The Influence of Culture on the Utilization of Traditional Leafy

The influence of culture on the utilization of traditional leafy vegetables among VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women of Bushbuckridge, Mpumalanga Province KT Kock orcid.org 0000-0003-4472-9920

Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Master of Indigenous Knowledge Systems at the North West University

Supervisor: Prof SA Materechera Co-supervisor: Dr TKP Saurombe

Graduation ceremony: July 2020 Student no: 25836587

ABSTRACT

The aim of the study was to compare how the culture of the Ba-Pedi and Tsonga women influences the utilization of TLVs. The study was conducted in New Forest and GaBoelang villages, which were selected because most of the Vatsonga and Ba-Pedi women who reside there are knowledge holders in TLVs. A qualitative approach was used to gain more understanding of the influence of culture on the access, utilization, processing and preservation of TLVs among the Tsonga and BaPedi. In-depth face-to-face interviews focus group discussions and observations were employed for data collection using purposive and convenience sampling to select participants.

The results of the study showed that there are several TLVs that are utilised by both cultural groups. The local names used for these TLVs are influenced by how the cultural groups interact with their surrounding environment and how they interpret environmental events during their search for food. The study found that leafy vegetables are not only consumed for pleasure, but they have medical, nutrition and economic benefits. The participants are dependant on these TLVs for households’ food security and income. Furthermore, the study found that the processing and preservation methods of TLVs was influenced by cultural beliefs, for instance, among the Vatsonga, shade drying was known to most households as knowledge acquired from elders (ancestors), while among the Ba-Pedi culture, it was only sun drying that was known.

Among others, the study concluded that the culture of the two cultural groups (Vatsonga and BaPedi) play a very critical role in influencing how TLVs are planted, harvested, used (such as medical, marketing and nutrition), consumed, prepared and preserved. Furthermore, the study concluded that the Ba-Pedi cultural group has a strong connection with the spiritual world than the Vatsonga cultural group. It is recommended that future studies should research more on the local names of TLVs to protect and preserve the indigenous knowledge around these names. It is also recommended that awareness campaigns about the importance of these TLVs as nutritionally balanced food, source of medicine and as a direct or indirect source of income, particularly for rural communities, must be included in the national development plan and agricultural policy.

Key Words: Culture, TLVs, Indigenous Knowledge, VaTsonga, Ba-Pedi

DEDICATION

This work is dedicated to my parents Blessing Tonono Dibakoane and Christinah Nomasonto Kock. My sisters Zenzile Suzette Kock, Lukhanyo Michelle and Luleka Irene Mkhonto and my brother Tonono Welcome Kock. Finally, yet importantly, I also dedicate it to my niece Noluthando Jessica Mavundla, and my nephews Thabiso Zwelihle Mogane and Siyamthanda Clifford Madonsela.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The undertaking of this study was made possible with the support, cooperation and dedication of several individuals. I therefore wish to express my sincere gratitude to all who encouraged, mentored and sponsored me in my studies.

First and foremost, I thank God who kept me alive and gave strength. I would like to thank Almighty God who kept me alive and gave me strength and wisdom throughout my studies. Kuligugu kimina njalo ukwaz’ ukuthi nginomhlobo, ongek’ angishiy’ um’izinsuku zinzima, ohlal’ekhona uma ngidinga ngempela. With heartfelt gratitude, I wish to acknowledge my supervisors Prof S.A Materechera and Dr T Saurombe for providing guidance, invaluable inputs, suggestions and the encouragement throughout the period of my studies. This journey came with a lot of challenges, when I even thought of giving up, but you both encouraged and pushed me to do better because you wanted what is best for me, hence I will forever be grateful. I am very grateful to the NRF and NWU bursary for funding my masters’ studies for 2 years; I really appreciate your financial support.

I wish to thank all Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga participants who took their valuable time to participants in the data collection and during the pilot study. This study would not be successful without your patience, understanding and effort. I am also grateful to the Bushbuckridge Local Municipality (BLM) and the community’s leaders (Nduna Theko and Mashile) in Ga-Boelang and Morolo villages for granting me permission to conduct my study in their communities. My appreciation goes to Mr Mphakane, who was there to support and introduced me to the chiefs in Ga-Boelang and Morolo villages, thank you so much also for your guidance during the data collection process. A big thank you goes to the following people Mr Lesley Mashego, Mothusiotsile Maditsi and Olefile Mogotsi, and lastly Ms Thelma Molokwa as I always ran to you when I was facing some challenges during the data collection process and the write up of my dissertation, your support really means a lot to me and it is much appreciated. I will also like to thank the IKS staff especially Ms Lesedi Makapela and Salvation Tumane for always making it possible for me to see Prof Materechera in time when I had to consult, I am very grateful for your patience. I am aslo grateful to Bett member of the NWU geography department for the beautiful study area that he made for me, I am very much grateful for your patience and understanding, you tolerated me even when I was becoming too much and expecting the map to be perfect, however you delivered without any hesitation.

I also express my sincere gratitude to my parents who gave me life, nurtured, taught and dressed me, fought for me, but mostly importantly, who love me unconditionally. Your support, love, prayers and encouragement were amazing throughout this difficult journey. I will also like to express my gratitude to my siblings, I say thank you for listening to me as I constantly bounced my ideas off you. I really appreciate your patience with me, as I constantly wanted to talk about nothing else but my research when you would have liked to be discussing something else. You are part of my story.

In addition, many thanks must go to Matete Mokgotho whose encouragement and support greatly motivated me. Thank you so much for believing in me and for always being my shoulder to cry on, you have really touched my life in a remarkable way. My cousin Nomthandazo Mokoena, God knows I cannot thank you enough, therefore I think it will be best to thank Godinstead, for blessing me with someone like you in my life. I thank God that for making you the young God-fearing woman that you are today. Thank you for the spiritual support, prayers and encouragement, I will forever be grateful. My sincere gratitude goes to my grandmother children (Anna, Beatrice, Wilson, Dingaan, Bernard and Banele), and the rest of the Kock’s family, thank you for your support and prayers throughout my studies I consider myself the luckiest in the world to have such a supportive family, standing behind me with their love and support. My acknowledgement will never be complete without the special mention of my best friend Julia Mashego, you been nothing but what people call a genuine friend for the past 12 years. Thank you for being with me through the thick and thin of life, I am very lucky to have a friend like you.

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... i Dedication...... ii

Declaration ...... iii

Acknowledgements……………………...………………………………………………………...... iv

List of Figures……………...………………………………………………………………………....xi

List of Tables ...... xiii

List of Appendice………………………………………………………………………………….xiv List of Abbreviations……………………………………………………..………………………..xv Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1

1.1 Background...... 1

1.2 Rationale ...... 3

1.3 Problem statement ...... 4

1.4 Aim and objectives of the study ...... 4

1.5 Guiding research questions of the study...... 4

1.6 The significance of the study...... 5

1.7 The researcher’s positionality to the study ...... 5

1. 8 Organisation of the dissertation ...... 6

Chapter 2: The role of indigenous knowedge systems in the utilization of traditional leafy vegetables (TLVs) within African cultures ...... 7

2.1 Introduction...... 7

2.2 Definition of important concepts and terms used in the study ...... 7

2.3 The role of culture and its role in traditional foods of African communities ...... 9

2.4 The traditional food systems within African communities ...... 11

2.4.1 Cultural aspects (norms, rules and taboos) influencing the food systems in African communities ...... 12

2.4.2 Cultural rituals/ ceremonies influencing the food systems in African communities ...... 13

2.4.3 The cultural knowledge of traditional foods botany (the indigenous calendar) that influence food systems in African communities...... 14

2.5 The concept of food security ...... 18

2.5.1 The status of food security in South Africa ...... 19

2.5.2 The status of food security in mpumalanga province (mp) of South Africa ...... 20

2.6 The role of traditional leafy vegetables in ensuring food and nutrition security in African communities...... 21

2.6.1 The use of traditional leafy vegetables for household food security ...... 22

2.6.2 Medical uses of traditional leafy vegetables ...... 23

2.6.3 Nutritional value of traditional leafy vegetables ...... 24

2.6.4 Distribution and marketing of traditional leafy vegetables ...... 25

2.7. The concept of gender in African cultures ...... 29

2.8 The role of gender on food systems in African communities ...... 30

2.9 The influence of culture on the livelihoods of African communities ...... 33

2.10 Indigenous knowledge systems and its relation to culture and food security ...... 34

2.11. The indigenous methods of food processing and preservation, and their contribution to food security in African communities...... 35

2.11.1 Shade drying...... 36

2.11.2 Sun drying...... 37

2.12 Chapter conclusion...... 39

Chapter 3: The indigenous philosophical underpinnings of the study ...... 40

3.1 Introduction ...... 40

3.2 Some of the philosophical underpinnings of the study ...... 40

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3.2.1 African indigenous worldviews and paradigms ...... 40

3.2.2 African indigenous cosmology ...... 42

3.2.3 African indigenous ontology ...... 44

3.2.4 African indigenous epistemology (ways of knowing) ...... 45

3.2.5 Indigenous research methodologies that underpins this study ...... 47

3.2.6 The use of indigenous languages among indigenous communities...... 49

3.2.7 Application of indigenous theories in research on iks ...... 51

3.2.8 The importance of indigenous axiology (ethics) including cultural protocols on research in IKS…………………………………………………………………………...……………….…53 3.3 A conceptual framework of the study...... 56

3.4 Theories underpinning the study ...... 59

3.4.1 Cultural identity theory (cit) ...... 59

3.4.2 Componential theory of creativity ...... 59

3.4.3 Community food security theory ...... 60

3.5 An introduction to the study area ...... 60

3.5.1 Location of the study area ...... 60

3.5.2 Population characteristics of the study area ...... 62

3.5.3Physiography of the study area...... 62

3.5.4 Cultural background of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi ...... 63

3.6 Chapter conclusion ...... 65 chapter 4: Methodology ...... 66 4.1 Introduction ...... 66

4.2 Research paradigm, design and approach...... 66

4.2.1 Research paradigm ...... 66

4.2.1 Research design and approach ...... 67

4.3 Target population of the study...... 67

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4.4 Sampling procedure and sample size ...... 68

4.5 Data collection tools...... 68

4.5.1 In-depth interview schedule ...... 68

4.5.2 Focus Group Discussion (FGD) schedule ...... 68

4.5.3 Participant observation schedule ...... 69

4.6 Data collection methods...... 69

4.6.1 In-depth interview ...... 70

4.6.2 Focus group discussions (FGDs) ...... 70

2.6.3 Participant observation ...... 71

4.6 Data analysis methods...... 72

4.7 Ethical considerations...... 74

4.8 Validity and trustworthiness of the study ...... 75

4.8.1 Validation of the research tools...... 75

4.8.2 Trustworthiness...... 75

4.8.3 Transferability ...... 76

4.8.4 Dependability...... 77

4.9 Delimitations of the study...... 77

4.10 Chapter conclusion...... 77

Chapter 5: PRESENTATION AND DATA ANALYSIS……...... 78

5.1 Introduction...... 78

5.2 Socio-economic characteristics of the participants ...... 78

5.3 The results of the thematic analysis………………………………..…………….79

5.3.1 Theme 1: The cultural meanings and significance of local names of the traditional leafy vegetables used by VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women ...... 79

5.3.2 Theme 2: The influence of culture of the utilization of traditional leafy vegetables among

the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women...... 90 ix

5.3.3 Theme: The influence of cultural aspects (taboos, beliefs, norms and ritual/ceremonies) on access and consumption of traditional leafy vegetables among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga women...... 95

5.3.4 Theme: The role of indigenous knowledge and technologies in the preparation, preservation and storage of traditional leafy vegetables by Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga women …………………………………………………………...... 100

5.3.5 Theme: The influence of culture on the ways of acquiring and transmitting indigenous knowledge of traditional leafy vegetables among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women ...... 103

5.4 Chapter conclusion………………………………………………….………………………...109

Chapter 6: Discussion, Conclusions and Recommendations...... 110

6.1 Introdution…………..…………………………………………………………………………110

6.2 Discussion ...... 110

6.3 Conclusions ...... 118

6.4 Recommedations…………………………………………………………………………..…...119

References…………………………………………………………………………………….….....120

Appendixes……………………………………………………………………………………….....146

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1: African women selling TLVs at their informal markets……………………………28

Figure 2.2: An African woman harvesting TLVs from the field…………………………..……31

Figure 2.3: An African woman from fetching water for home chores such as cooking……………………………………………………………………………...……………32

Figure 2.4: Types of leafy vegetables preserved on the shade, (A)Tinyebi, (B) Guxe and (C) Tinyawa………………………………………………………………………………………….38

Figure 2.5: Traditional leafy vegetables that are preserved through the sun, (A) sun dried pumpkin leaves and (B) sun dried beans leaves………………………………………………...38

Figure 3.1: Young children at the maundwane being taught how to cook by their age mate who pose as the mother………………………………………………………………………………47

Figure 3.2: The conceptual framework of the study…………………….……………………..58

Figure 3.3: Map of the study area showing the district municipalities and villages. (A) The location of MP within SA, (B) the district municipalities within MP and (C) the location of the study villages within BLM………………………………………………………………….…..61 Figure 4.1: The six steps that were followed in the analysis of the data from the study……………………………………………………………………………………..…….....72 Figure 5.1: Different fruits of the nkaka leafy vegetable that are known in the two cultural groups. Green on the left is Tsonga nkaka while red on the right is pedi nkaka………..….……88

Figure 5.2: A woman selling fresh traditional leafy vegetables in Bushbuckridge town while these traditional leafy vegetables were still in season…………………………………………...95

Figure 5.3: These traditional leafy vegetables died because a woman entered the garden while she was on her periods………………………………………….………………………………..96

Figure 5.4: A Tsonga woman showing the researcher how VaTsonga pregnant women perform the ritual of picking up soil from the ground, rub their stomach, and throw the soil on the ground again before entering the gardens to harvest traditional leafy vegetables……………………....99

Figure 5.5: The researcher using an indigenous mortar and a pestel to grind nuts that are used to prepare traditional leafy vegetables such as tinh’wembe, bangala and mathapi………………………………………………………………………………………..101 Figure 5.6: Modern technologies used by both cultural groups to store dried traditional leafy vegetables. (A) Plastic bag, (B) maize meal bag and (C) container………………………………………………………………………………..……….105

Figure 5.7: The researcher and other young children acquiring the knowledge of harvesting traditional leafy vegetables through observing and imitating what the elder women are doing………………………………………………………………………………………..…..106

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 2.1: The indigenous agricultural calendar of food production patterns……………………...16

Table 2.2: Local names of selected TLVs among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups……………………………………………………………………………………………….22 Table 2.3: A comparison of the nutritional properties of traditional leafy vegetables and exotic vegetables consumed in many parts of Africa…………………………………………………...27 Table 5.1: Participants’ personal names, codes and age group…………………………………….79

Table 5.2: Main themes and sub-themes that were developed from the analysed data…………….80

Table 5.3: Local names of TLVs that are utilised within the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups ………………………………………………………………………………………………………81

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LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendice 1: Ethical clearance letter of the study………………………………………………..146

Appendice 2: Checklist of ethical issues………………………………………………………….147

Appendice 3: Permission letter from the IKS centre……………………………………………...149

Appendice 4: Prior informed consent……………………………………………………….…….150

Appendice 5: Non-disclosure agreement…………………………………………………………152

Appendice 6: Permission letter from morolo trust………………………………………………..154

Appendice 7: Permission letter from the bushbukridge local municipality……………………....155

Appendice 8 (A): In-depth interview schedule………………………………………...…………156

Appendice 8 (B): VaTsonga in-depth interview schedule………………………………………..158

Appendice 8 (C): Ba-Pedi in-depth interview schedule…………………………………………..160

Appendice 9: Focus group discussion schedule…………………………………………………..163 Appendice 10: Participant observation schedule…………………………………………………164

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

SA- South Africa

TLVs- Traditional Leafy Vegetables

LVs- Leafy Vegetables

IK- Indigenous Knowledge

IKS- Indigenous Knowledge Systems

HFS- Household Food Security

MP- Mpumalanga Province

BLM- Bushbuckridge Local Municipality

Stats SA- Statistics South Africa

FS- Food Security

CIT-Cultural Identity Theory

CTC- Componential theory of Creativity

CFST- Community Food Security Theory

FGDs- Focus Group Discussions

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background

Hofstede (1994) cited by Spencer-Oatey (2012:2) culture is defined as “the collective programming of the mind which distinguishes the members of one group or category of people from another”. However, Nkhabutlane (2014), Oniang’o, Mutuku and Malaba (2003), and Olum, Okello-Uma, Tumuhimbise, Taylor and Ongeng (2017) argues that culture is the foundation of studies of food and people, and this is because cultures have lot of influence in what people consume, it determines what is eaten as well as when and how. The influence of culture in how and when African people should consume their traditional food is consistent with what has been observed in many South African cultures where traditional beer is meant for traditional rituals such as ancestral worship. Among the VaTsonga cultural group of South Africa, the use of traditional beer (byala vutshila) during the thanksgiving ceremony symbolises all the food which is eaten in their households and which was eaten by their ancestors (Khosa, 2009). In the context of this study, culture is going to mean the foundation of studies of traditional foods (TLVs) and cultural groups, particularly the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga of Bushbuckridge Local Municipality (BLM), and how these cultural groups are distinct from each other in terms of their indigenous knowledge (IK) of foods (TLVs).

Leafy Vegetables (LVs) are the plant species of which the leafy parts, which may include young, succulent stems, flowers and very young fruit, are used as a vegetable (Jansen van Rensburg, van Averbeke, Slabbert, Faber, van Jaarsveld, van Heerden, Wenhold and Oelofse, 2007:317). However, in the context of this study, the term TLVs was adopted to reflect on the plants that have evolved with communities, and whose leaves are socially accepted and consumed as vegetables by African communities for several centuries (FAO, 1988; Thandeka, Sithole and Thamaga-Chitja, 2011; and Gockowski, Mbazo’o, Mba and Moulende, 2003). In SA the local terms for TLVs are influenced by different cultures, for instance they are known as morogo in (Sesotho, Sepedi) imifino (isiZulu, isiXhosa), and miroho (Xitsonga) which translated means leafy vegetables. Langat (2014) and Mathaba (2017) argue that the utilization of TLVs as vegetables by local communities is based on their indigenous knowledge (IK) endowed upon them through their culture, tradition and food habits. Jaca and Kambizi (2011) also supports that the utilization of TLVs in African

communities’ form part of their cultural heritage and they play such a huge role in the customs and food culture of African households.

