising in receding concentric circles. Around the anda, a 1.3 metre wide circumambulatory passage existed. The drum has dyaka projections at the four cardinal points, which contained free standing pillars of lime stone. Again, around the drum is the procession path, 2.75 metres wide, which is bordered by a lime stone railing (a three-barred one), whose broken uprights are partly in-situ. A. Rea calculated the diameter of the dome to be 40.26 metres (Fig. 2). Together with the drum, which has a width of 2.44 m. its overall diameter works out to 45.14 metres. The outer processional path is 2.56 m. wide. From the batter of the dome it may be said that the height of the StUpa was perhaps less than half of its diameter. It has then a low dome.® Alexander Rea found a portion of the dome standing to a height of 1.71 m. But in its present state it appears that the dome masonry of lost to an elevation of more than five metres. According to Mr. Norris, it stood to a height of 3.27 m. in 1871. Before the demolition by the locals* it stood to a height of 9 to 12 metres.

Some Characteristics of the Stupa. The StUpa of Bha(tipr6lu and Gudiv3

Vastu and Agamic Observances (Fig. 3) Obviously the Vdstumandala was a circular one as the monument to be raised is a circular structure. This means that the hub is fixed first. The tube-like brick body at the navel of the StUpa is clearly intended for marking the centre of the dome and drum in order to facilitate the laying of the brick courses according to the finalised ground plan In 1871, while digging the Bhattiprolu Stupa Norris® found a “curious circular shaft, a few inches in diameter, running down the centre of the dome” and suggested that this shaft- hole was probably left by a strong wooden post and this post probably existed to support the umbrella or umbrellas. His observation was no doubt astute but not fully supported by the subsequent evidence. Here it appears that after levelling the ground the centre is marked by a planting a wooden post of 24 cm. diameter. Its extent last brick course was not exposed. This post is like the one noticed in the Candakapur Tekdi Stupa at Pauni.® In the centre of the mound of this StUpa (Fig. 4) a shaft or post, 26 cm. in diameter was erected on the spot before the first tier of bricks consisting the original mound is made but here also the bottom most level of the post was not traced. This feature is recorded also in the early Stupas such as at ,^® District Basti (U.P.), Vais3li,“ LauriyS—Nandangarh (Dist. Camparan, Bihar)i2 ^nd Kusinagara, Dist. Deoria (U.P.).^® All the early Stupas then had invariably possessed an exial post or shaft in wood, as part of the circular component extending below right upto bottom of the foundation. But at no place the lowest working level of this post was ascertained by the excavators. John Irwin had taken it for granted that this post was “erected as a free-standing pillar before the building of the earthern mound was started.”^'’ Far from that, as S.P. Gupta has succinctly putforth “the central pole is generally found associated with large Stupas, such as at LauriyS-Nandangarh and Pauni.” Still a doubt seems to haunt S.P. Gupta and he states “was it not an architec­ tural device—when a large-sized round structure is to be built, it is easy to build it with a central pole or polelike structure—at Lauriya- Nandangarh there was the wooden pole, but in the Stupas of Andhra Pradesh we have no such pole; instead there is a circular hole which Bhattiprolu Stupa, its Vastu, Agamic Observances and Inscriptions 33 is invariably found filled with rubble”.’® We shall critically examine some recently excavated stUpa sites. A reapprisal of the Pauni (Fig. 4) evidence reveals that the lower most platform contains 16-Brick courses set in clay, each brick of the size of 55 x 37 x 7 cm. The excavators state “It appears that the wooden staff (Yastl) was placed close to the left of the pot reliquary. The section shows (PL. IX, Fig. 24) that the staff had a diametre of 26 cm. and its height could be traced to a length of 1.89 metres. Lot of disintegrated wood pieces were found. It, therefore, appears logical to hold that nearer the reliquary was erected a staff (with possibly a Chatra discs) in honour of the relics placed nearby. After having placed the reliquary and the staff, the lowermost or first clay brick tier was laid and second tier of baked bricks finally sealed the enshrined relics.”*® As will be shown below this wooden staff at the foundation was certainly not a post to hold the Chatras in honour of the reliquary placed at the spot but fixed earlier for the very layout of the Sttipa. The stepped pattern of brick layout, leaving like a km d ika like arrangement was perhaps intended for the observance of certain consecratery rites relating to the intern­ ment of the pot and other reliquaries {asti-niksepd). Further S.B. Deo opines that “the use of painted pot as reliquary has been for the first time attested at Pauni. Not only that, the whole mode of depositing the pot in a Kmda-Vikt construction with a wooden yasti nearby is entirely a new feature”.^’ The published section while showing these features does not specify the exact level and placement of the pot and Bones etc. both in the drawing and accompanying photograph. The earliest working level of the Chandakapur Tekdi Stttpa therefore has not been identified. These remarks fully apply to the excavation at the Jagnath Tekdi StUpa for at this site also no attempt has been made to ascertain the method of the foundation of the main StUpa}^ The peripheral railing and Pradaksina patha were exposed but they have no direct bearing whatsoever on the earliest original layout of the Stupa. The exact placement of the pot-reliquary, as also the total depth of the axial post were not ascertained by the excavators, in respect of Chandakapur Tekdi. We cannot also be certain whether the bottom most brick course was exposed. The excavators abandoned the operation because of the watery-clay encountered at this level. 34 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brdlimi Inscriptions of Indhradlsa

This incomplete excavation has led to a highly speculative dating of the StUpa and its foundations ranging from c. 1st century B.C. to 2nd century A.D. We may here recall that it was Paul Muss who first realised the importance of the axial pillar in the central part of the structure of the Smpa. He says, “It is not just that it marks the centre but an entire masonary surrounds and encloses it\.^® The earliest Buddhist Stupa had then a post through its centre. This was originally of wood but to say that these were Indra-fCilas or Indra’s-Peg related^*’ to Vedic-Cosmogenic symbolism appears to be unfounded on the clear evidence of Bhattiprolu. According to Divyavadana a rich merchant gave money for the enlargement of the Caitya of Ksemankara, a former Buddha. It describes in detail the stages of enlargements and says that in the final stase, after a new dome had been built to encom­ pass the old one the builders implanted at the summit a YUpa-Yasfi.

“Tathd vidham = ca = bhupasyandath krtam sd YUpa-yastir abhyantare pratipadita paicdt tasydtinavdhdasyopari harmikd kftanupUr vena Yasiydropatfam varsasthale mahdnianiratndni tdny dropitdni.''^^

Yupa according to John Irwin was regarded as axis mut}di or a •world tree of a still older^^ cosmic religion, the first in the name of Vanaspatih (Lord father of the forest). Ytipa in Rgveda is not exactly meant to be an execution post but was only a ritualistic sacrificial post like a balipltha in a Hindu Temple. We do not subscribe*® to the view of John Irwin that Yupa of vedic sacrifice is mythically identical with the central post in the Stupa structure. In Mahavam^a (ch. 28.1.2) we get a clear reference to the King Devanampiya Tissa (circa, 250-210 B.C.) who selected an suspicious site for the future construction of a Mahd-Stttpa, his first action in this connection was to mark the spot by the erection of a stone Yupa. It is this use of the word, Yupa that is evident in the Buddhist Texts and the texts prescribed that the posts have to be carved from the trunk of a sacred tree, William Peppe’ Bhatfiprolu Stupa, its Vdstu, Agamic Observances and Inscriptions 35 found in the Stupa at Nepal Tarai, a circular pipe filled with during and encircled with brick work at a depth of 3.05 m. B.S. The pipe is 60 cm. in length and 30 cm. in diametre. Debala Mitra rightly suggested that this pipe was “probably intended for marking the centre of the dome in order to facilitate the laying of brick courses in circular ring” .®^ John Irwin has shown in his fresh illustration^® that this pipe extends below the level where the famous inscribed relic was discovered recently by K.M. Srivastava. At the centre of the mound the Nirvdna-Caitya of Ku^inagara, (Kasia) 85 cm below its original surface level, a piece of wood, was found. This central pole was used for bearing the Chatras. This characteristic chatra-Yasti becomes an architectural element from Kusana and late-SatavShana periods. John Irwin takes certain massive stone pillars as Yfipas or Yasfis.^'^ These are square at the base, octogonal mid-section with rounded top and found in the StUpas of Sri Lanka as well as Andhradesa. But these massive pillars are Ayakas and have no “weight-bearing” function. They are merely standing ones, symbolising Buddha’s life incidents. In the light of the above facts the post at the centre of the site, where the StUpa foundation is proposed, was part of the Vdstu of the structure and not a cult object of an earlier religious practice. It is mainly of agamic significance and purport. To say that this axial post represents axis-mundi and the “early Buddhist Stupas retain atleast some traces o f this older cosmogenic symbolism, even if its meaning was partly or wholly forgotten’’^^ and this has a “structural precedence over the rising of the mound itself, the later serving as an envelope to enclose it” is merely a conjecture^^ and archaeologically untenable. As S.P. Gupta pointed out “it is putting the cart before the horse” The C/iatra-stumps that have been placed at the centre of the StUpa and surrounded by a close railing, {harmikd) were comparatively short pillars occasionally inscribed®^ also and carried the Chatrdvali as the capital element. But these short stumps have no bearing or connection with the wooden posts at the lowest level of the central axis of the Stupa although they might have been placed over the earlier wooden- shaft at the point of the central axis of the structure. In some cases where the central layout of the Stupa is square or rectangular, perhaps the axial post was not necessary. In the centre of 36 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradisa

Ghantasala Stupa, the brick work on the surface of the square appeared quite solid and was laid in parallel courses. But after a depth of one metre (BS) at the centre a 23 cm square welF was found filled with earth and within it were reliquaries. The size of the well, accord­ ing to Rea, increased gradually as it went down. At 3.97 mtr, from the B.S. it was 76 cm. square—the lower half filled with earth. Down­ ward of this level and upto a total 7.93 mts. B.S. the well ranged 23 to 30.5 cm. square. The well was packed with clay. The foundations rested on sand. This feature of the well is also observed at Bhattiprolu. However, at Peddavegi, we have not been able to find the well at the centre of the cube which has shown only solid brick work right upto the bottom. If this feature existed at all, it may be off the centre and the solid structure could not be cut on mere assumptions to ascertain this. From the evidence of GhantasSla Stupa—we are certain of one thing. The axial post is a concomittant feature with every Stupa foundation. It is the first act after selection of the spot and levelling the ground. The drum and dome parts come to shape after the wooden or axial post was fixed. As A.K.. Coomara Swamy puts it “we do find that the prolongations of the axis above the roof and below the ground are meterially represented in actual construction: above, that is by a phinial, which way be relatively inconspicuous, but in many Stupas extends upwards in the form of a veritably “sky scrapping” mast (ya^ti) or sacrificial post (yUpa) far beyond the dome; and below the floor of the contained space by the peg of khadira wood driven into the ground and by which the head of all—supporting serpent is fixed.” Again “if one performs in this way what is apparently a sacrilege, it is with a view to avoid such quakings of the earth as it might cause if the serpant should move its head.”^ At various levels of its raise, the central hallow (virtually the hub) was filled with clay or earth and reliquaries were ceremonially interned at this place. Usually this appears to be the practice among the early StUpa builders as seen at Bhattiprolu, Pauni, GhantaSala etc. In later periods, it appears no such method is known. They were found placed in the smaller hallow chambers or interspaces between the radiating spokes as obtained in some Stupas of NSgarjunakonda. For example at AmarSvati the five crystal reliquaries were found in neatly cut slots in a base slab of the Bhattiprolu Stupa, its Vastu, Agamic Observances and Inscriptions 37 southern Ayaka during a wholesale elaboration of the Stupa during the later SStavahana period.®^ The foundational preparation in the case of a recently excavated hill monastery at VaddamSnu®® village, 10 km east of Amarflvati, is of a different type. The StUpa at the summit of the hill is quite an early example and coeval with the A^kan Period IB of . Massive granite boulders and gravel were found packed at the centre almost like in a Megalithic Cairn circle with bounding stones. T.V.G. Sastry held that “the arrangement of boulders in the construc­ tion of the StUpa was similar to that of the megalithic cairn circle, suggesting a primary stage in the evolution of the Stapa architecture in the Krishna Valley.” This premises is apparently based on Alexander Rea’s earlier observations made when he exposed a small Stupa in 1908 near the Mahd-Caitya site which was found to overlie certain Megalithic urns.®’ A.H. Longhurst also believed in the develop­ ment of Buddhist StUpa from the Prehistoric cairns.®* The subsequent work on Buddhist Stupa has shown that the Megalithic culture is far removed in time and culturally the Buddhist StUpa is entirely historical and superficial structural resemblences should not be taken for granted. The actual evidence found at VaddamSnu does not offer any support for such a premises and since the StUpa is on a hill where plenty of granite boulders are at site, this material available locally was used in the structure. Moreover, the excavator’s report suffers from clarity of details, particularly of the basal portions. Where was the earliest working level? Is there any central post? The plan and construction of medhJ and anda and the related strata have not been properly stated in the report. This is all the more necessary as such important and datable pottery wares, like NBP ware, black-and-red, besides, Silver PMC and inscriptions were found from the earliest levels of the StUpaP

Granite Stone Relic Containers, their Placement, Characteristics and Inscriptions The Mahd-SiUpa of Bhat{iprolu is justly famous for the largest number of precious objects interned among its relic caskets of a wide variety. The caskets were of crystal, gold, copper, besides stone and 38 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brdhml Inscriptions of Andhraaisa pottery. Among the crystal reliquaries the Purna-kalasa type of Karanciika*^ (Photo-7A), the circular jewel box like phial (Photo-7B), and the crystal hexagonal pendent (Fig. 11) form a class by themselves. These crystal objects are transparent like glass and stand tribute to the great skill and technical excellence of the craftsman of 3rd century B.C. It may be noted here that five such glassy crystal caskets of different shapes with gold and other precious objects were found buried within the Mahd Caitya of Amaravati.*’^ The pendent, in particular, exhibits the craft of cutting, engraving and polishing at its height as each of its facet has incised Brahmi letters. The letters are absolutely clear to the eye but cannot be felt by the finger touch (Fig. 11). Such is the finesse and finish given to this ornament pre­ pared out of rock crystal. Another remarkable feature lies in the method of placing the above precious reliquaries inside a specially prepared massive granite stone containers. These were buried at three distinct levels in the centre of a Stupa within the foundational brick courses in a systematic manner (Fig. 3). The meticulous care and the methodical arrangement displayed here has no parallels. We need to explain therefore the order in which these Granite Stone Relic Containers and the inscriptions thereupon are studied here. Buhler calls them as Relic Caskets. We have named them as Granite Stone Relic Containers, abbreviated as GSRC. Instead of specifying each stone as Box and lid, we call them as Box Stone (=BS), and Lid Stone (=LS). Thus each GSRC has two components— BS and LS. We have in each case provided our reading of the Brahmi text in english as well as in Telugu transliteration (Fig. 5 to 9) besides reproducing the photographs (Photo 1 to 6) of the original GSRCS instead of estampages of the records (Photos, 1-6 and Fig. 4 to 8). Alexander Rea enumerated them in the sequence as they were enearth- ed, whereas we prefer to number them according to their chronological order of their original internment. So the earliest in the order bears GSRC-I and its two components as BS-1 and over it the LS-2. There are, in all, six granite stones, belonging to three containers, massive and roughly worked on the exteriors. Each comprised of a lower stone block having a central groove, deeply cut with a raised rim on top to receive the lid of the upper block of slightly bigger Bhattiprolu Stupa, its Vastu, Agamic Observances and Inscriptions 39

dimensions. The inner faces of the lower container as well as the upper lid were smoothly finished, the inscriptions mostly engraved around the ridged socket of the lower Box stone and correspondingly on the lid part of the upper stone. It is at once clear from the letters and highly polished surface thereon, that after engraving the letters (text), the rock face was subjected to the typical ‘Mauryan Polish’, exactly as obtained in the case of A^okan edicts. This fact has not been noticed by the earlier writers. In fact Alexander Rea merely described them as black-stone slabs. The stones were roughly shaped out of granite boulders of medium to coarse variety, dull grey or smoky in colour. A close comparison can be made to the inscribed and polished granite uprights from the early levels at the Mahdcaitya site of AmarSvati. It is clear, therefore, that the earliest inscribed activity was of the Mauryan period, as revealed both at Amaravati and confirmed now at Bhattiprolu. The stone medium was either of granite as in the present examples or a local variety of sandstone as in case of the pillar edict of Amaravati. It may be noted that the Asokan edicts (MRE) of Rajula-Mandagiri, Erragudi and the recently discovered ones from Dist. Bellary were engraved over granite boulder faces which were given a neat protective against the extremities of waether. It is of great interest to note that the inscribed part was covered by white lime coat to show up the inscribed letters more prominently over a black stone. This thin plaster of lime over the inscribed granite boulder faces seem to have been a Mauryan practice as we found at Erragudi and Raju- lamandagiri rocks the cavities of the letters retain traces of white lime till date. It appears to be an ancient practice and continued in early medieval periods also. To preserve the carvings over granite from heat and sea salts a fine milk-of-lime coat is given to the sculptured architectural surfaces, the traces of which could even now be seen at the shore temple (Rajasimhesvara) and cut-out monolithic rathas at Mahabalipuram, though due to their being in open air the coating largely disappeared. The Bhattiprolu GSRC have, however, preserved this coat because they were buried under the ground and snuggly fitted. It is desirable to get this lime coat chemically analysed. There was also no need to polish the surfaces, but since this was a characteristic technique of the Mauryan times the stone cutters and 40 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa engravers, accomplished the task in a routine manner unmindful of the fact that such a polish and lime-wash over the lettered surface is not needed in case of these examples. All these evidences and characteris­ tics therefore, confirm a Mauryan date to the GSRCS of Bhattiprolu. Although the top lids (2, 4, 6) of the containers and perhaps the contents within the slots seem to have been partly disturbed during earlier operations, there appears to be no dislocation of the Box stones (1, 3, 5) as such. They were found embedded into the brick work of the central rim of the Stupa, Their placement at the lower levels edging towards the inner central hallow might have been intended to serve additionally as buttresses to the central post, and the exteriors of the GSRC-S were suitably trimmed to fall in alignment with the circular brick work (Photos. 1-6).

The Contents within G SRCI to III Apart from the inscriptions, a list of the contents found in them is provided here so that the account will be complete. We have got to bow in admiration to that great Alexander Rea who provided us a report which is “a model of accurate careful detail such as is seldom met with in such papers, and throws all the light possible in the circumstances on the discovery of these early Buddha inscriptions.”^* GSRC-I (Photos 1, 2 and Figs. 5 and 6) This is the lowest one found at a depth of 5.50 metres below the extent masonary of the dome, on the east side of the central hole of the Stupa. BS-1 is roughly square in shape, measures 74 x 68 and 28 cm. thick circular ridged cavity—dia. 19 cm. on top and 12.7 cm. at bottom depth 14.6 cm. and contains on its face inscriptions numbered by Biihler as VIII on LS-2 and IX on BS-1. LS-2 is an irregularly circular stone measuring 68 cm. diametreand 25.5 cm, thick. The circular Lid part is of 30 cm. dia. and depression is 2 cm. The inscribed part is whitened to show up the inscribed letters prominently*

Contents within the BS-1 (Fig. 5) The entire trough within was filled with earth and the following objects were found inside it, 1-crystal phial 5 cm. diametre and Bhafliprdlu Stiipa, its Vastu, Agamic Observances and Inscriptions 41

7.62 cm. height. The lid is disturbed. (Photo-7A) 1-Relic casket made of large beryl measuring 1.06 cm. by 1.16 cm. by 2 cm. A cylindrical hole .085 cm. in diametre is drilled in its axis in which were the reUcs in three bone pieces. There is a crystal stopper with hexagonal bulbous top closing the hole. 1-amethyst bead in , the cavity of the phial; 1-smaller example of the same type; 1-yellow coloured crystal (pusyardga); 1-hexagonal drop yellowish in colour, 1-flat stone of white crystal; 1-bone bead; 6-pearls; 32-seed pearls all pierced; 30-lotus flowers of gold; 1-Bent armed figure; 1-quatre-foil in gold leaf; 1-decomposed quartz, ahke salt crystals, but insoluble in water, besides, a few bits of copper and an iron (?) piece.

GSRC II (Photos 3, 4 and Figs. 7 and 8) This is the middle or second container found at the northern side of the Central post at a depth of 5.18 metre B.S. of the dome masonary. The BS-3 is roughly squarish with rounded corners and measured 50.8 x 40.6 cm., thickness 30.5 cm., groove 18 cm. in dia­ metre on top, depth 16 cm. sides tapering towards square bottom. This bears the inscription nos. VI, VIII, while LS-4 has inscriptions Nos. Ill, IV and V of BQhler. LS-4 is triangular in shape 68 x 61 cm. with a thickness of 25.4 cm. Sunken under surface is of 18 cm dia­ metre with a depression of 1.3 cm., around. The inner contents of BS-3 found within the earth filling inside include; 1-Crystal Purna kalasa type reliquary 4 cm. diametre by 7 cm. high, is a unique specimen (Photo-7B) comparable to the well known crystal caskets of Mauryan times found in Piprahwa and Amaravati Stupas. The lid is a small Stupikd 164-Lotus leaves and buds of gold, 2-Circular gold flowers, \-trisula, 1-three-armed figure like a svastika in gold leaf (Nandipada)., 2-gold stems for the lotus flowers., 6-gold beads and 1-small coiled gold ring. These items together weighed 315-grams. Besides these, 2-pearls; 1-garnet; 6-coral beads and 1-coral bead of small size; 1-crystal bead; 1-oval crystal bead; 2-green flat hexagonal beryl drops; bits of corroded copper leaf; miniature gold-umbrella; Silver sheet folded flat into 8*thicknesses impossible to unfold but one large fold reveals some 42 S tudies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahml Inscriptions o f Andhradlsa letters and symbols pricked with a metal pin or point as on the copper talisman or Yantras of the present day.

GSRC-III (Photos 5, 6 and Fig. 9) This is kept at a depth of 4.42 m. below the dome (anda) masonry at the south side corresponding to the top level of the drum (medhi). The dome (anda) of the StUpa raises over this and brick courses are extent upto 4.40 metre height (the maximum). Inscriptions nos. I and II were found on BS-5, while LS-6 has no record. This is the most important Relic container among the three GSRC’s interned during the build up of the StUpa foundations and placed specifically facing south. The BS-5 is a large irregular rectangular slab measuring 70 X 56 cm. and 33 cm. thick. The rectangular socket measuring 27 X 20 and 12.5 cm. deep. The contents are many and distinctive. Two hemispherical vessels lay on the west side of the casket, the crystal prism, gold flowers and other articles in the east. This clearly suggests a ritualistic mode observed during their offer in a pre-deter- mined process. It appears that after the placement of BS-5 in position towards south the ritual of circumambulation was perhaps observed clockwise the vessels thrown at the west side while the precious objects were placed at the eastern direction. The objects include, 1-globular Black stone Relic-Casket 11.5 cm. in diametre and 11.5 cm. high, 1-crystal phial inside 6.35 in dia. and 3.80 cm. in height, (Photo-7C) 2-small cups of copper or bell metal filted in each other and measured 2.74 cm. in diametre; 1-Gold bead .09 cm. in dia; 1-Gold bead; a Copper finger ring; one Small bead! 2-Double pearls; 1-Single gold bead; 7-Small triangular pieces of gold; 4-Lotus flowers in thin sheet (8-bent petals each); l-trisulas (actually Nandipada), in thin plates of gold; 1-Hexagonal crystal pendent with slightly bent convex sides and inscribed on the facets. Below the crystal phial and well within the GRSC-III, were the following precious offerings. 9-Small lotus flowers in gold leaf; 6-Gold beads of 2.5 cm. diametre; 8-small gold beads; 4-Small lotus flowers of copper; 19-small pierced pearls; 1-Blue amethyst bead. These were kept over a bed of 24-Silver coins arranged into a Svastika which symbolises Buddha. The LS-6 is uninscribed and measures 89 x 76 x 17 cm. thick. Bhailiprolu Stupa, its Vastu, Agamic Observances and Inscriptions 43

The surface is, however, neatly packed all over but does not possess the Mauryan polish present over all the (five) faces of the inscribed GSRC I to III. The Lid part is cut to 28 x 20.3) and 1 cm. in depth to fit in over BS-5. As regards the positioning of the LS, Alexander Rea carefully notes that “the two inner sides of the stones radiated from and touch the central well, its outer side was concentric with the brick work.” (Fig. 2)

Some Unique Finds within GSRC\ (a) Silver Punch Marked Coins from BS-5 (Fig. 10) The discovery from the bottom of the slot of BS-5 of GSRC-III, a group of 24-silver PMC, arranged in the shape of a four-armed Svastika and forming an auspicious base of the crystal phial (Photo- 7B), is a unique evidence first of its kind in a Stupa. These coins substantiate the Mauryan date proposed for the consecration of the ^ariradhatu of Buddha. In view of the great significance of these coin finds a detailed analysis is made at the end (ch. VI) along with other PMC from the StUpas of Andhradesa.

