Religious Lives of Image-Things, Avodah Zarah, and Rabbis in Late

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Religious Lives of Image-Things, Avodah Zarah, and Rabbis in Late Rachel Neis Religious LivesofImage-Things, Avodah Zarah,and Rabbis in LateAntique Palestine Abstract: Drawing on rabbinic sources redacted in the earlythird and late fourth/ earlyfifth centuries, this paper tracks the intertwined livesofdivineimage-things and rabbis living in late Roman and Byzantine period Palestine. The paper argues that the religious image-thingsofothers (or avodah zarah,inrabbinic terms) pressed in different ways on rabbinic notionsofanimation, materiality,agency, and represen- tation, as well as on the boundaries between the thing,the human, and the divine. Additionally, the paper argues that while rabbis attempted to neutralize the claims of such image-things, in part by exposing their materiality,their excess nonetheless es- caped such rabbinicefforts. Finally, the paper argues that in the fourth century, along with the “material turn” in the Roman world inspired by Christian engage- ment,wefind not onlyagreater sense of the excess in the thingsofavodah zarah, but also aconcomitant thingification of the rabbinicsage. Introduction Among the population of those thingsinantiquity associated with what we call re- ligion, wereimages. Religious images, especiallythoseofdivinities, presented apar- ticular conundrum for ancient Jewishsages, writers, and thinkers living in Palestine, Egypt,Rome, and Mesopotamia. This was partlydue to the legacyofthe second com- mandment in which the biblical God inveighed against the making of various arti- facts for the purposes of worship. Manyscholars have explored rabbinic ideas about images and “idols.”¹ However,insights from “thing theory” will allow me to My thankstoIan Moyer and Celia Schultz, organizers of the Midwest ConsortiumonAncient Reli- gions conferenceheld in Ann Arbor,2013, and editors of thissection, fortheir helpful comments and corrections. My appreciation also to the participantsinthe conferencefor their comments and questions,aswellastoShiraSchwartzand HarryKashdan fortheir assistance. Ialso thank the anonymous reviewer forhelpfulcomments and bibliographical references.—Forthe purposes of this essay Iciterabbinic texts in the following manner: ForMishnah and Tosefta: aprefixed m. or t. followed by chapter and paragraph. For the Palestinian Talmud: aprefixed y. followed by trac- tate, chapter,paragraph, folio, and side; for the Babylonian Talmud: aprefixed b. followed by the tractate, folio and side. Icitethe Palestinian Talmud according to the Leiden manuscript (Sussman ed. 2001); the Babylonian Talmud according to the Vilnaedition, the Toseftaaccording to the Lieber- manedition (1955–73), and the Mishnahaccording to the Albeck edition (1957–59). See recentarticles by Binder 2012,Friedheim 2009,Zohar 2009,Furstenberg2009,Rosen-Zvi 2009 and respective bibliographies. The terms “idol” (eidolon,image) and “idolatry” (eidōlon and latreia, worship) have complicated histories. Eidōlon is used in anegativesense in the Septuagint; the com- DOI 10.1515/arege-2015-0006 Brought to you by | University of Michigan Authenticated Download Date | 12/29/16 4:20 PM 92 Rachel Neis press in different ways on notions of animation, agency,and representation, as well as on the fuzzy boundaries between “thing,” human, and divinity that lie at the heart of religious image-things.² To do this, Ifocus on Palestinian rabbis and their literarysources, namelyTan- naitic texts redacted in the third century and containingthe teachingsofthe Tan- naim who livedbetween the first and third centuries CE; and later Amoraic texts re- dacted at the end of the fourth century or the earlyfifth century CE. My concern is to track some of the ways in which rabbis,living in Palestine in the late Roman and Byzantine periods, interacted with the stuff and thingsofother religions. Put differ- ently, Iwillask what happens in the encounter between religious images and rabbis in rabbinic discourse, the discourse of aminoritygroup within aminoritypopulation living under achangingimperial regime.