For centuries rural communities have been relying on TLVs for cultural purposes such as household security, household income, medicinal and nutrition purposes (Thandeka, Sithole and Thama-chitji, 2011; Mpala, Dlamini and Sibanda, 2013). Previous studies have indicated that TLVs are a good source of nutrition (Mpala, Dlamini and Sibanda, 2013; Panda, Mishra, Pradhan and Mohanty (2015) and Acho, Zoue, Akpa, Yapo, Niamke (2014), especially in rural communities where households culturally depend on TLVs for consumption rather than the exotic vegetables. Acho et.al (2014) and Zoro, Zous, Kra, Yepie and Niamke (2013) argue that African communities have been consuming TLVs because within their cultures they believe that TLVs are important protective foods and highly beneficial for the maintenance of health and prevention of diseases as they contain valuable sources of nutrients such as minerals and vitamins, proteins, fibres and other nutrients which can be utilized to build up and repair the body.

Thandeka, Sithole and Thamaga-Chitja (2011) in their study found that TLVs were reported to be good sources of essential dietary nutrients and contain compounds immune strengthening properties. TLVs contains high levels of essential elements namely calcium, iron and zinc and are rich sources of vitamins, mineral, trace elements, dietary fibre and proteins. Adéoti, Dansi, Ahoton, Vodouhè, Ahohuendo, Rival and Sanni (2012), Mpala, Dlamini and Sibanda (2013), and Maseko, Mabhaudhi, Tesfay, Araya, Fezzehazion and Plooy (2017) argue on the same line and support that TLVs contain nutrients values such as vitamins (particularly A, B, C), proteins, fibres, carbohydrates, minerals, iron, zinc and some even possess medicinal properties.

Olum et al (2017) argue that food security (FS) is influenced by cultural norms, for example, food taboos or food preparation techniques associated with cultural groups. This is because indigenous people use their knowledge that has been passed on from generation to generation, to process, preserve and store TLVs for household food security (HFS). A study done by Vorster (2007) on the role and production of TLVs in three rural communities in

South Africa found that the cultural methods used for preserving and storing TLVs vary greatly between cultures. This is because diverse cultural groups possess different IK that is derived from their specific environments and expressed in their unique languages. Hence, the gathering, preparation and preservation of TLVs make an abundance of remarkable cultural knowledge and identities among cultural groups and individuals (Demi, 2016). Therefore, the above arguments show that the culture of African people influences their indigenous knowledge, including the traditional foods (TLVs) that they consume and the technologies that they employ to process and preserve foods.

1.2 Rationale Traditional leafy vegetables play a very important role as a nutrient source for the human body and their consumption ensures the intake of various essential vitamins and mineral elements, thereby avoiding the malnutrition issue (Mabala, 2018). TLVs are well suited to harsh environments, are easy to grow, need simpler technology and low inputs, and can tolerate diseases, therefore researching about them is necessary (DAFF, 2004). TLVs play an important role in reducing poverty, increasing food and nutrition security for households, as well as rural livelihoods. They also have the potential to generate household income and improve family nutrition. Added to the above motivation, it was also a personal dimension to carry this study on TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups, the rationale initially arose from the researcher previous study, which was focusing on exploring and documenting the IK of food processing and preservation.

The study indicated that TLVs were the mostly traditional foods, which were preserved by the VaTsonga in New Forest (Kock, 2017) and the indigenous preparation, processing and preservation of TLVs play a role in rural HFS. In addition, the researcher encountered a number of Pedi women around Bushbuckridge who were selling TLVs and all of them had different TLVs in their market stalls, and when the researcher approached the women they indicated their love for TLVs, this is strongly supported by the Pedi proverb that says “nama ke moyeti, e fela morogo ke dijo tsa ka mehla” meaning that meat is a visitor, but TLVs are daily food and culture (Vorster, Jansen van Rensburg, Van Zijl and Venter, 2007). Therefore,

influence of culture on the utilization of TLVs in BLM needs to be documented and researchable niches established that could further increase their availability and use.

1.3 Problem statement Many scholars (Muhanji, Roothaert, Webo and Stanley, 2011; Jansen van Rensburg et. al, 2007; Ochieng, Afari-Sefa, Karanja, Rajendran, Silvest and Kessy, 2016; and Langat, 2014) have conducted their studies on the utilization and role of TLVs in African communities, including South Africa. However, the influence of culture on the utilization of TLVs that are consumed by VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups have not been sufficiently documented, there are only a few studies (Vorster, 2007 and Vorster, Stevens and Steyn, 2008) that were conducted on culture and TLVs, but still not among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi of BLM. Therefore, if the culture of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi regarding the utilization of TLVs remain undocumented it will lead to the extinction of their IKS. With this problem in mind, the central question is: “How does the culture of VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women influence the utilization of TLVs in BLM”.

1.4 Aim and objectives of the study The aim of the study was to document how the culture of VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women influence the utilization of TLVs in BLM. The objectives of the study were to:

1. To explore the influence of culture on names, use and access of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women.

2. To explore the influence of culture on the processing and preservation of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women.

3. To investigate the ways of knowing and acquiring indigenous knowledge of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women.

1.5 Guiding research questions of the study The study was guided by the following questions:

1. How does the culture of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women influence the names, use and access of TLVs consumed in their household?

2. In what way does the culture of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women influence the processing and preservation of TLVs? 3. What are the ways of acquiring the knowledge of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba- Pedi women?

1.6 The significance of the study The significance of this study rests on the fact that climate change has become a critical issue at the global, regional and local level to such an extent that climate change is considered as a serious challenge for mankind in the present century (Kumar, 2014:1), and that by 2050 the world will need to answer to an increased demand because of population and income growth (Loboguerrero, Campbell, Cooper, Hansen, Rosenstock and Wollenberg, 2018). Serdeczny, Adams, Baarsch, Coumou, Robinson, Hare and Reinhardt (2017) affirm that climate change is mostly vulnerable to Africa compared to other parts of the world. Due to climate change, the growing of food crops are most likely to be affected and this will result in food insecurity in the coming years, particularly in developing countries including South Africa (Wlokas, 2008; Alemu and Mengistu, 2019). It is therefore hoped that the knowledge generated from this study will be useful in assisting policy makers and local communities to overcome challenges of food and nutrition security. The above can be achieved only if the IKS of the VaTsonga and BaPedi is preserved through publications (having been written down will allow it to survive for many years still to come), so that knowledge and cultural practices of TLVs which were possessed by our elders (knowledge holders) can be used in future as a solution to challenges of FS in the next coming years.

1.7 The researcher’s positionality to the study This study is strongly based and motivated by personal experiences of the researcher. The positionality is that of an African young woman, who is a Swati speaking, born and bred among the Ba-Pedi community in Pilgrim’s Rest Mpumalanga and did Sepedi as home language from grade 1 to 12. However, my mother is a VaTsonga woman and her paternity’ family is from New Forest village in Bushbuckridge Local Municipality (BLM), therefore I identify myself as bicultural. I grew up in a big family, where there were cousins, and my grandmother did not afford to buy meat on daily basis therefore we depended on fresh TLVs,

we used to collect those TLVs such as imbuya (Amaranthus spp.) from the home garden with our grandmother from a young age. These are the best experiences that I shared with my late grandmother and they played a huge role in influencing me to undertake this study on TLVs and culture.

As an African young woman from the African communities and an IKS degree holder, my approach to this study was grounded in cultural knowledge, which involves indigenous knowledge. To undertake this study the whole paradigm that was used was of an indigenous worldview. I employed indigenous methodologies to conduct this study such as the qualitative approach, data collection methods and the tools were in the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga local languages. Even the analysis and the interpretation of the collected data was through the lens of indigenous knowledge.

1. 8 Organisation of the dissertation The dissertation is presented in six chapters: Chapter 1 presents the introduction to the study, by specifically looking at African cultures and TLVs. Chapter 2 is a systematic literature review that will provide an overview of the present information available on TLVs and other aspects that influences their utilization in African communities. Chapter 3 focuses on the indigenous philosophies that underpinned the study and provide an introduction of the areas being studied. Chapter 4 presents the indigenous methodologies, which were employed for conducting the study. Chapter 5 presents the analysed study finding. Chapter 6 provide the summary the study findings and gives conclusion and recommendations arising from the study.

Chapter 2 THE ROLE OF INDIGENOUS KNOWEDGE SYSTEMS IN THE UTILIZATION OF TRADITIONAL LEAFY VEGETABLES (TLVS) WITHIN AFRICAN CULTURES

2.1 Introduction

The previous chapter gave the introduction to the study, by specifically looking at African cultures and TLVs. This chapter provides an overview of previous literature pertaining to IKS, culture and TLVs in African communities. It speaks clearly on the definitions of culture, as well as highlighting its influence on the food systems of African people. Moreover, it discusses the IK of TLVs in African food systems and the cultural factors that influence the utilization of these TLVs in African communities.

2.2 Definition of important concepts and terms used in the study Culture: Culture in the study consists of the collective beliefs and values that are held by the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural, which distinguishes them from each other. The beliefs and values are passed from generation to generation, and culture changes all the time due to the things that people add before passing it on (Bleshek, 2006).

Indigenous knowledge systems: According to Chikaire, Osuagwu, Ihenacho, Oguegbuchulam, Ejiogu-Okereke and Obi (2012:202) IKS refer to “intricate knowledge system that acquired over generations by communities as they interact with the environment. It encompasses technological, economic, philosophical, learning and governance systems”.

Indigenous knowledge: IK is the logical body of knowledge acquired by VaTsonga and Ba- Pedi through gathering of formal and informal experiences, as well as close understanding of the environment in a given culture as put forward by Boikhutso (2012).

Value: According to Awoniyi (2015:4) value is referred to “the attitude, beliefs, behaviours and actions that are cherished and acceptable standards of behaviours which each society expects that the members should abide by”.

Taboo: Allan and Burridge (2006) cited by Keturi and Lehmonen (2012:6), they define taboo as “a proscription of behaviour that affects everyday life”. Taboos have control over

people’s day to day lives by setting restrictions for what is wrong (unacceptable) or right (acceptable) (Keturi and Lehmonen (2012).

Rituals: According to Rappaport (1999), rituals also known as customs are defined as the execution of formal, invariantly sequenced, and customarily transmitted activities and expressions, for example, what happens at initiation ceremonies and traditional weddings.

Utilization: According to FAO (1997) cited by Masekoameng (2007), utilization includes those involved in the preparation, processing and cooking of food for home and community levels, as well as household decision making regarding food choices. For the purpose of this study, utilization refers to the use of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women of Bushbuckridge.

Food security: According to the World Food Summit (1996), FS exists when all people, always, have physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life.

Gender: Among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups, gender is referred to as the roles and responsibilities that are expected from men and women in their communities as informed by Simiyu and Foeken (2014).

TLVs: According Mathaba (2017), traditional leafy vegetables (TLVs) refers to “Vegetables that are both domesticated or growing wild in areas with disturbed soil or agricultural activity”

Harvest: Harvest refer to the process of pre-dying crops in the field, threshing, drying, winnowing and finally yet importantly, the carrying crops to a household storage or to commercial storage (Masekoameng, 2007). In this study harvest, refer to the harvesting of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women of Bushbuckridge.

Processing: Singh (2015) define food processing as a set of ways that people use to transfer uncooked parts into food or they convert food into different types for consumption to ensure FS in their households. Therefore, in this study food processing refer to the processing of TLVs.

Preservation: According to the definition given by Rahman (2007: ix) food preservation is an action or method that is used to maintain food at a desire level of properties for their maximum benefits. The preservation of TLVs ensures the accessibility and availability of TLVs in household’s FS.

2.3 The role of culture and its role in traditional foods of African communities Culture is a term that is not easy to define as a result of the definitions that flows from various researchers (Kroeber and Kluckhohn, 1952; Aziza, 2001; Hofstede 1994; SpencerOatey 2008). Culture, as it is usually understood, entails a totality of traits and characters that are peculiar to a group of people to the extent that it marks them out from other peoples or societies. These peculiar traits go on to include a people’s language, dressing, music, work, arts, religion, dancing and so on. It also goes on to include a people’s social norms, taboos and values (Idang, 2015:98). Aziza (2001:31) defines culture as the totality of the pattern of behaviour of a particular group of people. It includes everything that makes them distinct from any other group of people for instance, their food practises, social norms and taboos, rites of passages from birth, through marriage to death, traditional occupations, religious as well as philosophical beliefs. The definition shows that any human being who is born from a group of society is likely to practice what he or she has found his or her particular group doing from birth, how they dress and what they consume among others.

Culture can be influenced by numerous factors one being traditional foods (Vance, 2018). Hence, for the purpose of this study, the researcher looks at culture in the context of traditional food practises of indigenous people in Africa. According to Matenda (2018), African communities acquire their cultural knowledge of food practises from a younger age, and once established are seemingly to be long lasting and resilient to alteration. It is a lifelong process as natural functions such as consumption become liberal because as children grow, they are influenced by customs and traditions. The abovementioned shows that what Africans consume is influenced by their culture and they learn about these foods from their elders as they grow up. For instance, cultural groups may choose to consume certain kinds of traditional foods because it is part of their culture that has been acquired from their ancestors and was passed on from generation to generation (Matenda, 2018). As indigenous people continue to consume their traditional foods, they learn about their culture. This clearly indicates that food and culture go hand in hand (Stajcic, 2013), and the link is extended to the indigenous people’s beliefs, spirituality and their entire well-being (Demi, 2016).

Martinez-Zuniga (2007) affirms that individuals or cultural groups eat or stay away from certain food because of their cultural acceptance, such as religion, status, ethnicity and gender. However, some of the spiritual beliefs and practices may be accepted for one community and rejected for another. Closely related to the above, is the well-known example of the spiritual belief of the members of Zion Christian Church (ZCC) and Muslims who are not allowed to consume pork (pig meat) and this might be a different case for other religions or churches. Gaoshebe (2014) argues that among Batswana certain climatic conditions such as floods and drought are attributed to the anger of ancestors due to the breaching of taboos such as hunting at certain forbidden times, harvesting certain plants or eating certain foods (Gaoshebe, 2014). This is because African communities’ way of obtaining food is enshrouded in spirituality and physical contemplations that guarantee the continuous existence of peace, harmony and sanctity in nature (Demi, 2016; Gumo, Gisege, Raballah and Ouma, 2012). Such contemplations are associated with the belief that indigenous people are connected to the earth; hence their continued existence is influenced by the reverence accorded by the earth. As per such beliefs, indigenous people are advised to make harmony with plants, animals (both domesticated and wild), and stones and so on (Demi, 2016).

Ahmad (2017) and Stajcic (2013) contend that the food practises of indigenous people are used as a sole element to help shaping indigenous people’s identities, culture and societies. For example, in South Africa, Ba-Pedi are identified through masonja (mopane worms). Stewin (2013) argues that food practises are also used as a tool to communicate, affirm and reassure a person’s beliefs, as well as to send cultural messages about the ethnic groups and their social-cultural group (Stewin, 2013). The communication aspect is consistent with what is observed in South African indigenous cultures, for instance traditional beer is used when South African indigenous groups are communicating or sending messages to their ancestors. Khosa (2009), Bae (2007), Govender, Mudaly, James (2013) and SAHO (2019) argue on the same line and support that traditional beer is symbolic in most cultural functions such as ancestral worship, the offering of traditional beer is a means of establishing communication with unhappy ancestors. Among the Zulu culture mountains are associated with the present of Mvelinqangi, therefore when a young woman sees the clouds, they prepare traditional beer to celebrate the Nomdede/Nomkhubulwana festival (the solicit of a good harvest for the year and only women take part in it) (Ngobese, 2003). Notsi (2012) adds that among the Basotho

and Batswana cultural groups, during the harvesting period, the people prepare traditional beer and invite a small group to feast as a way of giving thanks to their ancestors. The above statements show that our culture as Africans has a huge influence on what we consume, how and when.

2.4 The traditional food systems within African communities As pointed out by Masekoameng (2017) traditional food systems are a collective of all the biophysical, economic, technological and socio-political factors that contribute towards the indigenous way of production, harvesting, preparation, distribution, consuming and utilising traditional foods for the health and the community’s way of survival. While Matenda (2018) argue that the traditional food systems of indigenous peoples are defined as being composed of items from the local, natural environment that are culturally acceptable. Alonso (2015), FAO (2014), and Ruben, Verhagen and Plaisier (2019) support the above by affirming that an African food system concerns the varieties of food incorporated into traditional diets, yet in addition, how indigenous communities generally acquire food, combine different food items, production, distribution, marketing, processing, preservation and storage of food that originate from agriculture, forestry or fisheries, and parts of the broader financial, societal and natural environments in which they are implanted. Furthermore, Ruben, Verhagen and Plaisier (2019:171) says that food systems is based on systematic appraisal of different underlying processes that influence food availability, access and utilization, as well as a detailed analysis of the roles of different stakeholders involved, notably the role of the consumer in nutrition-oriented food systems.

The IK of traditional food systems help to create a wealth of unique cultural knowledge and identities among cultures and individuals. As a result, traditional foods and food systems are closely linked with indigenous knowledge and often extend to belief systems, spirituality, and indeed the entire well-being of indigenous people (Demi, 2016:2). Hence, it has always been done with ethical considerations governed by norms, values, and taboos born out of customs, cultures and spirituality. The spirituality aspect connects people to what they consume, and this is particularly important in encouraging ethnic groups to depend on food plants rather than animal flesh (Demi, 2016). The above is supported by Alonso (2015) who affirms that spirituality of African people shape their cultural diets and food systems. African

spiritualism (the belief in the supernatural) creates respect for animals, plants, rocks, mountains, and rivers (Gumo et. al, 2012). Hence, there are certain cultural aspects that inform people about the seasons of planning or harvesting plants or hunting animal and this is done to maintain the respect and relationship African people have with their environment as discussed in section 2.4.1.