(b) Crystal Reliquary {¥'12,. H ) Another noteworthy finds fram this very BS-5 of GSRC-III is an inscribed horizontal Crystal amulet or a spacer-bead perfectly hexa­ gonal in shape measuring 6.8 cm. in length and 2.2 cm. thickness. This was jointly gifted by the women guild of Nandapura and the Sramanas of Suvanamdha. The letters over this ornamental piece are closer to the Mauryan BrShmi and free from the erroneous and extraneous modes of writing noticed on the Granite Stone Relic Containers. It is really a wonder as to how the craftsman engraved the thin letters over this hard rock crystal so minutely, as also, caused the transverse central perforation to a length of 6,8 cm. It appears that a highly scientific device, something like laser-beam, was in use for diamond cutting and boring the crystals and other precious stones.

The text on each facet of this ornament reads: 1—Mdtugdmasa Nanda^Purdhi 2—Suvana mdhd 44 Studies in Early BuJdhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradisa

3—Samanu deidnam ca 4— Gildna Kurasa*^ Aya Saka 5— Sa (GoY^ Thlya 6— Gohiyd A(ta)*^ gadanam

This atyagrd-ddnam or ^reshtha-ddnam was caused by, the female gosihl, (women folk) of Nandapura, with the help of Suvarnakdras (gold smiths) of Sainam-desa, and a Gohiya belonging to Gilhanakura gosfhi; some proper names with "kura' ending occur in early centuries B.C. and A.D. in KarnStaka. The palatal sibilant !§d appears in the record which is conspicuous by its absence on GSRC. ‘Afa’ is the usual Mauryan type, Ca has a tail in addition.

Palaeographical and Linguistic Features Bhattiprolu inscriptions on Granite Stone Relic containers reveal some significant features of fundamental value. Foremost is the notation of medial and final vowels. They show an attempt to dis­ tinguish between a closed consonant and an open pure consonant, the latter showing addition of the vowel by a horizontal mark. Thus the letter d is marked by a horizontal head-stroke to the right of the basic consonant, which otherwise stands for Long d elsewhere in the usual Mauryan Brahmi alphabet.** But this is not the case when anusvdra is extent as anusvdra is equivalent to am. Similarly in ke; the long d is marked by an additional vertical hang to the horizontal line. The initial vowels /, i, a, e do not occur^ So also Jha, dha etc. In other respects the letters as well as vowel notations agree with Asokan edicts. In Telugu script the consonants possess invariably the vowel within as against she Tamil wherein the vowel is written seperately by the side of the consonant. The vowel ending words makes Telugu an ajanta bhdsn. The Telugu-Kannada script has, in course of centuries, developed with this inherent vowel ending of the words. The writing style on Bhattiprolu GSRC, particularly the consonants, ka and kd, with the vowelled sounds inherent, indicate the existence of Telugu language and the Brahmi writing adopted to this local intonation during the Asokan period. So the special letters present in the Brahmi writing of Bhattiprolu GSRC vividly display how a Pan-Indian JShaltiprolu Stupa, its Vastu, Agamic Observances and Inscriptions 45

Brahmi script of the times, devised certain type of markings on the basic consonants to suit a native tongue.^’ Difthong O or au is more commonly expressed by a bar projecting to the right and left of the consonant. Kd. This feature is rare in Asokan Brahmi, but seen in Telugu script. In prSkrit verses ‘O’ is sometimes considered as Laghu to satisfy the metrical requirements. The long d is marked by a horizontal stroke and vertical drop in negama. The Ungual sibilant sa is used in place of dental sa. It occurs regularly for Sa in the termina­ tion of genitive of vowel stems, i.e. kurasa; in the genitive plural tesdm; and in word Samuga. K.R. Norman has viewed it as a mistake and says that “the Asokan scribes did not differentiate between these two letters nor aware of the meaning of what they are copying.”^* The lingual la is characteristic of DravJdi and common also to early Telugu and Kannada. This is undoubtedly an innovation for the local dialect and does not occur in Asokan Brahmi. The peculiar way of indicating the medial d sign by adding a vertical line at the right tip of the horizontal line is common to Telugu and Kannada, alphabets. Another important characteristic that combines the above is the Talakatfu or Talekaffu, (head line or serif), an essential feature both in Telugu and Kannada alphabets.** The co-existent phonemes kha, gha, tha, dha, 4ha, pha, bha, ia, sa are loans from Prakrit and to Telugu. Gha is like ga with a curve to right lower part, ga has both the usual Mauryan from (angular) and also rounded top. Ma is invari­ ably topsy—turvey and is a loop-type with ‘U’ curving to right. The usual types of M a—a circle topped by Roman ‘U’ seen at Brahmagiri and other places as also the trough type on a circle are con­ spicuous by their absence. The form of ku with ‘u’ curving to right is of common occurance and found in Mauryan as well as later Satava- hana-Ik§vaku records in the region. The dental da is turned round somewhat like the Telugu da. In long jd the middle stroke is elongated and has a vertical drop. In Je, however, the mid-horizontal line to right is absent, while correspondingly at the left centre this appears. pa is sometimes reversed (GSRC-II, BS-4). Similarly sa is used in place of palatal sibilant sa. In ni the vowel is attached to the right mid- region of the vertical. 46 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

Recently some scholars from Tamilnadu®” attempte to post-date the Bhattiprolu writing to the early Tamil-Brahmi, although it is clear on the face of it, Bhattiprolu Brahmi (on GSRC) presents a remark­ ably early and unique orthographic system indicating seperate medial signs for short and long vowels, signs for anusvdra, visarga and voiced consonants, (aspirates, and sibilants) absent in the Tamil-Brahmi. A case is also made out to derive Bhattiprolu system from an earlier stratum of Tamil Brahmi (TALBI-I). Such propositions are based on the assumption that the early writings on pottery from south-Tamil- nadu are of great antiquity.

Identification o f Toponym Nandapura The place name ‘Nandapura’ mentioned in the crystal reliquary is of seminal importance to us in deciding various connected events and has a bearing on the date of the consecration of Stupa itself. P S. Sastry,®^ identifies Nandapura, as the present village of Candavolu near Bhattiprolu. He is also of the opinion that the women of the Nandapura (Candavolu) village may have seen atleast once in their life the great Buddha. Buddham or Buddhanur*® (also Budhapur) a village near Candavolu is hallowed with the visit of the , and named after the Master. This very place (Buddham in Fig. 1) has a large area of Buddhist remains, and noted for its earliest metal image of Buddha from South, now kept in Madras Govt. Museum. There is no doubt that Buddham was the manufacturing centre of these copper-bronze objects right from 1st century A.D. The place is just 3 km. from Nandapura or Candavolu {Nandana is Candra or Chanda). This identification of P.S. Sastry emerges out of a wider study of early spread of Buddhism into Andhrad5sa. He firmly argues that Buddha in his life time came to Andhrade^a. Naga king Mucilinda was one of the first few persons to meet the Buddha after enlighten­ ment.®^ Mahavamsa refers to Mucilipa{ana (Chapter, 36, p. 144) which is the same as modern Masulipatnam and it appears Mucilinda Naga. and his dynasty was around Macilipatnam®* which is not far away from Bhattiprolu. It is known from the Tibetan sources that Sakya- muni promulgated the Kalacakrayana from Sri Dhanyakataka, sooa ■BhaUiprdlu Stupa, its Vastu, Agamic Observances and Inscriptions 47

after the Dharmacakra Yana^^ at the Mfgadava at Sarnath. All these textual evidence appear to gain value if once we start piecing together certain archaeological facts from the Buddhist places south of Narmada particularly along the eastern coastal belt, Amaravati— Dhanyakataka and Bhattiprolu areas of the lower Kr§na have been the earliest seats of Buddhism. Excavations at the Amaravati-Bhatti- prolu and recently Vaddamanu,*® (10 km east of Amaravati) have clearly demonstrated that the earliest phase of the Stupas is atleast A^okan, if not early Mauryan, and Buddhism reached Andhradesa undoubtedly during the pre-A^okan period itself. That Asoka was greatly charmed by the Dhanakataka Sanghas and Caitya, erected a pillar edict and elaborated the Smpa by causing an ornamented railing in front of this sacred edifice is now well established.®’ That the Bhattiprolu StQpa was caused by a Buddhist king Khubiraka on the precious ^arira dhatu of Buddha is also absolutely clear. The Dhanya­ kataka Caitya was rised over the relics of the Master, ^rl, Dhdnya- kafake Jina Dhatu dhare bhuvi, perhaps by the king Damaka, known from nearly Vaddamanu. This very ruler might be a senior contem­ porary of Raja Khubiraka of Bhattiprolu. Whatever be the truth of Buddha’s visit to Andhradesa, there should be no doubt of the fact that Kr§na-GuntQru regions have the earliest wave of Buddhism from Magadha and major stupas came to be raised over the Maser’s relics i^arlra niketa), right from the early Mauryan period itself. This apart the identification of Nandapura remains still unresolved. Recently excavations at the site of Nandur®* (Naundaur) district Raisen in M.P. brought to light a vast city with Buddhist remains. We get reference in the Bharhut and Sanchi inscriptions to Nandi Nagara®® and various donations to the Stupas by the inhabitants of this place. But it is logical and necessary to view the entire Bhattiprolu evidence together apart from the signilfcant toponym. The early silver coins placed at the bottom of the container, the ^arlra dhatu of the Buddha, as also the precious crystal reliquary appear to belong ‘to different region. They were almost certainly brought from North either north-east or north-west. We have shown that the 24-smaller silver punch marked coins found in GSRC-III, BS-5 are closer to the coins from the Punjab region. (Infra VIA). It is of great importance. 48 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and BrahmlInscriptions of Andhradlsa and quite in fitness of things, that while the relic of Buddha was being consecrated, in a lofty Sdrlraka StUpa at Bhattiprolu certain gosfhis, Buddhist nuns and monies from far away Punjab visited Andhra country, and presented precious reliquaries at this memorable and sacred function. As we have known the A^okan minor Rock-Edicts from Karnataka®® and contiguous Andhra, A^oka brought®^ the carvers and sthapatis from the North-West part of the empire, who were familiar with the engraving of edicts and other constructional activity during the Mauryan period. D.C. Sircar®^ was also of the opinion that Erragudi edicts were carved by a North-Westerner. Such workers had to be brought from far away because of the paucity of local hands or else the local workmen could not satisfy the imperial standards of the Mauryan ruler. But Bhajtiprolu evidence proves that the scribe of the GRSC is not from the Mauryan court. Certain regular mistakes com­ mitted by the scribe like Sa for Sa etc. were due to the ignorance of phonetics of the inscriptional language of the place. Alternately this might also be due to the preaching monks who come in contact during their wanderings in areas where pronouncing such vowel ending words Sa for Sa was popular. Moreover, these massive GSRC and the Stapa were caused by a local king. Finally it may reasonably be held that ‘Nandipura of Bhaitiprdiu record is in Punjab and the precious crystal piendent, as also the silver PMC, were offerings from the pilgrims of Nandipura who came all the way to Bhattiprolu to witness this great dedicatory function of the Stupa presided by a local king named Khubiraka.

Dating We have shown above that the stone relic containers disply vividly Mauryan worksmanship in as much as the surface after carv­ ing out the letters were subjected to polish. The entire sequence of placement of these massive relic containers has clearly shown that they were consecrated systematically observing certain well laid agamic procedures of which we have no textual correlation. As Prof. GiuSeppe Tucci®® has pointed out elsewhere, we see in this example that the king of the land participated in the construction, thus “uniting himself with the axis of the monument, which is conceived as the metaphysical Bhattiprolu Stupa, its Vastu, Agamic Observances and Inscriptions 49 centre round which his kingdom revolves.” Accordingly the first container (GSRC-III) was placed at the bottom of the Caitya con­ struction and the anki (profile in gold foil) of Raja Khubiraka®^ was interned among the relics in the form of a hirarimaya purusa. That king Khubiraka was a devotee of Buddha, is well established from the contents with the casket and other precious offerings. He is found mentioned once again in the Granite GSRC-II also. Sankaranarayanan has projected a view**® that the King Khubiraka of the Kr§na-Gunturu region may have been a ruler earlier than the Mauryan times for he appears to be an independent king. This Bha^ti- prolu Raja as well as Vaddamanu Raja Damaka may well be regarded as heads of smaller or minor Republican States which survived even after the Consolidation of Mauryan Imperialism. We learn from the IVth pillar Edict of Asoka that certain duties were assigned to the Rdjukas who were perhaps none other than the above Rajas. It might be noted that the Maha-Sanghikas made Andhrade^a as their nucleus after the second Buddhist council (387 B.C.) which was held nearly 100 years after Buddha’s Nirvana. Buddhist missionaries came to Andhra during the pre-Mauryan times and the local kings like Damaka caused Stupas over the bodily relics of Buddha. Another important aspect of Bhattiprolu records, atleast of the two of them, was the use of metrical verses of the Mdtra-Vrtta on BS-5 of GSRC- III. (Fig. 9, Photo-5) We quote here Sankaranarayanan in full. According to him the Text, consists of a verse and prose passages.** It runs: Kurapitmo ca kuramdtu ca Kurasaca $ivasa ca majusa m [1*] paniti Phajigasa mugarh ca Budha sa rirdnam nikhetu barnva putasa [1*] Kurasa Sapitukasa majusa [*] Utaro Pigaha puto Kanifho [*] Sanskritized Text: Kurapitu !§ca Kuramdtu§-ca Kurasya ca iSivasyd ca mahjUfd prariUih 50 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions o f Andhradlsa

sphatika samudgarii ca Buddhasya ^arlrdnam niksepturh Banavaputrasya Kurasya Sapitrkasya manjUsd Uttar0 Vigrahaputrah Kanisfhah Padyasya racayitd [1*]

Translation: “This casket is the creation of Kura’s father, and of Kura’s mother, and of Kura, and of Siva in order to enshrine Banava’s son’s crystal box (Photo-7 B) (contains) the bodily relics of Buddha. (This) casket is of Kura, associated with his parents. The composer of the text is Uttara, the Youngest son of Vigraha”. BUhler took the last line as Inscription No. II and held Uttara as the name of the stone cutter who made the casket. But Sankara- narayanan regards him as the composer and so the metre is christened Uttard-Vrtta, after his name. The verse in this inscription is in four lines {Padas), each con­ taining three Caturmdtrdganas but the end of third and fourth line a couple of short syllables are added. It may be noted that in Prdkrit verses ‘O’ is considered as laghu to satisfy metrical requirements. In telugu laghu ‘O’ is distinct.

BS-3: G^RC-JI (Fig. 7, Photo-3) This is also in matra-V^tta preceded by a short prose line. The text reads:

Sd gofhi nigamaputdnam rajapamukhd Sdrisaputo khubirako Raja Siha gofhiyd Pamukho [T] Tesam afiarh majusam Phdligasa mugo ca pasdna Samugo ca [I*]

Text Sanskritised. Sd gosthih nigama-putrdndm rdja pramukhd SdrJrasya putrah Khubirako rdjd Simha gosthydh Pramukhah Teshdrh-anyd manjasd sphatika Samudgas-ca Pasand Sarhudgd§ca.

MSU LIBRARY

13329 BhaHiprSlu Stupa, its Vastu Agamic Observances and Inscriptions 51

“This committee of the members of the guild has raja for its chief. The Raja Khubiraka, a son of SSrirasa is the head of the Lion assembly; of them is another casket a crystal box and a stone box,” This verse is in udgltl metre. According to Sankaranarayanan, Bhatti- prolu records are the earliest known epigraphs employing metres, in matra-vrtta style. Katydyana of Pre-Mauryan age employed mdtrd- Vrttas. His Vdrttika on Panihi contains mdtrd vrttas such as aryd, dryagitl, etc. He was held as a Ddsindtya—a man from South. It appears then that the Buddhist base at Bhattiprolu, if not the Stupa, is quite older and as at AmarSvati, might be of Pre-Mauryan date. This study further prompts us to say that the composer Uttara of Bhatti­ prolu was a person from this very place or region and adept in com­ posing metrical verses popularly known at that time. Quite reasonably we may presume that the composer (racayitd) and the scribe of the epigraph (lekhaka) might be one and the same person in this case, though he might not be the stone engraver (utklrnl) as held by Buhler. Moreover, this uttara, appears to be a Telugu speaking person who was accustomed to write Telugu in a localised Brflhmi script. Hence the notation of medial and final vowels seen strikingly in the Brahmi letters over the GSRC-I to III bear closer identify with the Telugu-Kanarese alphabet. The Bhattiprolu records thus present a case of a scribe who wrote a dialect appropriate to the locality, although during this period, the inscriptional language was Mdgadhl prdkrt*"^ throughout, notwithstanding certain dialectical variants. K.V. Ramesh has pointed stressing on the total absence of conjunct letters and that Bhattiprolu casket inscriptions are “among the earliest known Brahmi writings of the Indo-Aryan dialect,” of Pre-A^okan date.®* Speaking on the antiquity, the archaic nature of the script, and Telugu as an independent speech, T. Burrow has said; that certainly it cannot be later than 6th century B.C.®® Pari Pas§u, correlation between contemporary language and writing style on one hand, and older inscriptions from specific areas on the other would open new vistas. Such studies will provide a sound basis for intensive research and documentation of Palaeographical and lingustic developments. 52 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradisa

References

1. Robert Sewell, List of Antiquarian Remains in Madras Presidency,Yo\. I (1882), p. 77. Also G.O.No. 1620 dt. l .l l . 1878, pp. 33-34. 1. lAR, 1969-70, p. 1. PL. lA & B. R. Subrahraanyam records that the diametre “was actually found to be 47 m”. 3. A. Ghosh (Ed.) Archaeological Remains, Monuments and Museums, Part I, (New Delhi, 1962), p. 102. The diametre of the dome is stated as 40 metres while including the pradakshina patha the total diametre works out 42.31 metres. 4. D. Mitra, op. cit., (1971), p. 214. 5. N. Dutt, Early Monastic Buddhism, (Calacutta, 1945), p. 51. 6 lAR, 1957-58, p. 10, PL. VIIIB. 7. Ancient India, no. 17, p. 68. 8. A. Rea, Op. cit., (1894), p. 8, PL, 9; Indian Antiquary, III (April, 1874), p. 124. 9. S.B. Deo and J.P. Joshi (ED) Pauni Excavations 1968-70, (Nagpur, 1972), pp. 95-96, Fig. 84. 10. JARS 1898), pp. 573-588. 11. J. SteTpihtmon, Excavation to the Ruins and Site o f an Ancient city near Bakhra, JASB, Vol. 4 (1835), p. 130-131. 12. Excavation at Lauriya, ARASI,\9Q6-01, (Calcutta, 1909), p. 123, ft. 2. 13. “Excavations at Kasia", ARASI, (Calcutta, 1914), pp. 64-65; Also 1911-12 (Calcutta, 1915), pp. 28-29. 14. John Irwin, “The Stupa and the Cosmic Axis”, Achaya Vandana, D.R. Bhandarkar Birth Centenary Volume, (Calcutta, 1982), p. 252. 15. S.P. Gupta, op. cit., (1980), p. 268. He thinks that by the end of 2nd century B.C. that the central pole was looked upon were than mere architectural device and the cosmological meaning of axis mundi was attached later on as the way these Yastis have been ornamented reveals. 16. S.B. Deo and J.P. Joshi, (Ed.), Op. cit., p. 95. 17. Ibid., p. 117. 18. It appears sometime before 22.9.1936, the bigger Jagganath Tekdi was dug by Treasure seekers and relics were found. S.B. Deo and J.P. Joshi, op. cit., (1972), pp. 3, 4 and 119. 19. P. Muss, Esquisse d'une historie du Bouddhisme fondee Sur la critique archaeo- logique des Textes, (Hanoi, 1935) part III. ch. IV. p. 121. 20. John Irwin, “The Axial Symbolism of the Early Stupa : An Exegesis” in The Stupa, Its Religious, Historical and Archaeological Significance, A.L. Dallapiccola et. al., Beitrage Zur Sudasien for Schung, Sudasien Institute Bhaffiprolu Stupa, its Vastu, Agamic Observances and Inscriptions 53

{//iJveraVa/ (Heidelberg, 1980) pp. 15-16, 22-25, and John Irwin “The Stupa and the Cosmic Axis : The Archaeological Evidence/ SAA, 1977, Papers from the Fourth International Conference, (Naples, (1979). 21. DivyaVadana, Text (Ed.) E.B. Cowell and R.A. Neil pp. 234-244. 22. Cowell and Neil, Op. cit., Chapter-31, 244, p. 59. Asoka’s inscription on the Nigali-Sagara Pillar records that Asoka doubled its former size of the stupa of Konakamava. Corpus Inscription Indicarum,!, {Oxford, 1925), pp. XXIII and 165. 23. John Irwin, Ibid., (Heidelberg, 1980), pp. 15-16. 24. D. Mittra. Buddhist Monuments, (Calcutta, 1971), pp. 24, 84, ft. n. 12. 25. John Irwin, “The Stupa anp the Cosmic Axis, The Archaeological Evidence”, South Asian Archaeology, 1977 (Naples, 1979), pp. 810-819, 836-839., Figs. 5, 7, 11. -26. K.M. Srivastava, Discovery of Kapliavastu, (New Delhi, 1986), ch. 5, Fig. 5. 21. John Irwin, Ibid., (1980), pp. 20-21. :28. John Irwin, Ibid., (1979), p. 828. 29. John Irwin, Ibid., (1980), p. 12. 30. S.P. Gupta, op. cit., (1980), p. 269. 31. Several records are known. See for a 1st century A.D Chatra Stambha, an Octogonal one from Amaravati, y£S/, VII, (Mysore, 1980)p. 18. The StOpa at Mangamaripeta, Dist. Vizag yielded an inscribed Chatra-stambha of 2nd century A.D. cf APAR, 1976-77, p. 3. 32. A. Rea, Op. cit., (1894), ch. XIII, pp. 32-33, PI, XIV. 33. A.K. Coomara Swamy, Symbolism of Indian Architecure, The Stambha and The StOpa, (Jaipur, 1983), p. 15. Reprinted from IHQ, XIV, pp. 1-56 (Calcutta, 1938). 34. Paul Muss, Loc. cit.. Part V, p. 207. ■45. lA R , 1958-59, p. 5. PL. IIA. The report says “five crystal caskets recovered from the slots made for them in the Urdhva Pafha of the railing” might correctly be taken as from Urdhva pa{ha. This is infact a big linear stone slab, perhaps a flagstone either at the outer circumambulatory or over the drum originally. 36. lAR, 1982-83, p. 2; T.V.G. Sastry, in Hindu, dated 25.6.1982 (Photograph). Also T.V.G. Sastry, (Ed.) Vaddamanu Excavations and Explorations in Kfsna Valley, {BACRI, Hyderabad, 1983), pp. 2-5, Fig. 2. 37. A. Rea, '‘Excavation at Amaravati" ASIAR, 1908-09, p. 90. 38. A.H. Longhurst, ARSC, 1916-17, p. 35. 39. lA R, 1981-82, p. 2. 40. S.P. Gupta, op. cit., (1980), pp. 307-08. PLS. 110-112. This is comparable to the Piprahwa Kalasa with a fish knob. 41. lA R 1958-59, PL. IIA. Amaravati crystal casket-2 is exactly alike. The five 54 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brdhml Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