³ Iuse the languageofencounter between images and rabbis rather than the com- monlydeployed “rabbinic attitudes towardx”because Iwish to expand the common ground of inquiry in which rabbinic subjects are summoned for their views or con- structionsofvarious and usually non-rabbinic or non-Jewish objects or concepts (material, human, or otherwise). In this respect,evenasIadmit the partial (in all senses) perspective and creative hand of rabbinic authors, Iamacknowledging (some would saygranting) the agency of those thingsthat appear in their discourse. Iamindebtedtotheorists who have madethe casefor the agency of thingsbeyond human projects for them and projections onto them, and who are still debating the terms of this recognition. Bill Brown highlights the “thingness of objects,” which he argues becomes manifest in twoways: when something happens to break the flow of habitual encounter or use, such as when the object literallybreaks (Brown, 2001, 4), or when thereissome kind of excess (“sensuous,”“metaphysical” or affective)inthe objects that “exceeds their mere materialization” (Brown 2001, 5).⁴ To differing de- pound eidōlatria is first used in the New Testament and then in Christian texts (Ellenbogenand Tu- gendhaft,2011:3–4; Büchsel 1964;Schwartz 2001:165). See Neis 2013:170 – 201. Iuse the terms “image” and “image-thing” interchangeablyinorder to emphasizethe ways in which images areatype of material artifact belongingtothe broader class of things.Images make particular types of claims,among them representational ones (see below), that maynot be shared with other types of things. Idonot want to simplify the demographicsofhumans or things herebyarguingthat image-things of others need onlybeunderstood in local Jewish versus Roman imperial terms.Therewere avariety of different ethnic and religious groups livinginPalestine besides rabbis, other Jews,and Romans.At the same time, the biblical mandatetoclear the land of other gods, and the rabbinic term avodah zarah or “foreign worship” (discussedbelow), signifies the extent to which religious things of others werebound up with territorial claims. Iuse the term “thing” as opposed to “object” in order to avoid an apriori opposition between (usu- allyhuman) subjects and (usuallynonhuman) objects that privileges the subject as the bearer of agency; Webb 2006:197,201–202. Bill Brown uses the term “thing” in some oppositionto“object” (although he softens this opposition when he refers to the “thingness of objects;” Brown 2001:4). Iamnot committed to this terminological distinction,though its underlyingHeideggerian-inspired ideas areinsightful. Brought to you by | University of Michigan Authenticated Download Date | 12/29/16 4:20 PM Religious Lives of Image-Things, Avodah Zarah,and Rabbis in LateAntique Palestine 93 grees and in different fashions Latour and Keane make the casefor astrongagency for things(Latour 2005;Keane 2006a and 2006b). Appadurai and Gell allow for a type of agency for thingsbut ultimatelycenter theirinquiries on the meaningand role of thingsinhuman lives(Appadurai 1986 and 2006;Gell 1998).⁵ Similarly, those who traditionallystudy image-things, or what might be called practitioners of the newer art history,seek to liberate the particularthing that is the image from its framing by producers,patrons,and consumers and, in the recent attention to materiality,evenfrom the strictures of formal art historical methods.⁶ Iproceed from amodulated position thatattends to how image-thingsfare when they enter human discursive space. Rather than suggesting aradical agencyfor these image- things(about which Iamagnostic), Ilook at how they interact with other entities, such as humans: human relations and meaning-making will not be absent from my analysis. Within this framework, Itrace how humans (in this case, rabbis)soughttotame and neutralize certain image-things, with mixed success, and,conversely, Isuggest ways in which these thingsescaped or exceeded rabbinic discursiveattempts at their containment.This is noticeable particularlyinthe case of thoseimage-things that are treated as, or thatclaim to be, sacred or divine. Iargue that ultimately the boundary between the rabbiand the image-thing falters, with thingsbecoming humanized and rabbis becoming “thingified.”⁷ This secondary process of rabbinic “thingification,” Iargue, is particularlypronounced in the later, Amoraic material and needstobeunderstood as part of abroader materialization of religion in Pales- tine and the Romanworld more generallyinthe fourth century and onward. 1The Tannaim and Avodah Zarah The sacred images of others entered into discourses of different kinds, pictorial and textual. In terms of the former,wemight think of the depiction of such images in the paintingsofDuraEuropos.Aparticularlyvivid example is the painting depicting the captureofthe Arkbythe Philistines(1Samuel 5: 1– 5; Goodenough 1964).The bib- lical narrative describes how the Philistines placed the captured Ark in the shrine Latour’s “actor network theory” eschews the division of humans and things intosubjects with agencyand objects without,instead, allowingfor action and agencyonthe part of both humans and things.Appadurai traces the “social life of things.” Osborne and Tanner 2007;Pantcheva2006;Friedberg1991;Elkins 1996;Gell 1998;Mitchell 1996 cf. Kumler and Lakey2012. Keane 2006:199,observes that things defined as “art” have been analyzed in moreabstract and formal ways than those defined in functional terms: “their sheer materiality is often overlooked in favour of their representational character…” Iuse the term