2.4.1 Cultural aspects (norms, rules and taboos) influencing the food systems in African communities Culture influences food and nutrition security in Africa by shaping communities food diet and preferences, intra-household food production, distribution and marketing patterns, processing and preparation techniques, accessibility and use of traditional foods (Alonso, 2015; Agada and Igbokwe, 2016). Like the above, a paper by Demi (2016) on indigenous food cultures: pedagogical implication for environmental education, the results revealed that in Africa, there are certain cultural rules and norms that govern how communities should harvest crops, seafood or hunt in order not to exhaust the existing stock. The results also revealed that the cultural norms are meant to protect the vulnerable life stages of animals, aquatic and plant species. For example, the cultural rules and norms may govern certain stages of the human life cycle and may relate to different significant life events such as menstrual periods, pregnancy, childbirth, lactation (Meyer-Rochow, 2009 and Alonso, 2015).

Notsi (2012) also supports the above mentioned by adding that significant life events such as abortion, mourning, pregnancy, attending funerals, menstrual period or sexual intercourse all influence how communities take part in agricultural activities. For example, Basotho and Batswana women and young girls are forbidden from collecting seeds or digging seedling of indigenous plants when one has committed one of the life events mentioned above and this affects their food systems and household food security (HFS) (Notsi, 2012). Vorster (2007) argues that in South African cultural groups such as the Zulu, Pedi and Shangaan women are forbidden to partake in any farming activities or preparation of food during their fertility cycle which include menstruation, pregnancy and lactating. This affect the participation of women in agricultural activities and it may affect their HFS.

The cultural norms and rules go on to control indigenous communities on how they should harvest food plants such as TLVs in order to make them available and accessible at all times, for instance in Ghana, there are certain days whereby the people are restricted from collecting food from the wild, so that the forest can breathe (Demi, 2016). This is also practised among the Basotho and Batswana, for example women and men are forbidden to collect or dig indigenous plants at 12h00 (Ura ya sethoboloko or har’a mpa motseare) midday because it is traditionally considered as the time of ancestors. Therefore, if the Basotho and Batswana tempt with the silent hour and anger “beng ba lefatse” (ancestors), it may cause hailstorms and hurricanes and destroy their villages (Notsi, 2012). It is very important that African communities respect these norms and rules in order for them to maintain their food systems and the relationship with their ancestors.

2.4.1 Cultural rituals/ ceremonies influencing the food systems in African communities African people have many rituals and ceremonies that demonstrate the African religion. These embody what people believe in, what they value, and what they wish to apply in a daily life directed at ensuring good health, healing and good harvest (Matenda, 2018). According to Murimbika (2006), rituals contain cosmological accepted wisdom of higher beings, the ancestral spirit world and the role of sacred leaders. The performance of rituals defeats nervousness, dismisses fear, and offers a sense of security (Rappaport, 1966). According to Khosa (2009), ritual observances, involve ritual ceremonial performance, which are symbolic expressions of deeper feelings or transcendental ideas of members of a social group. Rituals are the only means through which the profane world is brought into contact with the sacred.

In African communities there are certain rituals that are related to agricultural food systems, for instance, a ritual is conducted normally before planting and during harvesting (Khosa, 2009; Constant and Tshisikhawe, 2018). A study by Notsi (2012), investigated the utilization of indigenous vegetables in ensuring FS and nutrition using case studies of Lesotho and South Africa, the results revealed that the harvesting of traditional crops should be done carefully and skilfully. Khosa (2009) found that amongst the VaTsonga people of Malamulele Township in the Limpopo Province, three crucial ancestral worship ceremonies

are usually held in a year. The first one is when the crops in the fields are ripe and ready for harvest. The second one is for the wellbeing of the family, which is usually held towards the end of the year or at the beginning of the year, and the third is performed before going to plant crops during the ploughing season.

Constant and Tshisikhawe (2018) states that in January when the vegetables are harvested there are rituals that are performed to thank the ancestral spirits after harvest. The thanksgiving ritual is led by Makhadzi (aunt) by picking up sample of TLVs and cook them with herbs, the mixture is offered to the ancestors, and community/family member are informed that cultivation is ready. This shows that African communities have a huge relationship with their ancestors and that they believe that everything they consume is from their ancestors therefore it is very important to perform thanksgiving ceremonies to show gratitude.

Among the Guans ethnic group of Ghana, during the harvesting period the chief is the first person who is supposed to eat the first yam so that others can start harvesting the yam. It is believed that this practise prevent people from harvesting unripe yams and allows the elders and chief of the local communities to determine the quality of yam in the season to prevent any likelihood of food poisoning (Demi, 2016). The abovementioned is a common practise among the Basotho people of Tsitas Nek, during the harvesting period, the chief is given the first harvested crop before others in the village and he is the one who gives permission for harvesting (Notsi, 2012).

2.4.3 The cultural knowledge of traditional foods botany (the indigenous calendar) that influence food systems in African communities Indigenous farming activities are directed by traditional calendars, which are punctuated by the performance of specific ceremonies (Murimbika, 2006). The above mentioned is supported by Khumbane (2004), who stated that indigenous people possess IK of food production patterns, which is known as the indigenous calendar it informs them about the agricultural activities that takes place in their communities (Table 2.1). According to Boikhutso (2015), the indigenous farmer is able to predict weather and soil conditions, and

this helps them to prepare themselves for agricultural activities in advance and it explains exactly how they have achieved to reach sustainability in agriculture, generation after generation.

Table 2.1: The indigenous agricultural calendar of food production patterns (adapted from Khumbane, 2004) Jan The ploughing season ends. Among the Shona people, January is regarded as the period of waiting (Kuindira), this month is full of anxiety concerning food production (Murimbika, 2006).

Feb February, Karadzi is named after a woman – mukadzi. February is the month when new produce starts to ripen and the vulnerability of food supplies vanishes. Women threaten to leave their husband about this time since food supplies are generally low. Varieties of yields are called mukadzi usaende ("my wife don't go") that are quick developing and a bridge between the past harvest and the new produce (Murimbika, 2006). Women and young girls’ start to pick up melons, cowpeas, and pumpkin leaves to preserve them as dried green vegetable (miroho), then after preservation the dried leaves are stored in clay pots and sealed with fresh cow dung for prevention against pests, and these activities can last until March/April.

May Women and young girls start to prepare for harvesting. According to Constant and Tshisikhawe (2018), the second round of vegetables and crop harvest begins, after this period that last until domestic livestock graze September the ploughing fields are left fallow and the remaining of the harvested vegetables and crops. Furthermore, in the Vhavenda cultural group this season is marked by a ritual called the thevhula, which is performed in July as a form of, thanksgiving and share the last harvest with their ancestors.

Jun Harvesting season begins. Jul Women starts to prepare (diboya) mud for thrashing corn, while on the other hand men start to prepare silos for storing grains. Aug The ploughing season begins as soon as the first rains after winter (known as kgokgola mmoko). Among the Ba-Pedi of Sekhukhune, the ploughing season is marked the growing of new vegetation of certain plants after the winter ends, and frequently

after the first rains of the season (Masekoameng, 2007). The significance of this season is that all the past harvesting season will decompose and grains from the thrashed corn will germinate, then wild green vegetables will start to grow in the field. Boikhutso (2012) explain that in most African communities, particularly in SA communities, when the ploughing and sowing seasons begin the chief of that certain community will perform a rainmaking ritual.

Sep Before ploughing can take place, manure from cattle, sheep, donkey and goats are collected and scattered throughout the field. The tribal traditional healer performs a ritual to cleanse the environment and bless the seed. During the ritual women and young girls are dressed in traditional clothes while carrying water and from the river and wells to the chief’s kraal, then rubbish will be collected from the veld and to be burnt at the chief’s kraal. Then after the ritual the will be dancing and feasting. According to Constant and Tshisikhawe (2018), among the Vhavenda cultural group the first season (dzima) which is in September the ploughing land is cleared. Rituals (rainmaking) and ceremonies are performed to enhance the crop yield and seeds are doctored before planting.

Oct Planting of African indigenous vegetables is done when the rain falls typically beginning from October proceeds up until January. So as to guarantee FS mixed cropping is normally encouraged (Notsi, 2012). Nov Ploughing continues Dec Ploughing continues

2.5 The concept of food security Food security (FS) is an expansive term, which is defined in various ways by various organisations around the world. According to the definition given by the World Food Summit during 1996 in Rome, Italy, FS exists when all people, always, have physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and preferences for an active and healthy life. Du Toit (2011) defines FS as the capacity of people to acquire adequate food on an everyday premise. These definitions emphasize four key variables used to measure FS namely: availability, accessibility, utilization and stability. Food availability implies that a country must have sufficient quantities of food available on a consistent basis at both national and household level. Food access implies the ability of a nation and its households to acquire sufficient food on a sustainable basis. Food use refers to the appropriate use of food based on knowledge of basic nutrition and care, as well as adequate water and sanitation. While food stability refers to the stability of the access and availability of food (Du Toit, 2011).

Food Security at national level differs at household level; since the approach used to assess food security in those levels are not the equivalent (Du Toit, 2011). FS at a national level, refer to the condition whereby the nation can produce, import, maintain and sustain food needed to support its population with minimum per capita nutritional standards. At community level FS implies that rural communities are able to produce, preserve and store enough food for future use. The future is not just to have enough for a year, yet in addition to consider the next years from a few years and past (that is if there should arise an occurrence of dry spell) (Masekoameng, 2004).

Ibnouf (2011) argues that FS in household level refer to the capacity of food suppliers to secure sufficient food consistently to meet the dietary requirements and social preferences of their family members. A household would be regarded as food secure when the members of the family do not live in hunger or fear of starvation (Du Toit, 2011). A study by Ndwandwe (2013) on the contribution of IK practices to household food production and FS, results revealed that indigenous HFS is reached when steady and adequate food is accessible, gotten to and suitably utilized at the household level. Household food making is important for

upgrading FS of rural families, as they are essentially dependent on farming and resources around them for an employment. (Ndwandwe, 2013).

The two concepts of FS and food insecurity are interrelated and to some extent have an influence on one another. Bickel, Nord, Price, Hamilton, and Cook (2000) strongly support the above mentioned by stating that when some or all the dimensions (availability, accessibility, utilization and stability) of FS are not meant therefore food insecurity occurs. Food insecurity is defined as the state of being without consistent access to adequate quantity of affordable nutritious food (Bickel et. al, 2000). This shows that food insecurity is influenced by the lack of availability, accessibility, utilization and stability of food in national and household level.

Ndobo (2013) argues that the cause of food insecurity is found to be the lack of nutritional balance because households cannot afford to consume a healthy diet. Food insecurity is a household situation and not an individual situation because although it affects everyone in a household, it may affect them differently for example, specific individuals in a home such as children may be shielded from some aspects of food insecurity by caregivers (Feeding Texas, 2016). Essentially, the defining characteristic of food insecurity is that at certain times during the year, the food intake of household members is reduced, and their normal eating patterns are disrupted because the household lacks resources (mainly money) to acquire food (Coleman-Jensen, Rabbitt, Gregory, and Singh, 2016)

2.5.1 The status of food security in South Africa SA is a food secured nation, but most households in rural areas are exposed to food insecurity (Du Toit, 2011 and Ndobo, 2013). Ndwandwe (2013) supported the argument that people living in former homelands and townships are the ones who are mostly affected by poverty. Ndobo (2013) further explains that SA is a middle-income country with large inequalities and absolute poverty, and about 87 percent of the rural households in SA are food insecure. The General Household Survey (GHS) report shows further that during 2008 food access problems were mostly affecting Free State where 33.5 % of the households have insufficient food access. Followed by households in Kwazulu-Natal with 23%, Eastern Cape 21, 4% and Mpumalanga 21, 5%. Limpopo (11, 9%) and Western Cape (14, 5%) had the least FS

problems in 2008 (Madzivhandila, 2013:171; Du Toit, 2011). Food insecurity is a serious challenge that continues in SA after fifteen years of democracy.

Altman, Hart and Jacobs (2009) stated that the increment of food prices especially staple diets (like maize and wheat), are also affecting FS of most households in SA. However, this mostly affects people who are unemployed and elderly people who depend on grants. Nyembe (2015) argues that unemployment, low income and poverty also play a huge role in household food insecurity in SA. A similar study by Ndobo (2013) revealed that FS is caused by unemployment and low income in Johannesburg, SA. In 2008, the number of unemployment in SA expanded by 824 000 from 4.3 million to 5.1million people in 2014 while employment proportion declined by 3.1 percentage focuses from 45.9% in 2008 to 42.8% in 2014 (Mathebula, 2017). Stats SA (2019) expressed that in 2017, Statistics SA released a report looking in poverty and inequality trends in SA between 2006 and 2015. The report shows that in excess of a quarter (25,2%) of the population was living underneath poverty line (R441 per individual every month in 2015 costs) in 2015 contrasted with just about a third (28,4%) in 2006.

2.5.2 The status of food security in Mpumalanga province (MP) of South Africa Many households rely on government grants or unreliable cash flows from small-scale agriculture that provide some sort of livelihood (Germaine and Goldin, 2015). The Mpumalanga population is 4 181 594 and 1276556 of the population lack access to food, meaning that only 30, 5% of the population in Mpumalanga is not food secure (DAFF, 2016). However, according to Stats SA (2019), 69.9 % of the households in Mpumalanga are food secure, while 31.9% of the households have inadequate access to FS. This shows that Mpumalanga is food secured as a Province and it is because of the strategies, which were implemented to fight poverty.

For instance, the Master Plan, which was prepared by the Linkd Environmental Services for the Department of Environmental Affairs (2013), indicated that the Department of Environmental Affairs (DEA) with partnership with the Bushbuckridge municipality, other government departments and non-governmental stakeholders implemented sustainable

development strategy that addresses poverty, economic development and environment management in the Bushbuckridge areas. The former Premier of Mpumalanga also introduced an agricultural reform programme known as Masibuyele Emasimini in 2005/6, after he observed that a big percentage of land, in rural Mpumalanga, was unutilized (Shabangu, 2015). “Turning such land into productive agricultural land was to ensure sufficient food production and could consequently enable citizens to meet their basic food needs” (Shabangu, 2015:2). Hence, agriculture remains an important lifeline for FS and job creation in Mpumalanga.

2.6 The role of traditional leafy vegetables in ensuring food and nutrition security in African communities Africa is endowed with a great diversity of plants that are used as LVs (Dansi, Adjatin, Adoukonou-Sagbadja, Faladé, Adomou, Yedomonhan, Akpagana and de Foucault, 2009). TLVs are described as plants that have evolved with communities and the leaves are socially accepted and consumed as vegetables by the communities (Thandeka, Sithole and ThamagaChitja, 2011). As indicated through literature TLVs are generally collected from the wild, with few choice species being cultivated, frequently as part of a mixed cropping system in home gardens or smallholder plots (Maseko et al, 2017). Masekoameng (2007) further explain that TLVs are collected from communal areas around settlements, domestic plots, while other are found in arable or abandoned plots, along roadsides and in abandoned animal kraals.

According to Mathaba (2017) on assessing the advantages of cultivation and consumption of traditional vegetables for Public Health in South Africa, the results revealed that the most common TLVs found in SA are Black Jack (Bidens pilosa L. and B. bipinnata L.), Amaranth (Amaranthus spp.), Jute or Jew’s Mallow (Chorchorus olitorius and C. tridens), Nightshade (Solanum nigrum complex), Cowpeas (Vigna inguiculata L.) and Spider flower (Cleome gynandra L.). Jansen van Rensburg, Venter, Netshiluvhi, van den Heever, Vorster and de Ronde (2004) and Jansen van Rensburg et. al (2007) also support these findings remarking that Amaranth (serepelele, theyke, amaranthus spp), Nightshade (moswe, kophe, S. nigrum complex), Spider flower (leroto, bangala, cleome gynandraL.), Jew’s

Mallow (guxe, ligusha, corchorus olitorius and C. tridens), Pigweed (theepe, Amarnthus thunbergii) and last but not least Cowpeas (monawa, tinyawa, vigna inguiculataL.), are the most common TLVs that are collected and consumed in South African rural communities.

Studies by Mbarachi and Igwenyi (2018); Azieb and Qudah (2018) shows that the naming of TLVs is a universal process that differs significantly from culture to culture on how they are given. Azieb and Qudah (2018) further explain that there are several factors that govern the process of naming TLVs, such as religious, cultural or social, and “names are a reflection of people’s culture and language” (Mbarachi and Igwenyi, 2018:29). Getty (2010) also supports the above remarking that the knowledge and language of indigenous people came about how they interact with their environment. Therefore, this is evidence that the naming of TLVs in SA is influenced by the different cultures and languages (Table 2.1).

Table 2.2: Local names of selected traditional leafy vegetables among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups (Jansen van Rensburg et al, 2007) Common name Pedi name VaTsonga name Scientific name

1. Cleome Leroto Bangala Cleome gynandraL

2. Amaranth Theepe Cheke or Theyke Amaranthus spp.

3. Cowpeas Dinawa Tinyawa Vigna inguiculata L

4. Jew’s mallow Thelele Guxe Corchorus olitorius

5. Nightshade Lethotho Kophe S. nigrum complex

6. Pumpkin Motshatsha and Tinhwembe C. Moschata mophotse

2.6.1 The use of traditional leafy vegetables for household food security In South Africa, the utilization of TLVs is an old practice and is regular among African individuals; and they have contributed to HFS and sustainable livelihoods for decades

(Maunda, 1997). Mpala, Dlamini and Sibanda (2013:40) emphasises that “Indigenous farmers/communities have for centuries relied on indigenous vegetables not only for FS, but also for medicinal, social, cultural and income generating purposes”. Kamga, Kouamé, Atangana, Chagomoka and Ndango (2013) argue that the consumption and promotion of TLVs may possibly help alleviate food insecurity and malnutrition in developing communities. The above statement is supported by Panda et. al (2015) those stated that in indigenous community’ households are mostly depending on TLVs for their livelihood.