glossy caskets were of Mauryan date but reconsecrated in a Satavahana elaboration of the mahacaitya. 42. Ep. Ind., II, Buhler’s preface p. XIII (Edinburg, Aug., 1894). 43. Biihler reads ‘"Keresa". 44. Topsy-turvy letter Btihler reads “Salhiya". 45. Biihler sees a letter between a and ga and says possibly the word may have been dydga. Epigraphia Indica, II, p. 329, ft. no. 21. This record is num­ bered as X. 46. It is of interest to note that medial a sign is added to the centre of the vertical line in Brahmagiri and Koppal 4-, but in the recently discover­ ed Nittur edict it is added at the top. >f 47. In fact Biihler said so. Bhattiprolu inscriptions may “have arisen in Asoka’s times or even earlier” , and remarked that during 3rd century B.C. several well marked varieties of the Southern Mauryan alphabet existed, for they contain a perfectly worked out system which cannot have sprung up ill a short time, but must have had a long history” , Epigraphia Indica, II, p. 325. Also preface p. iv. 48. K.R. Norman, “Studies in the Epigraphy of the Asokan Inscriptions” Journal of the Epigrahical Society of India, II (1975), pp. 37-41. Also see his “Notes on the so called queen’s Edicts of Asoka”, JESI, HI, pp. 35-42. 49. S.H. Ritti, “Palaeography of Early Inscriptions in Karnataka”. Workshop on Epigraphy (MSS) (Mysore, 1985), pp. 6-7. But this scholar dates Bhattiprolu records to Post-Asokan times like S.R. Goyal, (cf. S.P. Gupta and K.S. Ramachandran (Ed.) The Origin of Brdhml Script, (New Delhi, 1979), pp. 42-44), as against the view of K.V’ Ramesh who unhesi- tantly assigns a pre-Asokan origin. See Indian Epigraphy, (New Delhi, 1984), Vol. I, p. 67. It should, however, be noted that in Karntaka nowhere an inscription with script style as on Bhatjiprolu GSRC, has come to light, to assume such comparisons with the Karnataka writing. However, we firmly believe that Telugu-Kannada script has a common origin letter forms and. development. 50. Iravatham Mahkdevan, “Some Aspects of Tamil-Brahml Script”, JESI, 12 (Dharwada, 1985), p. 123. Gift Siromoney. “origin of the Tamil-” in Seminar Papers, Origin, Evolution and Reform of the Tamil Script, The Institute of Traditional Cultures, (Madras, 1983), pp. 26-27. 51. P.S. Sastry, “The Rise and growth of Buddhism in Andhra”, Indian Historic cal Quarterly, XXXI, pp. 68-75. 52. Also Buddhani or Buddhavani Buddha images here, of copper ranging in height from 30 to 70 cm were found. This place is 25 km from Repalle, a taluk in Dist Krsna. JRAS, 1835, p. 617, Indian Antiquary, Vol. I (1872)„ B haftiprolu Stupa, its Vastu, Agamic Observances and Inscriptions 55

p. 153. From Amaravatl copper images of preaching Buddha. See ASIAR, 1907-08, p. 2. 53. SBE, 21, pp. 80, 119. 54. For Buddhist vestiges at this place. See MAR 1910-11, pp. 60, 70, 71, Kudrahara Visaya (Guduru) round Masulipatnam is well known from 2nd- 3rd century A.D., if not earlier. Indian Atiquary. V, pp. 154, 176; SlI, Vol. I, p. 47, Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 315. 55. Helmut Hoffmann, “Buddha’s Preaching of the Kalachakra tantra at the Stupa of Dhanyakataka” in German Scholars on India, (Varanasi, 1973), pp. 136-140., D. Mittra, Op. cit., (1971), pp. 2 and 97. Buddha spent the sixth week after enlightenment in the company of Mucalinda, the serpent king. 56. lAR, 1981-82, pp. 1-2., Ibid., 1982-83, pp. 2-3, T.V.G. Sastry, (ED.), Vaddamanu Excavations and Explorations in Krsna Valley, BACRI, Hydera­ bad, 1983). 57. I.K. Sarma, “Early sculptures and Epigraphs from South-East India : New Evidences from Amaravati ”, Fredrick Asher and G.S. Gai (Ed.) Indian Epigraphy and Its Bearing on the History of Art, (Varanasi, 1985), pp. 15-24. 58. lAR, 1980-81, p. 37. 59. C.B. Trivedi, “Identification of Nandinagar Namdingar”, Svasti Sri (New Delhi, 1984), pp. 326-327. 60. The Asokan edicts in Karnataka are situated in the eastern part of the state—Raichur (Maski and Koppal), Bellary (Nitiur and Udegolam), and Chitradurga (Bramagiri, Siddhapura and Jatinga Ramesvara) all touching the border of Andhra Pradesh contiguous to Kurnool (Erragudi and Rajulama- ndagiri). The evidence of Bhatliprolu writing proves that the scribe of the GSRC is not from the Mauryan court. Certain mistakes committed by the engraver like Sa for Sa etc. were due to ignorance of the script, language and phonetics by the engraver. 61. C//, III, p. 35; A.H. Dani, Indian Palaeography, (Oxford. 1963), pp. 35, 48. Also G. Biihler Indian Palaeography, p. 60. 62. Ep. Ind., XXXII, p. 4. Cdpada or Pdda was the Royal scribe so mentioned in Brahmagiri, Siddapura and Jatinga Rameswara who is believed to have travelled from North-west to Andhra-Karnataka to engrave the Asokan edicts. Buhler, Indian Palaeography (Calcutta, Reprina, 1962) p. 60. 63. “II Tempio di Bsam Yas, in la Symbolisme des Monuments reilgieux, Actes de la conference Internationale, Instituto Italiano per Medio ed Estreme Oriente, Serie Orieniale,'Vol. XIV, (Rome, 1957), pp. 118-123. 64. Infact Alexander Cunningham specul ated that Stupas are Pre-Buddhistic and originated from ‘king-burials’, cf. “Lauriya-Nandangarh” Archaeological 56 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradesa'

Survey Reports, Vol. I, (Simala, 1871), pp. 69-70. 65. S. Sankarayanan, “Some Forgotten pages in the Early Cultural History of the Andhra” in (New Delhi, 1985), p. 63. 66. Ibid., pp. 64-66. 67. K.R. Norman, “The Language in which the Buddha Taught” in Buddhism and Jainism, (Cuttack, 1976) pp. 15-23. 68. K.V. Ramesh, Indian Epigraphy, Vol. I (New Delhi, 1984), p. 67. 69. Prof. T. Burrow Foreword in K. Mahadeva Sastry, Historical grammer of Telugu, (Tirupati, 1969) p. v. 3

GUNTUPALLE ROCK-CUT CAITYAS AND VIHA r AS

Introduction Guptupalle (Lat. 17' 0" N., Long. 81' 8", Dist. West Godavari, Andhra Pradesh) is about 10 km. west of Kamavarapukota and 45 km North of Elluru Railway Station, The place is well known for its early Rock-cut architectural ventures. (Photo-11) The credit of first disco­ very of the caves and publication of an inscription, in characters of first century A.D. goes to Robert Sewell.^ Alexander Rea^ excavated many votive Stupas, a brick Caitya, etc. but no epigraph was found by him. A.H. Longhurst® visited in 1916 and reported a fragmentary inscription on one of the broken steps leading to the circular brick Caitya-grha at the eastern end of the middle terrace. Much later M. Venkataramayya* and K. Raghavachary undertook a small-scale clearance work on the middle terrace and brought to light a few more brick and stone stone-built StUpas with paved platforms. Inside one of the circular Caitya-grhas, lime stone Buddha images, all in round, with abhaya-mudrd, standing in samapada over lotus-pedestals and robed in a heavy lower cloth {antardvdsa) and a Sanghati which leaves their right chest bare, were found installed in a later phase. (Photo-17) The Stupas were also found embellished with limestone crescentic slab veneer with Padmapitha at the base. Besides, pottery wares of black- and-red and red slipped wares, a few rehquaries were found. Most remarkable event howevr, has been the discovery of four mandapa pillars of limestone bearing identical records (Photo-20) of the time of a Mahdmeghavdhana king by N. Venkataramanayya and R. Subrah- manyam® during the year 1968. With a view to initiate proper conservation measures, and keep­ ing in mind the guidelines of A.H. Longhurst® that “they will be 58 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradisa properly maintained at Government expense, and if necessary, further excavations will be undertaken with regard to the large number of unopened Stiipas", the present writer had the fortune of undertaking a systematic study and exposition of the various structural units. Rock- cut Caityas, etc., in their chronological sequence. These operations’ were spread over two spells, during the years 1975-76. A wealth of inscribed architectural members, (Photo-18) minor antiquities, besides, a smaller cave at the lower terrace overhead of the ravine, contributed substantially rich information about this unique site.

Rock-Cut Vestiges : The picturesque hill range forming the offshoots of the Eastern ghats extend east to west along the main road a little less than one km northwards of the village of Jilakarragudem. Its two scraps projecting like a horse-shoe create a ravine, which is covered with shrub jungle and a rivulet flows in between during the rainy season. The hill face, west of the ravine, contains rare architectural edifices of an early period. (Photo-H) Though not elaborate and handsomely carved, like the Western and Central Indian caves, the Vihdra caves here have a speciality of their own and exhibit certain archaic features. They are simple rectangular halls with cells inside either to the back wall or side walls all in a row in north to south axjs and faced east. The front openings were marked by arched facades. Their archaic character lends support to the early origin. Hiuen Tsang® describes about a Sanghdrdma not far from ‘Vengila’ which had high walls, storeyed towers and beautifully ornamented balconies. In front of this convent were two stone Stupas, one several hundred feet high. K.R. Subramanian takes this reference to Guntupalle Vihdras.

(I) Vrtta-Caitya ; (Photo-15, 13)

The Vftta-Caltya with a circular monolithic StUpa at the centre, is situated at the southern extreme of the hill. It is a true version on stone of a circular hut—‘'kQ(a'\ On plan the circular chamber facing east measures 5.49 m. in diametre and raises to a height of 4.50 m. The plain monolithic cut-out StUpa occupying the larger part of this Guntupalle Rock-Cut Caityas and Viharas 59 chamber centrally, consisted of a high battered drum of 3.56 m. diametre rising to a height of 1.02 m. (Photo-12, Fig. 12) The hemis­ pherical dome above it has a diametre of 2.80 m. and of 1.45 m. high. The total height of the monolithic StUpa from base to top thus comes to 2.47 m. The pillarless circumambulatory pathway around just 92 cm. wide leads to a gabled narrow porch in front (fig. 12). The inner domical ceiling (Photo-13), with curved ribs converging at the apex just as in the wooden huts or exactly of an umbrella frame led Vidya Dehejia® to take this ribbed celing as the very Chatra over the monolithic StUpa, the main object of worship. But it might be noted that the cut-out Sttipa on its dome top reveals a roughened apex (Photo-13) as witness to the existence of a shaft. The chatra stone was a seperate stone member fitted to the tenon of the rock-cut yasii. These two members appear to have been cut olf by the locals when they converted the cave into a Saivite sanctury and regarded the low anda as a Linga, and its somewhat tall and stout medhi (drum) as plfha and named the very cave as Dharmalingesvara. The horse-shoe shaped facade with the projecting ends of the little rafters (Photo. 12) has only a pointed finial crowning the arch as against a terracotta model of the kala§a Stupi type of the period seen at Lomasrishi^® (Barflbar). The beam-ends are merely ornamental and do not form part of the ceiling of the vestibule which is roughly crescentic on ground plan distinctly marked by a thin wall separating from the circular shrine. (Fig. 13) The lower outer ends of the arch reveal a tendency towards an outward curve. Such decorative elements like the elephant frieze, and decorated gavdksas lattices creen and hall in front are conspicuously absent at Guntupalle. No polished surface is also visible but this absence may be due to the bad rock itself, the khondolites being irregular in structure and uneven for polishing the surface. The central part is occupied by the StUpa, the main object of worship and circumambulation. This StUpa is typologicallly closer to the Stupas carved amidst the frieze of elephants within the recessed portion below the arch of the Lomasrishi-cave.

(2) Vihdra Caves : (Fig. 14) The Rock-cut Vihdras of Guntupalle are simple rectangular halls 60 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahml Inscriptions of Andhradisa with a few smaller cells at the back wall or siderealiy and present an uncommon form. The chambers are crudely finished and possess certain provisions for monks such as the Rock-cut seat with backrest, or bed with a pillow and a small square niche at the wall to keep the monks kit. The facades of these monastic units face east, each possessing main entrances with door-ways, flanked windows {gavdksa) on either side. (Photo-14) These door-ways lead into some sort of a main cell, apparently a hall, rectilinear in shape and of different dimensions. The three inner walls of each hall were again pierced by one or more open­ ings leading into cells. These cells excavated into the core of the rock are disposed in a very hapazard manner. No coordinated plan was followed in the arrangement of the cells. On the facade, both the door-ways and windows are round arched, with a projecting horse­ shoe arch having a finial above. In some cases, this element is a kalaia-stupi or simply a stupika or lotus bud. The space inbetween the two arches is filled with radiating spokes as in a blind caitya window. The narrow entrance, the simpli­ city of design absence of sculptures or niches for images, and absence of pillars would go to indicate that the side cells were residential in character and the central one enshrined, the cult object for daily worship of the clergy. Each cell measures alike with a provision for leaf wooden-doors. Originally also these F/Aara-caves were profusely leaking perhaps as the loose layers of the rock face allowed lot of seapage of rain water. Small ground channels are cut on the floor and frontage of the cells, to drain off the water. The execution of the caves demonstrates unskilled workmanship. No provision has been made for any sleeping platform or pillow for the monks unlike the newly exposed cave below (Photo-16) of 1st cent. A.D. date. These rock-cut Vihdras on the top terrace from their archaic features, could thus be dated to c, 2nd century B.C., if not arlier, and contiguous to the main Vctta Caitya at the southern end. In all there are five such monastic units as detailed above, all single-storeyed perched in a South-North at two gradiants but all face the rising sun. The caves are badly weather beaten and in decayed Guntupalle Rock-Cut Caityas and Viharas 61

State. The only decorative element lies in their archedfacades over the door and window frames. (Photo-14). Cave at the South-East Tor : Planned exploration in the jungle-clad rugged hill-surroundings here revealed the existence of a large number of caves and natural shelters, along the eastern off-shobts of hill right upto KSmavara- pukota. The higher contours of the hill reveal many such shelters and caves. The unfinished attempts at the Northern flank of the hill are mere extensions of the rock-cut Vihara halls opening towards east. Some of them appear to be double-storeyed but simple undecorated ones. Due to thick jungle and debris choking the cave fronts detailed exploration was not possible. A bigger cave, overlooking the ravine at the south-east bend of the hill, at its middle height, was however, cleared from the shrub jungle (Photo-15). It has a plain arched facade looking rugged due to the exfoliation of the rock surface. The entrance is to the side and faces south-west. Hie interior to a length of nearly 28 m., revealed a rouletted passage leading to a smaller chamber inside. Evidence for fixing vvood-rafters could be seen. There are brick platforms at the court-yard of the inner cave. Exteriorily outside the cave its frontage is levelled arid bounded with stones. A few Brahmi characters of first century A.D. at the left lower region of the cave entrance (No. 1-47) help in dating the cave. A New Vihdrd Cave (Photo-16, No. 38) A small rectangular cave with a sloping roof and without any ornamentation on its somewhat doucene chajja was brought to light, for the first time, at the south-west slope of the middle terrace over­ head of the ravine. The cave faces east, like the bigger pillarless halls above and remained covered up under the debris of the brick votive StQpa mounds 11 and 16. The cave has a rectangular opening and measures 4 metres north-south and 3.60 m. east-west. The side walls at the interior are marked by plain-arched empty niches. The front open- court is separated from the inner chamber by massive rectangular short pillars, crudely carved and damaged at the roof level. The cave 62 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahml Inscriptions of Andhradisa was choked with debris. The verandah floor is laid with neatly cut Cuddapah slabs which contained short inscriptions in Brahmi chara­ cters of 1st cent. A.D. Two such slabs of lime stone (1-3, 4A and 11) have inscriptions. The overlying debris yielded quite a large quantity of pottery of unslipped, Red Ware bowls, Red polished ware medium size vases, lamps, etc. The cave front, as well as atop was found covered by brick walls of a monastic unit of later date. The cave thus appears to have come to disuse. An inscribed bronze (1-14) seated image of Bodhisattva Padmapani with the usual creed formulae ‘edharma hetu prabhavah’ was datable to 9th cent. A.D. This attests to the importance of the monastery as a centre during medieval times also. The discovery of this cave at the lower level and closer to a bigger group of known Vihdra caves, opens up new vistas and one can expect some more caves right upto the base of the hill.

(/) Structual StUpas and Monastery at Gunfupalle {Mahdndgaparvata) Circular Brick Caityag^ha (Fig. 15) More or less of the same period as the Rock-hewn Caitya, is a brick-built circular Caitya-grha at the eastern extreme over an elevated rectangular terrace approached by a long flight of stone steps. Alex­ ander Rea had partially dug these mounds (nos. 33, 34, 35). In its earliest phase it appears to be contemporaneous to the cut-out version mentioned above and a record of an updsika datable to 2nd-1st century B.C. (No. 1-2) refers to the setting up of stone steps at the entrance platform. The outer wall of the circular Caitya externally measures 11 metres in diametre and has imposing adhisthdna mouldings like an updna (22 cm), high jagati and prat! (72 cm) and the battered wall raises to height of 80 cm. The extent height of the Caitya-grha works out 2.44 metres. The walls are sturdy and of 2.14 metre wide. The front porch measures 2.14 x 2.05 m. internally and leads to a narrow passage which gives access to the sanctum. The cult object was a Stupa at the centre. The cylindrical drum with a projected band at the base and a low parapet at the top is 1.22 metre high. The circum- ambulatory path around the Stttpa is 1.38 m. wide. Originally the Stupa-grha was a plain brick one (Fig. 15) with exteriors treated witk Guntupalle Rock-cut Caityas and Viharas 63 lime plaster. Similar circular Caityas of brick were exposed nearer home at Salihundam. An outstanding example of a circular shrine of brick datable to Mauryan period is known from . These examples possessed an oblong projection for a porch or passage towards west. During the Ik§vaku period, the entire Stupa, both cylindrical drum and the low dome, were veneered with crescentic slabs of greenish marble displaying fine joinery. The floor was paved with sandstone slabs. Edging the western face of the Stttpa and facing the passage free-standing images of Buddha were installed. (Photo-17) A similar set of three standing images side-by-side were also found within the porch, edging the southern wall. (Fig. 15) These Buddha images in round with abhayamudra the characteristic curly hairdo (ydmavrta curls) ranged in height from 60 cm. 1.50 m. Standing in Samapada over squarish lotus pedestals they display robed in heavy lower cloth (antardvdsa) and a Sanghdti with the right chest bare, typify the Amaravati school. To this phase can be assigned the lime stone chatra with yasti, that crowned the StUpa. Stone Mandapa Among the other notable units at Guntupalle that could be assigned to pre-christian era, a stone pillared mandapa is important. The massive monolithic pillars made of Khondalite, square at the bottom, octagonal in the middle with chamferings at the transitions stood to a height of 4.57 m. recalling the Khandagiri-Udayagiri (Orissa) examples. The mandapa itself measured 17.08 x 10.37 and had 24 stone pillars standing in six rows of four each. At the east and west sides two small platforms flank the entrance approaches.

Limestone Mandapa and Structural StUpas in Stone {Middle Terrace) Perched on a semi-flattish terrace measuring 183 x 46 m. is a complex of structural stupas of brick out of cut-khondalite stone blocks (Fig. 16). The dome part was encased with crescentic slabs, bearing simple decor on their exterior face. Nearly 35 examples of StUpas of various sizes were merely listed as Mounds by Alexander Rea. Cleara­ nce and partial exposition was undertaken on a few of these mounds. A Rock hewn cistcrn and a well served as storage devices for water. 64 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and BrdhmJ Inscriptions of Andhradeh

Several rock boulders atop the hill possess depressions and these served as water-troughs. A stone StUpa (no. 7 with a railing was exposed by Rea. It is a small one having a diametre of 5.68 m. at the base, the drum rising to 1.53 m. height. Resting on this drum is a simple hemispherical dome of 4.88 m. in diametre, and of 2.62 m. height. The structure stands on a circular stone-paved terrace common to some other votive StUpas as well. The Tee and umbrella were separately found in the debris below and the dome part was found destoryed partially by treasure seekers before Rea’s digs. The crescentic stones encasing the SiUpa here are neatly dressed and accurately fitted. Alexander Rea obtained relics in a cylindrical stone casket^^ moulded at the rim and base. The contents within it included a round copper vessel, a crystal hexaganal bead, miniature gold bowl and two tiny little gold beads. Outside around the plinth of the StUpa, a stone umbrella staff, canopy votive Stapa of stone and Lid of a relic casket etc. This StUpa perhaps had a short two-barred rail composed of vertical shafts of Khondalite along the edge of the Pradak^im patha. In style, dimensions and construction, it shows archaic trends and can be assigned to 2nd century B.C.

Foundational detail o f a Bigger StUpa : (Fig. 16, no. 19) The clearance in front of the above described stone mandapa (Mound No. 2), exposed by Rea, and in between smaller votive StUpas, plinth of a cut-stone StUpa of bigger dimensions (10.70 m. diametre) was exposed. The core is filled up with earth, rubble and bricks. It has Ayaka platforms at the cardinals. This appears to be a biggest Stupa here and contained Ayaka platforms and a double-barred railing of brownish sandstone. The uprights are squarish and of 1.80 m. high. They have only two lenticular mortices on the side faces each measur­ ing 30.5 cm. in height and 5 cm in width at the middle part. Stray Brahmi letters and numerals can be seen on these uprights. They stood for the names or mason’s marks. An inscribed floor slab (1-9), was found in proximity of the Pradaksina patha, near the southern ayaka. Besides, following precious objects, were also recovered. An inscribed red sandstone casket (1-6), squarish in shape with a round slot in the Guntupalle Rock-Cut Caityas and Viharas 65

centre and covered by a circular cap was found near the eastern side of the Stupa. The slot within is broken but contained a StUpa shaped silver casket in pieces, a gold chatra with a vertical rod, gold and silver flowers, broken crystal fragments etc. It is clear that they formed part of the interned reliquary. The casket as a whole got displaced from its original locus. The plinth is covered up by the debris of the later Stupa builders and can be regarded as an earlier one. Another minia^ ture pot found within eastwards of the Stupa debris along with an votive StQpa, contained a circular lid made out of thin gold foil, two rings of copper and a sheet of gold, A small square tablet of grey sand stone with a raised border and a Brahmi inscription in five lines (1-13) was found here. This was originally fixed to a stone stump which held the Chatravali of the StUpa. It appears to be a creed plaque, Quite a large number of architectural fragments, such as lenticular sucis, broken verticals and crescentic dome slabs found during the clearance and the follow up conservation works of 1974-75 on a closer examination were found to contain symbols in their vertical sections like the Nandipada, Vyaghramukha and Purifaghatd etc.

Four Lime stone Pillars Bearing Identical Inscriptions (no.36,1-l). A set of four slender but tall lime-stone pillars-with half lotus medallions at the middle parts, were discovered by N. Venkatarama^ nayya and R. Subrahmanyam in the year 1968 during a clearance: operation (mounds no.8, 11) closer to the above described Stupa. They contained an identical inscription (I-l) referring to the donation of a mandapa by a royal scribe of a Kalinga king belonging to Mahflmeg- havShana dynasty and described as a Lord of both Kalinga and Mahi?aka countries (I-l). These pillars may have formed part of thfr above two units during its middle phase and accordingly assignable to* early first century B.C. date.

A Bigger Mandapa with Inscribed Limestone Pillars (N o.37) Clearance in front of the stone mandapa exposed by Alexander Rea (no.2), and a little southwards of it but close west of the structural Stupas revealed the existence of an exsensive pillared mandapa. The 66 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa pillars possess tetragonal shafts about four-and-half metres high with lotus medallions marking the octogonal sections {kattu), at the middle. Most of them contained donatary records (1-7,8,9,10) in 1st century A-D- Brahmi characters. These donations were caused by several grhapatis and grhitfis hailing from several parts of the country. This pillared hall was in good stead for several centuries as the inscribed records on the pillars ranged in date from 1st to 5th century A.D. (nos.I-10,1-12). During the late Satavflhana and Ik§vaku periods, there were many more structural stupas, with the veneer of limestone or Khon- dalite slabs and small Buddha images installed for worship by the monks.

