What Is Public Good, and Who and What Decides?

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What Is Public Good, and Who and What Decides? Centre for Global Higher Education working paper series Public goods and public policy: what is public good, and who and what decides? Ellen Hazelkorn and Andrew Gibson Working paper no. 18 May 2017 Published by the Centre for Global Higher Education, UCL Institute of Education, London WC1H 0AL www.researchcghe.org © Centre for Global Higher Education 2017 ISSN 2398-564X The Centre for Global Higher Education (CGHE) is the largest research centre in the world specifically focused on higher education and its future development. Its research integrates local, national and global perspectives and aims to inform and improve higher education policy and practice. CGHE is funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and the Higher Education Funding Council of England (HEFCE), and is a partnership based at UCL Institute of Education with Lancaster University, the University of Sheffield and international universities Australian National University (Australia), Dublin Institute of Technology (Ireland), Hiroshima University (Japan), Leiden University (Netherlands), Lingnan University (Hong Kong), Shanghai Jiao Tong University (China), the University of Cape Town (South Africa) and the University of Michigan (US). The support of the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and the Higher Education Funding Council of England (HEFCE) is gratefully acknowledged. Public goods and public policy: what is public good, and who and what decides? Ellen Hazelkorn and Andrew Gibson Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................ 1 Introduction ................................................................................................. 2 1. Negotiating the public good ............................................................... 4 2. Re-defining and re-regulating the ‘social contract’ and governance .................................................................................................. 7 3. System steering: Ireland and the Netherlands ............................ 11 Ireland ...................................................................................................................... 12 Netherlands ............................................................................................................ 13 4. Re-framing the public good ............................................................. 15 Bibliography ............................................................................................. 18 Public goods and public policy: what is public good, and who and what decides?1 Ellen Hazelkorn2 and Andrew Gibson3 Abstract Higher education is usually seen as serving the public good, especially when funded directly by the state, and because of the ‘social benefit efficiency gains and potential equity effects on opportunity and reduced inequality’ (McMahon, 2009, p. 255). Calhoun (2006, p. 19) argues that public support for higher education is only given and maintained according to its capacity, capability, and willingness, to ‘educate citizens in general, to share knowledge, to distribute it as widely as possible in accord with publically articulated purposes’. So what is the public good and what defines it? Recent years have seen many governments adopt the format of a national strategy or development plan for higher education – setting out national objectives. Similarly, many governments (e.g. Ireland, Netherlands, Hong Kong, Finland, New Zealand) are adopting the policy tool of performance agreements or compacts to better align higher education institutions (HEIs) with the national objectives, involving identification of appropriate performance management and indicators (Benneworth, et al., 2011; de Boer, et al., 2015). The process by which national objectives are determined varies but may involve a group comprising national and international ‘experts’, sometimes using consultation mechanisms (open or limited). The concept of public good has played a significant role in (re)positioning higher education over recent years – especially in response to growing demands for greater accountability for all public organisations but also in response to specific concerns about growing higher education access/participation, costs/debt, graduate employability/unemployment, and social/economic impact. This paper takes a practical approach – both in relation to asking ‘what is the public good’ and ‘who defines it’ – by looking at how different countries are approaching the issue. www.researchcghe.org 1 Institutions of higher education are conducted for the common good and not to further the interest of either the individual teacher or the institution as a whole. The common good depends upon the free search for truth and its free exposition. Academic freedom is essential to these purposes and applies to both teaching and research. (Statement of Principles on Academic Freedom and Tenure, AAUP, 1940) The further expansion of higher education is inevitable and essential if we are to fulfil our aspirations as an innovative and knowledge-based economy, and we must ensure that this happens within a coherent policy environment that serves the advancement of knowledge, wider national development and the public good. (DES, 2011, 33) Introduction Today, as the debate about widening participation, employment and graduate attributes, and the importance of higher education and research intensifies in many countries, the public is asking whether its interests are being served. Those interests inevitably vary depending upon who is asked – students, parents, employers, the media, politicians, etc. US surveys show public concerns about credential relevance and cost are high on the agenda with many people unhappy with levels of accountability (Public Agenda, 2016). An AAC&U survey showed a gap between how students and employers viewed career readiness (Jaschik, 2015). Another manifestation is relative public indifference about higher education, beyond general approval in the abstract (HEFCE, 2010). This suggests that while there is a broadly positive perception of higher education, the public is uninformed of its many functions and contributions. Reports from both the US and UK argue that the public views higher education as too self-serving, rather than being concerned with providing students with a quality education or issues beyond the campus (Immerwahr and Johnson, 2010; Lumina, 2013; Williams, 2016). Similarly, Ireland has witnessed a war-of-words about the quality of its graduates. While there is a consistent view that a college education is important and highly valued (BSA, 2013; Ipsos MORI, 2011), 83 per cent of European students ‘(strongly or rather) agreed that independent reports on the quality of universities and programmes would help students to decide where to study’, and an equally high proportion would like to be involved in quality reports and rankings (Eurobarometer, 2009, 5). Despite popular endorsement of higher education, it is not a popular political sell against competing demands from elsewhere in society, e.g. early schooling through to secondary schools, health and social services. The recent Brexit vote and the US presidential election pick up on the uncertainty of higher education’s impact and relevance, the role of experts as elites, and the extent to which single-minded pursuit of global reputation has generated schisms between local, regional, national and global responsibilities (Goodwin, 2016; Kirk and Scott, 2016). Universities are often www.researchcghe.org 2 seen as ‘islands of affluence, self-importance, and horticultural beauty in seas of squalor, violence, and despair’ (Harkavy quoted in Boyer, 1996, 19). These tensions highlight an underlying message that public support for higher education is only given and maintained according to its capacity and willingness to ‘educate citizens in general, to share knowledge, to distribute it as widely as possible in accord with publically articulated purposes’ (Calhoun, 2006, 19). In recent years, the concept of public interest – or public good – has played a significant role in shaping what the university and the academy do, but also how they position themselves in response to this growing uncertainty and demands for greater accountability. While these calls affect all public organisations, there are specific issues for higher education regarding concerns about access and participation; costs, affordability and debt; employability and graduate attributes; and relevance, and social and economic impact and benefit. Traditionally, defining and asserting the value and quality of higher education has been a function of the academy itself. There has been a strong history of civic and land-grant universities prompted and supported by the state, not just in the UK and US (Goddard et al., 2006) but elsewhere. However, there is an underlying assumption that because (public) universities represent the public good, their actions and outcomes ipso facto are in the public interest. Today, that supposition is coming under pressure. The pendulum is moving from academic self-accountability towards stronger and broader ways of asserting social and public accountability. So, what is the public good, and who or what defines it? Recent years have seen many governments adopt the format of a national strategy or development plan for higher education as a means of setting out national objectives – or arguably shaping the ‘public good’. Some governments (e.g. Ireland, Netherlands, Hong Kong, Finland,
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