The frequent consumption of TLVs can play a huge role in meeting the dietary requirements of the rural and indigenous communities in remote areas (Panda et. al, 2015). Thandeka, Sithole and Thama-chitji (2011) adds by explaining that most people in rural communities are relying on LVs for household food consumption and the LVs contributes to their HFS by always having nutritious foods (Thandeka, Sithole and Thama-chitji, 2011). For instance, several studies Acho et.al (2014) and Odhav, Beekrum, Akula and Baijnath (2007) show that African communities have a long history of utilising TLVs and has form part of their diets particularly in West Africa.

A study done by Taleni and Goduka (2013) clearly indicate that TLVs have been existing for a very long time and their use is as old as humankind in the Southern Africa region. In addition, the Khoisanoid, who are the indigenous people of Southern Africa, relied heavily on gathering indigenous LVs and crops from the wild for their survival. The Bantu-speaking ethnic groups who migrated from West Africa moved across to Central, East and settled in Southern Africa about 2,000 years ago also collected LVs from the wild for their staple food (Taleni and Goduka, 2013). This clearly indicates that TLVs play a very crucial role in the lives of indigenous People. During dry seasons when TLVs are not available, the TLVs that were previously preserved by dying become very important in HFS.

2.6.2 Medical uses of traditional leafy vegetables SA is a diverse nation, with numerous indigenous people yet utilizing various plants in their day-to-day lives for food, shelter, fuel and other different purposes (Odhav et.al, 2007). Several studies found that TLVs are used for different purposes including medicine purposes

(Jansen van Rensburg et. al, 2004; Acho et. al, 2014; and Taleni and Goduka (2013). A similar study done in Kwa-Zulu Natal whose results revealed that a majority of the participants use TLVs for health purposes helps with dealing with a number of diseases (Mathaba, 2017). A study conducted in India found that various diseases such as cancer and cardiovascular diseases can be prevented by the frequent consumption of TLVs (Panda et. al, 2015). Jansen van Rensburg et. al (2004) support the above, by stating that the regular consumption of TLVs during pregnancy helps to reduce labour pains. Furthermore, they stated that cleome TLV helps new mothers with a speedy recover as well as during lactating.

According to a study done by Taleni and Goduka (2013) in Mantusini Community, Eastern Cape Province, the leaves of Umhlabangulo (Bidens pilosa) are used to cure stomach pains. The leaves of Umsobosobo (Solunam nigram) used for ring worms, wound and ulcers as a paste after been crushed, while the leaves of Imbilikicane (Chino podium albunse) they are used to strengthen the immune system. However, they stated that in other ethnic groups such as the Venda the leaves of Imbilikicane are used to control heavy menstruation and it can be used as a substitute of baby powder (Jansen van Rensburg et. al, 2004). In Senegal, indigenous people treat fever, malaria, heavy cold and appetising properties using the leaves of roselle (Diouf, Gueye, Faye, Dieme, Lo, 2007).

2.6.3 Nutritional value of traditional leafy vegetables TLVs play a very crucial role in the African agricultural and nutritional systems, and this is because they provide low-costs as well as affordable proteins for local communities (Kamga et.al, 2013; Mpala, Dlamini and Sibanda, 2013). The high protein and vitamin content in these vegetables can eliminate deficiencies amongst children, pregnant women and poor people living in rural areas. Since indigenous vegetables are cheaper and can replace meat in the diets of those who cannot afford to buy meat (Mpala, Dlamini and Sibanda, 2013:46). The abovementioned is supported by Kanga et al (2013) who assert that pregnant and lactating women request 71g of protein on daily basis, therefore the consumption of nightshade, amaranth (serepelele/theyke) and jute mallow (Corchorus olitorius) leaves provide the women with about 49.5, 35.0 and 35.0% of protein daily.

TLVs are rich in the following nutrition values: vitamins (particularly A and C), minerals, proteins and some of the nutritional value are shown in Table 2.2 (Diouf et al, 2007; Irungu, Mburu, Maundu and Hoeschle-Zeledon, 2011; Mpala, Dlamini and Sibanda, 2013; Acho et.al, 2014). However, Acho et al (2014) argue that TLVs are also rich in fibre and other nutrients such as carbohydrates, oils and they contain b-carotene, folic acid, ascorbic acid, antioxidant phenols (Panda et. al, 2015), and Irungu et al (2011) added that the TLVs also contain certain crucial amino acids such as lysine. It was also stated that, “TLVs are important protective foods and highly beneficial for the maintenance of health and prevention of diseases as they contain valuable food ingredients which can be utilized to build up and repair the body (Acho et.al, 2014:3159). However, the same cannot be said about the exotic vegetables that are now replacing TLVs in local communities, Table 2.2 shows the different nutritional values of the exotic vegetables and TLVs (Mpala, Dlamini and Sibanda, 2013:46; Lephole, 2004; Shackleton, Pasquini and Drescher, 2009; Herforth, 2010; and Muthiani, 2004).

2.6.4 Distribution and marketing of traditional leafy vegetables The distribution and marketing of TLVs has a potential contribution to the social and economic status of local people (Irungu et.al, 2011). Marketing of TLVs has moved toward becoming progressively a significant source of income for most communal communities in the SADC region (particularly women) who cannot get employment in the formal sectors (Mpala, Dlamini and Sibanda, 2013 and Agbugba, Okechukwu and Solomon, 2011). A study done in Hwange in Matabeleland North province of Zimbabwe, found that the marketing of TLVs were high during winter (Mpala, Dlamini and Sibanda, 2013). The reason behind this is that some TLVs (miroho) such as bangala (cleome) and guxe are seasonal, they only grow during summer and during winter they are not available. Therefore, it is very critical that during the time when those TLVs (miroho) are available they should be preserved for marketing (Kock, 2017).

The marketing of TLVs can contribute to 100% of household income especially to female headed household (Diouf et al, 2007). For instance, in Mboro village, an unemployed woman was generating her household income by selling roselle leaves as shown in Figure 2.1, and

the income was used for buying food and paying school fees for the children (Diouf et al, 2007). A study done by Vorster (2007) also found that in Arthurstone (Bushbuckridge) the marketing of TLVs is the easiest way of generating income for rural women and the money is used for household needs such as medical and school fees. (Vorster, 2007) also found Mars/Glenroy and Watershed are quite remote, and this influences the marketing of TLVs due to the high cost of transport to the nearest market areas. Local markets, on the other hand, are limited since TLVs can be harvested in the veld and few people commute.

Table 2.3: A comparison of the nutritional properties of traditional leafy vegetables and exotic vegetables consumed in many parts of Africa Leafy Proteins Calcium Iron (mg) Vitamin A Vitamin C Energy Zinc (mg) vegetables (%) (mg) (mg) (mg) (g)

Traditional leafy vegetables

Amaranth 4.0 480 8.9 477 135 39 0.4-0.8

Spider plant 5.1 262 6.0 558 144 - 0.2-0.5

Cowpea 4.7 152 5.7 664 87 - 0.3-0.6

Nightshades 4.6 442 1.0 306 131 - 0.2-0.4

Jute mallow 4.5 360 - - 187 12.4 -

Cleome 5.4-7.7 434 11.0 - 127-177 - -

Common Exotic Vegetables

Cabbage 1.4 44 0.47 5 33 25 0.2

Spinach 2.3 93 - - 28 26 -

Figure 2.1: African women selling TLVs at their informal markets (Source: Maundu, 2006).

2.7. The concept of gender in African cultures In African culture and African customary life, gender is defined by the roles and responsibilities expected from men and women in communities. It is being male or on the other hand female in a specific culture that shapes the opportunities one is offered throughout everyday life, the roles one may play, and the kinds of relationship one may have (Ngubane, 2010; Simiyu and Foeken (2014). In African culture, women and men had different roles that they played in their societies. The gender role is put in place by the people in a given community to differentiate women from men and notifies the ways in which women and men relate to each other (Myambo, 2018). In most cases, the different roles that are performed by men and women are grounded by their indigenous knowledge, skills, availability, and social norms finally yet importantly their gender role (Simiyu and Foeken, 2014). However, Myambo (2018) argues that in most African societies the roles of men and women are differentiated by their access to resources and their participation in decision-making.

Zhu (2011) argues that the cultural behaviour of men and women are distinct whether they are from the same ethnic group or not. Zhu (2011) stated that from childhood, boys and girls are culturally raised and socialised differently, for example girls are taught to behave like women at an early age. There are cultural rules and restrictions that are imposed to young girls and they are taught about how a good girl should carry themselves. In the African culture, women are preservers of civility and morality in their societies. Furthermore, the roles that men and women play in their communities were and are still different (Hutson, 2007). For instance, women especially those who are the heads of households must carry responsibilities such as performing domestic house chores and those chores include looking after children, prepare meals for the family, fetching water and fuel wood among others. While on the other hand they carry agricultural responsibilities and they spend most of their time engaged in both activities to meet their families’ food needs (Bassey, 2002: Agea, Lugangwa, Obua and Kambugu, 2008; Vorster, Steven and Steyn, 2008; and Olatokun and Ayanbobe, 2008).

The African experience demonstrates that gender orientation and household level social relations determine the organisation and control of productive resources (Debsu, 2009). The responsibility that men and women play with respect to FS in their families are generally unique; while both men and women are salary workers, women play an imperative part in FS

as food makers, processers and preparers, family unit supervisors, and food suppliers for their families (Kalansooriya and Chandrakumara, 2014). It is claimed that the reason women are more accountable on food production is because of their low level of education which does not allow them to have formal job unlike educated men (Simiyu and Foeken, 2014). Therefore, they are forced to participate in informal activities such as farming, production, preserving and preparing food to meet household food needs (Simiyu and Foeken, 2014). Allen and Sachs (2007) state that even though indigenous women rarely work in formal jobs such as restaurants however they still possess the positions of chefs in their homes. This is additionally resounded by Matsa and Manuku (2013) cited by (Kamwendo and Kamwendo, 2014), in their review, they take note of that women play a critical part in FS, even though they are tested by their physical and basic leadership controls inside male-controlled social orders.

2.8 The role of gender on food systems in African communities Rural women are crucial in African countries as they play a diversified role in development. They contribute to the family and wage activities, engage in the marketing and distribution of foodstuff and as wives and mothers ensure the survival of the family and the society (Olatokun and Ayanbobe, 2008). Karl (2009) argues that rural women contribute to the food provision by either producing food or purchase it from the supermarkets. This is similar to the study done by Liru (2014) who stated that, “apart from food production, women increase their contribution to HFS by earning income to purchase food”. Furthermore, Liru (2014) stated that it was found that in Ghana that women spend huge amounts of their salaries on foodstuff to secure their families FS and other expenses such as health, household items and to name a few. Most importantly, women are critical in the storage, processing as well as the provision of food at the household level (Kimani, 2015).

Ibnouf (2012: 238), state that, “women have more roles and responsibilities in achieving HFS especially among the rural communities of Sudan, since it is woman who is responsible for food processing and preserving to increase its availability’’. Women spend most of their time and energy not only in the production but also in transporting, storing and preparing most of the food consumed in different households/families (Figure, 2.2). This clearly indicates that

women interact with food more than men do. In addition, women in Africa are active participants in the growing, collecting and managing food at the household level (Kimani, 2015). However, the importance of women is not recognized, and they are mostly affected by food crises. For instance, food prices are very high to a point that women cannot afford to buy food from the supermarkets to provide for their families (Bridge, 2014).

According to Ndodo (2013), women are more affected by food cost because they sacrifice their own spending to allow other members of their household to have more food. Therefore, they rely on TLVs to provide for their families. Like the above, a study conducted in New Forest village in MP found that VaTsonga women tend to rely on preserved food to limit food costs. This is because TLVs are easily accessible and they are also preserved for securing HFS.

Figure 2.2: An African woman harvesting TLVs from the field (Source: Onim and Mwaniki, 2008:57).

A study by Tegegne (2012) found that 48% of women participate in agricultural activities, and further revealed that the daily activities of the women residing in Halaba (Ethiopia) include food processing, fetching water and woods for fire, assisting family farm, which helps their families and the community in terms of economy. According to Otu and Anam (2016), the time, which Lesotho women spend, is twice the time men and boys spend in collecting firewood and fetching water (Figure 2.3). Allen and Sachs (2007) argue that regardless of their status, beliefs and values in society, women are engaged in and preoccupied with provision of food on their everyday life. For instance, in Kenya, rural women produce 60-80 percent of the food and they are in control of the world half-food production (Liru, 2014). Karl (2009) argues that in Kenya, women provide 70-80 percent of the labour in packing, classification and bar coding of agriculture. In Nigeria, rural women (Fabiyi, Danladi, Akande and Mahmood, 2007) do 60-80 percent of agricultural activities. Meanwhile, In Sudan rural women produce 60-70 percent of food production especially in rural communities (Liru, 2014).

Figure 2.3: An African woman from fetching water for home chores such as cooking (Source: Anthony, Abonyi, Terblanche and Watt, 2011).

2.9 The influence of culture on the livelihoods of African communities Diverse cultures have particular ways and encounters of social reality and, thus, knowledge. This is influenced by their perceptions and belief systems of the natural environment, including the financial and biological context of their livelihood (Kaya, 2014). Livelihoods contain capacities, resources and activities required fora methods for living to characterize a household livelihood strategy. The decision of a livelihood strategy that a household seeks after is dependent on the financial qualities of the household including the skills, which its individuals have at their disposal (Kamwi, Chirw, Graz, Manda, Mosimane and Kätsch, 2018).

Through accumulated IK passed from generation to generation, farming communities have accumulated knowledge on weather patterns and how to cope with their impacts on the natural environment, livelihoods and lives (Ncube, 2012). For instance, the availability and accessibility of indigenous material capital such as wild foods (for example editable insects, bush meat, wild vegetables and fruits), fire woods, and material for artworks, which are regularly freely accessible in rural sub-Saharan assumes a significant role in safeguarding household from food and income shortages (Tibesigwa, Visser, Collinson, and Twine, 2016).

According to Ncube (2012), agricultural production plays an important role in rural FS and enhances rural households’ incomes. Kamwi et al (2018) in their study of livelihood activities and skills in rural areas of the Zambezi Region, Namibia: implications for policy and poverty reduction, the results found that a variation of livelihood activities and skills play a significant role in enhancing farm income, with most people accepting a combination of livelihood activities. The results also found that cropping and domesticated animals (livestock) raising, cultivating and home constructions were the most pervasive livelihood activities in the Zambezi Region. These livelihoods activities were the most frequent activities mentioned by male respondents. Of significance is that the prevalent livelihood activities among women and men are the same (Kamwi, et al, 2018).

2.10 Indigenous knowledge systems and its relation to culture and food security

IKS refers to what indigenous people know and do, and what they have known and done for generations’ practices that evolved through trial and error and proved flexible enough to cope with change (Eyong, 2007:121). Warren (1991:16) defines IKS as “localised knowledge systems unique to a particular society or ethnic group, in contrast to the international knowledge systems generated through global networks of universities and research centres”; while IK is defined by Boikhutso (2012: xi) as, “the systematic body of knowledge acquired by local people through accumulation of formal and informal experiences, as well as intimate understanding of the environment in a given culture”.

Several authors (Abah, Mashebe and Denuga, 2015; Senanayake, 2006) are of the view that IK is the unique knowledge confined to a particular culture or society, and acclimatized by indigenous communities through the gathering of experiences, informal experiments, and close understanding of the environment in a given culture. IK includes local knowledge skills known and practiced skills in food processing and preservation activities, which rural women derived from their direct interaction with the local environment. IK is generated and transmitted by communities, over time, to cope with their own agro-ecological and socioeconomic environments (Fernandez, 1994).

In the two most recent decades, there has been a dramatic increment in interest for the role that IK play in genuinely participatory ways to deal with FS for sustainable development in African communities (Tikai and Kama, 2010). Recent research has given important knowledge into how indigenous people utilize their very own locally generated knowledge to change and improve, for instance, natural resource management. The agricultural department gives a prime example. Farmers embrace a wide scope of indigenous agricultural practices dependent on generations of experience, informal experiments and close comprehension of their environments (Tikai and Kama, 2010).

African women possess IK skills that help to deal with the hard condition of their daily lives. For instance, when there is a shortage of food, women employ IK practices and technologies to prepare, process and preserve food for their HFS during seasonal food gaps as the only

source until onset of harvest later in the year (Virginia and Pallavi, 2016; Ibnouf, 2012). A study in Odisha, India by Panda et al (2015) found that the IK and practise of food is still a major part of the village’s life and culture. Hence, the IK of food processing and preservation was passed down from generation to generation-through imitation and observation from the elders (Ibnouf, 2012). The traditional knowledge about indigenous wild vegetables is largely transmitted by oral tradition from generation to generation without any written record. Such practices are still prevalent among rural and indigenous communities in many parts of the world (Kumar, 2013).

2.11. The indigenous methods of food processing and preservation, and their contribution to food security in African communities Food preservation permeated every culture at nearly every moment in time, Olunike (2014) argues that every traditional method used by indigenous people are linked to their culture. In rural communities, women tend to depend mostly on their IK and local resources, modifying practices that help them with their household survival (Njoki, 1996). Farm Radio Network (2003) cited by (Olatokun and Ayanbobe, 2008) noted that women hold a huge amount of knowledge about food production and processing, medicine, child education and other survival skills. As put forward by Masekoameng (2017), the IK that African women possess in the field of food production and gathering help African communities with ensuring HFS. Ibnouf (2011), Virginia and Pallavi (2016), and Olatokun and Ayanbode (2008) argue on the same line and support that women residing in rural communities are commonly using variety of simple and traditional methods of processing and preserving food, and the methods are proving more relevant in the alleviation of hunger in most African countries, as the communities’ alternative source of enhancing FS in their households and a strategy to deal with hard condition such as drought and floods.

Food preservation and processing are certain owing to many reasons. These traditional food processing methods are simple and low-cost and aim at long storage of foods (Ibnouf, 2011). Adesiji, Olarewaju, Olaleye and Komolafe (2015) also emphasise that the reason rural women in Nigeria uses indigenous methods of processing and preserving food is because they are very affordable as compared to the modern techniques. As poor rural households usually do

not own refrigerators or other instruments to preserve food, they have to rely on indigenous preservation methods that have been passed on from generation to generation. A cited example for such methods is the preservation of sweet potatoes as such chips, which help provide year-round access to the nutritious crop, thereby helping HFS.