Apsidal Buddha Caitya : At the north-western corner of the terrace and closer to the stone pillared hall (Mound-2), partly exposed by Rea, is a massive unit of a brick apsidal Caitya (no. 1). The brick walls are preserved to almost roof level, the vault had terracotta finials. The main entrance faces south-west. It has a long apsidal ending back; measuring inside 17.60 m. in length and 4.42 m. in breadth. The wall is preserved to a height of 1.32 cm. with an exceptionally nice basement moulding of stuccoed brick. A platform is built at the apse for placement of the massive image of Buddha. A flight of steps were provided to reach this platform for circumambulation around the apsidal back. Rea Ibund even the springing of the semi-circular brick arch spanning the doorway and so this unit must have been in a good condition till recent times. The walls as preserved now rise to a height of 4.58 m. The door-jambs are semi-octogonal on plan, and are carried up as pilaster to the springing arch. On each side was a niche for a figure of Buddha or Bodhisattva. The plinth mouldings are hig^hly ornate (Rail-pattern and screen), and recall to mind the rock-cut examples of Nasik and Karle. They have been finished in stucco and perhaps coloured and painted too. The Buddhist rail ornament in front portion, built of moulded bricks, possessed in their inner spaces little square-headed recesses (gfl^M) for keeping the lamps. In fact Rea reported from the excavations numerous pottery lamps. Gui.nupalle Rock-Cut Caltyas and Viharas 67

{ii\) Brdhml Inscriptions from Gun(upalle Locations and Detail o f Discovery o f the Inscriptions: Before each record is dealt with in detail their find-spots^® and sequence need be stated. (Photo-18) pillar inscriptions grouped under (I-l) are found on the south-east platform adjacent to the bigger stone Stupa leading to the circular stone Caitya-g[ha at the eastern entrance (no. 37). A new cave of smaller dimensions with a rectangular (no.38) opening measuring 4 metres north-south and 3.60 metres east-west was brought to light (Photo-16). Its side walls had arched niches, plain and empty. The open court is separated from the inner chambers by massive rectangular pillars and sidereal walls. The frontage had originally a paving of slate and limestone slabs. Several among these early floor slabs were found disturbed and reused also by the medieval occupants who not only levelled the areas but raised the ground floor, built platforms and bounded the edges of the terrace with massive brick-veneering. The clearance of such brick debris in this area reve­ aled a few inscribed floor slabs (nos.3,9 and 11) of the earlier period, and an inscribed bronze image of Bodhisattva Padmapflni (no. 14) from the later occupational phase of the medieval period is a noteworthy example, Nos.4A,5 and 6 (a stone reliquary), were found in the pradaksind-patha area of the bigger stone Stupa near the standing columns of the matidapa. It may be noted that this railed StUpa and the Khondalite stone pillared hall were unearthed by Alexander Rea. Again from the very same place a stone plaque containing a four-lined inscription (no. 13) was fonnd. The records nos. 7,8,10 and 12 are engraved over the broader facets of the lime-stone pillars of the usual AmarSvati class, simple square shafts with octagonal mid-section, chamfered at the sides and containing half-lotus medallions. The maximum length of the pillar is 4.43 meters from top to bottom. The squarish base, however,, measures 40x 37 cm. All the pillars were found f^allen to the ground in the southern frontage of the bigger mandapa whose pillars are still in position. These weather-beaten blackish Khondalite shafts are crude and comparable to the ones found in the Orissan caves at Khandagiri, <68 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brdhml Inscriptions o f Andhradtsa and Udayagiri,’® datable to 2nd century B.C. The lime-stone examples, as the inscriptions on them reveal, were meant for the expanded mandapa set up during first century A.D.

(A) Pillar Inscriptions assignable to 2nd-lst cent. B.C. (No.I-l/B7)

1. Mahdrdjasa Kaliga-[Md\- 2. hisakadhipatisa Mahd- 3. Mekhavdhanasa Siri Sd- 4. dasa lekhakasa Cula-Go 5. masa madapo ddnam.

“ Gift of mandapa^* by Maharaja Sri Sata or Sada i.e., sopti. Lord •of the Kalinga-Mahi§aka countries (and) belonging to Mahameghava­ hana dynasty. The scribe (of the record) is K§udra Goma, i.e. Goma, the younger”. It may be noted^* here that a person named Goma was an attendant of Buddha himself. The characters are closely comparable to Kharavela’s Hathigumpha prasasti as well as the Naneghat record of the early Satavahana rulers. The letters la and ha are peculiarly written, the former like the inverted english letter “L”, whereas ha is horizontally laid. The vowel marks are faint, and even omitted in some cases. The interchange of letters, ta for da, kha for ga could be seen. The palaeography clearly points to a date of 2nd century or early first century B.C. In no case this inscription can be •Guntupalle Rock-Cut Caityas and Viharas 69 assigned to 2nd century A.D. in the light of the numeous records from the same place noticed below. Moreover, the epigraphical wealth of Guntupalle presents a sumptuous meterial for a closer and critical study of script styles in a sequential and chronological order. While studying the palaeographical characteristics this particular record alone should not be regarded as the basis for judging the date. Besides, the associated structural vestiges also warrant a date not later than 1 st cent. B.C. R. Subrahmanyam read line-4, as Siri Samdesa L^khakasa, meaning as “the recorder of the royal message or orders” of the Mahsmeghavahana king. D.C. Sircar’s amendment of the passage as Siri Sadesa Iekhakasa is clearly acccpiahlc. The name of the king is undoubtedly Siri Sada or Sri Sata, but basing on this proper name no relationship need be assumed with the Satavahanas. Sata, Satakarrii,^ etc. were popular personal names during the period like family names that end in Vahana. The king is described in the record as Kalifiga- mahisakd dhipati i.e., the lord of both Kalinga and Mahi§aka countries; and he belonged to the Mahameghavahana family. Meghavahana^^ is a name of Indra, as also Siva. The donor of the mandapa appears to be the king himself and the qualifying phrase mandapo danam should be related to Sdda. The writer of the record (here he is only a scribe) is one Cula-Goma. In many of the royal grants we usually find the name of lekhaka mentioned at the end but instances are not altogether absent when the writer as well as the scribe are separately mentioned irregularly in the text. In the present record this could be an error of the scribe though not of the writer {lekhaka) or composer {racayitd ) The proper identification of the ‘Mahisaka’ country is very vital to solve many historical and cultural events. We get a glimpse of Maharaja Kharavela’s political ambitions from his Hathigumpha pra^aSti.^^ In the eleventh regnal year Maharaaja Kharavela made a dent into the Andhra country; the market town Pithupda founded by an Ava king was ploughed. This invasion of coastal Andhra by the Kalinga ruler was after his unsuccessful bid over Siri Satakamni {acitayitd Satakamnirii), who was then ruling west of the Kalinga country in the Vidarbha region of Mahara§{ra, the capital city being Musikanagara.^® Sylvain Levi identified*^ the market town Pithunda with Pihundra, 70 Studies in Early Budihist Monuments and Bra'mi Inscriptions of Andhradiict the ancient metropolis designated by Ptolemy as the capital of the country of Maisoloi. Portions of the Telugu country were known as or Manjerade^a“ and MSsala as found in Greek accounts. In Jaina Uttarddhydyana-Sutra, ‘Pihumda’ is stated to be a sea coast town and sea-faring merchants are cited to be travelling by boat from Champa (the present Kampuchia) to Pihumda even in the days of the MahSvira. Kudura (KoddOra) is also an important centre mentioned by Ptolemy in the country of Maisolia.^® J. Dubruiel takes the entire coast^’ between Godavari and Kr§hn3 as ‘Maisolos’. R. Subrahmanyam located the ‘Mahi§aka’ country as the region comprising the southern districts of the former Hyderabad State and thus upheld Mirashi’s finding that the region was under M3na-Mahi§a kings.^® But this territory cannot be regarded as exactly contiguous to Kalinga. The coins of Mana-Mahi§a kings are known only from the region comprising of Karimnagar-- Medak-Nalgonda and none were reported from coastal Andhra so far. In the absence of any other evidence, it is difficult to locate the Mahi§aka territory, of the present record in the southern Mysore or Hyderabad area. Several other views^® exist on the location of Mahisa and if we have to trace the origin of this territorial name to the family name or group of people living in that country, we may expect various Mahisaka countries. According to our inscription, the Mahisaka country appears to have been a contiguous territory to Kalinga during the period (see the single compound expression : Kalihga-Mahisakddhi- p a tif^ and we identify this Mahi§aka with the Maisolia (perhaps a territory named after the Krsna river) mentioned in the geography of Ptolemy. Infact the river Krsna is called Maisolos. It is quite reasonble that the royal house of Kalinga held this rich coastal Andhra territory and perhaps made a dent farther into the Tamil and Pandyan kingdoms through these ports. The KaUnga power, at no time, appears to have come into contact with Karnataka or western and southern. Mah3ra§tra. King Siri Sata also persued the religious policy of his illustrious predecessor. We hear that Kharavela during the 13th and 14th regnal years, caused the codification of Jaina angas and raised buildings for the ascetics with stones and columns brought from many miles.. •Gun\upalle Rock-cut Caityas and Viharas 7t

King Sata of our record thus actually accomplished the tasks initiated by his illustrious predecessor Maharaja KhSravela and justly added to liis title Mahisakadhipati. In the absence of any clear proof, the relationship of the former with the latter is to remain a speculation. Since the place was anciently known through the records (see below) as MahSnSgaparvata, the linguistic derivation attempted by R. Subrahmanyam for the origin of the place name ‘GuEitupalle’ as ‘Guddu Palle’ that is Prthu-anda and its identification with Pitundra o f Ptolemy appears to be improbable.^^ Shyam Manohar Mishra subsequently published in 1981 a note®^ and for reasons not clear to us, failed to read my detailed paper which appeared three years earlier in the very same Journal on Guotupalle Inscriptions.®® There is absolutely no basis to interpret the above compound expression to mean “the Lord of the Mahisakas of Kalinga” or to regard King Sada as a Buddhist. It is clearly a geographical name of territory closer to Kalinga and the occupants

But a perusal of the report of H. Krishna Sastry®’ with the accompanying illustration clearly reveals that the record is of some­ what later date and Longhrust’s reporting was erroneous. The text of the published estampage is reproduced here. (Photo-21)

Therasa bhayatd Nadasa atevdsika Sanadasa danarh sdvd [narh] “Gift of (the) step(s) by Sflnada, the desiciple (atevasika), of the elder {therdf^ venerable {bhayata), N anda.” The characters also call for a few observations. As in the pillar record noted above, the letters ka, ra and da retain the archaic shape with long vertical endings. But the emergence of the head-marks can be clearly noted. Further the letter forms of va, m , ta, and bha are somewhat developed. The record could be assigned to about the close of 1st century B.C. Apparently basing on Longhrust’s rendering of the monk’s name as Suyajnanatha, R. Subrahmanyam and, after him, H.D. Sankalia held that the name sounds like that of a Jaina teacher and consequently Jaina occupation and influence in the area was considerable.^* But, as stated earlier, Jainism at this site was merely of a passing nature like the Kalinga power in this region which was soon over-whelmed by the Buddhist influences. In passing, however, we may state that in the medieval period Jainism reappeared at this place too, though not in the Buddhist site proper. In the Sivdru (dry) lands of Kaqthan'anenivarigodem, a hamlet of Jilakarragadem, about one km. west, an extensive habita- tional site was found.*® A granite image of a seated Jaina Tirthatfkara was found in the field called Gangadevipadu here,

(C) Inscription of lst-2nd cenlury A.D. 1-3. G T 1174,) {B-8, ARIE, 1974-75)*^ This single line inscription was found on a linear slab (Photo-22> of grey lime stone, very much wheathered and flanking OS'. The extant length is 95 cms. width 54 cms. and thickness 9 cms. The letters are somewhat cursive and the characters are datable to early 1st century A.D. The letter na is peculiar, both the horizontal strokes terminate with the left vertical. The same form of na is also noticeable in no. 10> Cuniupalle Rock-Cut Caityas and Viharas line 4 {Mahanaga). This letter form survives for a long period as it appears again in record no. 12, line-1 of the SalankSyana times.

Mahdndgapavata-nivdsisa mahdndvi {kasa). . “Gift of a Master-mariner (Mahdndvika), resident of the great Nagaparvata.” The record is fragmentary and the gift might reasonably be taken as the very floor slab. 1-4A and I-4B : Both are fragmentary in nature and datable to 1st century A.D. I-4A ; {GTI-4I74,B-I1 of ARIE, 1974-75) ; It was found on a lime-stone fragment and reads. . Sdmisa vi. This is not illustrated. However, the Epigraphical Branch of the Archaeological Survey of India has reported^^ thus—“Four fragmentary inscriptions engraved on floor slabs and written in Prakrit language and Brdhmi characters of about the first century A.D. were discovered in the cave of Guntu- palle. One of them mentions a certain Mahadasa who was resident of Mahanagapavata.” We have no idea if any other inscription than 1-3, was found by them. I-4B : On the eastern flank of the ravine, the flattish rock has revealed existence of smaller caves and shelters, besides, structural votive stdpas of stone amidst the scrub jungle. However, the rock face is in utterly bad state due to weathering, the architectural features such as the partition walls and screens, archades and windows at the inner passage of the cave and open shelters nearby have almost dis­ appeared. But in the present example (first one in the series from west), a plain horse-shoe shaped facade (Photo-15) is prominently seen from a considerable distance. The cave faces south and is characterised by a long barrel-vaulted passage sidereally cut along the scarp. The interior is plain and inaccessible debris, the frontage however is partly levelled and bunded also. Existence of a thatched canopy was evident from the grooves and sockets cut into the rock face above the prastara level and correspondlingly on the floor. Its sides are also dressed and on the right lower region close to a small gudu type socket, for lamp, a few inscribed letters, in two sets, were noticed one below the other (Photo-23). The first set reads kaksa and the lower one Budhi. The meaning of the first word is not clear and also its reading 74 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahml Inscriptions of Andhradlsa is tentative. The letter ksa could well be po and the form of la is peculiarly written, a type, however, common among Guptupalle records. If the last letter is taken as m , it may perhaps stand for j cave. Such expressions are of common occurence in western Indian caves. Budhi is obviously a personal name, perhaps that of the donee who caused the lena to be made. These labels help us to date the cave to early first century A. D. and from its severly plain nature also we can infer that this was a Hinayana retreat.

1-5 ; (GTI-4176) This is also on a slab (Photo-24) of weathered lime-stone broken at either ends and contained a single line inscription in the mid­ region. T e x t: {Bu or) Bhu dhino atevdsinena bhikunenaddna [m] “Gift by a nun named Buddhini a resident disciple” (at the Sangha)

1-6 : GTL5I74 {B-12 of ARIE., 1974-75) This is engraved clock-wise (Photo-25) around the broader sec­ tion of a sandstone cylindrical casket (lower protion). Such caskets resembling the Stupa in architectural form together with the lid por­ tion, were found in large numbers from the Site, and a few among them contained reliquaries but mostly they were votive offerings. The right loop is joined in the case of sa in nikdyasa. The letters squarish: very little distinction exists between ta and na'm A the vertical ends have no curves. The characters are assignable to early 1st century A.D. T e x t: “Sldha Ko(i Gahapati Ketilandkha nikdyasa kararri*’ “[This gift] at the Buddhist community was caused to be done by Ketilanakha, the householder from Koti”. Sidha stands for the auspicious word Siddham. Karam stands for Kdritam. Kofi stands for the place name and the expression nikdya might relate to the reliquary**^ itself. The reading of the Epigraphy Branch, which is reported elsewhere, is quoted here,*® “One inscription Guntupalle Rock-Cut Caityas and Viharas 75 engraved on a stone casket found in the same cave is written in prakrt > language and Brahmi characters of about the third-fourth century A.D. It mentions one Karam (...... ) described as the wife of Kumdi- gahapati and as the (mother) of Nakhamika.” Interested scholars may compare (Photo-25) and take the correct reading.

1-7 ; {GTI-3 76) The record is in five lines over the mid-region of the lime-stone pillar (Photo-26). The writing commences just below the lotus medal­ lion as in the case of 1-8 (below) and the letters are alike closer to this example. The engraver has omitted the vowel marks at various places and mistakes have crept in. The letter forms/a and go are I identical. In line-1, ba is used for ja , in Sefagiriba.

Text: 1. [Se) tagiriba gahapti putasa Nariida ga 2. Yaca Candhapavaka*^ Saghasa Gagana 3. [Gd\ ja husayd imam Yaca dend jita 4. [Patdkanarh MaMndgayavata Sela [ma\— 5. [4hd\ ve thabho deyadhama Saghasa ddna [m]

The inscription registers donations at different places by one Nandayajna, son of a householder hailing from Setagiri. The first one is a gift to the Sangha at Candakaparvata of a sculptured {Pap) panel “Gagana-Gaja husd” depicting the theme of Bodhisattva descending from heaven in the form of white elephant as in some of the sculptured friezes of Amaravati and NagSrjunakonda. The other is a pious gift, a Jita-patdka (might stand for citra-patdka), flag of victory or dhvaja to the pillar at the ^aila-mandapa on MahSnagaparvata. 1-8 ; (GTI-2176 ; {B-42, ARIE, 1977-78) This pillar record (Photo-27) is in eight lines, the last line having only three letters at the extreme right. The engraving is somewhat deeper, characters are stumpy, head-marks vaguely indicated by thick­ ened tops. The vowel marks are not prominent in some cases. Ya is peculiar, a shallow trough type, the medial line joined sidewards to the left vertical; ha is horizontally laid; gha is almost like ya but for the central partition and ga is like ta. The short form of vertical without 76 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

the curls, together with the above palaeographical features suggest a date of early first century A.D, T e x t: 1. Ve4hagiriyasa gahapatino Bu- 2. dhino putasa Ini Surakasa 3. gahapatini Alahakasa A- 4. irayasa saputakasa Saja- 5. hutukasa cha deyadhama Mahd 6. ndgapavate madave thabho caka- 7. raja amumaga

The record states about the two pious gifts (deyadhamma) made to the Buddhist Sahgha at Mahanagaparvata jointly by one Ini, son of Budhi, a householder hailing from Vedhagiri, and another householder from Suraka, an Aryaya^a from Alahaka, his son and sons-in-law. The gifts are (1) a mandapa pillar {ntadhave thabho)', a circular encasement slab (like a dome-slab) with a sculptured theme showing the revolution of the wheel, i.e. dharmackra pravartana in motion (cakaraja anuma- ga4ha-idrija pata).

1-9 ; GTI-2I74-, B-9 ARIE. 1974-75) A broken slab of greyish brown lime-stone, contained a single line inscription recording the gift(s) made by several persons. It measures 1.48 X .39 and 8 cm in thickness; the incomplete inscription occupies the mid-region. The portion detailing the nature of each donation is damaged. The characters resemble no. 10 below though somewhat cursive. A tendency to end the verticals incurved could be seen among the letters a and ka, etc. The anusvdra and vowel marks are missing and even originally perhaps not properly followed.

Text; (Photo-28A) . . [pa] vata nivas [/] sa gharan [/] Agahitanamda [di] kanam Ayadhama Senani atevdsa . . .

“[Giftl by a housewife [g/iarani] named Agahitanandi, resident Cuntupalle Rock-Cut Caityas and Viharas 77

of [Naga] parvata; a person named Aryadharma;^® a soldier resident. . etc. (lost).

1-14: {GTI-1176 No. B, 41, ARI4, 1977-78) The pillar has two inscriptions of different dates one below the other. The latter one is dealt with under no. 12, while the former, earlier in date, is in six lines (Photo-29) below a half lotus marking the terminal of the octagonal mid-region of the pillar-shaft. The characters of the epigraph belong to the Ku§ana-Satavahana dated to mid-second century A.D. The writing displays an improvement—the letters are now somewhat squarish, the verticals and vowels marks in a, ka, and ra end in fine curls, the form of letter na in line-5, ‘Mah3nagaparvata’, merits special attention as both the horizontal lines terminate at the left vertical. This form of na seems to be a peculiarity of the region, as also other letters like ba and la in record nos. 1 and 2 and differ from the usual style of the century. Dha has a triangular form. It is surpris­ ing that M.D. Sampath** of the Epigraphy Branch, Archaeological Survey of India who took stock of the ep^grapbical discoveries in Andhra Pradesh in his latest paper has paid sufficient attention to cite the references to the full publication of the very epigraphs®® which appeared in 1978. The readings given by him are however, inaccurate and do not include many fresh discoveries also.

Text : (Photo-29) 1. Sidhani gahapata (ti) no Harhghasa 2. bhariyayd Updsikdya Budha (dhi)- 3. ya deyadhama inathmi mahd- 4. sela madhave jasakhambhd 5. Mdhdndgapavata Ariya Sarh 6. ghasa patifhapitarh

The inscription begins with the auspicious sidham, dha twice written, the first one erased and followed by a punctuation mark, and records the pious installation [pratsfhd-pitam] of a pillar of fame (jasa- khambha i.e. ya§ah-khamba\ at the big stone hall [Mahd-iailamaif^^pa] belonging to the {Arya Sahgha\ on MahanSgapavtata by a lay disciple 78 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsct

(upasika), named BudhI, wife of householder Hamgha. This stambha may be a Memorial pillar. The rendering of the text by the Epigraphy Branch is as under.®^ “The first one records that this Jasa-Khambha (Jaya-khamba), i.e. the pillar of victory, in the Inammi mahd-sela-man4aya {maha-sila- man4apa of Inamm) is a pious gift in favour of the Arya—Sangha {Arya Sahgha) of the MahSnagaparvata by Budha, a lay-worshipper {Upasika) and the wife of the householder Hangha of {Sa){ku)le."

1-11 : (GTI-3174; B-10 of ARIE, 1974-75) The record is on a rectangular slab measuring 54 x 50 cms. and of 9 cms. thick, broken at either ends. The extant letters read *‘duhuta yd ca Samghi da [xam] [gift of the daughter Samghi. .).” The first letter ta and the last letter da, a sickle type, written upside down. The script recalls late SatavShana-IksvSku cursive forms datable to 3rd century A.D.

(D) Inscriptions o f early 5th and 6th centuries A.D. 1-12 : Pillar Record of the time of Sdlankdyana king Vijaya Nandi Varman (II)“ The full text of the record could not be satisfactorily deciphered as several lines are damaged, letters partly rubbed off. To complete the sequence, however, I shall state here the main contents of the record as it could be tentatively made out. The lengthy inscription, in 23 lines, was found engraved below the record I-10 above. The characters of the epigraph are in Brahmi of the post-Iksvaku period and the language is Sanskrit. The writing is set in neat horizontal lines but the preservation of the record is far from satisfactory. While the beginning of each line is clear, the end­ ings are invariably missing due to the exfoliation of the pillar surface. In the mid-region'Jsome letters are worn-out, presenting great difficul* ties in making out the text fully. This is the only known stone inscription issued by Salankayana kings as on date. The script of the record betrays the curly flourishes of the post-Ik§vaku script with box-head marks and is closer to the

Kadamba grant®® of Mrgg^a Varman, year-2. In the present record we can see definite advancement over the Ik§vaku script with the conson­ ant signs getting externally looped and curving as in the endings like sya, dya, etc. A distinctive feature, however, lies in the script style which markedly differs from the well known copper plate grants of this very dynasty obtained from the Vengi region.®* This then clearly demons­ trates as to how the style of writing changes when the media and technique differ, albeit the scribe or engraver, his patron, place and period being identical. The ‘urban’ and ‘rural’ strains in palaeographi- cal studies as maintained by K.V. Ramesh®® may not hold good in «uch circumstances. Little difference exists in the letter forms na and ta, so also ta and ga (lines 1 and 2). In words like Vengi, Sdlanka, the usual anundsika has taken the place of anusvdra. Reduplicated consonants are generally used as in caturvvidyd, Varmmd, dharmma, etc. The record was issued by the Sfllankayana king Vijaya Nandi Varman (II) C. 400.430 A.D. from the victorious city of Vengi. He is the eldest son of Acanda Varman known from the copper plate charters obtained from Kollair and Peddavegi.®® He has the usual epithets (lines 8-9), here as Citrarathasvdmi-pddanudhyatah, Parama- Bhdgavatah, Bappabhafiaraka-Pdddnudydtah, Parama-Bhdgavatah etc. The record gives us the pedigree from the time of Hasti Varman (I), and four generations of rulers are cited. Interestingly the family name is stated as Salanku (ka) kula (line-1) instead of the common expression SalankSyana as in the copper plates. This dynastic name owes its origin perhaps to the gotra-rsi Salanka or iSalanku,^’’ and in the DharikatQra grant (lines 3-4), Acanda Varman is described as belong­ ing to Sdlankdygnagotra. Several covetous titles are mentioned for Hasti Varman, the first ruler. He is described (lines 1 to 3) as Salanku ika) kuldmaldkdia-^asahkah, Vist^ugrha-ca turvvidya-Madyaneka- vivatah,^ sadfista-vanavisargah, Dharmamahdrdjah, etc. whereas the Kanukollu plates describe him as anekasamara-mukha-vikhdta-karmd and the Peddav5gi charter as aneka-samaravdpta vijayinah. Therefore, it appears that Hasti Varman’s alleged defeat®^ at the hands of Samudragupta may not be a fact but merely expressing of self exalta­ tion by the latter. 80 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and BrahmJ Inscriptions of A ndhradlsa

As regards their personal religion; the first ruler of the dynasty, VijayadSva Varma was a parama-Mahe'svara (Kanukollu plates), his son Hasti Varma-I, a parama-Bhdgavata and Bhagavan Ndrdyam- carandravinda (Penugonda plates); while Acanda Varman and his son Vijaya Nandi Vaman were parama-Bhdgavata and Citradhasmmi- Pddabhaktah. The I^lankSyanas were undoubtedly followers of Vi§nu, more appropriately SQryanarSyana, and the Peddavegi grant registers the gift of the village for the Trailokyandtha Vistfugrhasvami temple®® by Nandi Varman II himself. The present record appears to register a major donation to the Buddhist establishment flourishing at the place. Unfortunately the portion detailing this is illegible but a Mahd-vihdra is described in lines 11, 15 and 16. The date portion also can not be clearly made out. It is held that the Salaiikayanas were instrumental for the spread of Buddhism to Burma, also southwards to Kaflcipuram and elsewhere. The Peddavegi grant styles Nandi Varman-I as vividha-nharma-pradha- nasya. That Mahanagaparvata was connected to Kaftci and its neigh^ bourhood is established by the reference to Vedasaila in 1-8 above as early as in 1st century A.D. Pa?ini (6th cent. B.C.), refers to Salankayanas and calls the country of theirs as Salankayanaka.'^ The tribe of ‘Salekenoi’ was also referred by Ptolemy®^ as rulers of the northern country of Maisola (now identified as Mahishaka, vide I-1) were also described by Pdmni as a g a m (republic). According to a Burmese®® tradition the Salankayanas were|responsible for the spread of Buddhism to that land and the present record substantiates their patronage to Buddhist Sanghas.