Recommended publications
  • Should Bakeries Which Are Open on Shabbat Be Supervised? a Response to the Rabinowitz-Weisberg Opinion RABBI HOWARD HANDLER
    Should Bakeries Which are Open on Shabbat Be Supervised? A Response to the Rabinowitz-Weisberg Opinion RABBI HOWARD HANDLER This paper was submitted as a response to the responsum written by Rabbi Mayer Rabinowitz and Ms. Dvora Weisberg entitled "Rabbinic Supervision of Jewish Owned Businesses Operating on Shabbat" which was adopted by the CJLS on February 26, 1986. Should rabbis offer rabbinic supervision to bakeries which are open on Shabbat? i1 ~, '(l) l'\ (1) The food itself is indeed kosher after Shabbat, once the time required to prepare it has elapsed. 1 The halakhah is according to Rabbi Yehudah and not according to the Mishnah which is Rabbi Meir's opinion. (2) While a Jew who does not observe all the mitzvot is in some instances deemed trustworthy, this is never the case regarding someone who flagrantly disregards the laws of Shabbat, especially for personal profit. Maimonides specifically excludes such a person's trustworthiness regarding his own actions.2 Moreover in the case of n:nv 77n~ (a violator of Shabbat) Maimonides explicitly rejects his trustworthiness. 3 No support can be brought from Moshe Feinstein who concludes, "even if the proprietor closes his store on Shabbat, [since it is known to all that he does not observe Shabbat], we assume he only wants to impress other observant Jews so they will buy from him."4 Previously in the same responsum R. Feinstein emphasizes that even if the person in The Committee on Jewish Law and Standards of the Rabbinical Assembly provides guidance in matters of halakhah for the Conservative movement.
    [Show full text]
  • How 'Great' Was Alexander?
    Historical Site of Mirhadi Hoseini http://m-hosseini.ir ……………………………………………………………………………………… IRANIAN HISTORY: POST-ACHAEMENIDS How ‘Great’ Was Alexander? By: Professor Ian Worthington1[1] (University of Missouri-Columbia) Why was Alexander II of Macedon called 'Great'? The answer seems relatively straightforward: from an early age he was an achiever, he conquered territories on a superhuman scale, he established an empire until his times unrivalled, and he died young, at the height of his power. Thus, at the youthful age of 20, in 336, he inherited the powerful empire of Macedon, which by then controlled Greece and had already started to make inroads into Asia. In 334 he invaded Persia, and within a decade he had defeated the Persians, subdued Egypt, and pushed on to Iran, Afghanistan and even India. As well as his vast conquests Alexander is credited with the spread of Greek culture and education in his empire, not to mention being responsible for the physical and cultural formation of the Hellenistic kingdoms — some would argue that the Hellenistic world was Alexander's legacy.[2[2]] He has also been viewed as a philosophical idealist, striving to create a unity of mankind by his so-called fusion of the races policy, in which he attempted to integrate Persians and Orientals into his administration and army. Thus, within a dozen years Alexander’s empire stretched from Greece in the west to India in the far east, and he was even worshipped as a god by many of his subjects while still alive. On the basis of his military conquests contemporary
    [Show full text]
  • Modern Approaches to the Talmud: Sacha Stern | University College London
    09/29/21 HEBR7411: Modern approaches to the Talmud: Sacha Stern | University College London HEBR7411: Modern approaches to the View Online Talmud: Sacha Stern Albeck, Chanoch, Mavo La-Talmudim (Tel-Aviv: Devir, 1969) Alexander, Elizabeth Shanks, Transmitting Mishnah: The Shaping Influence of Oral Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006) Amit, Aaron, Makom She-Nahagu: Pesahim Perek 4 (Yerushalayim: ha-Igud le-farshanut ha-Talmud, 2009), Talmud ha-igud Ba’adani, Netanel, Hayu Bodkin: Sanhedrin Perek 5 (Yerushalayim: ha-Igud le-farshanut ha-Talmud, 2012), Talmud ha-igud Bar-Asher Siegal, Michal, Early Christian Monastic Literature and the Babylonian Talmud (Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013) Benovitz, Moshe, Lulav va-Aravah ve-Hahalil: Sukkah Perek 4-5 (Yerushalayim: ha-Igud le-farshanut ha-Talmud, 2013), Talmud ha-igud ———, Me-Ematai Korin et Shema: Berakhot Perek 1 (Yerushalayim: ha-Igud le-farshanut ha-Talmud, 2006), Talmud ha-igud Brody, Robert, Mishnah and Tosefta Studies, First edition, July 2014 (Jerusalem: The Hebrew university, Magnes press, 2014) ———, The Geonim of Babylonia and the Shaping of Medieval Jewish Culture, Paperback ed., with a new preface and an updated bibliography (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013) Carmy, Shalom, Modern Scholarship in the Study of Torah: Contributions and Limitations (Northvale, N.J.: J. Aronson, 1996), The Orthodox Forum series Chernick, Michael L., Essential Papers on the Talmud (New York: New York University Press, 1994), Essential papers on Jewish studies Daṿid Halivni, Meḳorot U-Masorot (Nashim), ha-Mahadurah ha-sheniyah (Ṭoronṭo, Ḳanadah: Hotsaʼat Otsarenu) ———, Meḳorot U-Masorot: Seder Moʼed (Yerushalayim: Bet ha-Midrash le-Rabanim be-Ameriḳah be-siṿuʻa Keren Moshe (Gusṭaṿ) Ṿortsṿayler, 735) ‘dTorah.com’ <http://dtorah.com/> 1/5 09/29/21 HEBR7411: Modern approaches to the Talmud: Sacha Stern | University College London Epstein, J.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Jews, Gentiles, and the Modern Egalitarian Ethos
    Jews, Gentiles, and the Modern Egalitarian Ethos: Some Tentative Thoughts David Berger The deep and systemic tension between contemporary egalitarianism and many authoritative Jewish texts about gentiles takes varying forms. Most Orthodox Jews remain untroubled by some aspects of this tension, understanding that Judaism’s affirmation of chosenness and hierarchy can inspire and ennoble without denigrating others. In other instances, affirmations of metaphysical differences between Jews and gentiles can take a form that makes many of us uncomfortable, but we have the legitimate option of regarding them as non-authoritative. Finally and most disturbing, there are positions affirmed by standard halakhic sources from the Talmud to the Shulhan Arukh that apparently stand in stark contrast to values taken for granted in the modern West and taught in other sections of the Torah itself. Let me begin with a few brief observations about the first two categories and proceed to somewhat more extended ruminations about the third. Critics ranging from medieval Christians to Mordecai Kaplan have directed withering fire at the doctrine of the chosenness of Israel. Nonetheless, if we examine an overarching pattern in the earliest chapters of the Torah, we discover, I believe, that this choice emerges in a universalist context. The famous statement in the Mishnah (Sanhedrin 4:5) that Adam was created singly so that no one would be able to say, “My father is greater than yours” underscores the universality of the original divine intent. While we can never know the purpose of creation, one plausible objective in light of the narrative in Genesis is the opportunity to actualize the values of justice and lovingkindness through the behavior of creatures who subordinate themselves to the will 1 of God.
    [Show full text]
  • Embodied Liturgy
    1 Bodies and Liturgy A. Bodies Created to Worship God This is an introductory journey in liturgy. As such, we will cover many of the basics of liturgics and the repertoire of liturgical rites. However, our journey will proceed, as far as possible, from the perspective of the human body engaged in acts of worship. The premise is that we have nothing else with which to worship God than our bodily selves. This is something that should be self-evident, but worship as a bodily act hasn’t been given a great deal of attention. Most of us, especially Westerners, think of ourselves as minds with a body attached. Our religion, too, is primarily a matter of thought and feeling rather than bodily actions. In fact, we tend to look down on those whose religion is just “going through the motions,” forgetting that we must start somewhere—such as getting out of bed on Sunday morning to go to church. In a time when more and more people in Western societies get out of bed on Sunday morning to go jogging or biking or to take their kids to soccer practice because they generally find worship boring and unengaging, perhaps we need to give some attention to the role of the body in worship. 1 EMBODIED LITURGY Many of us need to begin giving some attention to the body. Unless we are athletes or singers or make our living by using our bodies, we don’t pay a lot of attention to our bodies until we are sick. This is what happened to me.