Drying of foods such as green leaves, vegetables and fruits is also a very important and common preservation technique employed in some areas as is pickling, particularly in Asia and Europe (Global Forum, 2013). The indigenous methods of processing and preservation such as fermentation, sun drying, germination, shade drying and others had been used for over a period, and that knowledge has been passed from generations to generations. These methods were used to process and preserve food immediate after harvesting and local people depended on them as a survival strategy and they are discussed in detail in the sections below (Asogwa, Okoye and Oni, 2017).

2.11.1 Shade drying Shade drying is one of the oldest indigenous method of preserving farm produces by local communities in Africa (Bikam, 2015). Food by its nature begins to spoil the moment it is harvested. Indigenous people no longer had to consume or harvest immediately, but could preserve some for later use (Venkata, 2014). For instance, findings by Asogwa, Okoye and Oni (2017) shows that in Tanzania about 30% of cereals and 70% of fruits and vegetables are being lost every year after harvesting so the best way to prevent them from being lost the local people uses the indigenous method such as shade dying to preserve them.

A study by Bikam (2015), found that the local people in Ha-Makuya village, harvest food such as onions, tomatoes, mangos, oranges and sweet potatoes and keep them under the shade. Furthermore, he stated that people preserve food under the shade to extend its shelf life and others preserve them for future consumption during off seasons and for generating household income (Bikam, 2015). According to the DAFF (2015), food such as melons, pumpkin and bottle, ground fruits can also be preserved in the shade to increase their shelf life. A study done in New Forest Village Bushbuckridge found that shade drying was used to preserve LVs such as guxe (Jew’s mallow), tinyebi and tinyawa (cowpeas) as shown in Figure

2.4 (Kock, 2017). Furthermore, the study found that LVs were preserved while fresh and others TLVs were pre-cooked before placing them in the shade to dry up for up to 4 or 5 days, then when the leaves are dry, they are placed inside a maize meal bag for storage (Kock, 2017).

2.11.2 Sun drying The oldest indigenous method, which was used and still used in developing countries to preserve food such as fruits, leafy vegetables, cereals and legume grains, is the sun drying method (Taiwo, 1997). Kamwendo and Kamwendo (2014) argue that during the harsh season, various parts of Malawi experience an abundance of vegetables. The Lomwe women are incorporated into food preservation works out using their indigenous knowledge. This includes preserving pumpkin leaves (nkhwani), bean leaves (khwanya), pea leaves (chitambe), and some wild vegetables, for example, dark jackal leaves (chisoso) (Figure 2.5). Vegetables are arranged, boiled and sun-dried for some days, conditional upon the force of the insolation. The dried leaves are put away in huge pots called mtsuko, to keep up their flavour. These pots are not utilized for other stockpiling; just for these saved vegetables. These vegetables would be kept for over a year. This was an IK from nearby individuals as a disaster readiness measure, and in keeping up food access at all circumstances (Kamwendo and Kamwendo, 2014).

Indigenous people tend to depend on sun drying method because is inexpensive and uses indigenous resources, which are already available. Sun dried food can be kept for a very long time without spoiling, example of those foods are maize, peeled cassava, vegetables, and meat (Asogwa, Okoye and Oni, 2017). The pastoralists in Ethiopia and northern Kenya, they cut meat into small long pieces and add salt or pep-per for taste and after they hang the pieces in the sun to dry. In Somali, they preserve camel meat by cutting it into small pieces and they fry those pieces with oil and garlic before they can hang it in the sun (Asogwa, Okoye and Oni, 2017). While in Sudan, they preserve meat from sheep, goats, cows and camel, but before they are preserved, they first have to cut the meat into small pieces, add salt and smear with powdered coriander, then after they hang the meat in the sun to dry for about a week (Ibnouf, 2012).

A B C

Figure 2.4: Types of leafy vegetables preserved on the shade, (A)Tinyebi, (B) Guxe and (C) Tinyawa (Source: Kock, 2017).

A B

Figure 2.5: Traditional leafy vegetables that are preserved through the sun (A) sun dried pumpkin leaves and (B) sun dried beans leaves (Source: Aluga and Kabwe, 2016).

2.12 Chapter conclusion This chapter covered the existing literature on IKS, culture and TLVs that are consumed or utilised in African communities. The next chapter will chapter outline some of the philosophical and epistemological elements that underpinned the conceptualisation and design of the study.

Chapter 3

THE INDIGENOUS PHILOSOPHICAL UNDERPINNINGS OF THE STUDY

3.1 Introduction The previous chapter covered the existing literature on IKS, culture and TLVs that are consumed or utilised in African communities. For every indigenous study that is carried out within African communities, one needs an African paradigm in order to understand it contextually; hence the study is underpinned on indigenous philosophies. Therefore, this chapter outlines some of the philosophical and epistemological elements that underpinned the conceptualisation and design of the study.

3.2 Some of the philosophical underpinnings of the study

3.2.1 African indigenous worldviews and paradigms The study uses qualitative research as informed by the indigenous paradigm, put forward by Hart (2010:6) who asserts that paradigm is “a set of beliefs about the world and about gaining knowledge that goes together to guide people’s actions as to how they are going to go about doing their research”. Kuhn (1977) defined paradigm as, “an integrated cluster of substantive concepts, variables and problems attached with corresponding methodological approaches and tools’’. According to him, the term paradigm refers to a research culture with a set of beliefs, values, and assumptions that a community of researchers has in common regarding the nature and conduct of research.

According to TerreBlanche and Durrheim (1999), the research process has three major dimensions: ontology epistemology and methodology. According to them, a research paradigm is an all-encompassing system of interrelated practice and thinking that define the nature of enquiry along these three dimensions (TerreBlanche and Durrheim, 1999). This section focuses on research paradigms such as Indigenous African, Self-determination and cultural creativity that one can use when conducting an indigenous research and these paradigms influenced this study.

Indigenous African paradigm is a humanistic philosophy with origins in the pre-colonial African rural settings. It embodies people’s commitments and empowers relations with each other through the moral value of caring, sharing, respect, friendliness, generosity, hospitability, compassion, kindness, consideration and qualitative human community engagement with a family spirit (Cilliers, 2008; Mugumbate and Nyanguru, 2013; Sibanda, 2014). Africa in this context speaks of African individuals who are residents of New Forest and Ga-Boelang and fall amongst the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups. Moreover, Africans in this context exclude the Western, Indian and Coloured people residing in South Africa. The exclusion of these cultural groups from the African worldview depends on the understanding that these racial groups have their own unique and distinct worldviews, which merit a different in-depth enquiry (Thabede, 2008).

The Indigenous African paradigm was adopted as the framework for this study, and this is because the researcher is an African and researching on African cultures, and shares the same worldviews as the cultural groups (VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi) been studied. This paradigm emphasises the relationship VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women have with their environment and they depend on for their survival (Living Knowledge, 2008 and Thabede, 2008). Hence, the study includes the IK of TLVs, which inform the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi survival and it contributes to their sense of being in the world (Living Knowledge, 2008).

Adnan and Othman (2012) argue that African people and plants/plants food are linked and that is the reason this study focuses on the relationship the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi have with their environment and plant food (TLVs). Adnan and Othman (2012) further give an example of the Malay cultural group that uses plants/plant food for different cultural purposes such as dietary (food consumption), materials for building, medicine, rituals, and to name a few. Therefore, this study looked at the cultural utilization of TLVs among the VaTsonga and BaPedi cultural groups in the BLM.

Afrocentrism, which can be traced back to Egyptian or Kemetian philosophy, is an African centred decolonial paradigm that provides a starting point towards the generation of knowledge. Afrocentrism came into being when African scholars realised that existing research paradigms are Eurocentric in nature and wanted to develop an African-centred 41

paradigm that promotes knowledge generation that is responsive to human needs and existential problems (Datsile, 2013). This paradigm emphasizes the idea of holism, where the physical and spiritual aspects of human beings are taken in to consideration, also focusing on the similarities and commonalities of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups, their condition and experience concerning their cultural utilization of TLVs as put forward by (Datsile, 2013). This study looked at the IK of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi on TLVs from an African perspective (Chawane, 2016), and this was done through employing indigenous methodologies which challenge the Eurocentric research strategies that undermine the nearby knowledge and encounters of the marginalised population groups (Keikelame and Swartz, 2019).

Self-determination is concerned with human motivation, personality and optimal functioning. Self-determination paradigm not focuses on the amount of motivation but also on the different types and approaches to motivate that exists. This paradigm claims that people have three natural psychological needs; competence the desire to control and master the environment and outcome, relatedness the desire to interact with, be connected to, and experience caring for other people and autonomy the urge to be casual agents and to act in harmony with their integrated self (Deci and Vansteenkiste, 2004). This paradigm influenced the study, as it looked at how the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi interact, control and master the environment that they depend on for the collection, processing and consumption of TLVs for FS and sustainable livelihoods and how they interact with one another as a community in terms of sharing knowledge about TLVs. The paradigm further emphasises that the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women should enjoy what they do such as the production, processes and preserving TLVs in their households, to feel in control of their environment and their knowledge, and to be able to take steps to manage their food systems and ensure their HFS (Nakata, 2010).

3.2.2 African indigenous cosmology

In its highest general and extensively used sense, the term cosmology refers to a people’s worldview. Hence, one can speak of the African cosmology (Viriri and Mungwini, 2010), or as in this case the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cosmology. According to Udefi (2012:60), the term cosmology is derived from the Greek (Kosmos) meaning world and (Logos) which means 42

discourse. Then it can be defined as the study of the origin, structure and development of the world or universe in its totality. Again, it can loosely be defined as that branch of metaphysics after ontology (which is the study of the meaning and nature of being), which treats of the universe as an ordered system. Ekeke (2011) suggests that African cosmology incorporates complex beliefs that concern the origin of nature, structure of the universe and individuals interacts with their environment.

The study was informed by this African cosmology, because what African thinking is a complete lifestyle. African people, including the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi are interrelated with nature, and they behave the way they do, they understand life and the rationality of life the way they do, because of the story of origin as put forward by (Jenkins, 1991; Juma, 2011; Chilisa, 2012; Demi, 2014; and Gathogo, 2013). It is for these reasons that this section talks of the African cosmology of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women and how this cosmology influences their TLVs activities such as ploughing and harvesting seasons, sources and utilization.

Holbrook (2009:138) argues that African cosmologies help to explain the relationship of human beings’ beliefs to the rest of the universe and therefore closely tied to religious beliefs and practices. In modern industrial societies, cosmologies seek to explain the universe through astronomy. African cultural astronomy is rich with mythic figures, cosmology and cosmogony, divination methods that utilize observations of celestial bodies, and many other sky-related beliefs and traditions. Observations are useful for navigating at night; timekeeping and establishing an accurate calendar; and noting menses and fertility cycles (Urama and Holbrook, 2009). The above mentioned is consistent with what is been observed in African cultures including the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi culture, they have established an indigenous calendar that informs them about the different seasons related to agricultural activities. The use of African indigenous calendar is based on their understanding of cosmology, and the relationship VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi have with nature (starts, moons, animals, inserts, and non-living things) (Thabede, 2008; Ekene, 2011; Chilisa, 2012 and Demi, 2014).

The above arguments show that African people have a strong connection with nature and everything in it hence their proceeded with existence relies upon the amount of respect given to the earth (Demi, 2014 and Gathogo, 2013). Zuma-Netshiukhwi, Stigter and Walker (2013) argue that among the indigenous people of Free State in South Africa, the relationship that people have with the earth, it stretches to stars formation, animal behaviour, cloud cover and form, flowering of certain indigenous trees, reptile appearance and disappearance, bird species migration and many others, which informs them of the agricultural activities.

Like the above, a study by Masekoameng (2007) found that Ba-Pedi marked their TLVs cultivation season by the appearance of certain insects and the growth of certain shrubs which they keenly observed and took as signs of the start of a production season. These practises are based on the cosmological understanding of African people, and their worldviews hence they do things the way they do. The above is supported Lombo (2017) who stated that the most valuable skill that African can learn is the observation of skies, noticing the types of clouds, listening to bird sounds predicting rainfall and cyclones, as it helps them to know when to plant or harvest certain TLVs.

3.2.3 African indigenous ontology Ontology is the study of existence, concerned with the nature of reality and that of human beings (Narh, 2013:2). Amongst the Africans, reality is viewed as a composite, harmony and unity of natural forces consisting of human communities (families, villages, nations, and humanity), spirits, gods, divinities, stones, sand, mountains, rivers, plants, and animals (Ikuenobe, 2014). Africans believe that everything in reality is controlled by a vital force or energy so that the harmonious relationships among them strengthen reality. In African thought, the vital force is fundamentally understood as the principle of all life (Nalwamba, 2016). For some African people such as the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups, the vital force can refer to the God, ancestors or spirits, and non-biological things. Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups believe that everything they consume is from their ancestors; hence, they see it fit to perform thanksgiving ceremonies to show gratitude and appreciation to their ancestors during harvesting seasons as put forward by (Khosa, 2009 and Monyakane, 2016).

Demi (2014) argues on the same line and support that in African communities what is regarded as food is determined by their immediate surroundings, as well as intuition and revelations from gods and ancestors. A study by Constant and Tshisikhawe (2018) on the hierarchies of knowledge: ethno-botanical knowledge, practices and beliefs of the Vhavenda in SA for biodiversity conservation, the results found that among the Vhavenda a thanksgiving ritual is performed during the harvesting of TLVs to thank their ancestors for giving them food. However, among the Cameroonian cultural groups, the first cultural ritual is performed before ploughing season, the people would ask God through their ancestors for a good crop harvest, because they believe that good harvest is the handiwork of the Supreme Being through the intercession of the ancestors (Kah, 2016).

The above arguments prove that human beings in African ontology are caught in a multiple vital force such as God, ancestors, spirits and to name a few. This study was influenced by this African ontology, as the study aimed at looking at the reality of the VaTsonga and BaPedi cultural groups in regard to their knowledge of TLVs. As a result, in-depth interview questions which looked at how the culture of these two influences their access of TLVs and the rituals, which are associated with this access of TLVs, were included in the data collection tool.

3.2.4 African Indigenous epistemology (ways of knowing) African epistemology refers to the manners by which Africans conceive and understand the world as well as the exceptional ways by which Africans utilize their IKS to advance their improvement (Baloyi and Makobe-Rabothata, 2014). The African epistemology is influenced by African worldview, which speaks to the way in which Africans see their reality, which, thusly, influence their methods of knowing and doing. Indigenous individuals' epistemology is acquired from their prompt environment, experiences, worldviews and memories that are conveyed to other people and their spiritual world (Baloyi, and Makobe-Rabothata, 2014). In the content of this study, the African Indigenous epistemology is used to look at how the knowledge of TLVs is acquired and transferred among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups.

The Indigenous methods of food production, preparation and processing constitute a vital body of knowledge that older generations passed on to the younger ones and parents handed down to children from generation to generation. This is consistent to how the researcher acquired the knowledge of TLVs, growing up with relatives, the knowledge of TLVs through elderly women was acquired, and we would observe and imitate her when we are at the field to collect TLVs. In this respect, Indigenous methods of food production are location specific and imbedded in the cultural tradition of Indigenous people of a particular location (Mazonde, 2001).

Mazonde (2001) and Owusu-Ansah and Mji (2013) argue that in African communities including South Africa, knowledge, skills and ideas of traditional foods are transmitted and preserved through folk media such as storytelling, riddles, myths, proverbs, recitation, praise, songs, word games, puzzles, dance and music. This is done through the language of the people. Kahn (2011:6) cited by (Lombo, 2017) refers to a language that carries a deep understanding of culture and experiences as linguistic epistemology. For the purpose of this study, indigenous languages of the participants, which is Sepedi and Xitsonga, was utilised to conduct the interviews and focus group discussions, because it is not possible to collect data from elders without understanding their language, it confirms that what people experience, they experience in terms of language.

In African communities, traditional songs and games assumed a pivotal role in the transmission of IK in its different structures (ways of knowing) to the young children. African children were taught how to farm, fish, prepare food, and build houses and to run a home through the games and songs (Mutema, 2013). According to Matema (2013), Among the Shona cultural group in Zimbabwe, traditional games and play songs gave an open door where children learnt by guided participation in social encounters and investigations of their reality. Through the games and songs, they acquired a lot about processing and preserving food among others. The traditional game of transmitting knowledge of food, which was/still known to most African communities, is called “mahumbwe” in Shona, and “mahundwane” in Tshivenda, meaning playing house (Matema, 2013; Daswa, 2018) (Figure 3.1).

Related to the above, a study by Daswa (2018) on rethinking the role of mahundwane as an educational game for Vhavenda speaking youth, found that children who posture as parents would go to the field to collect the remaining maize or maize-cobs. Therefore, the females would crush the mealies to make them fine and eatable at, their individual homes getting ready for the mahundwane game. The study also found that elders would also contribute in this game by helping the children with utensils to cook and dried vegetables. Furthermore, this game prepares the children for adulthood especially the girls, because they will be learning to be mothers as they take household chores, for example, cooking, cleaning, and collecting water and firewood. Additionally, this was a chance of them to show others the correct places and right trees to bring home for firewood (Daswa, 2018).

Figure 3.1: Young children at the maundwane being taught how to cook by their age mate who pose as the mother (Source: Daswa, 2018).

3.2.5 Indigenous research methodologies that underpins this study Indigenous methodology can be described as a research by and for indigenous community or people, by means of techniques and methodologies acquired from the community and people being studied. Indigenous methodologies are a paradigmatic method, within a paradigmatic method to research, the paradigm influences the choice of approaches and methods, how those methods are employed, and how the data will be analysed and interpreted (Kovach, 47

2010). Furthermore, the methodologies are arranged within the qualitative setting since they envelop attributes consistent with other relational qualitative approaches (Baloyi and Makobe-Rabothata, 2014). The qualitative approach underpinned this study as put forward by Creswell (2007), who defined qualitative approach as a system of inquiry, which seeks to build a holistic, largely a narrative description to inform the researcher’s understanding of a social or cultural phenomenon.