Text : (Photo-29 b)

1. Svasti $rl Vijaya Vengipura ^dlafiku Kuldmalakdsa ^asdnkasya Bhagavattamsa-rmicakra. . . . 2. Vistiugfha Cdturvvidya $dlddyaneka Vivatasya Karmapari pra . . gasiarlrasya ndndpraka. . . . 3. rasa Vijayasya mahdrdjasadrsa vana visarggasya bhUpatino. . . . 4. Varma dharma Mahdrdjasya prapautrah pitrkarma pardyanasya= neka Gosahasra. . . . Gunlupalle Rock-Cut Cailyas and Viharas 81

5. Navabhara Pradandpdrjjitta dharmasya pujitdnbhi-karasya Sri Nandivarmma MaMrdjasya Pautrah. . . 6. Sdpakdrdpakdrake = mpratlkdrasya pratapopanata Sdmantasya Prabhuta iSrlka. . . 1...... dvinpaksa can4a dandasya Maha rajdcanda-Varmma putrena Bhagvat chitra. . . 8. dhydta Bappahhat(draka pddabhaktasya parama bhdgavatak ssala . . . 9. Vijdya Nandivarmma .... 10. YaSah = kula = gotrabhi-vrddhayat. . . 11. Bhagavato Buddhasya. . . 12...... lokata .... 13. ... rajita dlma. . . 14. ... siddhardhikanam vihd. ... 15. . . vihdrdyasa . . . tasara. . . 16- • . Mahdvihdrdyasa. . . 17. to 20 nothing could be made out. 21. Tasya taddphalam Sas{hi varsa sahasrdni. ■ 22. Tdnyeva narakevaset bhttmi ddndtparandanam . . . 23. . • ina) bhavisyatl. ....

1-13 GT/-6/74; B-13, ARIE, 1974-75 This inscription, in four lines, was found on a brown squarish slate tablet (Photo-30) with raised borders. The characters are quite deep and boldly incised and display closeness to the Vi§ciukundin andl SalaflkSyana copper plate grants. The language is Prakrit mixed with Sanskrit. The text reveals a Buddhist creed i.e., exposition of four truths®* (catvdri dryasatydni). These are duhkha (suffering), samuddya (the causes of suffering) duhkha nirOdha (the cessation of the suffering) and the mdrga (the right path leading to the removal of the cause). Clay tablets containing the Buddhist creed from Sankaram*® (Dist. Vizag) are of the same period, but the present example is a stone plaque with a formula not met with so far in any Buddhist site of the region. 82 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and BrahmJ Inscriptions o f Andhradlsa Text; 1. Dukha Dukhi samutpddam 2. Dukhasya^ va (d) tikkramam 3. AriydRca Ajamgikam ma- 4. tim Dukhopasama sdmikaih-,

(E) Inscribed Bronze Image of Bodhisattva Padma-pami. (Photo-31) 1-14 : {G T 1-5176) The inscription in Nflgari characters assignable to circa, 6th-10th century A.D. was found engraved on the lotus base of a bronze image of Bodhisattva Padmapflni. The figure measures 23.5 cm. total height, the Padma base 4 cm in diameter and Prabhavali 8 cm wide. Seated in Rdjalildsana on a raised padmapitha with prabhdmatf4ala, gold inlay is seen over the Kirifa and the necklace. A worshipper with folded hands is at the right lower edge of the Pltha. The language of the record is Sanskrit and the text reads clock­ wise over the lotus-petals revealing the usual Buddhist formula. Text: “ Ye dharmd hetu prabhavd hetum teshdm tathdgato hyavadat Tesdfica ya nirodha eyam vddi Mahd ^ramanah."^

The image is an object of personal worship (I^fadevatd) and found associated with the later occupational phase inside the newly exposed cave' at the eastern slope of the terrace.

(2) Geographical Identifications : Importance o f the Epigraphs. The geographical names mentioned in the above records require detailed study and identification. We come to know, for the first time, that the ancient name of the hill-range containing Buddhist vestiges at Guntupalle was called MahSnagaparvata (nos. 3, 7-8. 10). It is of interest to note that nearby depopulated village has the name Nagulapallitota,*’ perhaps after this great Ndgaparvata. Incidentally, the identification of Guntupalle or Gugdupalle by R. Subrahmanyam Gunfupalle Rock-Cut Caityas and Viharas 83 with Prthuanda, i.e., Pitundra of Ptolemy is unfounded though it is stated to be a coast town since the days of MahSvira (See Infra (A). AmarSvati inscription of lst-2nd century A.D. mentions one Arya- Aditya** as a great supervisor of renovation works at NSgaparvata and quite reasonably the various donatory records noted above confirm such an activity at this place during the period. It appears that Buddhist monasteries on the Sailas, of the east coast have aquired great sacredness and significance. The monasteries of Salihundam, located on the hill called, Mahd-Uga-Pavvata,^* i.e. Mahograparvata, were contemporary to Guntupalle at the earlier periods. The Mahdndga Stapa’° in Tissa, ancient Magama in southern Sri Lanka perhaps aquired its name as a result of the close contact with the monasteries at Guntupalle and the monks inhabiting this place right from Mauryan times frequented Sri Lanka. Other sacred Buddhist places that find mention are Setagiri located at the north-east corner of the Nagarjunakoqda"^ valley and also mentioned in the Nasik recoid of Gautmiputra Satakarni.’® Candakaparvata (1-7) might be the hill named after the great charioteer Candaka. We find mention of a Sresthi from Syandaka- parvata’® in a Nflgarjunakonda inscription of the time of Ehavula Cantamflla. This hill name is also found in another Nagarjunakonda inscription. An inscription from Amaravati, of the same period, refers to the inhabitants of Cantakaparvata and Candaka respectively.’* The exact location of this hill is unascertained but in all likelihood it might be near Nagarjunkonda-Amaravati in Dist. GuntQru. It' iri^ht also be noted here that a mountain called Cadaka is located’® near M ahim iaka kingdom where a Bodhisattva built a hut of leaves in a bend of the river Kanna Panna. R.K. Mehta locates this near the Wardha river ia Dist. Chanda.’® Vedagiri or Vejagiri (1-8) might be Velagiri,” the monastery over a hillock at Jaggayyapeta, Dist. Krsna. Alternately this could be Vedasaila or Vedaparvata,’® i.e. Pak§itirtham in Dist. Chengalpattu of Tamil Nadu. If this latter identification is correct, we could expect a Buddhist base at this place too as at Kaflcipuram,’* 84 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahml Inscriptions of Andhradesa

Alahaka 1-8 Alahaka or Alaheka, may stand for Alaka.*® This Janapada was located in Andhra to the north of Godavari and to the south of Vindhyas. Its capital was Pratisjhana lying to north. This identification is tentative but appears to be a place closer to Surparaka mentioned below. Suraka (1-8) might be a contraction for SUrparaka or Saparaka i.e., Sopara^^ in Dist. Thana about 60 kms. north of Bombay, a famous port town on the west coast during the SatavShana period. The contact line between the Eastern and Western coastal Buddhist centres seems to be more favourably a cross country route, along the great Kr§na-Godavari rivers, rather than marine.

(3) Other Important References Mahdnavika : In the inscription 1-3, a Mahdndvika, i.e. am aster mariner (name portion lost), residing at Mahanflgaparvata finds men­ tion. That these mariners were Buddhists and occasionally made gifts to the Vihdras is beyond doubt. A Ghapta^ala,®^ (Dist- Kr§na) Ptolemy’s Kantakossyla, record of 2nd A-D. states the gift of an Ayaka pillar by the wife of a Mahdndvika. Again we get the name of a master mariner Budhagupta, native of a Raktamrttika-MaAawAflrai 5 oing to the Malay*® Peninusula in 5th century A.D. This Mahdndvika Buddhagupta is found mentioned in the inscription of king Mula Varman of Malaya ** It is of great significance and exceedingly interesting that an inscription in Kavi language and script of Java of about 7th century A-D. found in Mexico refers to one Mahdndvika Usaluna* The other relevent details such as associated cultural relics, contexts are not known presently, but the availability of several early records in a far away coastal land of Mexico should indeed pave the way for planned search.®® It appears then that Buddhist Mahdndvikas of East coast had extensive seafaring activity right from the early Christian eras.** The personal names for both male and female often seem to be identical, like Sanghi (I-ll), Nandi (1-9) Ketilanakha-6, Hamgha, Budhi or Budhya (7-8), etc.

References

\. R. Sewell, in Annual Report on Archaeology Southern Circle, 1881-1904 issued under G.O. no. 457 Public 30th April, 1888, para-12. IIIb-8; Tee R. Sewell, List of the Antiquarian Remains in the Presidency of Madras, (Madras, 1882), pp. 35-36, 318. A detailed article by R. Sewell “Buddhist Remains at Guiitupalle” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, XIX (1887), pp. 508-511. 2. Alexander Rea’s account, see Govt, o f Madras G.O. no. 646, 2nd Aug. 1889, STBA, (1894), p. IV mentioned as Nagalapalle which truely reflects the 86 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

ancient name Mahanagaparvata given to this Buddhist monastery, as a result of the fresh discoveries. 3. A.H. Longburst “The Buddhist Monuments at Guntupalle, Kr§na district” Annnal Report, Archaeological Department Southern Circle, for the year 1916-17, (March, 1917), pp. 30-36. Longhurst credits Rea with the first visit to the site which is not correct. 4. lAR, 1961-62, p. 97, PL. CXXXVII A & B., and lAR, 1968-69, p. 64. 5. R. Subrahmanyam, “The Guntupalle Brahmi Inscription of Kharavela, A.P, Govt, Archaeological Series, no. 3, (Hyderabad, 1968). 6. A.H. Longhurst,/fc/J., p. 30. 7. lA R , 1974-75, p. 108, 1976-77, pp. 74, 122, PL. XC-A & B. 8. K.R. Subramanian, op. cit., (1932), p. 27, ft. note-2. But this description also fits well to Sankaram, near Anakapalli, Dist. Vizag. 9. Vidya Dehejia, Early Buddhist Rock Temples—A Chronological Study, (Thames and Hudson, 1972), p. 74, Pis. 3-4., Vidya Dehejia refers to Guntupalle as in Kr§na basin, following A.H. Longhurst. It is in Godavari delta. H. Sarkar in his work spells the name as Guqtupalle and erraneausly places it in Krsna district, cf. Studies in Early Buddhist Architecture of India, (New Delhi, 1966), pp. 27-28, It may be noted that Rock-cut architecture of pre-christian o a is totally absent in the Krsna basin. The name of the place is differently spelt Guntupalle, Gunfupalle etc. 10. For an upto date and elaborately illustrated account of these Rock-cut caves refer S.P. Gupta, The Roots o f Indian Art, (New Delhi, 1980), ch. 5, pp. 187- 225. Pis. 85 to 92. For the crowning element of arch see p. 217, Fig. 16. Pis. 85b and 88b. 11. For Alexander Rea’s account refer to A.H. Longhurst, op. cit., 1916-17, p. 36, PI. XXVII, Figs. 1-10. 12. First published by me in a Telugu monthly under the title “Guntupalle Guhi-^ layalu Brahmi-^asanamulu" Bharatl, Vol. 55, no. 7 (July 1978), pp. 20-26 and no. 8 (Aug. 1978), pp. 26-32. A few were noticed in Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy (Cyclostyled copy) 1974-75 as B7 to B13 corresponding to nos. 1, 3, 7, 11, 4A, 6 and 13 referred to in the present work. Information was kindly supplied by the then Chief Epigraphist Archaeological Survey of India^ Vide D.O. letter no. 383 (7) 78-25 dated 4.1.1978) 13. D. Mitra, Udayagiri and Khandagiri, (New Delhi, 1960) PI. IX. 14. Pillar inscriptions recording an identical gift of mandapa complex are found in the Mahavihara complex at Nagarjunakonda. See H. Sarkar, in Epigraphia /ndica, XXXVII, p. 176. Also at the famous Saruadeva temple, six or seven copies of the same text of the time of Ehavvla §rl were found on different pillars; Epigraphia Indica, XXXII, pp. 147-149. It appears that they wer& meant for mandapas located at different spot in the same place. 15. R. Subrahmanyam, op. cit., (1968), p. 2. •Gunfupalle Rock-Cut Caityas and Viharas 87

16 D.C. Sircar, “An alleged Inscription of Kharavela”, (Calcutta, 1969-70), Journal of Ancient Indian History, III, pp. 30-36. 17. Ep. Ind., XXXII, pp. 82-86. Prof. Sircar further states that the ruler was bom of Satavahana princes; hence the name &ata, JAIH., Ill, pp. 34, 275. 18. It may be noted that mandapa has several meanings, D.C. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary (New Delhi, 1966), pp. 195-96. But the Gunitupalle records it appears to denote a pillared hall on stone columns in a monastic unit for the assembl­ age of the monks. 19. V.S. Apte, The Practical Sanskrit-English Dictionary, (Delhi, 1965), p. 414. 20. Indica, 9, no. 2 (Bombay, Sept., 1972), pp. 83-88; JBORS., XIII, p. 221. 21. Sihtpalavadha, XIII, 18; Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, (Oxford, 1899), p. 832. 22. £/>./«Telangana regions were within the heart of the empire right from the beginning and Satavahanas were undoubtedly Andhras. Cf. I.K. Sarma, “Fresh light on the History of the Satavahanas” . Itihas, III, pp. 2 and 4, notes 5 and 13. Also his equation of Musikanagara with Konda- puram in Medak Dist. is not sound as there is no river nearby and no evidence is forthcoming to substantiate Kharavela’s expedition into this remote area. 24. Indian Antiquary, LV, p. 145. 25. Matsya Purana, ch. 22; Mahdvagga, V, 13. 12. 26. K.R. Subrahmanian, c//., (Madras, 1932), pp. 88, 134-135. 27. J. Dubrieul, Ancient History of Deccan, pp. 84-87. 28. JNSI, XI, pt. I, p. 4; Ep. Ind., XXXIII, p. 45; JNSL, XXXII (1970), pp. 65- 76. For the latest view, S. Sankaranarayanan, in JNSI, XXXIV (1972), p. 39. 29. P. Gupta, Geography in Ancient Indian Inscriptions (1973), pp. 83, 95. D.C. Sircar, Geography of Ancient and Medieval Iddia, TieVai, \91\\ pp. 245-47. Generally Mahi?amandafla is loctaed in south Mysore. See for various locations of Mahisaka country, N.L. Dey, Geographical Dictionary, p. 20. 30. Note it is not Kalingadhipati and Mahisakddhipati as separately made by R. Subrahmanyam, op. cit., p. 3. 31. R. Subrahmanyam, op. cit., p. 5. 32. Shyam Mohan Mishra, “Identification of Maharaja Sada of the Guptupalle Inscription”,/£ 5 /, VIII, pp. 53-54 (1981), pp. 53-54. 33. /£S/,V; pp. 49-51. 88 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa.

34. Sorensen, An Index to the Names in the Mahabharata (New Delhi, 1963), p. 458. 35. Jatakas, I, 356; V, 162, 357. See H.L. Mehta, Pre-Buddhist India (New Delhi, 1958), p. 261. 36. A.H. Longhurst, ARADSC., 1916-17 (Madras-1951), p. 35. 37. Government of Madras, G.O. no. 1035, Home (Education) 10th August, 1917,. Epigraphy, p. 5. 38. Sthavira is an elder among the Buddhist monks and belongs to Sthaviravada School. 39. R. Subrahmanyam, op. cit., p. 6 and H.D. Sankalia, Aspects of Indian History ^rcAa«o/og7 , (New Deihi, 1977), pp. 138-39. It may also be noted that no inscription was reported by Alexander Rea from Guptupalle. 40. I am thankful to §rl Indukuru Siiryanarayana Raju, native of Jilakarfagudem for taking me to the site and for manifold courtesies during my work at Gutilupalle. 41. In all such cases, the first is the field number and the second within the brackets is the number assigned by the Epigraphy Branch, Mysore in their Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy. 42. lA R , 1974-75, p. 53, Item no. 2. 43. Lena SKT. Layana very often occurs in §ri Lankan caVes. See Saddhamangala Karunaratne, ‘'Sri Lankan Epigraphy: Its Bearing on Art History”, Asher and Gai (Ed.) (New Delhi, 1985), pp. 245-247. Also see Malini Dias, “Recent Discoveries on Brahmi Inscriptions of Sri Lanka”, in South Asian Workshop on Epigraphy, (Mysore, March, 25-31, 1985). 44. D.C. Sirc&x, Epigraphical Glossary -p. 1\1. The word is specially used to signify the collection of Buddhist Suttas, the five sections of Suttanta pifaka, viz., Digha, Majjhima\ Samyutta, Anguttara and Khuddaka. 45. lA R, 1974-75, p. 53. Item no. 3. 46. This is read as ‘Ceta-pacaka' elsewhere. See 7.4/?, 1977-78, p. 62, item no. 17. We quote here the rendering, “The other one recording that the pillar in stone Mandapa on the Mahanagapavata along with a cave (Sa-ghara) is a pious gift of Nataga son of a householder Uttaraba Gagna, the son of a servant cook {Ceta pacaka) and the lady Duhusa”. Except this incorrect brief notice, the Epigraphy Branch has not made available its full text till date. 47. The meaning of husdya is not clear. The slab may be the usual depiction of the scene of Svetaketu’s descent from Tusita heaven and entering Mayadevi’s womb as at Bharhut, more frequently in Goli and Nagarjunakonda. 48. In lAR, 1974-75, p. 53. Item-2, it is taken to refer to a “certain Arya Dhamasena and his disciple (name lost)”. 49. M.D. Sampath, “Recent Discoveries in Andhra Pradesh”, paper read at the South-Asian Workshop on Epigraphy (Mysore, March 25-32, 1985). I am grate­ CuritupaUe Rock-Cut Caityas and Viltdras 89

ful to Dr. K.V. Ramesh, Director (Epigraphy) for presenting me a cyclostyled copy of the papers. 50. JESI, V (1978), pp. 48-61. Also in Bhdrati, Vol. 55, nos. 7 and 8 (July-Aug., 1978), pp. 20-26 and 26-32 respectively. It is surprising that P. Parabrahma Sastry in a review article “Epigraphical Research in Andhra Pradesh 1965- 1978” has for no good reason omitted mention of all these important dis­ coveries as also of Amaravati’s which were published by that date. See B.K. Guru Raja Rao (Ed.) A Decade of Archaeological Studies in South ladia (Dharwar University, 1978), pp. 73-78. 51. lAR, 1977-78, pp. 61-62 item no. 17. 52. lAR, 1977-78, p. 62, no. 18. 53. Ep. Ind., XXXNl, p. \52. Also see the Chejerla record of the Anandagotrin king. 54. Penugopda plates of Hasti Varman, Ep. Ind., XXXV, pp. 148-49, Konukollu plates. Ibid., XXXI, p. 8. Dharikatura grant of Acaoda Varman, Ibid., XXXVI, pp. 4-5 ft. However, the variation is much in Peddavegi plates o f Nandi Varman II himself. JAHRS, I, pt. II, p. 92 but not the Kollair grant, Indian Antiquary, V, p. 175. 55. JESI, III (Mysore, 1976), pp. 156-159. 56. The name of the monarch here is clearly Raja Catxda Varmanal). cf. Also Dharikatura grant Ep, Ind., XXXVI, pt. I-Line 4. 57. Salankayana is the name of fsi. In the Pravarakanda, Salankayanas have two- sets of golra m s , all Tryarseya [1] Bharadvdja, Angirasa, Bdrhaspatya; [2] Visvamittra, §alanka{yana), Kausika, etc. Panini’s A^tadhyayi gives (Sutra IV-1-99) the group of words beginning with na^a all of them taking the pratyaya', Ayana' {Nad&yana etc.). The family name ^im linka is nothing but a colloquialism of Salanka and rsis of the two gotras are the same. 58. It means “the school of learning the four Vedas”. This is corroborated by Penugonda character of Hasti Varman which registers the grant of the village Mulukuli to lO-brdhmamas who were versed in the Vedas, Vedangas, Itihasa,. Purana, Niroga (medical science) and Candovichiti (treatise on metrical com­ positions). SceEp. Ind., XXXV, p. 147. 59. Ep. Ind., XXXI, pp. 1-11. 60. B, V. Krishna Rao, A History of the Early Dynasty of Andhra-dlsa (Madras, 1942), pp. 380-81. 61. Country of the Salankayanas was mentioned so in the Ganapdtha cf. D.C. Sircar, The Successors o f Sdtavdhanas in The Lower Deccan, (Calcutta, 1939),. pp. 83-84. 62. Proceeding of the Indian History Congress, 13th Session (Madras, 1980), pp. 64-65 and Journal of Oriental Research, II (Madras), pp. 111-112. 63. Ep. Ind., XXX, p. 101, PI. 11. 90 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradisa

64. Terracotta or stone tablets inscribed with Dharanis Pratityarsamutpada-Sutra and Buddhist creed were found at Ratnagiri, D. Mitra (1971), pp. 222-223. 65. A. Rea, “A Buddhist Monastery on the Sankaram Hills” Annual Report, Archaeological Sursey of India, 1907-08 (Calcutta, 1911), pp. 149-80. 66. Dukha-Skandha is also found explained in the text of Pratitya- samutpada-sutra, Ep. Ind., XXI, pp. 20-22, no. 7 dukhhaniroda gaminTpafipad. S.R. Goyal, A Religious History of Ancient India, Vol. I, (, 1984), pp. 227-299. But in lAR, 1974-75, p. 53, no. 3, we find the Chief Epigraphist reports that the tablet dated to “third-fourth century A.D.” and said to contain “a stanza on dukha or misery and on the eight fold path of Buddhism”, 67. This is 1/2 km. south-west of Guntupalle hill and the ancient mound of this place goes with the name Nagadevulapadu. There is a hooded ndga slab of Khondalite which is still in worship in a recently built cell on the road side. 68. C. Sivaramamurti, Amaravati Sculptures in the Goverument Museum (Madras, 1956), p. 278. 69. R Subrahmanyam, Buddhist Remains in Salihundam, (Hyderabad, 1964). 70. H. Parkar, Ancient Ceylon, (London, 1909), p. 324, ft. Also P.V. Bapat, (Ed.) 2500 years of Buddhism, (Ncvi Delhi, 1969), pp. 263, 266. Naga Mucalinda theme is very popular in Siam also. 71. £>./«./«