    [Show full text]
  • Orthodox Icon and Religious Image. an Inter-Religious Analysis
    ORTHODOX ICON AND RELIGIOUS IMAGE. AN INTER-RELIGIOUS ANALYSIS Ioan Emil JURCAN Abstract: This paper is a comparison between different religious icons, images or symbols. Such an approach is necessary in order to highlight the iconic depth of an authentic Christian theology. Every religion has, as a symbolic element, the idea of struggle and spiritual power, but Orthodoxy implies love and the anastasic meeting with God, rather than the force. I will present several symbols from Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, Judaism, etc. In these symbols we will seek the common elements that can create a connection between these religions and the Christian world. The orthodox Icon has a line that exceeds any other non-Christian religious symbols. It is about the epectatic dimension that turns art into a ladder of Bethel, an ascent to the infinite Divine, which is not force, fecundity, or abundance, but primarily Love. Keywords: Christianity, Islam, icon, image, Shinto, Hinduism Introduction The terms image and icon need a key element in their mutual relationship, namely the term man. It does not necessarily mean man as an individual, but especially man in his connection with God. Man becomes an image, but he can also achieve the tendency towards the icon. He is an image through creation, but his purpose is to become an icon. The world is therefore based on images, but these images have as a result the path towards the iconic state, towards the state of holiness. The equation icon-image mainly applies to the man with transcendental tendencies, the man in search of the sacred and of holiness.
    [Show full text]
  • Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
    Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account.
    [Show full text]
  • JAMAL J. ELIAS Department of Religious Studies
    JAMAL J. ELIAS Department of Religious Studies Tel: 1.215.898.5838 University of Pennsylvania Fax: 1.215.898.6568 201 Claudia Cohen Hall [email protected] 249 South 36th Street Philadelphia, PA 19104 CURRENT POSITION ____________________________________________________________ Walter H. Annenberg Professor of the Humanities, Professor of Islamic Studies in the Department of Religious Studies, and Director of the Penn Forum for Global Islamic Studies, University of Pennsylvania EMPLOYMENT HISTORY ____________________________________________________________ University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Walter H. Annenberg Professor of the Humanities, 2012 to present. Class of 1965 Endowed Term Professor, 2007 to 2012. Professor of Religious Studies, Department of Religious Studies, 2006 to present. Secondary appointment in the Department of South Asia Studies, 2007 to 2019. Member of the Graduate Groups in Ancient History, Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, and South Asia Regional Studies. Amherst College, Amherst, Massachusetts. Professor of Religion, Religion Department, 2002 to 2006. Associate Professor, Religion Department, 1996 to 2002. Assistant Professor, Religion Department, 1989 to 1996. Secondary appointment in the Department of Asian Languages and Civilizations, 1996 to 2006. Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut. Visiting Professor, Department of Religious Studies, 2002 to 2003. Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island. Instructor, Department of Religious Studies, 1987 to 1989. EDUCATION ____________________________________________________________
    [Show full text]
  • The Lutheran Reform and the Transformation of the Religious Image in the Arts
    Vivat Academia. Revista de Comunicación. March 15, 2019 / June 15, 2019, nº 146, 1-20 ISSN: 1575-2844 http://doi.org/10.15178/va.2019.146.1-20 RESEARCH Received: 06/11/2017 --- Accepted: 11/10/2018 --- Published: 15/03/2019 THE LUTHERAN REFORM AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE RELIGIOUS IMAGE IN THE ARTS La Reforma Luterana y la transformación de la imagen religiosa en las artes María Magdalena Ziegler1: Se habla arte. Venezuela. [email protected] ABSTRACT After 500 years of the emblematic gesture of Martin Luther in Wittenberg that would start the Protestant Reformation, it is necessary to study the place that religious images had in the new vision of Christianity from the Lutheran ideas. The significant proposal of two German artists, Albrecht Dürer and Lucas Cranach, the Elder is analyzed. From the first, a unique work, The Four Apostles, which recomposes and reconfigures the religious image from the devotional to the declarative, emphasizing the importance of the Gospel and the word in religious artistic expression. And, of the second, two works that finish sealing the new place that will occupy the religious images in the Lutheran Church, Law and Gospel and Christ blessing the children, with which Cranach approaches the Lutheran preaching and a vision of the religious set of images most linked to the Scriptures. However, in both cases, the demystification of the religious image is remarkable, as long as it takes the place of support for the preaching, avoiding acting as its substitute. The reconfiguration of the religious image that places it in a sphere different from that of the Christian tradition initiated with the official stipulations of the Second Council of Nicaea is analyzed.