According to Bricki and Green (2007), qualitative research approach aims at gaining understanding of a phenomena by generating data that is not numerical, but data that can be analysed in words, while on the other hand quantitative research approach is used to generate numerical dada such as number of populations, household, and so on. Therefore, the qualitative approach was employed in this study by using in-depth interviews, focus group discussions (FGDs) and personal observations to seek a narrative description, gain more understanding and in-depth IK of the culture and the utilization of TLVs among VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups. This is the reason why the qualitative method was employed in the study instead of the quantitative research approach because it does not generate in-depth experience-based information. Drawson, Toombs and Mushquash (2017:5) argue that mixed method within indigenous research reflects a synthesis of the qualitative approaches that typify research with indigenous peoples and unique indigenous methods or ways of knowing.

Owusu-Ansah and Mji (2013), suggests that African researchers need to continue developing and utilising indigenous methodologies for studying African realities and avoid adhering to the research pathways mapped out by Western methodologies. The decolonising research methodology is an approach that is utilized to challenge the Eurocentric research strategies that undermine the nearby knowledge and encounters of the marginalised population groups (Keikelame and Swartz, 2019). Porsanger (2004) advises that indigenous methodologies should be employed when conducting research related to, or involving indigenous people, which aims at ensuring that researchers carries out the research in a respectful, ethical, correct, sympathetic, useful and beneficial manner. The researcher ensured that the study was carried out with respect, ethical and correct by employing the four Rs (respect, reciprocity, relationships and relevance) that are linked with the African worldview and this is explained in detail in section 3.2.9 (Kanu, 2013;and Lavallée, Smylie, Carriere and Minich, 2016).

Kovach (2010) informed the methods that were employed in this study. That when a researcher chooses to use an indigenous methodological framework, the methods chosen should make sense from an indigenous knowledge’s perspective (Kovach, 2010). This is because indigenous methodologies recognize indigenous people’s worldviews, knowledge and realities as unique and vital to their existence and survival (Peters, 2013). Lavallée (2009) supports the above mentioned by encouraging the use of indigenous data collection methods that are respectful, generate in-depth information, and include indigenous protocols, values and beliefs of indigenous communities. In-depth interviews, FGDs and personal observation were employed in this study, as they allowed the researcher to generate detailed information on the culture and utilization of TLVs among the cultural groups (VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi) being studied. This is because these indigenous data collection methods play a role in the clarification of the IK of local communities (Chilisa, 2012).

The researcher employed in-depth interviews and FGDs that allow researchers to pose some open-ended questions and the participants are given a chance to express their stories freely (Thomas, 2010). Furthermore, Thomas (2010) explained that unstructured interviews make it possible to generate rich data, information and ideas because the participants can answer the question more deeply on specific issues as they arise. However, instance of employing the unstructured interview questions, the study employed semi-structured interview questions as it guides the researcher to conduct the study and allowed the participants to express themselves and provide in-depth knowledge about the TLVs and their culture.

3.2.6 The use of indigenous languages among indigenous communities For research to be applicable and therefore advance the quality of life of indigenous people, it ought to be driven by indigenous worldviews, cultural values and a language that is appropriate to the indigenous people with whom research is conducted (Keikelame and Swartz, 2019). In the context of this study indigenous language, refer to the local languages of the people being studied, which is Xitsonga and Sepedi. Language transmits beliefs, ideas, and indigenous knowledge, thereby improving social support, interpersonal connections, and shared identity. Speaking and understanding one's indigenous language has more importance than communication alone. Indigenous languages protect significant ideas and epistemologies 49

that shape entire belief systems, and they define how people formulate ideas and make decisions (Gonzalez, Aronson, Kellar, Walls and Greenfield, 2017).

Aiatsis (2013) suggested that research in indigenous studies must show an appreciation of the diversity of indigenous peoples, who have different languages, cultures, histories and perspectives. This is due to the different languages of indigenous people in African communities (Mahadi and Jafari, 2012), for example, an individual in New Forest village speak differently from an individual in Ga-Boelang village in Mpumalanga Province (MP). This is the reason why the researcher observed the different languages of indigenous communities where the study was conducted, and because these languages are the carrier of IK of TLVs and culture of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups. Therefore, in order not to lose the IK and the meaning, the researcher utilised Xitsonga and Sepedi to collect the data.

According to Khupe and Keane (2017), it is essential to build up respectful, authentic relationships with the community, ideally through an invitation by the community. As communities reflect their way of life and language. Magwa’s (2015) argument supports the notion that indigenous languages are the languages that individuals use in their everyday interactions. African researchers in this way ought to guarantee that their participants can express themselves in languages of their choice. Ouane and Glanz (2010), also argue that the use of African languages when conducting research in African communities lay the foundation for active participation. The above mentioned underpinned this study, in a way that the researcher constructed an English in-depth interview guide, which was later translated into the local languages (Sepedi and Xitsonga) of the participants and it was done to enable active participation and allowed the participants to provide in-depth information in the language that they best understand.

Keane, Khupe and Muza (2016), in their study on it matters who you are: IK research and researchers, they stated that the used of isiZulu in conducting the study enhanced participation, resulted not only in rich data, but also in community emancipation. Therefore, this shows that in order to generate information from local communities it is very important

that as a researcher to utilise community local languages as a sign of respect to the knowledge holders and the community, furthermore it shows that you observed their cultural protocols and applied them to your study.

3.2.7 Application of indigenous theories in research on IKS Indigenous theories such as Afrocentricity, self-determination, eZiko Sipheka Sisophula, cultural creativity, Kaupapa Maori theory and others are relevant to study IKS because they are rooted in the culture of indigenous people and further accommodates the complex nature of indigenous knowledge.

3.2.7.1 Afrocentric theory Bakari (1997) stated that the Afrocentric paradigm was initiated in the 1970s as a response to oppression of African Americans, and later in 1987 it was named “Afrocentricity” by Molefe Asante (Mkabela, 2005). Afrocentricity is a theory that has at its centre the understanding of the African recognition as deep-rooted, focused and situated in the African culture in all viewpoints such as spiritual, social, political and economic. It is the assessment of the African reality from the point of view of the African, one that places the African experience with the centre, perceives the African voice and reaffirms the centrality of cultural experience as the spot to make a dynamic multicultural way to deal with research (OwusuAnsah and Mji, 2013). Since this study is on the culture of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi, therefore it is best to underpin it to the Afrocentricity theory, as it seeks to re-locate the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi historically, socially and economically to their cultures (Mkabela, 2005).

3.2.7.2 Self-determination theory Self-determination is concerned with human motivation, personality and optimal functioning. The self-determination theory not only focuses on the amount of motivation but also on the different types and approaches to motivate what exists. This theory claims that people have three natural psychological needs; competence- the desire to control and master the environment and outcome, relatedness- the desire to interact with, be connected to, and experience caring for other people and autonomy- the urge to be casual agents and to act in

harmony with their integrated self (Deci & Vansteenkiste, 2004). The study looked at the competence and relatedness part of the theory, as the study aimed at looking how the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi interact, control and master the environment that they depend on for their livelihoods and how they interact with one another as a community in terms of sharing knowledge about TLVs.

3.2.7.3 Kaupapa Maori theory According to Walker, Eketone, and Gibbs (2006), the Kaupapa Maori theory is an indigenous theory rooted in the worldview, language and culture of the Maori indigenous peoples of New Zealand. However, in the context of this study, the theory will be grounded in the worldview, language and culture of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups of New Forest and Ga-Boelang villages in BLM. The theory was developed by the Maori to question westernized notions of knowledge, culture, and positivistic research. The theory recognises that an indigenous study needs to be conducted in a culturally correct way that does not exclude other cultural traditions and methodologies (Thompson and Barnett, 2007). Hence, the indigenous methodologies and African axiology were employed to ensure that the study is carried in a respectful manner and participants are not offended in any way, and this was ensured using their indigenous languages (Sepedi and Xitsonga).

3.2.7.4 Componential creativity theory According to Amabile (2012:2), componential creativity theory is a comprehensive model of the social and psychological components necessary for an individual to produce creative work. The theory is grounded in a definition of creativity as the production of ideas or outcomes that are both novel and appropriate to some goal. This theory includes three major components, each of which is necessary for any creative response namely: domain relevant skills, creativity-relevant processes, and intrinsic task motivation. This theory informed the study because African use their creativity to ensure their households and communities FS.

For instance, this theory answered the study objection that looked at the preparation, processing and preservation of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups, and it aimed at finding how these creative practises help them to overcome difficult situation such 52

as dry season or famine (Nyembe, 2015). This is because if Africans, including the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi do not exercise creativity they will not be food secure. Their indigenous knowledge, environment and African cosmology informs their creativity, and this is because these factors tells them that during this time TLVs are going to be available or after this time they are not going to be available. Therefore, the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women knew that when a certain time comes, there would be no TLVs, which is why they have to be creativity and find ways to prolong the shelf life of these TLVs.

3.2.8 The importance of indigenous axiology (ethics) including cultural protocols on research in IKS African axiology speaks of to the idea of values and focuses about what African people values. The value arrangement of most African people is built around respect for other people furthermore, oneself. This respect is built around the idea of "humanness or personhood" (Chilisa, Major, Gaotlhobogwe and Mokgolodi, 2015), and it is known as Ubuntu in South African communities. The African worldview stresses the significance of a community more than most, and this is summed up in the notable worldview of Ubuntu: I am since we are. While the western worldview says, “I think, therefore I am”. Africans says, “I belong therefore I am” (Meiring, 2007). The above simply means that being an African means that you must belong in a certain community. The beliefs of Ubuntu are essentially an indigenous belief of social existence that expresses the relationship that should get between individuals from the society (Viriri and Mungwini, 2010).

Chilisa (2012) express that the Ubuntu worldview expects research to be led with care, love for each other, sympathy, and compassion that is acquired from an understanding of human nature that embraces all. The Ubuntu worldview is an African commitment to any researcher’s reflexivity and critical journey into the lives of others. This entails that the community is more important than its individuals along these lines, solidarity should overshadow individual needs. This idea can be additionally understood in how the African traditional idea sees personhood through holistic terms, this observation does not deny the human individual as an ontological truth, rather it gives ontological supremacy to the community through which an individual comes to know themselves and their environment (Ramose, 1999). 53

The African conception of the human is that he/she is not only a unique individual, rather one naturally introduced to a community whose survival and purpose is connected into that of others (Kanu, 2013). Lavallée, Smylie, Carriere and Minich (2016) mentioned that the Ubuntu worldview is interlinked with the four Rs which were considered when conducting this study in the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga communities namely: Respect, Reciprocity, Relationships, Responsibility and Relevance.

Respect: Respect for individuals and community, which can be demonstrated by a researcher seeking and holding knowledge and being considerate of community and the diversity and unique nature that each individual brings to community. Respect and safety, which can be evident when the research participants feel safe and are safe. This includes addressing confidentiality in a manner desired by the research participants, for instance codes were used to name participants in the study instead of using the participants’ personal names (Hart, 2010). Respect for participants was prioritised, and this was done through observing and applying the cultural protocols of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi being studied. Participants were given enough time to express themselves during the interviews and focus groups discussions and the researcher listened without interrupting them, so that participants should not feel insulted or feel like they are wasting their time (Hart, 2010).

Reciprocity: Reciprocity, which can be demonstrated in ways a researcher, would relate and act within a community, such as a researcher sharing and presenting ideas with the intent of supporting a community (Hart, 2010:10). Porsanger (2004) and NHMRC (2018) states that indigenous methodologies should be employed to ensure that participant’s knowledge is protected and not misinterpreted or misused, give participants credit of their own knowledge, researcher should observe the intellectual rights of the indigenous people provide, and last but not least participants should give feedback of the research results. The research results and sharing of intellectual rights should be communicated with the participants before publications or going to the media (Aiatsis, 2013; NHMRC, 2018). To ensure reciprocity in this study the IKS policy was considered which ensured that the local villages (Ga-Boelang and New Forest) receive fair and sustainable recognition, where appropriate, financial compensation for agreeing to share their IK for the purpose this study as put forward by Department of Science and Technology, 2005. The participants will be consulted if there will

be any publications or media platforms of their IK, and they will be compensated in case there are any benefits from the publications.

Relationships: Lavallée (2009), Elders possess traditional teachings and stories related to their culture. They also conduct ceremonies, hence, the study targeted elder women between the ages of 65 and above because of the level of knowledge they possess. Chilisa (2012) argues that when a person conducts a study it is very critical that appropriate authority structures (such as chiefs) of the community must be consulted first for permission to carry out the study on their land. Seeking guidance from the BLM and the traditional leaders in Ga- Boelang village before conducting the study required the researcher to be familiar and built a relationship with the communities prior to start the study as informed by Lavallée (2009). This is because traditional leaders are respected and viewed as elders in Ga-Boelang village, and therefore they are the ones who make decisions regarding their village.

Relevance: When conducting research in African indigenous communities it is very critical that researchers incorporate relevant indigenous knowledge, learning and research processes into all phases of research including the study plan and approaches (Aiatsis, 2013). The study was carried out in the villages’ local languages such as Sepedi and Xitsonga because there was no point for the researcher to write the tools in English when the study was going to interview old people who are Sepedi and Xitsonga speaking. That is why research tools were in the local language of the participants, so that it becomes relevant to the people being studied. The privacy, well-being and integrity of participants were protected by employing the indigenous research methodologies as suggested by Aiatsis (2013). For instance, the researcher employed indigenous research methodologies such as qualitative approach, indepth interview method and tools, indigenous techniques of selecting participants such as snowballing and purposive techniques.

The identification of relevant Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga knowledge holders who possess the IK of TLVs ensure the achievement of the study (Aiatsis, 2013). The above mentioned is supported by Lavallée (2009), who stated that the involvement of knowledge holders (elders) by researchers is very critical because of the level of knowledge they impart. Hence, elders

aged between 65 and above were selected to be part of the study, as it is believed that elders are custodians of IK in their communities.

Cultural bio-protocols: Cultural bio-protocols are proper methods for utilizing indigenous social material and interacting with indigenous individuals and their communities. Biprotocols energize ethical conduct, advance interaction dependent on great confidence, and shared respect (Janke, 2002). There are many different bio-protocols across the variety of urban, rural and remote communities, therefore they should be observed and treated with respect (Janke, 2002). Gaoshebe (2014) stresses that in other African communities; researchers are not welcome mainly because of their age, how they dress, their ethnicity, class and gender. To avoid being unwelcome in the New Forest and Ga-Boelang villages because of the above-mentioned factors, the first time the researcher went to the villages to approach the traditional leaders, she was dressed in a presentable manner such as long skirts and headscarf to show respect. Furthermore, particiants in the local villages were selected because the researcher was familiar with and understood their languages (Sepedi and Xitsonga) to avoid misunderstanding and confusion among the researcher and participants.

Aiatsis (2013) argument support the notion that researcher should observe and respect the cultural protocols of African communities that need to be followed and respected. For instance, a group of participants may need to hold up until every person is present, meetings may need to be scheduled around communities’ cultural obligations or travel considerations in remote areas where weather determines travel, and the researcher must agree and follow the protocols (Aiatsis, 2013). In the context of this study, traveling was avoided by selecting participants who were closer to each other for the focus groups, and furthermore all the in- depth interviews took place in the participants’ households.

3.3 A conceptual framework of the study The conceptual framework of the study is captured diagrammatically in Figure 3.1. The conceptual framework is based on the idea that the culture of the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga influences the utilization of TLVs. IKS have enabled and continued to enable diverse

indigenous peoples throughout the world to adapt to and survive environmental transformation and other social dynamics (Domfeh, 2007). Hence, indigenous communities possess IKS that helps them overcome every day challenges in their households and communities as a whole. The above mentioned is consistent with what is practised by the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women of New forest and Ga-Boelang villages in BLM.

The New Forest and Ga-Boelang villages possess IK of TLVs, and this knowledge is used to secure their nutrition and HFS. Not only does TLVs contribute to nutrition and HFS, but it also helps in establishing cultural identities of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women, since the utilization of these TLVs are influenced by cultural aspects (taboos, norms and rituals) of these cultural groups. The study is underpinned by the componential theory of creativity (CTC) and this is because the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women uses their indigenous skills, preparation methods, practises and technologies to process and preserve TLVs for securing their HFS. Community Food Security Theory (CFST) in the context of this study looks at the cultural roles that VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women play in making sure that TLVs are accessible and available for community and household food security.

Taboos and Norms ( Idang, 2015; Stajcic, 2013; and CIT Almerico, 2014; Gaoshebe, 2014) Stajcic, 2013; and Rituals ( Khosa, Nitiworakarn, 2015) 2009; Constant and Tshisikhawe, 2018)

IKS (Masekoameng , 2007) The influence of culture on the utilization of TLVs

Traditional knowledge/IK ( Masekoameng, African women 2007 and ( Kock 2017 , CFST ( Chawarika, Ndlangamandla, Kalansooriya 2016). 2014) andChandrakumara 2014 )

Preparation Nutrition and food methods, Security ( Ntuli, 2013 C TC ( Amabile, 2012) practises and and Masekoameng, technologies 2007)

Figure 3.2: The conceptual framework of the study.

3.4 Theories underpinning the study The theoretical framework of the study was derived from the Cultural Identity Theory (CIT), CTC and CFST. The theories mentioned above were chosen to guide this study because of their relation to the study enquiry.

3.4.1 Cultural Identity Theory (CIT) CIT also known as cultural identity negotiation theory, cultural identifications theory, and theorizing cultural identifications was first theorized by Mary Jane Collier and Milt Thomas in 1988 (Chen, Y. W & Lin, 2016:11). Chan and Lin (2016) further explain that CIT was originally conceived as an interpretive inquiry to cultural identities. CIT was employed in this study because the TLVs that VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi consume, how they acquire it, who prepares it, who is at the table, and who eats first is a form of retaining their cultural identity (Almerico, 2014 and Stajcic, 2013:6). Nitiworakarn (2015) argue on the same line and support that what people consume over a long period, play a major part in establishing their identity, culture, and custom, and their cultural heritage is transferred through generation to generation. It is in this regard that the study looks at how the naming and utilization (consumption, processing and preservation) of TLVs between the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi plays a role in establishing their cultural identities.