85. Madhav N. Katti, “Karnataka and South East Asian Epigraphy—A compara­ tive Study”, paper presented at the National Seminar Dept., of Archaeology and Museums, Govt, of Karnataka, (Mysore, Dec., 1985), ft. notes 20 and 21. It is not correct, however, to speak of exclusively a Kannada script or dialect (linguistic influence) in the epigraphs of South East Asian Countries without taking the long South-East coastal track, irrespective of the region, whether Bengal-Orissa-Andhra-Tamilnadu till about 7th-8th century A.D. Any cultural or commercial links from Karnataka could only be through these intervening land mass and long coastal anchorages. It is highly impossible to agree that “Karnataka which has preserved inscriptions datable to the earliest period, i.e., 3rd century B.C. and developed the Kannada script by the middle of 5th century A.D. has contributed significantly in the development of scripts of these South-East Asian countries from 4th to about 9th century A.D. It is , difficult to believe of a distinct‘Kannada’ Script by 4th-5th century A.D. It is nothing but Brahmi although early Kannada words or dialect appears in Brahmi records occasionally as in Telugu. The box-headed variety of Brahmi appears not only in Kadamba-Early Ganga, records but also Vakataka-Gupta, S^ankayana-Vis^ukundin and this variety should be regarded as a pan-Indian Brahmi type only. cf. M.N. Katti, Ibid., pp. 2-4. See also S. Nagaraju in. SvastiSrl, (1985), pp. 67ff. 86. Ep. Ind., AXIV, pp. 258-76, pt. lines 8-9. 87. R. Sewell also noticed this custom during his first inspection in October, 1886. See his note in JRASB and Ireland, Vol. HIX (1887), pp. 508 and 511.. A. CAVERN WITH INSCRIPTION AT MALEKONDA, DISTRICT PRAKASAM

Malekonda or Malyfldri is about one km. south-west of the village of the same name in KandukQru taluk of Dist. Prakasam. Rock-caverns and open shelters were noted here for the first time, by R. Sewell.* The high hills, (off shoots of eastern ghats) are of weathered Khondalite. The hillock is peculiar and almost unique in this area. It is full of big and lofty crags affording extensive shelters in many places. (Photo-32) Frontages and stepped approaches etc. indicated temporary occupation perhaps seasonally iyarsavasd) by the wandering ascetics. A Rock-cut cave known as Parvatiguha is of special significa­ nce to us .This linear cave is divided in to compartments in later times with Jerry built walls of mud and slabs, covering up the older rock beds inside. It needs to be cleared further to ascertain the exact affiliations of the monastery. Its projecting brow, virtually though rugged, (an unfinished dripline marking the facade) bears an inscrip­ tion® in Brahmi characters of early 3rd century B.C. The record in Brahmi script and prdkrit language registers a gift made by a certain Siri Viri Sefhi. “Aravdha (la) Kulasa Namda Sethi Putasa Siri Viri Sefhi (no) Dana''. The gift of the (cave) by one Sri Vira Sresthi son of Namda, belonging to AravQhala or Aruvala lineage. Buddhist clergy received patronage from the Sresfhls of this area as early as 3rd century B.C. This is the southern most rock-cut venture of Buddhist affiliation barring perhaps the polished Rock-beds and shelters of Sittannavasal, A Cavern with Inscription at Malekonda, District Prakasam 93

Dist. Ramanathapuram, which are of Jaina faith. Here the epithets ‘Aravalakula' applied to the donor Siri Viri Se{hi who belonged to Aravala family is of great interest in more than one way. The word Aravdha {la) kula or Aravala-kula is of great interest and significance.”* This is undoubtedly a Telugu word denoting the Tamil speaking people. The tract of the country round about Kaflcipuram and to its north upto Nellore was in ancient times included in the division called Aruvd4-talai. It corresponds to the geograpliical territory inhabited, according to Ptolemy, by the tribe named as/4rMvar/io»* during 2nd century A.D. The origin of this term ‘Aruvarnoi’ lies in the expression Aruvalu, Aravalu or Aruvavdru. Popular, particularly among the Telugu speaking people who have been using it from atleast Circa. 2nd-3rd centuries B.C. it indicates Tamils as known from this Malekonda inscription. Regions north of Nellore should therefore be taken as outside the pale of the ancient Damila country.® This inscribed cave was converted in late medieval times into Nflrasimha and Kvara Temples.

III-B. Rock-Cut Vestiges at Rampa Errampalem ; District East {jodavari Rampa Errampalem or simply Errampalem is a small village 30 km north of Rajahmundry town. A metal road leads upto Viralankapalli from Rajahmundry to a distance of 26 km. and from Gokavaram, the Taluk headquarters, one has to go by cart track for nearly 3 km to reach the spot. The hill on which the rock-cut remains are located is at the centre of a horse-shoe range in Revenue Survey no. 411 and popularly called Pan4avula-metta by the locals. The credit of its first discovery goes to Bhavaraju Venkata Krishna Rao who also published an article as early as in October, 1928.® Some time later G.C. Chandra wrote (27.2.1940) on the circular Caityas of this place and proposed for protection of these Rock-cut Buddhist Monuments—which according to him are “very intersting specimens of early Buddhist rock-cut vihdrds and caityas, etc. and are almost unique in Southern India”.’ M. Venkataramayya conducted a detailed exploration at the site 94 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brabrrii Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

(21.1.1960) and pleaded for protecting them as monuments of National importance. He wrote “all the structures that remain are Rock-cut and' there are no vestiges of brick structure found at the place,”® Inspite of. the clear assessment and notes from the above reputed scholars no serious thought was given to maintain and study these unique Rock-’ out Buddhist vestiges. It is unfortunate that without a site inspection it was felt that “the caves are merely excavations without any archite­ ctural features like caitya halls, they do not appear to be of national importance.”® Be that as it may, our study has shown that these archaic rock-< cut monolithic StUpa shrines are of great antiquity, perhaps the earliest extent examples of Buddhist Rock-architecture of the South East, as well as the long western coast, and undoubtedly precursors in style and’ date to the Guntupalle Caityas and vihara units.

Description o f the Caves : (Photo-35-37) The Buddhist remains at Rampa Errampalem are all situated on the top and sides of hillock. This hill range runs east for about 640 m. in a oblong formation and its breadth is about 183 m. The approxi­ mate height of the hill is 46 m. The ancient remains at the south and northern sides are marked by monolithic Stupas, all cut-out exomples open to the sky. The description of the other caves and StUpas is given below starting from the west, Cave nos. 1, 2 and 3, are the largest of all. These are worked out on the southern face of the hill. Cave No. (!) : The cave faces south and has a varandah in front measuring 3.97 x 2.75 m. The entrance of the cave is 55 cm wide and 2.14 m. high. The cave is circular inside 518 m. diametre and a stone Stupa of 2.14 m. dia and 2.14 m. high occupies the central part. On the ceiling of the cave over-head of the stone StUpa there are traces of painting. The figure delineated looks like an umbrella in yellow and red colours. Cave No. (2) : To the east of Cave no. 1 is the cave no. 2. It measures 2.75 x 2.75 x 1.83 m. high and its entrance is 2.14 m.- high and 61 cm- wide. The screen wall at the entrance of the cave is broken. A Cavern with Inscription at Malekdn^a, District Prakasam 95

Cave No. (3) : This is by far the best preserved among the rock- cut caves here and the entrance is marked by a moon stone step. The cave is circular inside and measures 4-88 m. diametre and 183 m, high. Other smaller Cave dwellings: There are other similar examples at the northern face of the hill. A rectangular cave measures inside 2.93 X 2-75 and 1-77 height- The entrance door to the cave is 1.83 m. high and 73 cm- wide. On the top of the hill a row of 5-stone stupas €xist one behind the other, (the west one is ruined) running west to east. Their diametres are 3 05, 2 14, 3 05 and metres respectively closely recalling Sankaram, but weather-worn and damaged. Atop the hill a number of post-holes are extent on the flat surface and their alignment indicates a rectangular structure on wooden posts at this spot. The ceiling of these caves is out in a concave shape, so as to resemble a canopy or an umbrella overhead of the Stupa. This shows elearly a beginning of a style which becomes fullfledged at Guntupalle. Traces of ancient Rock-cut steps leading to the top of the hill were found in certain places while the main steps now being used have been cut-out later and enlarged in recent times. Their original slope is completely altered.

References

1. R. Sewell, op. cit.. Vol. I, p. 139. 2. 1936-37, PI. I, no. 531, p. 77, Para-1. C.R. Krishnamacharyulu dis­ covered the record vide D.O. No. 29-1408 dated 22.10.1937 basing on which press release was issued by K.N. Dixit, the then Director General in No. 151/ 8216-1937. Also T.V. Mahalingam, South Indian Palaeography, (Madras, 1972) Appendix-II, pp. 308-309, PI. 30. 3. Grammartically !a plural first person is not correct. 4. P.T. Srinivasa Ayyangar, History of the Tamils, p. 318. 5. Ptolemy Places Aruvarnoi or Aronoi between the Cho|a country and Maisolia in the Krishna delta. A Cunningham, Geography in Ancient India, pp. 539- 40. Two territorial devisions the Aruva and Aruvavada talai, are mentioned in Tamil literature. Cf. T.V. Mahalingam, Kancipuram in Early South Indian History, (Asia, 1969), p. 14. Also see Bahur Plates of Pallava Nfpatunga Varma which states the gift of Vakur near Pondicherry as situate in the 96 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahml Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

Aruvanattin Kihali, eastern division of Aruvana^u. See Epigraphia Indica, XVII, p. 11. 6. B.V. Krishna Rao, “Ruins of a Buddhist Monastery Near Rampa Errampalem” JAHRS, II Rajahmundry, 1929), pp. 85-89. 7. G.C. Chandra’s letter No. 3. G.C.—275, 3/4 March, 1940; Also vide letter No. 151/10/40-247 dated 26.3,1940. K.N Dixit, Director General of Archaeo­ logy in India had recommended to the then Secretary, Dept, of Education, Govt, of India, for protection as National Monuments of India vide letter No. 15-1/9/42-6970 dated 3 8.1942. But due to the war emergency all such protection proposals were given up then. 9. Letter No. 3(a)/2328 dated 12th April, 1960 addressed to to the then Director General, Archaeological Survey of India. 8. It is strange that they have been relegated to be of local importance and the State Government was asked to protect the site vide letter No. IAN/1/59-M dated 16.5.1960 from M.N. Deshpande, the then Director (Monuments). CORRELATIONS

Both Guntupalle and Rampa Errampalem are thus outstanding examples typifying an early tradition of hewn Vrtta-Caityas in the South-East India. On formal stylistic analysis of the architecture, they appear to be archaic and earlier to the Lomasri§i and Barflbar hill group caves of Asokan date. What was then the genesis for this typical circular Caityas of South-East India ? It has been noted that at Guntupalle itself we have a brick-built Vftta-Caitya fashioned exactly after the Rock-cut example of the same site and dated to circa 2nd century B.C.^ The brick-built circular Stapa chapels at Salihundam are of the same period. Recently at Bavikonda, Dist. VisSkhapatnam brick-built circular Caityas were found in the excavation.® Circular form appears to have been copied from domical huts Kufdgaras of this very region. Clear evidences are forthcoming from West Godavari district itself. A recent field study conducted* by us revealed that perfectly circular huts, with walls made of bamboo-and-thatch, with the upper frame and apex exactly like that of an umbrella were prolific in the Kflmavarapukdta-Chintalapadi tract. The walls upto the ceiling level were coated with daub mixed with cow-dung, husk and hay. In the village called Badarala, (Photos. 38, 39) (Chintalapudi Taluk), a set of four such circular houses were noticed in a row, all facing east. They simulate the Rock Cut cirular caitya of Guntupalle in inner detail. The trapezoidal door ways of these huts exactly resemble those of the inner cells of the Lamasrishi, Viswakarma and Kamachaupar caves (Barabar group) of BiharThough of recent times, they are of special interest to us affording close ethnological parallels. Tlie mode of building up of these huts is unique and reveals preparation of a 98 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa wooden frame on poles and thatch to begin with. A thick layer of well lavigated reddish earth mixed with husk and dung was applied on both the faces and compactly beaten to impact smooth finish. The wattle frame at the core served like the metal frame in a reinforced-concrete structure. The inner hallow was then filled up with organic materials like wooden logs, leaves, etc. and the clay walled hut is subjected to firing in the same way as of a brick kiln. The entire structure was burnt uniformly in reducing conditions resulting in brick-red rocky surface externally and black internally, with the clear impressions of wattle over the intrados. These huts are called Gullu, a plural for Gudi i.e. temples. The locals use them to keep the cattle, specially Bos, which symbolises the sacredity attached to them. Such circular out­ houses within larger dwellings are chara cteristic of the area around Gu^tupalle and used as kitchens with a small nich for personal deity inside thus serving a double purpose viz., Pdkavafa as well as Pujdg(ha. an architectural tradition inherited perhaps from the recluses of the wandering ascetics of the Pre-Mauryan and Mauryan times. It appears then that circular StUpa shrines, to begin with, perhaps, of thatch-and-daub, and when the awareness of Rock-cut technique was known and basing on the availability of neat rock boulder faces cut-out and cut-in Sanctuaries were caused for the per­ manent use of the religious fraternity. The earliest moorings of this activity can be unmistakably seen at Guntupalle and Rampa Errampalem. The tradition continued in and around these very places till date. D. Mitra is nearer the truth when she slated in her scholarly epitome that Caitya-grhas of Guntupalle are “so archaic looking that one is tempted to regard it as the arch-type and assign a high artiquity to it. But in the absence of any other data it is difficult to attribute to it a very early date”.^ Vidya Dehejia’s® dating of Guntupalle caves “Somewhere in the course of evolution from A^okan caves to the typical western caityd" may not be regarded as final. So also the consistently 2nd century B.C. date advocated’ generally by the scholars to the earliest Rock-cut Vrtta-Caityas, as well as structural examples of brick (as at Bhattiprolu and AmarSvati Stupas), emerged out of the adherence to a conservative dating on the part of some scholars whose approach is mainly art- Correlations 99 stylistic and deny a rightful place and precedence to the Buddhist art of the South East coast. We have been making the Mauryans, specially Asoka, responsi­ ble for adopting the circular form for shaping the rock-cut recluses for the use of wandering monks. This is what is clearly seen in the round huts with plain trapezoidal door-ways within the cave halls of the M agadhan group.® S.P. G upta made some im portant observations after a thorough study and detailed documentation of these caves. We shall examine here his new ideas. Gupta correctly points out that “ mark the Culmination of a long process, and not the debut in cave architecture,”® and draws our attention to the natural caves of Ramgarh, Buddhani (Talpura village), Bayan, Saru-Maru and other such caves in the middle Narmada Valley, Dist. Sehore, M.P. It may be noted that Asoka was a governor of Vidisa and the Buddhist remains around Pangoraria indicate an earlier origin. But these remain to be systematically excavated. We cannot, however, agree with S.P. Gupta when he links up the west Indian caves of Kondivte with Guntupalle and assigns a somewhat Post-Mauryan date to the latter group. He says “The first stage of Rock-cut caves and polishing the stone with typical Mauryan Polish arose in Magadha itself^ in the Son Bhadar Cave of , from where it goes to Barabar in Mauryan times; lastly to Bhaja and eastern ghat caves in Post-Mauryan times; to Kondivte and Guntupalle, only the cave-form goes, not the polish.”i« S.P. Gupta seems to ignore the fact that Mauryan polish, writing,, art and architecure have reached south east India, (if not the very same places), and right from Orissa to the lower Dravidade^a as clearly seen at Dhauli (ancient Tosali 11-km south of Bhuvaneswar), and Jaugada (30-km west of Ganjam) in Orissa,AmarSvati-Dharanikota- Vaddamflnu and Bhattiprolu, in coastal Andhra, Pudukotai and Madurai regions in Tamilnadu, not to speak of the Minor Rock- edicts in Kumool-Bellary-Chitradurga areas of Andhra-Karnataka. We may, therefore, make it clear that the roots of preparing the Rock-cut caves for the occupation of ascetics can be best found at Malekonda in Dist. Prakasam, Guntupalle-Rampa Errampalem and Dhauli in Orissa. 100 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmt Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

The simple plans and the absence of certain characteristic embelishments of the A^okan^® era like the hall in front, sculptured frieze on the facade, crowning Kala^a-stQpi element (Lomasrishi), highly polished and inscribed wall faces, lattice screens and windows ctc. go to prove an early Mauryan say Pre-Asokan, date to the caves of South East India. There is no doubt Buddhism reached Andhrade^a a few decades earlier to the A^dkan period. The perfectly circular hut plan of Kondivte cave no. 9, its lattice gavdkshas; the pillars and few sculptures in the Vihdra of Bhaja reveal “an integration of architec­ tural and sculptural concepts.”^® Malekonda, Guntupalle-Rampa Errampalem Rock-cut caves possess no pillars and devoid of sculptur­ ed reliefs. These stand as landmarks indicating the southward expan­ sion of early Buddhism and precursors in style to the Barabar caves on one hand and Pudukkotai (Sittannavasal) polished Rock-beds on the other. Asokan impact is more explicitly recorded in the Amaravati- Bhattiprolu-Vaddamanu Stupas and there is every possibility of this structural activity going to an early Mauryan period as at the Magadhan sites (Vaisali and Rajagrha). Be that as it may, while tracing the line of diffusion (Fig. 17), western Indian caves like Bhaja and Kondivte should be regarded only as later manifestations of post Asokan art. A subile distinction is therefore called for while analysing the specific Asokan elements like polished art objects and inscriptions, precious reliquaries found in association with the structural Stupas and Caityas of South-East India and the early archaic Rock cut ventures of a seemingly early Mauryan period. En Passant, we bow in admiration to the poineering field work of the European scholars like Robert Sewell, Jas Burgess, Alexander Rea and A.H. Longhurst who toured assiduously amidst several travel liazards and language barriers, inspected the ancient monuments and sites with great enthusiasm, carefully noted the features, photographed them in every detail, prepared meticulous drawings and notes and finally assigned a Mauryan date to the earliest Rock architecture, sculptural art, as well as, brick StUpas of South-East India. What surprises one is the continued tradition of raising circular hut type houses not only in thatch-and-daub, but in brick-and-lime in Correlations 101 these very regions nearer Guntupalle-Rampa Errampalem. Even the rectangular Vihara type dwellings at the present age are not uncom­ mon. They cannot be regarded as copies of rudimentary huts of the tribals as held by some earlier writers. As pointed out by us some forward communities and rich farmers inhabiting the areas closer to Guntupalle-Rampa Errampalem raised such houses even now and regard them as auspicious habitats. Indeed ; Traditions keep Ancient India alive.

References

1. The circular brick-built temple at Bairat is a text book example of Mauryan date. See D.R. Sahni, Archaeological Remains and Excavations at Bairat, (Jaipur, 1937), pp 28-32. Also see ARASI, 1935-36, (Delhi, 1938), pp. 84-87. 2. The Hindu, dated 27th June, 1986 (Hyderabad Edition) p. 19. 3. Exploration undertaken by me on 23.3.1986 with the assistance from Sarvashri S.K. Lekhwani, S.K. Mittra, M.U. Qureshi and N.C. Prakash of the Excava­ tions Branch (I), Nagpur, lA R , 1985-86, p. 1. 4. S.P. Gupta, The Roots of Indian Art, (New Delhi, 1980) pp. 189-193, FIs. 89a, 91a, 92a and 94c. 5. D. Mitra Buddhist Monuments, (Calcutta, 1971), p. 44. 6. Vidya Dehejia, op. cit., pp. 7 and 80. 7. H. Sarkar, Studies in Early Buddhist Architecture of India, (New Delhi, 1966), pp. 27, 60. PI. Vn-A. 8. S.P. Gupta, OJ7. c//., 1980), pp. 190-195. Fig. 8, Pis. 89a, 90a (LomasJishi), PI. 91a, c. (Viswakaxma) Pis. 92a, 93b and c (Sudama), Pis. 94c, 95a and c (Karria chaupar, Vapi cave). 9. S.P. Gupta, op. cit., pp. 195-198. 10. Ibid., p. 306, Fig. 15. See also p. 340. The Mauryan polish is undoubtedly of indigenous origin, like the MBP ware. 11. K.C. Mahapatra, “Tosali a famous Buddhist centre of Orissa”, in Buddhism and Jainism, (Cntt2idK., 1976), pp 100-103. 12. S.P. Gupta, o;?. cit., (1980), pp. 187-192 and 213-219, Pis. 85b and 88b (Crowning finial) Fig. 14, p. 217, Fig. 16. 13. Karl Khandalwala “ Rock art Temples”, in Maharashtra Religious and Secular Architecture, Marg, XXXVII, no. 1, pp. 4-5, Figs. 1, 2, 3. Also S.P. Gupta, op. cit., p. 195. Fig. 8, P. 203, Fig. 10, no. 4 and Pis. 120a, b. 6

APPENDIX

A. Punch Marked Coins From Early StUpas o f Andhra (7) Silver PMC from Bhattiprolu: Dist. Krsna {A.P.) Very important and almost ignored by every one, was the redis- covery of 24-silver coins arranged in the shape of a four-armed Svastika (Fig. 10) forming the base of the crystal phial (Photo 7B) interned within the Granite Stone Relic Container-Ill, Box Stone-5 (Fig. 2). To understand the arrangement it is necessary to quote Alexander Rea in full “In the Stone casket, below the phial were,-9 small lotus flowers in gold-leaf; 6 gold heads over an eighth of an inch in diameter, and 8 smaller; 4 small lotus flowers in this copper;|19^ small pierced pearls; 1 slightly blue coloured amethyst bead; and 24- small coins or tokens of a Ught coloured metal, somewhat resembling bell-metal. They are plain on the reverse and on the obverse have lotus flowers, Triiulas, feet with a snake coiled round, and other emblems more or less legible. They were laid on the bottom of the casket-with smooth sides down, in the form of a svastika, and had become fixed to the stone by oxidation. In the svastika, nine of the coins were in the central rectangle; three on each of the four arms and the other three over the centre.”^ Elsewhere Alexander Rea wrote “Fixed on the bottom by oxidation and arranged in the form of a svastika were twenty-four small silver coins. They are plain on the reverse, and on the obverse have ^rl-padas, Triiulas, lotus flowers and other emblems more or less legible. In the Svastika, nine coins were in the centre rectangle three on each of the four arms, and the other three over the centre.”^ An example of this sort of symbolical use of the auspicious Appendix 103

Svastika at the base was also met with at the axle of the Stupa of Peddaganjam. At Nagarjunakdnda also, a smaller brick Stttpa (no.50) has revealed a Svastika of bricks as an inset in the centre of the StUpa-^ This feature was undoubtedly influenced by ideological considerations. The Nirvdm-StUpa of Kasia, (Ku^inagara) had a Svastika* in the core. At Nagarjunakonda itself two more stOpas site 20, 27 and 108 revealed Svastika base. This Svastika at site-20 has a central groove clearly indicating the erection of an axial post above this symbol. Almost in a similar ritualistic context emphasizing the axis additionally three silver coins were placed in a triangular fashion over the central part of the Svastika. (Fig. 10).

J*hysical features of the Coins ; (Photo-8) These unique tiny coins are flat thin circular pieces. The reverse in plain in all the cases and the obverse symbols are punched. A closer study has revealed that these tiny coins do not contain all the symbols reported by Alexander Rea but possessed a device in which three pellets at the centre accompanied by subsidiary symbols resembling Brahmi letter-Go, two more oblique strokes around the pellets, or a coil around the pellet and at the lower part of these pellets horizontal line or lines are extent. The taurine or Brahmi M a is also seen in some examples. The diametres range (all in cms.) from .95 two exam­ ples, 1-six coins, 1.3-four coins, 1.4-five coins, 1.5-three coins and 1.6- four coins. The thickness ranged from one mm. to 1.75 mm. Similarly no uniformity can be seen in their weights. The weight ranges from 7 ^0.47 gr.) to 14 grains (0.93 grams.), corresponding to Pada io Padardha Kdrsapanc^ standard. Some weight and shape too may have been lost due to use or passage of time. Devendra Handa® has recently published a new series of Silver Punch Marked coins obtained from Malerkotla, Dist. Sangrur, Punjab along with another large hoard (290), also from Punjab region. A circular mould, as well as three coins of this type were found from Sanghol,’ an important site, on the Ludhiana- Chandigarh high way. These local early silver coins thus belong to the Punjab area, and datable to early Mauryan period. There should, therefore, be no doubt on their contemporaneity with the consecration ■of the relics of the master inside the GSRC-III, BS-5 at Bhattiprdlu. 104 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and BrahmX Inscriptions of Andhradlsq-.