    [Show full text]
  • Persianism in Antiquity
    Oriens et Occidens – Band 25 Franz Steiner Verlag Sonderdruck aus: Persianism in Antiquity Edited by Rolf Strootman and Miguel John Versluys Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2017 CONTENTS Acknowledgments . 7 Rolf Strootman & Miguel John Versluys From Culture to Concept: The Reception and Appropriation of Persia in Antiquity . 9 Part I: Persianization, Persomania, Perserie . 33 Albert de Jong Being Iranian in Antiquity (at Home and Abroad) . 35 Margaret C. Miller Quoting ‘Persia’ in Athens . 49 Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones ‘Open Sesame!’ Orientalist Fantasy and the Persian Court in Greek Art 430–330 BCE . 69 Omar Coloru Once were Persians: The Perception of Pre-Islamic Monuments in Iran from the 16th to the 19th Century . 87 Judith A. Lerner Ancient Persianisms in Nineteenth-Century Iran: The Revival of Persepolitan Imagery under the Qajars . 107 David Engels Is there a “Persian High Culture”? Critical Reflections on the Place of Ancient Iran in Oswald Spengler’s Philosophy of History . 121 Part II: The Hellenistic World . 145 Damien Agut-Labordère Persianism through Persianization: The Case of Ptolemaic Egypt . 147 Sonja Plischke Persianism under the early Seleukid Kings? The Royal Title ‘Great King’ . 163 Rolf Strootman Imperial Persianism: Seleukids, Arsakids and Fratarakā . 177 6 Contents Matthew Canepa Rival Images of Iranian Kingship and Persian Identity in Post-Achaemenid Western Asia . 201 Charlotte Lerouge-Cohen Persianism in the Kingdom of Pontic Kappadokia . The Genealogical Claims of the Mithridatids . 223 Bruno Jacobs Tradition oder Fiktion? Die „persischen“ Elemente in den Ausstattungs- programmen Antiochos’ I . von Kommagene . 235 Benedikt Eckhardt Memories of Persian Rule: Constructing History and Ideology in Hasmonean Judea .
    [Show full text]
  • Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
    MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Teachings from Tractate Avodah Zarah
    Sat 1 Oct 2016 / 1 Elul 5776 B”H Dr Maurice M. Mizrahi Congregation Adat Reyim Luncheon in honor of my completion of Talmudic tractate Avodah Zarah Some teachings from Tractate Avodah Zarah Idolatry: The No. 1 sin -Right at beginning of Ten Commandments: -You shall have no other God but Me. [Ex. 20:2] -You shall not make unto thee any graven image. [Ex. 20:3] -Talmud: -To abstain from idolatry is "equivalent to fulfilling all [other] commandments in the Torah". [Horayot 8a] -So, to be a fully observant Jew, all one has to do is not worship idols? -Whoever rejects idolatry is called a Jew. [Megillah 13a, b] -Idols must not only be destroyed, but completely eradicated. Every trace of them must be removed. [Avodah Zarah 45b] -If one had to sum up Judaism with one line, it would be the Shema: -HaShem Echad -- The Lord is One. [Deut. 6:4] -Tractate Avodah Zarah mostly discusses relations with gentiles. Why doesn’t God destroy all idols? Mishnah. The elders [of Israel visited] Rome and were asked: “If [your god] has no desire for idolatry, why doesn’t he destroy [all idols]?” They replied, “If what was worshipped was something unnecessary to the world, he would destroy it. But people worship the sun, the moon, the stars and the planets. Should he destroy his universe on account of [such] fools?” They said [to the elders], “If so, he should destroy what is not necessary for the world and leave what is necessary for the world!” They replied, “[If He did that], it would merely strengthen the hands of the worshippers of [whatever God spared], because they would say, ‘You can be sure these are [real] deities, for, behold, they have not been destroyed!’” [Avodah Zarah 54b] Must not benefit from idolatry in any way 1 Phrasing matters! And thus it has been taught: If one hires a [Jewish] workman, saying to him, “Move for me a hundred casks [of wine] for a hundred perutahs”, and among them was found one cask of [wine that had been used for idolatrous purposes], his [entire] wage is prohibited.
    [Show full text]