3.4.2 Componential Theory of Creativity Rennick and McKay (2018) argue that the CTC was first proposed by Amabile in 1983, and the theory was later updated in 1996. It is a comprehensive model of the social and psychological components necessary for an individual to produce creative work (Amabile, 2012:2). This theory has three components namely: task motivation (reflects on the reasons why the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups are processing and preserving TLVs, which includes interaction with their environments). Domain-relevant skills (the IK of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women skills and talents on processing and preserving TLVs). Lastly, the creativity-relevant processes (indigenous methods and technologies used to process and preserve TLVs (Amabile, 2012). In the context of this study, this theory was employed to look at how VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women uses their creativity to process and preserve TLVs for securing their HFS in New Forest and Ga-Boelang villages.

3.4.3 Community Food Security Theory CFST was first initiated by Anderson and Cook 1999, it is a theory that defines the level of analysis (i.e., what are the boundaries of “community”). Show how CFST relates to individual, household, and national FS and explain emergent properties, which are important at the community level of analysis; point to the best indicators of CFS or its lack; clarify the determinants of CFST; and clarify the stages of movement toward CFST (Anderson and Cook (1999:141). In line with this theory, the study explores how the FS dimensions (availability, accessibility and utilization) of TLVs between VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women influences their households and communities FS (Chawarika, 2016).

3.5 An introduction to the study area

3.5.1 Location of the study area The study was conducted in New Forest and Ga-Boelang villages in BLM, which is situated in the Lowveld district of Mpumalanga (MP), SA (Figure 3.3). MP is divided into three District municipalities, namely Ehlanzeni, Gert Sibande and Nkangala. Ehlanzeni District Municipality (EDM) (Figure 3.3) contains four local municipalities wherein BLM is one of the municipalities (BLM, 2018). The other four municipalities are Mbombela, Thaba Chweu, Umjindi and Nkomazi. BLM is surrounded by the Kruger National Park and the watershed and forest of the Drakensberg Mountains on the east, while on the northern part runs the Olifants River (Molobela, 2017) and Mbombela on the south (Stats SA census, 2011). According to the DEA (2013), the BLM is bordered by the Blyde River Canyon National Reserve straddles its western bounder. According to Molobela (2017) most part of the BLM is made up of rural villages such as New Forest, Ga-Boelang, Chochocho, Bosonto, Moloro, and to name a few.

3.5.2 Population characteristics of the study area According to Stats SA census (2011), the BLM consist of 135 tribal settlements which consist of 541 245 populations and has 135 197 number of households of which 53.3% are female- headed households. The population of this area is made up of 54.5 females and 45.5 males, there is 37 percent of children from 0-14years, 57.7 percent of working age ranging from 15- 64years and lastly 5.3 percent of elders ranging from 65 years plus. The educational level of the inhabitants of this rural area is that 1.6 percent have no schooling, 11.6 percent have matric, whilst 1.1 percent have a higher education degree (Stats SA census, 2011). The BLM is predominated by two ethnic groups namely: Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga people. According to Mathebula, Nkuna, Mabasa and Maluleke (2007), the VaTsonga people who occupied the Bushbuckridge are mostly the Vanhlanganu (Mnisi and Khosa) and the Hoxani branch of the Nkuna.

The area covers about 255.74 ha of the agricultural land and it is stated that agriculture plays a very crucial role in the employment of the Bushbuckridge people, due to its advantage in terms of climate, dams and bio-diversity in the area (BLM, 2012). The BLM is characterised by a high rate of unemployment, crime, illiteracy, lack of adequate access to basic needs, poverty, gender inequality (BLM, 2018; Molobela, 2017). Hence, 53 204 households are relying of agriculture for their livelihoods and the agricultural activities include livestock, poultry, vegetable and other crops (Stats SA census, 2011).

3.5.3 Physiography of the study area The BLM is situated in the Savanna Biome, which is the biggest biome in Southern Africa (Mathebula, 2015). The Municipality experiences great temperatures in summer, most days being around 35-40 C. Temperatures can fluctuate between - 4C to 45 with a normal of 22 C. Temperature can be extreme in a portion of the higher altitudes where snowfalls may infrequently occur (Mathebula, 2015). BLM (2012) argue that rainfall is seasonal in the area and it rains mostly during summer (November, December) and April when the winter is dry. According to SA Explorer (2017), Bushbuckridge regularly receives about 860mm of rainfall every year, with most rainfall occurring during mid-summer. It receives the minimal rainfall (4mm) in June and the highest (158mm) in January. The normal early afternoon temperatures

for Bushbuckridge run from 22°C in June to 28.3°C in January. The Municipality is the coldest during July when the mercury drops to 6.7°C largely during the night.

The soil type that is found in BLM is characterised as sandy loam and is connected to a dark coloured base (Maluka, 2017). BLM has a wide diverse of natural vegetation, the vegetation that grows in the local areas are legogote sour bushveld, Lowveld rugged mopaneveld, sandy bushveld, mopane basalt shrubland, northern lebombo bushveld, northern mistbelt forest. The map in Figure 2 shows that granite is the dominated vegetation in the BLM and New Forest village, while Ga-Boelang is dominated by legogote sour bushveld (Bett, 2019). Access of water at the Bushbuckridge seem to be a serious problem as Inyaka Dam is the only major source of water (Mokgakane, 2018). However, Mnisi (2011) argues that Mutlumuvi and Mucivoko rivers are the essential assets of water in New Forest village. Furthermore, there is one borehole in the community that is positioned in the chief’s household where the community as a whole is permitted to access water.

3.5.4 Cultural background of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi

3.5.4.1 VaTsonga People The VaTsonga people originated from Central Africa as other Bantu speaking people in SA. In the 1990s, it was estimated that about 1.5 million VaTsonga people were living in SA, while about 4.5 million occupied the southern Mozambique and Zimbabwe (Rita, 1996). In the 1500s, the VaTsonga people left the southern Mozambique and settled in the Transvaal Province in South Africa. However, today they are found mostly on the Limpopo and MP in SA. Mathebula et al (2007) argue that historically the VaTsonga people are covering the Northern KwaZulu-Natal up to Mozambique and parts of Swaziland, Mpumalanga (Kruger National Park) and Eastern Zimbabwe. According to Machaba (2011), the VaTsonga women pride themselves with their traditional attire, which includes the following: Nceka (a material tied around their shoulder), xibelana (a shirt), yele (a blouse) and last but not least xichaliduku (headscarf) made of wool and beads. They are well known of their tasteful dishes, which include meals such as xigugu, tihove (samp), tshopi, vuswa bya mavele (mealie pap), xigwimbi, matomani (mopane worms) and vukanyi (Smith, 2018).

Traditionally the VaTsonga people depend on agriculture such as crops cultivating, keeping goats and cattle, but according to Anthony et al (2011) they also rely on fishing for their livelihood. They also depend on traditional vegetables for many purposes such as food and medicine (Liengme, 1981). In the VaTsonga culture women were mostly the agriculturalists. However, “even today division of labour along gender lines still exists: men are traditionally hunters, herdsmen, fishermen, housing constructors, as well as traders; women are agriculturalists, gatherers, and collect water and fuel wood” (Anthony et al, 2011:5). The above is supported by Manganye (2011) by stating that the VaTsonga people cultivate different crops such as potatoes, groundnuts, sorghum, maize plants (mavele) and last but not least vegetables.

3.5.4.2 Ba-Pedi people The Pedi ethnic group are the Northern Sotho tribe who speak the northern Sotho language (Sepedi) (Lebaka, 2018). However, they fall under the Bantu speaking people (Mokwana, 2009). Semenya and Potgieter (2014) argue that the Ba-Pedi ethnic group originate from the Basotho ancestry who moved to the south from the Great Lakes 500 years ago. However, according to the GSO (2012), the Ba-Pedi people originated from the Bakgatla and later relocated to the Eastern-Central Transvaal. “The Ba-Pedi people moved from Botswana to SA, crossing the Limpopo River under the leadership of Chief Sekhukhune I. It is generally accepted that they arrived South of the Limpopo River at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The Pedi cultural group is divided into several clan groups namely: Barwa, Bakone, Bakgaga, Baroka and Bakopa (Lebaka, 2018). Pedi ethnic groups are diverse with various language dialect, which are Mapulana, Lobedu, Tlokwa, Kone, and Serwa, and to name a few (Mokwana, 2009).

According to Venske (2008), the Ba-Pedi people most popular traditional dishes are thopi (a mixture of maize meal and fruit called lerotse), morogo wa digopana (sundried spinach in round shape), samp and maswi (milk), masonja (mophane worms) and local fruits and vegetables. A study done by Rankoana, Potgieter, Mothiba, Mamogobo and Setwaba (2015) found that the economic role of Ba-Pedi women is the collection of TLVs, and it is culturally

accepted as their occupation. It is customary in the Ba-Pedi culture for girls to bend their knees as a sign of respect when greeting or serving food to older men (Venske, 2008).

3.6 Chapter conclusion This chapter outlined some of the philosophical and epistemological elements that underpinned the conceptualisation and design of this study. The next chapter will provide a detailed description of how the indigenous research paradigm, philosophies and methodologies described in this chapter were applied in the study.

Chapter 4

METHODOLOGY

4.1 Introduction This chapter outlines the qualitative research approaches that were used to implement the study. The aim of the chapter is to provide a detailed description of how the indigenous research paradigm, philosophies and methodologies described in the previous chapter were applied in the study. In this context, the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women that participated in the study will not only share their indigenous knowledge, but they will give interpretations to their experiences of indigenous leafy vegetables. The steps that were taken to ensure validity, reliability and trustworthiness of the study are explained.

4.2 Research paradigm, design and approach

4.2.1 Research paradigm Both African Indigenous research paradigm (AIRP) (Thabede, 2008 and Chilisa, 2012) and Self-determination research paradigm (SDRP) (Deci and Vansteenkiste, 2004 and Nakata, 2010) informed the study. As an African and dealing with African communities, it was appropriate to base this study in the AIRP, because the way Africans think is different from the way Westerners thinks (Thabede, 2008). Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups are indigenous people and they believe that what nature has is meant for them to benefit (e.g. they depend of nature for TLVs) and what they have should benefit the nature, so they have that relational understanding that nature is not there in isolation. Jenkins (1991) and Juma (2011) state that nature and indigenous people are related/connected by a fundamental “crucial power” and this is the reason they possess a strong understanding of respect for the living, non-living, and all of nature, especially their surrounding environment. Furthermore, the SDRP informed the study, because the study looked at how the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi culture helps women to control and master the environment that they depend on for the collection, processing and consumption of TLVs for FS and sustainable livelihoods and how they interact with one another as a community.

4.2.1 Research design and approach A research design is the plan, structure and strategy that is used to ensure that the questions that were asked in research has been answered (Akhtar, 2016). Since there is little literature on the influence of culture on the utilization of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups. Therefore, this study employed the exploratory-descriptive design to explore and describe the culture of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women regarding the utilization of TLVs in their communities. According to Burns and Grove (2003) such design should be used when a phenomenon is not documented enough. A qualitative approach was employed in this study to gain more understating and in-depth information on how the culture of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women influence the names, use, places of harvesting, processing, preservation and the ways of knowing and acquiring knowledge of TLVs. In order to gain the understanding of the phenomena, a qualitative approach should be used to gain a personal narration by knowledge holders on how their culture influences names, use places of harvesting, processing, preservation and the ways of knowing and acquiring knowledge of TLVs as informed by Creswell (2007).

4.3 Target population of the study The target population of this study comprised of VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi TLVs IK holders from the age 65 years and above. According to Landry (2010), a target population should comprise of a group of people who share similar characteristics. In this study, the target participants were chosen using the following criterion: Women, who are recognised as IK holders of TLVs (names, harvesting, processing and preservation) by the community due to their long engagement with the phenomenon under investigation. Women residing in the study site (New Forest and Ga-Boelang). For identifying the population, Nduna Mashile (GaBoelang) and Ms Khanto (New Forest) as the key informants were approached and asked to recommend women who were well knowledgeable about TLVs in their communities. Using a snowballing technique, other knowledge holders were identified, until the names were repeated more than twice. At this point saturation was reached and this consisted of the study population, four in Ga-Boelang and Seven in New Forest village.

4.4 Sampling procedure and sample size Bless and Higson-Smith (1997:84) define sampling as a study of relationships between a population and the samples drawn from it. This is the selection of the specific research participants from an entire population; and it is conducted in different ways, according to the type of study (Tongco, 2007; Sharma, 2017; Palinkas, Horwitz, Green, Wisdom, Duan and Hoagwood, 2015). Due to the population of Ga-Boelang village being small and manageable, the population was used as the sample for the in-depth interviews; however, for the New Forest village purposive sampling was used to select participants. It was purposive because of the land size and time issues. It is for these reasons that four participants from the different sections of the New Forest village were sampled and another consideration for taking four participants from the New Forest village was to make ensure that the number of participants from the two villages were equal.

A convenient sampling as described by Le Roux (2011), Lunsford and Lunsford (1995), Elfil and Negida (2017) and Etikan, Musa and Alkassim (2016) was used to get the sample for the focus group discussions. The participants who were available during the time of the discussions and proximately closer to each other were selected because it was easier to get them in one place and facilitate, cut transportation costs and time issues. Using this convenient sampling, the FGDs were held therefore with two participants from each village.

4.5 Data collection tools

4.5.1 In-depth interview schedule An in-depth interview schedule was used to collect data during the in-depth interviews (Annexure 8a, b, c). The schedule consisted of semi-structured questions and it was divided into Four (4) sections as follows: Section 1 collected the participants’ personal information such as names, age, marital status, household size and to name a few. Section 2 collected data on the influence of culture on names, use and places of harvesting TLVs among VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women of Bushbuckridge. Section 3 collected data on the influence of culture on the processing and preservation of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women of

Bushbuckridge, and section 4 collected data on the ways of knowing and acquiring knowledge of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women.

4.5.2 Focus Group Discussion (FGD) schedule A focus group discussion schedule was used to collect data during the FGDs (Annexure 9). The schedule consisted of semi-structured questions and it was divided into two sections. Section 1 covered issues which were not clear during the in-depth interviews with the VaTsonga participants such as the significance and meanings of the local names of TLVs, the cultural rituals that influence the utilization and sources of TLVs among the VaTsonga cultural group. Section 2 cover issues on the influence of culture of the Ba-Pedi on the marketing of TLVs and where and when do they sell these TLVs and the medical aspect of TLVs.

4.5.3 Participant observation schedule A participant observation schedule was used to observe the participants during the in-depth interviews and FGDs (Annexure 10). The participant observation schedule consisted of three sections: section 1 observed what was taking place during the field walks. For example, field walks were taken to observe different places where TLVs are harvested and how the women unplug them when harvesting. The tool was also used to observe where that women sell their TLVs, the stalls, pricing, packaging, and how these TLVs were displayed on the stall. Field walks were also taken to observe where these TLVs are prepared and how they are prepared (e.g. washing, cutting and cooking and preservation methods). Lastly, the researcher observed how the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women use indigenous technologies to process and preserve TLVs, and the technologies used to store the preserved TLVs. Section 2 observed participants’ body language and tone of voices during the in-depth interviews and FGDs (such as eye contact, head and hand signals, facial expressions). The tool further observed the tone of voices when the participants were emphasizing ideas or when in disagreement. Section 3 observed the sitting arrangement of the participants and where the in-depth interviews and FGDs took place, and how the participants were interacting with one another during the focus group discussions.

4.6 Data collection methods

4.6.1 In-depth interviews The face-to-face in-depth interviews were held at the participants’ households at the time that was convenient for them. On the arrival of the researcher at the participants’ households, greetings through handshakes and hugs were exchanged, followed by introductions in the local language of the participants. In the beginning of each interview session, the purpose of the study was explained to the participants, giving them an idea of what this research was intending to achieve and how the interview will be conducted and the expected duration. The importance of the participants’ role in the study and how the information will be kept confidential were also explained to them. Permission to record the sessions was obtained from the participants and they were asked to sign free prior informed consent as a form of agreeing to be part of the interviews as put forward by (Guion, Diehl and McDonald, 2001 and Boyce and Neale, 2006). The consent also stated the rights of the participants such as withdrawing from the study when they feel like their privacy is invaded.

The sessions used the in-depth interview schedule, and they were conducted in the local languages that are Xitsonga (New Forest) and Sepedi (Ga-Boelang). However, when the participants had given information that was not sufficient, probe questions would be added to collect sufficient in-depth knowledge. A voice recorder and note pad were used to take notes that were provided by the participants. During the engagement with the participants, the researcher’s assistant (Julia Mashego) was taking pictures. The longest interview took 1 hour and 19 minutes and the shortest was 58 minutes, and when all the questions were asked and enough to answer the objectives, the participants were given a chance to ask questions. Then the sessions were concluded by thanking participants for their time and commitment during the interviews.

4.6.2 Focus group discussions (FGDs) Two FGDs were conducted in each village (New Forest and Ga-Boelang), each comprised of three (3) participants, held in their households. The FGDs were conducted to collect data on the cover issues, which were not clear during the in-depth face-to-face interviews. Before the discussions begin, greetings were exchanged, the purpose of the focus group was explained,

and the participants were asked to sign free prior consent forms as an agreement to be part of the discussions. At the beginning of the session, the researcher facilitated the discussion by using the focus group discussion Xitsonga and Sepedi schedules.

The discussions were managed and controlled by engaging in dialogue with a specific participant at a time to avoid confusion, and each participant was given a chance to express herself without disturbing other participants. During the discussions in both villages (GaBoelang and New Forest), the information was captured using a voice recorder and a note pad to write notes. When the researcher was happy with the responses of the participants and believed that the information gathered was enough to answer the objective and validate the in-depth interview data, the discussions were concluded by thanking every participant for their time and commitment in the discussions.