We shall now dilate upon another important and rare crystal reliquary , and relate the importance of the coins under study. A noteworthy find from this very BS-5 is an inscribed hexagonal crystal pendent or am ulet' measuring 6.8 cm, length and 2.2 cm thick. The inscription in six horizontal lines over the six facets purports to record an atyagraddnam (or Sresfhaddnam) by a female gosthl of Nandapurfl, with the help of Suvarna karas of Samanudesa and a Gohiya belonging to gifhaiyikura gosthl. The place name Nandapura mentioned in this crystal reliquary is of seminal importance here. Bharhut and Sanci inscriptions refer to certain donees hailing from Nandi Nagara.® We have known from Pataftjali’s Mahabha§ya* about a Vdhikagrama named Nandipura which appears to the ancient city near about Sanghol, 40-km from the present Chandigarh town, of Ludhiana. The silver PMC and crystal reliquary together with the Sariradhdtu of the Master go to suggest that the entire consecration, including the vastu interned, was undertaken by the Buddhists hailing from North-West. In all probability they appear to be from Nandapura, the ancient city near about Sanghol, which has yielded many Buddhist vestiges. (2) PMC from Amardvati Excavations (Photo-10 A) According to the published accounts, the older Amaravati hoard was found at a distance of 20 yards east of the Mahdstupa site and 15 yards north of the traveller’s Bungalow at a depth of 8 to 10 feet below surface on 3.8.1953. P.L. Gupta^® says “No apparent indications are available to know as to when the rich citizen of ancient DhSnyakataka had placed his treasure under the care of the mother earth.” But renewed excavation closer to Mahdstupa, and not far removed from the above spot, has not yielded any coins from the earliest Period-I Mauryan (c. 4th-3rd cent. B.C.). While a single PMC was found from the early levels of Period II assignable to the Post Asokan (Early 2nd-^ 1st century B.C.) Phase of the Maha-caitya, when there was a large scale embellishment to the StUpa, its railing around by several guilds, and individuals too, hailing from all parts of the country, specially from ancient Magadha. Being a religious structure the coin evidence appears to be extremely rare in the strata of the earliest period (I and II). The hoard which is reportedly found at a depth of 8 to 10 feet Appendix 105 within a pot buried somewhat away from the Stupa was apparently of a later date. The rich assemblages (sculptures, inscriptions and coins) at this site to an average depth of 4 metres B.S. belong to later SatavShana period datable to lst-3rd centuries A.D. So it can be concluded that the above coin hoard was buried much later, say during 2nd-3rd centuries A.D. and therefore of metal value only rather than being official currency. But the lone PMC from the ear­ liest strata,how ever, belongs to 2nd century B.C. and has definite chronological and cultural bearing on the site.

Description o f the Coin (Photo-10) Reg. No. 357/Circular. Size 1.65 cm., weight 3-gms. thick 1 mm. Obv ; 4-symbol type; six-armed cakra, arrow heads and taurines, alternated caduceus, hill and dumb bell, etc. Rev : Cup marks. Blurred.

The specimen is a decuprified coin revealing patches of copper on surface. It has an alloy of copper, as on the circular issues (1278- coins) of the bigger hoard and fabricated^^ from “globules, made out of molten metal, which were later on given a flattened shape with a hammer.” It may be seen that in early Amar3vati art,i^ depiction of Punch Marked coins is more vivid and oft-illustrated than in the well known Bharhut medallions.^ We find a tilted bullock cart located with PMC mostly square but circular ones too. The coins are being spread over the ground by the workmen of Andthdpindika between the magnificant dramas, at Jetavana. This familiar episode of coins perching on the land of prince Jeta is highly reahstic (Photo-9) and the scene is con­ firmed by labelled inscription which r e a d s - Anddhapi^ikasa drdmo and Sdvathl. Inspite of the awareness of the shapes, ubiquitous currency of the PMC during the period in the North, hardly we find any in the excavated early historical sites of Andhradesa, nay the entire South India. Like NBP Ware, the PMC, occur in early Buddhist contexts during Mauryan times quite sparingly and in specific religious contexts 106 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa only. Hence these coins do not qualify to be reckoned as official currency of the times in the southern regions. This seems to be the case even at the excavated Buddhist stupas of Pauni,^® in Dist. Bhandara of Vidarbha region. A silver PMC rectagular one (1.8 x 12 cm. weight 2.30 gms.), from the upper horizon of the Mauryan phase at Jagannatha Tekdi Stupa and another copper PMC (1.56 x 1.32 cm. and weight 3 gms.) from the lowest strata of Candakapur Tekdi Stupa merely go to confirm the AmarSvati evidence.

(5) Silver PMC from Vaddamanu Excavations, Dist. Gunturu To the stray evidence of Amaravati, we can add another recently excavated Stupa of great importance situated over the granitoid hill in the village of Vaddamanu, which is 10 km. east of Amaravati caltya- The earliest is equated to the A^okan Period IB of Amaravati.^® In this level, besides, black-and-red ware, NBP and Silver PMC were found. At least three coins were illustrated in the report.^’ The full measurements and weight of the same are not furnished. But some details could be gathered.

Coin-1; 1.7 cm. square. Obv ; Five symbols punched. Rev : Caduceus.

Coin-2 : Rectangular 2x 1.3 cm. Obv ■ Five punched symbols; hare, sun, 6-armed etc. Rev : Blank.

Coin-3 ; Rectangular 2.2 x 1.9 cm. Clipped on either ends of the top flange. Obv ; Sun, fish, scarpion like insect, a four-armed cross, scale and tree. Rev ; Caduceus. Appendix lOT

The structure is dated to the Post-Mauryan period by the excava­ tor but other evidences hke NBP ware and an early Brahmi inscription on the open rock boulder overhead of a water-rough indicate a third century B.C. date. Moreover, the Silver PMC are clearly associated with the foundational levels of the StUpa^^ here and could thus be regarded as part of the consecrationary offerings by the devotees who might have come from a distant North during the Mauryan times.

{4) PM C from Salihmdam Excavations^^ A lone silver Punch Marked coin was obtained from the earliest phase (Layer-4), associated with brick walls, black-and-red ware strata dated to c. 3rd-2nd centuries B.C.

Reg. No. Ill, Circular, weight 1.9333 gms. Obv : Solar, animal with beaks Rev : Two or three symbols not clear.

The coin is of the general series and resembles the circular ones from the Amaravatl hoard. Even the edges show cracks and in aze and thinness too, it tallies with the AmarSvati examples.*®

(5) A Review It can be seen from the above account that the Punch Marked coins are extremely rare and mostly associated with religious structures,, perhaps as offerings during the consecrationary rites at the Stupas like- Bhattiprolu, AmarSvati and Vaddamanu. Absence of PMC in early Mauryan Strata in general at Amaravati (Period I) and extremely rare occurence in A^okan and Post Asokan phases at VaddamSnu andi Bhattiprolu Stupas clearly confirms this view point. Their appearance- in Megalithic contexts in early first century B.C. or A.D. date merely points out the traditional value attached to the PMC as part offerings to the departed. It seems to me that the silver PMC were reaching the South through the religious migrants perhaps after the first urbani­ sation in the North (mahdjana padas) which led to the consolidation*^ 108 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Indhradesa of Vedicism. Later on the rise of new religious faiths like Buddhism and Jainism mainly under the patronage of trading communities accelerated these contacts and movements. Andhrade^a was the first jeceipient of these trends from North. All the hoards were almost certainly later in time than the real period of currency of the coin types, D.D. who made a poineering study of the AmarSvati^^ hoard concluded that it was “probably deposited during the early years of the last Maury an Emperor BhrhadrStha. But stratigraphically the hoard cannot be dated even to the early 1st century A.D. So the pre and early Mauryan date generally given for the PMC hoards of Deccan is solely on the typological basis of the interned coins. Further studies have not given us any proof for dating these hoards on their cultural association. Subsequent excavation at some sites hardly provided any stratigraphical relevance to them. We are not in a position to ascertain whether PMC (silver or copper) coins were even in regular circulation in Deccan and farther souths as the case is with central and Northern India during early centuries B.C. Some siMr PMC turned out of clay mounds in later periods as at Sisupalgarh, Kondapur and elsewhere should be regarded merely as imitations or at best forgeries of the later periods. These and other stray finds like the worn out and broken examples of a silver PMC from the 4th century A.D. Stupa (Photo-1 OB) excavated recently at the ancient Vengipura^ (Peddavegi, 12-km north of Eluru town, A.P.) only show how the old purdnas were preserved as heirloom and offered for some traditional-ritualistic purposes by the successive generations. For that matter a verse in NSradasmrti (A.D. 500) states "‘Karsdpano daksinasyam diii raupyah pravartate'\^* From what has been stated above, there should be no doubt left that, PMC, were not even in limited use as currency beyond the post-Mauryan period in South India as in the North. Their traditional value as well as metallic importance, however, continued even beyond 3rd century A.D. in cer­ tain part of South India as the people who retained them perhaps •originally hailed from the North. Appendix 109

References

1. Alexander Rea in Jas Burgess (Ed) Epigraphia Titdica Vol. II, Preface p. xi. 2. Alexander Rea, Sauth Eastern Buddhist, Antiquities Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, Vol, XV (Madras, 1894), p. 12, PL. IV-13, 15. 3. Ancient India, no. 16, pp. 77-78, PL. XLV-A, Figs. 4 and 5. 4. ASASI, 1910-11 (1914), p. 64. 5. A.L. Lahiri, “Complexities of the Silver Punch marked Coins”, JNSI, XXXVIII, Pt. II (Varanasi, 1976), pp. 33-34, D.C. Sircar, Studies in Indian Coins, (New Delhi, 1968), p. 103; P.L. Gupta, also cites a smaller type of Silver PMC weighing as Magadhan Series, P.L. Gupta (National Book Trust, 1979), p. 16. 6. D. Handa, Studies in Indian Coins and Seals, (New Delhi, 1985), pp. 1-7, PLS. I-II. 7. lAR, 1971-72, p. 39, PI. XLIII, The StQpa exposed here is of wheel shape with spokes etc. like Dharma-cakra fashion. 8. C.B. Trivedi, in Svasti Sri Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra Felicitatian Volume, (New Delhi, (1884), pp. 326-32. 9. V.S. Agrawala, India as known to Pdnini, (2nd Edition) (Vaianasi, 1963), p. 66. 10. P.L. Gupta, “The Amaravati Hoard of Silver Punch Marked Coins”, Andhra Pradesh Govt. Museum Series, no. 6 (Hyderabad, 1963), p. 2. 11. lAR, 1973-74, pp. 4-5, fig. 1. 12. P.L. Gupta, op. cit., (1963), p. 5. 13. A. Ghosh and H. Sarkar, “Beginnings of Sculptural Art in South-East India ; A Stele from Amaravati’, /nt/ja, nos. 20 and 21 (New Delhi, 1967), pp. 174-175, PL. XLI. See for a correct order and sequential details of the Stele and the inscribed labels thereon. I.K. Sarma, “Early sculptures and Epigraphs from South-East India” in Fredric M. Asher and G.S. Gai (Ed) Indian Epgiraphy, Its Bearing on the History of Art, {AIIS, New Delhi, 1985), pp. 19-20, PL. 25. 14. P.K. Agrawala “Depiction of PMC in Early Indian Art”, JNSI XXVII, Pt. 2 (1965), pp. 170-176. 15. S.B Deo and J.P. Joshi, ^xcavan'o/z (1969-70) (Nagpur, 1972), pp. 21- 22, 31, PL. XEVI-no. 1 and pp. 96-97, PL. LXVII-no. 1. 16. lAR, 1981-82, pp. 1-2; 1982-83, pp. 2-3. 17. T.V.G. Sastry Vaddamanu Excavation and Explorations in the Krsna Valley, (Hyderabad, 1983), pp. 4-5. 1^. T.V.G. Sastry wrongly attributes the StUpa as of Jaina faith in his report, op. cit., p. 10. 110 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradesa

19. R. Subrahmanyam, Salihundam, A Buddhist Site in the Andhra Pradesh, (Hyderabad, 1964), pp. 7, 21, 117, PL. XLVI, no. 4. 20. P.L. Gupta, op. cit., (1963), PLS. IV, 9, 19; VII, nos. 203 to 206. 21. Puratattva, no. 6 (1972-73), pp. 26-36, no. 7 (1974) pp. 53-58, 87-89 and 90-91. 22. D.D. Kosambi, “Punch Marked Coins of Amaravati hoard’* in A.K. Naraia and Lallanji Gopal (Ed.), op. cit., p. 52. 23. lAR, 1985-86, Pt. size. 24. A.S. Altekar, “The coinage of the Deccan” in G. Yazdani, (Ed), The Early History of Deccan, (Oxford, 1960), Pt. II, p. 788, note-1. 6 APPENDIX

B. Buddhist Sites in Andhra Pradesh (Fig. 1) The names of the places listed here is after the Survey of India Maps. In the text, however, they are spelt according to the present usage.

Name Taluk Published References!Remarks

1 2 3

Cuddapdh District Adapur Rajampet ASASI, 1912-1913, pp. 63-64; ARAP, 1974-77 (Hyderabad, 1978), p. 5. Peddacheppalle Kamala- lA R , 1967-68, p. 51., 1977-78, p. 76. puram Pushpagiri Cuddapah ARSIE, 1926-27, p. 73., /jFS/, XI, p. 75 (only inscriptional references and explored site). East Godavari District Aduru Rajole BJS, p. 36., lA R , 1962-63, p. 65; Spelt as Adurru also. Goganamatham Rajole lAR, 1962-63, p. 66 (Not shown in the map). Crudimellanka Rajole lA R , 1962-63, p. 65. Kapavaram Rajah- D. M itra, (1971), p. 198. Personal mundry study 28.9.1975. T^e hill is called PSndavulakopda. 112 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahml Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

Kodavalu Pithapuram ARASI, 1907-08, p, 225; ARASI,^ 1923-24, p. 88; ARASDSC, 1907-08, pp. 3, 8. (It is known as Kodavali not shown in map). Pithapuram Pithapuram lA R , 1961-62, p. 96; ARASI, 1923-24, Part I, p. 112. Rampa Rajah- ARPM, (1882), p. 23; JAHRS, III Errampalem mundry (Oct. 1929), pp. 85-89. (also known as Yarrampalem, the hill range is called Pflndavulametta). Timmapuram Pithapuram lA , XII, p. 34; MAR, 1907-08, p. 3. (Spelt also as Timavaram). Guntur District Amaravati Sattenapalli R. Sewell, Report on the Amaravati Tope and Excavations on its Site in 1877 (London, 1880); ARPM, (1882), pp. 63-64. J. Burgess, Notes on the Amaravati Stupa (1882), pp. 1-57;, ^55/, (1887), pp. 1-131; ARASDSC, 1905-06 (Calcutta, 1909), pp. 116-119; ARASDSC, 1908-09 (Calcutta, 1912), pp. 88-91; ARASDSC, 1907-08 M adras, 1908), p. 2; lA R , 1958-59, p. 5; 1961-62, p. 1; 1962-63, p. 2; 1963-64, p. 4; 1964-65, pp. 2-3. H. Sarkar, and S.P. Nainar, Amara­ vati, (New Delhi, 1972), lA R , 1973- 74, pp. 4-5; 1974-75; p. 1, C. Sivarama- murti, op. cit., (Madras, 1942); Douglass Barret, op. cit., (London, 1954). Appendix 113 1

Bapatla (23) Bapatla ARPM (1882), p. 81; Lalit Kala, No. 13, pp. 28-30. Bhattiprolu Repalle ARPM, 1882, p. 77; SIB A, (1894), Ep. Ind. II, p. 323fr. ASAR (1892). pp. 1-4; lA R , 1969-70, p. 1; M. Rama Rao (Ed.) Buddha Jayanti Souvenir^ pp. 31, 47-48; BJS, (1956), p. 36. Bhdratl (Telugu) Oct., 1986. Brahmandapalem Palnad lA R , 1973-74, pp. 3-4 (not shown in map). Buddam (22) Repalle lA , I, p. 153; SIBA (1894), p. 45; JRASB, (1895), p. 617; ARPM (1882), p. 47; P.R. Srinivasan, Bronzes o f South India, (Madras, (1963), pp. 6- 10. Sandavolu (21) Bapatla ASIAR, 1907-08, p. 2; SIBA, (1894), p. 45; ARPM (1882), p. 67; Locally Chandavolu or Tsandavolu., It is interesting that Prdkritic form of Tsanda for Chandra is still retained in this toponym. Chanduru Tenali SIBA (1894), p. 45 (not shown in map). Chebrolu (19) Tenali A R P M ( m i ) , p. 82; lA R , 1960-61, p. 61; 1962-63, p. 66. Dachepalle (12) Palnad M. Rama Rao, Buddha Jayanti Sou­ venir (Guntur, 1956), pp. 35-36; ARPM (1882), p. 56; 1964-65, p. 2. Garikapadu Vinukonda MAR, 1889, 30, AP, p. 2; MER, 1908, p. 59; lAR, 1957-58, p. 60; M. Rama Rao, op. cit., (1956), p. 45. 114 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradisa

Goli (7) Gurzala ARPM (1882), p. 57; T.N. Rama- chandra, “Buddhist Sculptures from a Stupa near Goli Village, Guntur Dist.” , Bulletin of the Madras Govt. Museum New Series General Section, /, P a rf/(M a d ra s, 1929). Gottumukkala (6) Bapatla M. Rama Rao, op. cit., (1956), p. 36. Guruzal(ll) Palnad ARASDSC, 1936-37, p. 106; ARPM (1892), p. 70; Ep. Ind., XXVI, pp. 123-125. Kesanapalle (13) Palnad JAR, 1964-65, p. 54; 1965-66, pp. 54- 55; Ep. Ind., I (Hyderabad, 1969), pp. 146-149; Abdul Waheed Khan, A Monograph on Early Buddhist Stupa at Kesanapalle (Hyderabad, 1969), pp. 1-5. Manchikallu (9) Palnad AR PM , p. &); Ep. Ind., XXXII, no. 8, p. 87, PL., lA R , 1962-63, p. 66. Modukuni (20) Tenali ARAS, Madras and Coorg, 1902-03, pV46. Kagaijuniakonda Macherla A I no. 16, 1960 (New Delhi, 1960), pp. 65-84; A.H. Longhurst, ARASI, 1927-28, (Calcutta, 1931), pp. 113-21; H. Sarkar and B.N. Mishra, Nagar- junakonda, (New Delhi, 1966), ARASI, 1928-29 (Delhi, 1933), pp. 100-104; 1929-30 (Delhi, 1935), pp. 144-51; M .H. Kuraishi, ARASI, 1926-27 (Calcutta, 1930), pp. 156-161; A.H. Longhurst, MASI, no. 54 (Delhi, 1938); T.N. Ramachandran, MASI, no. 71. (Delhi, 1953); BJS, pp. 16, 96-97; lA R , 1967-68, p. 52. A ppendix 115

N am bur (18) G untur lA R , 1977-78, p. 1 (within Nagarjuna University Campus). Peddamadduru Narsaraopet K.R. Subramanian, (1932), pp. 11-12. (14) Peddakancherla Vinukonda MAR, 10 July, 1894, p. 1. K.R. (27) Subrahmanian (1932), p. 33, ft. 1. Pondugala (8) Palnad ARPM, pp. 61-62; lA R ., 1961-62, p. 96. Rentala (10) Palnad ASIAR, 1936-37, p. 106; Ep, Ind., XXXVII (Jan. 1967), Pt. I, pp. 29-32; lA R ., 1961-62, p. 1. Seethanagaram Mangalagiri lA R , 1977-78, p. 1, on Vijayakiladri: (not shown in the map). Vadamanu (16) Sattenapalli lA R , 1982-83, pp. 2, 17: 1983-84, pp. 2-3, Pis. 1-3. T.V.G. Sastry, (Ed), Vaddamanu Excavations and Explora­ tions in the Krishna Valley, (1983). Vaikunthapuram Sattenapalli lA R , 1960-61, p. 1; 1974-75, p. 2. (15) Errapalem (17) Mangalagiri lA R , 1978-79, p. 92. Also called as Yerrampalem. Hyderabad District Chaitanyapuri Hyderabad JESI,Xl,ip. 75; ARIE, 1983-84; Bharat}, July 1983, pp. 13-18. Dhulikatta Peddapalli ARAP, 1976-77, pp. 13-17; lA R ^ 1974-75, p. 3: 1975-76, pp. 2-3; 1976- 77, p. 4; SS, 1981, p. 2; V.V. Krishna Sastry, (1983) pp. 144-145, 225-226 and 242 Pis. 60-63; The village is known as Vatakapur. 116 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradisa

Kampalli Jagtial Information from Thakur Rajaram Singh, Advocate, Peddapalli, Dist. Karimnagar D.O. letter dated 16-10-86. The site is 2-km west of Kotlingala. Kotlingala Jagtial lA R , 1977-78, p. 76 (wrongly stated in this work as in Cuddapah); 1980- 81, p. 2. Bharatl, June, 1978, pp. DSSI, (1978), p. 74. Also called , the ancient hill Munu- lagutta has an inscribed boulder. The extensive mound is at the confluence of the river PeddavSgu and Godavari. Pashgam Jagtial The site is 5 km west of Kotlingala on the right bank of river Godavari. See Raja Ram Singh, “The Pre- Satavahana Andhra kings—A Fresh Study” in A. P. Journal o f Archaeo­ logy, III (Hyderabad) (in press). A ‘U’ shaped caitya grha, limestone slab with the base having a mother of pearl work in miniature is seen here.

Khammam District Nialakondapalle Jangaon lA R , 1977-78, p. 3; 1976-77, p. 5; The Hindu, Friday, 25th July, 1986, p. 6. (The place is spelt as Nela- kondapalle or as Nellakondapally birth place of Bhakta Ramdas (Bairagigudda). Appendix 117

Krishna District A lluru Nandigama lAR, 1956-57, p. 81; 1957-58, p. 14. 1974-75, p. 5; 1976-77, p. 57, no. 1; ASASr, 1926-27, pp. 150-61.

(Bezawada) ARADSC, 1910-11, (March, 191 Iti p. 20; lA R , 1975-76, p. 3 (Mogalrajai: puram caves) Itihas, VII, no. 2 (Hyderabad, 1979), pp. 23-24, Pis. I «fcll.

Kurnool District Ketavaram Kurnool lA R , 1977-78, p. 3 (Siddula gavulu). Rajulamandagiri Pattikonda Ep. Ind., XXXI (1955-56), no. 8; pp. 211-218. Erragudi Pattikonda Ep. Ind., XXXII (1957-58), no. 2, pp. 1-28.

Medak District Kondapur Sangareddy lA R , 1970-71, p. 64; 1973-74, p. 64; P. Srinivasachar, Kondapur Govt, of A.P. (Hyderabad, 1953).

Nalagonda District Gajulabanda Suryapet lA R , 1970-71, p. 3; P.R. Murthy, Excavations at Gajulabanda, (Hydera­ bad, in press). The place is 5-km from Pangiri (not shown in map). V.V. Krishna Sastry (1983), pp. 146- 47 and 243. Kokireni (1) Huzumagar M. Rama Rao (Ed.) (1962), p. 39," A R P M { m i) , p. 46. Pangiri Suryapet K.A. Ahmmad, Phanigiri Bouddha Dharma Sidhilalu, (Telugu, 1950), pp. 1-3, V.V. Krishna Sastry (1983)) pp. 145-146, P. Srinivasachar,’* Archaeological Bulletin'Ho. \l, A.P: Appendix 119

Archaeological Series no. 15, (1963), pp. 5-6. It is known as Phanigiri. Tirmalgiri Suryapet V.V. Krishna Sastry (1983), p. 147, PI. 64. This is known as Thinimala- giri. Yardamankot Tungaturti EEnadu, Telugu daily Dated 17th October, 1982. Nellore District M ahimaluru A tm akur A RPM, (1882), p. 143; ARASI, 1930- 34, Pt. I, pp. 111-112. (The site goes with the name Buddhapfldu).

Prakasam District Chandavaram Podili lA R , 1972-73, p. 3, 1973-74, pp. 7, 35, no. 8; 1974-75, pp. 6-7; 1975-76, pp. 3-4; 1976-77, pp. 9-10, 58, no. 8. The remains are on Singarikdnda Hill. APAR, 1976-77, pp. 17-24. •Ohinna Ganjami ^ Ongole lA R , 1959-60, p. 67; Ep. Ind., XXXIII, pp. 159-91. Dupadu Markapur lA R , 1976-77, p. 3; 1977-78, p. 61, no. 14; APAR, 1976-77, p. 33, Kanuparti Chirala (1882), p. 131; MAR, (July,

Peddaganjam (28) Ongole MAR, 1893, July, 14, pp. 9-12; Ibid., 1889, 30 AP. p. 2, Ep. Ind., XXXII, pp. 181-191, also nearby Uppugun- duni. Ramatirtham Addanki lA R , 1978-79, p. 4. Svasti &rl p p . 335-338. (not shown in the map). Vellacheruvu (26) Addanki lA R , 1977-78, p. 3.

Srikakulam District Calingapatnam Srikakulam lA R , 1958-59, p. 68; 1961-62, p. 96; 1976-77, p. 10; 1977-78, p. 14; 1978-^ 79, p. 66. Gunanupuram Parvati- lA R , 1955-56, p. 72. puram Markondaputti Parvati- lA R , 1955-56, p. 73 (Markadaputti). puram Salihundam Srikakulam ARADSC, 1919-20, p. 35flF., lA R , 1953-54, p. 11, Ep. Ind., XXVIII (1949-50), R. Subrahmanyam, op. cit.„ (1964).

Visakhapatnam District Bavikonda Bhimli lA R , 1983-84, p. 7; The Hindu^ Friday, 27th June, 1986 (Hyderabad)* p. 19. Gopalapatnam Srungavara- BJS, (1956), p. 37; ARPM, (1882), pukota p. 17. Jami Srungavara- lA R , 1955-56, p. 72; JAHRS, XXXV pukota (1976), pp. 371-375. Nilavati Viziana- D. Mitra (1971), p. 198. garam Appendix 121

Ramatirtham Viziana- ARPM, II (1882), p. 13; lA R , 1956- garam 57, p. 81; ARAST, 1910-11 (Calcutta, 1914), pp. 78-88; ARASDSC, 1908- 09 (Calcutta, 1909), pp. 10-11; 1909- 10, (Madras 1910), pp. 20-21; 1910-11, (Madras, 1911), pp. 13-15, PI. V. (Gurubhaktakonda)) K otturu Anakapalle lA R , 1954-55, p.’23. (This is Kottaru). Mangamaripeta Bhimli APAR, 1976-77, pp. 3, 4, 8-9 (Totla- konda hill). Lingaraju Palem Yellaman- lA R , 1954-55, p. 61; 1959-60, p. 67, chili PI. LVII c. Sankaram AnakapalH ARASI, 1907-08 (Calcutta, 1911), pp. 149-150, ARASDSC, 1907-08, pp. 2-3; 1908-09, (Madras, 1909), pp. 1-10; 1910-11, pp. 17-18. The Village name appears to be Manitoni according to R. Sewell in ARPM y (1882), p. 16. Simhachalam Visakha- ARPM, (1882), p. 16; M. Rama Rao patnam (1962), pp. 23-24, 44. Said to possess Buddhist remains, ARADSC, 1908- 09, p. 10. West Godavari District Arugolanu Tadepalli- Alexander Rea (1894), p. 12; M AR^ gudam 13th July, 1892, no. 491, p. 3; ARAS, 1901-02, Govt, of Madras, Public (25th August, 1902), p. 20. (called as YernagQdem) Arugolumitta or Narugulanu). Gowripatnam Tanuku MAR, 25th Aug.. 1902, p. 20. (N ot shown in the map). 1,22 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

Guntupalle Kamavara- ARADSC, 1916^17, pp. 30-36; pukota R. Subrahmanyam (Hyderabad, 1968), pp. 1-3; lA R , 1961-62, p. 97; 1968-69, p. 64; JAIH, IV (Calcutta, 1978), pp. 1-2, 122 to 124; lA R , 1976-77, pp. 4, 10. Peddavegi Eluru R, Sewell, ARASC, no. 457, Public. 30th April, 1888, pp. 15-16; Extract from nos. for 827-829, Public 25th Aug., 1902, p. 19; Govt, o f Madras, Public Dept. ASAR, 1901-02; MER, SC, 1927, AP, 219. SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Aiyappan, A and, Srinivasan, P.R.; Guide to Budhist Antiquities, Govt. Museum, Egmore, Madras, 1952. Aiyappan, A and, Srinivasan, P.R.: Story of Budhism with Special Ref­ erence to South India, (Madras, 1960). Bapat, P.V. (Ed.) : 2500 Years of Buddhism, (New Delhi, 1959). Barret, Douglass; Sculptures from Amaravati in the British Museum, (London, 1954). Beal, Samuel: Si-yu-ki, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Translated from Chinese o f Hiuen Tsang, 2 vols. (London, 1884), New Delhi Reprint, 1969). Bloch, T. ; “Excavations at Lauriya” Annual Report of the Archaeo^ logical Survey, Bengal Circle, for the year ending with April, 1905, (Calcutta, 1905), pp. 11-15. Bloch, T. ; “Excavations at Lauriya” Annual Report Archaeological Survey o f India, 1906-07 (Calcutta, 1909), pp. 119-26. Brown, Percy : Indian Architecture, Buddhist and Hindu Periods, (4th edition, Bombay, .1959). Burgess, J. : The Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jaggayyapeta^ Archaeological Survey o f Southern India, I (London, 1887). Cowell, E.B. and Neil, R.A. : Divyavaddna, (Combridge, 1886). Cowell, E.B. (Ed.) : The Jataka or Stories of Buddha’s Former Births, 1 vols. (Combridge, 1895-1913). Debala, Mitra ; Buddhist Monuments, (Calcutta, 1971). Deo, S.B. and Joshi, J.P. (Ed) : Pauni Excavations, 1969-70, (Nagpur 1972). Fabri, C.L.; “Excavations at Nagarjunakonda” Annual Report, Archa­ eological Survey o f /ndia, 1930-34, Part 1 (Delhi, 1936), pp. 107* 111. Fergusson, J. : Tree and Serpent Worship (London, 1868). 124 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Branmi Inscriptions of Andhradisa

Fergusson, James and Burgess,!.: The Cave Temples o f India, (London, 1880). Fergusson, J. and Burgess, J. and Spiers, R.P. : History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, I (London, 1910). Fredrick Asher and Gai, G.S. (Ed.) : Indian Epigraphy, Its Bearing on the History of Art, (New Delhi, 1985). Ghosh, A (Ed.) : Archaeological Remains, Monuments and Museums, Pts. I and II (New Delhi, 1964). Geiger, Wilhelm : The Mahavarh§a, Pali Text Society, (London, 1958). Gupta, S.P. : The Roots of Indian Art, (Books and Books, New Delhi, 1980). Harish Chandra Das et. el (Ed.): Buddhism and Jainism, Papers presented at the International Seminar, Institute o f Oriental and Orissan Studies, (Cuttack, 11th to 16th January, 1976). Kuraishi, M.H. : “Trial Excavations at Alluru, Gummadidurru and Nagarjunikonda”, Annual Report, Archaeological Survey o f India, 1926-27 (Calcutta, 1930), pp. 150-161, 189, 190. ILaw, B.C. : Geography of Early Buddhism (London, 1932). Longhurst, A.H. : “The Buddhist Monuments at Guntupalle, Kistna District”, Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Southern Circle, Madras for the year 1916-17, (Madras, 1917), pp. 30-36. "Majumdar, N.G. : “Explorations at LauriyS Nandangarh”, Annual Report, Archaeological Survey o f India^ 1935-36 (Delhi, 1938), pp. 55-66, Ibid., ARASI, 1936-37 (Delhi, 1940), pp. 47-50. -Marshall, J.H. : “Exploration and Research (Burial Mounds at Lauriya)”, Annual Report, Archaeological Survey o f India, 1904- 05, (Calcutta, 1908), pp. 38-40. Marshall, John: “Explorations (Ghantasala and Salihundam)”, Annual Report of the Director General of Archaeology in India, 1919, 1920 (Calcutta, 1922), pp. 29-30. Mahalingam, T.V. : Kdhcipuram in Early South Indian History^ (Madras, 1969). Mahalingam, T.V. : Studies in South Indian Archaeology, Epigraphy, Architecture and Sculpture, Memoirs of the Archaeological Society o f South India, no. 2, (Madras, 1978). Select Bibliography 125

Naboru Koroshima (Ed.) : Indus Valley to Mekong Delta, Exploration in Epigraphy, (Madras, 1985). Pramoda Chandra : On the Study of Indian Art (Harwad, 1983). Rea, Alexander : South Indian Buddhist Antiquities, Including Stflpas of Bhattiprolu, Gudiwada and Ghanta^ala, And other Ancient Sites in the Krishna District, Madras Presidency with Notes on Dome construction, Andhra Numismatics and Marble Sculpture, Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, Vol. XV, (Madras, 1984). Rowland, Benjamin : The Art and Architecture o f India, (2nd ed. 1956). Sarkar, H. : Studies in Early Buddhistic Architecture of India, (New Delhi, 1966). Sarma, I.K. : Coinage of the Sdtavdhana Empire, (New Delhi, 1980). Buddhist Monuments of China and South East India, (New Delhi, 1985). Historical Archaeology o f South India'. Contacts and Correlations^ Sankara Parvati Endowment Lectures, University of Madras, (Madras, Dec., 1985). Sircar, Dinesh Chandra ; Select Inscriptions Bearing on Indian History and Civilization, I, 2nd ed. (Calcutta, 1965). Sircar, Dinish Chandra : op. cit., Vol. II, (New Delhi, 1st Edition, 1983). Sivaramamurti, C. : “Amaravati Sculptures in the Madras Govt. Museums”, Bulletin of the Madras Govt. Museum, New Series, General Section-IV (Madras, 1942). Shastry, A.M. : An outline o f Early Buddhism, (Varanasi, 1965). “Some Aspects of Buddhism in Andhra Pradesh”, Raviprolu Subrahmanyam Research Centre, Memoir, no. 1, (Guntur, 1983), pp. 28-48. Srinivasan, P.R. : Bronzes of South-India Bulletin of the Madras Govt. Museum, New Series Vol. VIII, (Madras, 1963). Subrahmanyam, R. : Salihundam, A Buddhist Site in Andhra Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh Govt. Archaeological Series no. 17 (Hyderabad, 1964). Shah, U.P. and Dhaky, M.A. (Ed.): Aspects of Jaina Art and Architec­ ture, (Ahmedabad, 1975), 126 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

Svastisri, Dr. BCH. Chhabra Felicitation Volume, (New Delhi, 1984). Subramanian, K.R. : Buddhist Remains in Andhra and the History o f Andhra Between 225 and 610 A.D. (Madras, 1932), Surendranath Majumdar : Me. Crindle's Ancient India As Described by Ptolemy (Calcutta, 1927). Vidya Dehejia ; Early Buddhist Rock-Temples—A Chronological Study, (Thames and Hudson, 1972). Watters, Thomas : On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, I (A.D. 629- 645) and II (Ed.) T.W. Rhys Davids, (London, 1904 and 1905). INDEX

Adikesvara temple, 10 Toponym Nandapur identification Agrawala, D.P., 6 of, 46 ff Albert Museum (London), 21 Vastu & Agamic observances, 32 fif Amaravati, 7, 13, 19, 21, 47, 51, 75 Bodhisattvas, 16, 21, 75 Archaeological evidences, 7 ff Boswell, 30 Mahacaitya site, 39 Brahmagiri, 3, 6 Museum, 21 Rock inscriptions, 3 ff, 14 School, 17 Brahmi Script, 45. 51, 66, 73, 92 Stupa, 6, 8, 36 Buddha Amaresvara temple, 10 Birth, 1 ,3 Andhra Pradesh Enlightenment, 3 Buddhist monument see Buddhist Image, 15 monuments Buddhism, Geographical backgroundii 5 flf Pre-Asokan base, 3 Mauryan period, 1, 3 Sects, 13 flf Archaeological survey of India, Buddhist Monument, Epigraphical Branch, 73, 77 ff Iksvaku period, 12, 16 A^okan pillars, 7 Later developments, 17 ff Avalokiteivara, 21 Literary accounts, 1 ff Mauryan phase, 11 Barabar group hill caves, 97, 90 Post-MauryanPhase, I l f Bhandar Cave (Rajgir), 99 Pre-Asoka, 7 Bharhut inscriptions, 47 Satavahana period, 12, 16 Bhattiprolu, 7, 30 flf Buhler, 50 f Dating, 48f, 98 Granite stone Relic containers, 37 flf, Caityagrha, 14 f, 57 50 f Circular Brick, 62 f Contents within-, 40 flf Candakapur Tekdi Stupa, 52 f Unique finds within-, 43 f Ceylon, 4, 9, 13 Introduction, 30 f Chandra, G.C., 93 Paleographical features 44 flf Coonaiara Swamy, A.K., 36 Stupa, 30 if . Crystal Reliquary, 43 f 128 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brakml Inscriptions of Andhradesa

Dehejia, Vidya, 98 Limestone Mandapa, 63f Deo, S,B., 33 Limestone pillar inscriptions, 65 Dhanyakataka stupa, 2, 19, 22, 47 Stone mandapa, 63f Dharanikota fortification, 5, 7, 17 Gupta. S.P., 7f, 32, 35, 99 Dubruiel, J., 70 Haimendorf, 5 Elliot, Walter, 30 Hampi ruins, 13, 19 Erragudi, 3, 39 Hathigumpha inscriptions, 68 Errampalem, Rock-out vestiges, 93 ff, Hinayana Buddhism, 13 99 ff Hinayana cave, 22 Description of, 94 f Hoffman, Helmut, 2

Ghantasala Irwin, John, 32, 34f Inscriptions, 2 stupa, 36 Jaggayyapeta inscription, 16 Ghosh, A., 6 Jagnath Tekdi stupa, 33 Gudivada stupa, 31 Jonnagiri Rock-edict, 6 Gunjupalle, 2, 21, 57ff, 97 Joshi, M.C., 7 Brahmi inscriptions, 67ff Budhisattva Padma Pa^i Bronze Kafichi, 13, 19, 22f image, 82 Kapavaram, 13 Fifth & Sixth Cen. A.D., 78flf Kashmira-Gandhara, 1 First & Second Cen. A.D., 72ff Kaus^bi, 9f Location & Details of, 67f Kaveripatfinam, 13, 19 Dating, 98 Khandalwala, karl, S Epigraphs, importance of, 82 Krishnamurthy, K., 12 Introducotion of, 57f Kukutlapalli, 12 Pillar epigraphy 20, 61ff Kusinagara, 32 Rock-cut vestiges, 58flf, 99flF New vihara cave, 6lf Levi, Sylvain, 69 South-East Tor, cave, 61 Lihinimalai inscriptions, 15, 18 Vihara caves, 59 ff Lokesh Chandra, 19, 23 Vrtta-catiya, 58f Longhurst, A.H., 37, 57, 71f, 100 Guntupalle stupas & Monastery, 62f Madras Museum, 16, 20 Apsidal Buddha caitya, 66 Mahabalipuram, 13 Bigger Mandapa Lime stone Caves, 19 pillars, 65f Mahacaitya site, 8 Bigger Stupa, foundational details Mahanagaparvata inscriptions, 2, 85 of, 64f Mahanaga stupa (Tissa), 83 Index

Mahanavika inscriptions, 84 Raghavachary, K., 57 Mahasanghika Schools, 18 Rajula-Mandagiri, 3, 6, 13, 39 Malekonda, 92ff Rampa Errampalem see Errampalem Rock-caverns, 92f, 99f Ramatirtham village 21 Marshall, John, 7 Ramesh, K.V., 3, 51,79 Mehta, R.K., 83 Ramtek, 19 Minor Rock-editcts, 3f 13 Rao, B.V.K., 93 Mishra, Shyam Manohar, 71 Ratnagiri, 22 Mitra, Debala, 35, 98 Rea, Alexander, 7, 20, 30f, 36ff, 49, 57, Murthi, C. Sivarama, 21 62ff, 66f, 100 Murthy, K. Krishna, 21 Rock-cut vestiges, 58ff, 93 If Murthy, P. Sitarama, 12 Correlation between Guntupalle lie Muss, Paul, 34 Rampa Errampalem, 97ff Techniques, 98 Nagarjunakonda, 13ff, 17ff, 75 Rock inscriptions, 2If Inscriptions, 83 Stupa, 36 Salankayana copper plate grants, 81 Nandapura, 47 Sampath, M.D., 77 Nandur, 47 Sanchi inscriptions, 47 NBP ware sherds, 5f, 37 Sankalia. H.D., 72 Nepal, 35 Sannati, 13, 19 Norman, K .R., 45 Sarkar, H„ 1, 31 Norris, 32 Sarnath, 3, 47 Sastry, H. Krishna, 7If Oddiyana, 22 Sastry, T.V.G., 37 Sewell, Robert, 20, 30, 57, 92, lOfr' Palnad, 19 Shankaranarayanan, S., 9, 49ff Panguraria edict, 4 Sharma, M.J., 3 Pauni, 33, 36 Siddhapur Rock inscriptions, 3 Peddavegi Siddulagavulu Rock shelters, 12: grant registers, 80 Sircar, D.C., 48, 68f stupa, 20f Smith, Vincent, 5 Peppe, William, 34 Sri Lanka, 14f, 18, 35 Potalaka, 2If ^riparvata, 18, 22 Prakrit language, 73, 81 Srivastava, K.M., 35 Punch mark silver coins, 3, 9, 37, 43 State Museum (Bhuvaneswar), 10‘> Pre-Asokan, 3 Stupas, 19ff, 30fT, 34, 62 Pre-Mauryam, 3 Layout, 35f Puspagiri, 12, 22 Subrahmanyam, R., 30, 57, 65, 69ff, Ptolemy, 80 82 130 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments andBrahtrii Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

Suvarnagiri, 3f Vedagiri, 83 Venkataramayya, M., 57, 93 Tambapaoni, 1 Venkataramanayya, N., 57, 65 Tdntrik Buddhism, 22f Victoria Museum (London), 21 Theravada Buddhism, 1, 22 Vijayapurl, 18 Tsang, Heun, 1, 22 Visnukundin copper plate grants, 81 Tucci, Giu Seppe 48 Wheeler, Mortimer, 5f Vaddamanu, 9, 47 Stupa, 37 Yasti, 36 Vaisali stupa, 3 If Yellesvaram, 19 'Vajrayana image, 21 Yiipa, 34, 36 Vanavasa, 19 ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA

Inspite of the best efforts certain minor misprints and inaccura­ cies appear. The reader is requested to rectify them, (Author) Preface Page xi Text line—8 Read Buddhists „ Page xii Text Hne—5 Read erstwhile Page 2, Texi line—18 Read says “It Text line—24 Read Grdhrakuta Page 3, Text line—4 Read Dharmacakra pravartam Page 4, Text line—21 Read Salihundam Page 10, Text line—3 Read (892-921 A.D.)

55 Text line—6 Read angdlayas Page 13, Text line—20 Read reaches Page 14, Text line—20 Read Tosali Page 15, Text line—32 Read Buddhism Page 18, Text line—19 Read Limestone Page 20,

55 Text line—26 Read appear Page 21, Foot note—61 Read Survey of South India Page 28, Foot note—81 Read (Dec, 1983) Foot note—82 Read Iconography Page 39, Page 44, Page 46, Page 48, Page 56, Page 63, heavy lower cloth Page 63, Text line—15 Read ^^^antara chest bare, they typify the 132 Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and Brahmi Inscriptions of Andhradlsa

Page 67, Title Read Caityas Page 70, Text line—3 Read Majerika Page 77, Text line—18 Read has not paid sufficient attention „ Text line—31 Read [pratisthapitam] Page 78, Text line—12 Read da {nam) Page 84, Text line— 13 Read i.e. a master Page 85, Foot note—1 Read Southern Circle, Page 86, Foot note—9 line—4 Read erroneously ,, line—6 Read pre-christian era „ Foot note—14 line—3 Read Sarvadeva Temple „ „ line—4 Read Ehavala Page 94, Text line—20 Read examples Page 96, Foot note—Read 8 as 9 and 9 as 8 Page 100, Text line—21 Read subtle Page 105, Text line—22 Read loaded with PMC Page 114, Column—3, 11.2-3 Read T.N. Ramachandran Page 116, Column—3, line-9 Read DASSI i r PRINCIPAL BUDDHIST SITES OF ANDHRA PRADESH

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MAHABUBNAGAR NAGARJUNAKONDA MASULIPATNAM g a r ' ik a p a d u t a s a l a REFERENCES

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1(A). BhaUiprolu; GSRC-I, BS-1. 1(B). Bhattiprolu: Closer view of the slQt. 2(A). Bhattiprolu: GSRC-I, LS-2.- 2(B). Bhattiprolu: Closer view of the inscribed part, see the flak­ ing of the polished part. 3. Bhattiprolu: GSRC-II, BS-3. 4(A). Bhattiprolu: GSRC-II, LS-4. 4(B). BhaUiprolu: Closer view of the inscribed part. 5(A). Bhattiprolu: GSRC-III, BS-5. 5(B). Bhattiprolu: Closer view of the slot. 6. Bhattiprolu: GSRC-ill, LS-6. 7(A). Bhattiprolu; Crystal Reliquary, Kalaia type from GSRC-I, BS-1. 7(B). Bhattiprolu; Crystal Reliquary, KalaSa type from. 7(C). Bhattiprolu; Crystal Reliquary, circular phial from GSRC- III, BS-5. 8. Bhattiprolu; Silver PMC arranged in (A) Svastika pattern in BS-5; (B) Additional coins right at the base of the crystal phial. 9. AmarSvati, Dist. Guntur: Sculptured stele showing the Jetavana scene. 10(A). Amaravati; Silver PMC from Period-II. 10(B). Peddavegi: Silver PMC, broken example from Period-IA. 11. Guntupaile; West Godavari; Buddhist Monuments, Panora­ mic View. 12. Guntupaile; Circular Caitya Cave, Frontal view. 13. Guntupaile: Circular Caitya Cave, Stapa and the inner ceiling. 14. Guntupaile: Rock-cut Vihdras. 15. Guntupaile; Cave at the South-East Tor. » i v Studies in Early Buddhist Monuments and BrahmT Inscriptions o f A ndhradiia 16. Guntupalle: A Newly Discovered Vihdro Cave (lower Terrace). 17. Guntupalle: Circular Brick Co/77a (7r//fl at the Eastern end —Buddha images inside. 18. Guntupalle: Structural Middle terrace (From East), See Inscriptions nos. 1, 3, 4A, 5 to 14. 19. Guntupalle; Votive StUpas, Middle terrace (from west). 20(A). Guntupalle: Inscription I-1, Pillar Record of the time of king Sri Sada. 20(B). Guntupalle: Estampages of the Four Inscriptions. 21. Guntupalle 1-2, Sopana record. 22. Guntupalle: Inscription 1-3 on a stone slab. 23. Guntupalle: Inscription I-4B. Lamp socket, Brahmi letters at the cave entrance. 24. puntupalle: Inscription 1-5 on a Floor slab. 25. Guntupalle: Inscription 1-6 on stone Relic casket. 2f. Guntupalle: Inscription 1-7, on a Matfdapa Pillar. 27, Guntupalle: Inscription 1-8, on another Mavdapo pillar. 28(A). Guntupalle: Inscription no. 9 on floor slab. 28(B). Guntupalle: Inscription no. 11 on Floor slab. 29(A). Guntupalle: Mandapa pillar with inscriptions (as unearthed), 29(B). Guntupalle: Inscriptions 1-10 and 1-12 (closer view). 29(C). Guntupalle: Detailed view of I-IO and partly 1-12. 30. Guntupalle: Inscription 1-13 on a stone plaque. 31. Guntupalle: Inscription 1-14 on the Lotus Pedastal of the Bronze image of Bodhisattva PadmapSni. 32. MSlekonda, Dist. Prakasam: PSrvatiguha, Rock-cut cave. 33(A). MSlekonda: Inscription on the Brow of the cave. ; 33(B). Malekonda: Estampage of the Inscription on the brow of the cave. 34. Malekonda: Rock-cut shelter. 35. Rampa Errampalem, Dist. East Godavari; Rock-cut cave, entrance etc. 36. Rampa Errampalem: Rock cut Cave, Monolithic Caitya inside. 37. Rampa Errampalem: Monolithic Stupas in open. 38. Badarala, Dist. West Godavari: Boggu Gullu, General view. 39. Badarala: Boggu gudi. Closer View. 1 (A) Bhaitiprolu: GSRC-I, BS-1. 1 (B) Bhattiprolu: Closer view of the slot. m

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