2.6.3 Participant observation During the face-to-face in-depth interviews and the focus group discussions, a participant observation as a data collection technique was used to observe the processing that were taking place. A participant observation tool was used to guide the researcher during the interviews and the focus group discussions. As explained in section 2.6.1 that participants were asked to sign free prior consent form as an agreement to be part of the study and to be recorded. Therefore, during the observations a mobile cell phone was used to take the pictures. During the interviews and focus group discussions, the researcher would observe the body language of the participants, tone of voices, facial expressions and hands signal and take pictures of them (Schmuck, 1997 and Guion, Diehl and McDonald, 2001).

Even during field walks when the participants wanted to show the researcher TLVs or harvest them in the field the mobile phone was used to take pictures of the TLVs, and the indigenous technologies used to collect them. During the in-depth interviews and focus group discussions, the technologies that are used to measure TLVs and how there are measured were observed. The preparation of TLVs such as collecting them from the field, how they are unplugged, how to wash and cut them into pieces before cooking, and the processes of

cooking them were observed and pictures and notes were taking to support what has been said by the participants.

4.6 Data analysis methods In order to make sense of the data that was collected through in-depth interviews, FGDs and participant observation, thematic analysis was employed (Glesne, 1999; Braun and Clarke, 2006). The thematic analysis was ideal for this study as it helped to reduce the data, identified categories and connections, developed themes and then put forward reasonable wrap-up (Lazdani, 2014), and this was done through the six steps of Creswell (2013) approach. Creswell (2013) presents his approach as a linear, hierarchical process, he states categorically that the six steps are interrelated and do not necessarily follow in the order they are given.

Figure 4.2 sets out the six steps, which were followed whenanalysing data for this study.

Coding processes Transcribe, organise Read all the begins and identify and prepare the data transcribed data categories

Interpret the Present the findings Develop themes meaning of themes of the analysis from the categories

Figure 4.1: The six steps that were followed in the analysis of the data from the study (adapted from Creswell, 2013).

Step 1: Transcribing, organising and preparing the data

Both in-depth interview and FGDs voices records were listened to attentively and more slowly for a couple of time. Then after listening, the recorded data was transcribed into written texts word to word in the local languages (Xitsonga and Sepedi) that were used to conduct the research. After the process of transcribing the data into the local languages of the 72

participants, the data was then translated to English. The transcribed data and the notes, which were taken during the observations were organised by grouping all the responses of participants according to the questions asked, for example all the responses for question one were grouped together for both cultural groups until to the last question.

Step 2: Reading all the transcribed data

In this step all the data that was transcribed and grouped together according to the questions was read and for a couple of times, trying to make sense of the responses of the participants and its meaning, general ideas from the transcribed data which needed to be discussed on the discussion chapter were written down.

Step 3: Coding process and identifying categories begin

The data was colour coded using different colours to identify recurring ideas from the data. The recurring ideas were organised into chucks of information and a word that summarised the responses was written to represent categories. In this step, 17 categories were identified from each cultural group.

Step 4: Developing themes from the categories

From the categories (both cultural groups) which were identified during colour coding, nine (9) themes were developed by grouping all the interrelated categories.

Step 5: Presenting the findings of the analysis

The data for both cultural groups was compared and contrasted in narrative passages. The same ideas from both cultural groups were more discussed in the themes in line with the verbatim from the data to convey the finding of the analysis.

Step 6: Interpreting the meaning of themes

During this step the meaning of the themes were interpreted through the write up of the results into context with regard to the aim and objectives of the study.

4.7 Ethical considerations According to Alshengeeti (2014) and Bramwell (2012), there are certain ethical consideration that researcher has to follow strictly when conducting studies that deal with or involve human participants. The research proposal was submitted at the Health Science Ethics Committee (FAST-HSEC) in North-West University and ethical clearance for this research was approved (Annexure 1) and permission was also granted from IKS centre (Annexure 3). The BLM and the Nduna of Ga-Boelang village as the appropriate authority structures were consulted first for permission to carry out the study in their villages. The BLM granted the researcher permission to carry the study in both villages (New Forest and Ga-Boelang) as shown in Annexure 4. This was consistent with what Chilisa (2012), Tongco (2007) and Tindana, Kass and Akweongo (2006) said that a researcher needs to consult with appropriate authority structures of the study area before conducting their studies.

Before the process of collecting data begun, the participants were advised on the purpose of the study being conducted and given the right to participate voluntary and withdraw from the study at any given time or for any reason be possible for the participant to withdraw as put forward by Drugge (2016), Denzin and Lincoln (2005), Vanclay, Baines and Taylor (2013) and Nijhawan, Janodia, Muddukrishna, Bhat, Bairy, Udupa and Musmade (2013). Then after understanding the purpose of the study and their rights in the study, the participants were asked to sign non-disclosure (Annexure 6) and a free prior consent form (Annexure 5). Bramwell (2012) and Hart (2010) argued that it is important to treat participants’ names confidentiality. Hence, in this study, participants were referred to using codes such as participant 1-8 and this was done to ensure the privacy and confidentiality of participants. The participants were guaranteed that the researcher was completely accountable for the data that was provided and would not be used for benefit nor sold or given to different entities but used for academic purpose only.

Aiatsis (2013) stated that is it very critical for the researchers to observe the appropriate cultural protocol of participants, when conducting an indigenous research. Risenga (2002) argue that the VaTsonga people believe in respect for elderly people. Hence, during the data collection process, participates were referred to as koko (Sepedi) and kokwane (Xitsonga) meaning granny in English as a sign of respect for elders. Gaoshebe (2014) emphasises that in other African communities, researchers are not welcomed mainly because of their age, how they dress, their ethnicity, class and gender. To avoid being unwelcomed in the New Forest and Ga-Boelang villages because of the above-mentioned factors, the first time the researcher went to the villages to approach the traditional leaders; she was dressed in a presentable manner such as long skirts and headscarf to show respect. For interviews and discussions appointment, the researcher made sure to arrive 10 minutes before the agreed time because between the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi time is respected.

4.8 Validity and trustworthiness of the study The following steps were taken to ensure the validity and trustworthiness of the study:

4.8.1 Validation of the research tools 1. Pilot study- A pilot study as described by De Vos (2001) was conducted two weeks before the actual study in Moloro (Ba-Pedi) and Bosonto (VaTsonga) in BLM, because the villages are closer to the actual study area and permission was granted to conduct the pilot study in Morolo village by Nduna Theko (Annexure 7). The pilot study was conducted to validate the data collection tools, languages and measurement scales used in the study for their adequate and realistic. Two participants from each village were selected using the convenience sampling technique. The results of the pilot study showed that the tools were relevant to answer the study objectives. However, few necessary adjustments were made to ensure the reliability of the tools, such as removing questions, which were giving similar answers. Furthermore, some issues, which came up during the pilot study because of probing, were added to the tool.

4.8.2 Trustworthiness The trustworthiness of the study was ensured by using the following: 75

Triangulation- Triangulation as described by Chilisa (2012), Anney (2014), Fusch, Fusch and Ness (2018) and Ngulube (2016), was employed in this study by using different data collection methods such as the in-depth interview, focus group discussions and participant observations and different theories. This was also done to validate research findings and to ensure that all aspects of the study were covered and detailed enough to answer the study objectives.

Language- The in-depth face-to-face interviews and FGDs were conducted in the local languages of the participants, which is Xitsonga (New Forest) and Sepedi (Ga-Boelang) to ensure understanding for participants and energize better correspondence among participants and the researcher as put forward by Ouane and Glanz (2010) and Keane, Khupe and Muza (2016). The researcher’s former Sepedi teacher Mr A Mashego validated the Sepedi interview schedule. Ms Khanto helped the researcher with translating the interview guide into the local language (Xitsonga) of New Forest. The research was taken to a language editor to make sure it adheres to acceptable academic language standard.

Member checking- After the data was analysed, the researcher went back to the villages (Ga-Boelang and New Forest) to verify some of the issues that were not clear to ensure a true representation of what the participants shared (their narratives).

4.8.3 Transferability The researcher took the following steps to ensure that results can potentially be transferable:

1. Sampling intensity- the study area was chosen because the women in New forest and GaBoelang are still practising their culture and depends on IK for TLVs production and preservation, which makes it perfect for a study on culture and utilization of TLVs.

2. Purposive sampling- Knowledge holder (elders) who were from the age of 60 years and above, and those who were recognised as knowledge holders in this field of TLVs in their communities were selected and interviewed, and these made sure to answer the study objectives.

3. Snowballing sampling- Knowledge holders who were identified by the gatekeepers were requested to identify other knowledge holders who are knowledgeable about TLVs through the process of snowballing as described in section 4.3.

4.8.4 Dependability The dependability of the study was ensured by using probes to prolong the engagements during the in-depth interviews and focus group discussions, photographs, and voice records taken during the interviews and discussions. Furthermore, verbalism texts of the participants were used to support, interpret, and improve the quality the analysed data.

4.9 Delimitations of the study The scope of the study delimits it to the culture of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi, the age because the study looks at women who are 65 years and above. Even though the VaTsonga and BaPedi are not only found in BLM, however the scope of this study delimit it to the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi who are residing the local villages (New Forest and Ga-Boelang) in the BLM.

4.10 Chapter conclusion This chapter has outlined the indigenous research approaches and methods that were used to collect and analyse the data in the study. During the collection of the data, ethical views were considered, and it has outlined the mechanisms that were taken in order to improve the validity and trustworthiness of the study. The next chapter reports the results of the data that was collected using what has been explained in this chapter.

Chapter 5

PRESENTATION AND DATA ANALYSIS

5.1 Introduction The previous chapter presented the indigenous research approaches and methods that were used to collect and analyse data of the study. This chapter presents the main themes, which were derived from the analysed data, collected through in-depth and face-to-face interviews and focus group. The first section presents the socio-economic characteristic of the participants in order to relate their demographics to the study. The subsequent sections present a detailed description of the themes and sub-themes.

5.2 Socio-economic characteristics of the participants It was agreed with the participants that in order to protect their identity, the study will not directly use their personal names in the texts but, that each one will be allocated a code that will be used when referring to her (Table 5.1). This was considered to be an ethical way of protecting both the individuals’ knowledge and identity. Table 5.1 shows that sixty three percent (63%) of the participants were over 75 years and above, and this is consistent with what is observed in African communities that elderly women are more knowledgeable about traditional foods as they are the ones who does the preparations. Seventy-five (75%) of the participants were widowed and 65% of the households had about 7 and more members, meaning that 65% of the households were female-headed, resulting in the need for these TLVs is too high as they are needed to secure household food security for women and also the households’ members. In terms of religion and spirituality, the participants were either Christians or practised African convictions, this is the reason their religious beliefs influenced how they view the accessing of TLVs, for instance they believed that TLVs which were harvested naturally from the wild were form their God, and the traditional cultivated ones are from their ancestors.

Table 5.1: Participants’ personal names, codes and age group

Name of participants Code Age group (Years)

Eletta Sefenia Mashile participant 1 75 and over

Lefeta Mashego participant 2 70-75

Ester Mashego participant 3 75 and over

Sekwana participant 4 75 and over

Lizzy khanto participant 5 70-75

Agnes Ndlhamini participant 6 65-70

Mariam Mnisi participant 7 75 and over

Evelin Mnisi participant 8 75 and over

5.3 The results of the thematic analysis

From the data, that was analysed using thematic analysis method, five themes as well as three sub-themes derived from the study and they are presented in Table 5.2. The themes and subthemes are discussed in detailed above.

5.3.1 Theme 1: The cultural meanings and significance of local names of the traditional leafy vegetables used by VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women The VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups are endowed with a variety of TLVs, which are locally known as miroho (Xitsonga), or merogo (Sepedi) in their respective communities. Both cultural groups under study originate from the Bantu people and are found in the same geographical area. However, their cultural and linguistic differences result in them having different names for the same TLV. It must be noted that most of these TLVs reported in this study were not identified as they were out of season during data collection, and some of the TLVs, which were available during data collection, are presented in Table 5.3.

Table 5.2: Main themes and sub-themes that were developed from the analysed data.

Theme Sub-theme

1. The cultural meanings and significance of the local names of TLVs

among VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women.

2. The influence of culture on the utilization of TLVs among the 2.1 The medical use of traditional leafy vegetables

VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women. 2.2 The marketing of traditional leafy vegetables 3. The influence of culture on the access and consumption of

TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women.

4. Indigenous knowledge of preparation, preservation and storage

of TLVs by VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women

5. The influence of culture on the ways of acquiring and 5.1 The eroding indigenous knowledge associated transmitting indigenous knowledge of TLVs among the with the utilization of TLVs among the VaTsonga VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women and Ba-Pedi women

Table 5.3: Local names of TLVs that are utilised within the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups. VaTsonga name Ba-Pedi name Common name Scientic name

Tinh’wembe Ditoke Pumpkin Curcurbita spp.

Guxe Thelela Jute’s mallow Corchorus spp.

Khalavatla n/i Watermelon Citrullus lanatus

n/i Sejamagodi n/i n/i

nkaka nkaka Cucurbit Momordica balsmina

Mathapi n/i Cassava Mamihot esculenta

n/i Sekeketana n/i n/i n/i Lerokwa n/i n/i n/i Mopodi n/i n/i

Cheke Theepe Amaranth Amaranthus spp.

Muxiji Moshitsa Blackjack Bidens pilosa

n/i Phefetswane n/i n/i Mukhakhaseka n/i n/i n/i Bangala Lerotho Spider plant Cleome gynandra L

Tinyawa Dinawa Cowpea Vigna unguilata

n/i Bobatsane n/i n/i

n/i Lekgathlane n/i n/i

n/i Lebabe n/i n/i

n/i Nkhutsega n/i n/i

n/i means the scientific and common names of the TLVs could not be identified form the literature because they were not available during data collection for photographs

The local names of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi culture are named and based on their physical appearance, texture, taste and events that happen around that plant consistent with their culture. The cultural groups assign local names to TLVs based on the physical appearance of the vegetable, and this might include how the TLV looks like in terms of shade, size or some parts of the TLV. Such TLVs includes sejamagodi, sekeketana and phefetswane. Sejamagodi was named so because it has black fruits when it is ripe, and those fruits are eaten by rats (“ja” means eat and “magodi” means rats). This is an indication that this community has observed animal food patterns in order to identify plant crops that can be consumed. Hence, the name of the plant is derived from the observation of an animal that consumes its fruits. This is also indicative of the fact that the cultural naming of plants among Ba-Pedi does not subscribe to the Euro-Western taxonomic classifications.

The TLV called sekeketana, which means something short in Sepedi. This TLV was reported not to grow beyond 2.5 centimetres in height and the leaves are less than 1.2 centimetres in diameter. This TLV has earned its name sekeketana because of its small size. This also proves the figurative language use in the Sepedi language, because sekeketana is not an everyday used word when referring to something short, sekeketana is a figurative name. Language is an expression of culture; therefore the naming of plants carries the nuances of culture. Phefetswane, which refers to something that is black or with a dark shade. This leafy vegetable is named Phefetswane because of its appearance when it is cooked, the TLV changes colour from green to black. Unlike the previous TLV (sekeketane) which was named based on its height, phefetswane is named because it changes colour after being cooked. However, the participants further expressed that they used the word figuratively by teasing people with a dark complexion. It can be deduced that the Bapedi people also name plants to something they can relate to in their day-to-day life. Such use of the name has been confirmed by Participant 1 expressed that she usually uses this name to tease her son when he has misbehaved and she is reprimanding him.

“Ge ke befetswe ke fela ke re ko yena (the assistant) selo se sentsho nkare phefetswane”/ when I am angry, and I shout at him (the assistant) and say this dark thing like phefetswane

A point that can be deduced from this is the fact that phefestwane is not only used to identify a TLV but it possesses a cultural significance in a sense that naughty children can be teased or reprimanded by this TLV.

The participants reported that other TLVs are named based on their texture, the cultural groups would observe the texture of the TLV and therefore assign a local name for that TLV. Such TLVs are guxe/thelela, lekgathlane and lebabe. Among the Ba-Pedi culture, Corchorus spp is named Thelela because it is slippery and slimy when cooked and it slips through the fingers when one is eating it by hand. It is the slimy nature of this TLV, which earned its thelela name. In response to the slimy nature of Corchorus spp, the VaTsonga community uses specifically among the elderly, to eat guxe with sticks. This is indicative of an old practice that predates modern cutlery that still exists today and the fact that these communities have consumed this TLV for a long time.

Another slimy TLV reported in the study was lebabe, unlike thelela/guxe named after its slimy nature when cooked; lebabe earned its name from its itchy texture when touched. The participants emphasized that this TLV should not be touched without protective gear during harvesting because it is itching. Therefore, as much as lebabe is slimy like thelela when cooked, it was named based on its texture that differentiates it from thelela. The name of this plant is also illustrates that it is also meant to warn the users within the culture who understand the language. Lekgathlane is another TLV named based on its texture. However, lekgathlane, meaning something dry or hard, earned its name from fact that the leaves become very hard when dry, which renders it inconsumable. So, same as lebabe, lekgathlane was named to forewarn the users that it should be eaten when fresh due to it becoming too hard when leaves are old. The above was an emphasis from participant 1 who expressed how this TLV becomes “hard-hard” when it gets old. In her own words, she said:

“Lekgathlane lakgwahlakgwahla”/ lekgathlane is hard. Therefore, it can be inferred that cultural naming of plants has meaning to the communities under inquiry because apart from naming the TLVs based of texture and other characteristics they are also named to forewarn the end user.

One of the TLVs that is named after its bitter tatse in nkaka and it is known or called as nkaka by both cultural groups. However, the physical appearance of this leafy vegetable is not similar in the two cultural groups in the study, the VaTsonga nkaka is bigger than the Ba-Pedi in size of the leaves, and even the fruits are different (Figure 5.1). Among the VaTsonga cultural group, the bitter taste of nkaka is associated with how people behave; this proves that the VaTsonga people have a huge connection with plants as they interact with them on daily basis. Participant 5 confirmed the notion that some of the TLVs’ names such as nkaka are associated with human behaviour, this TLV has a very bitter taste and not anyone can stomach its bitterness. Hence, it is associated with stubborn people who are not easy to deal with. In her own words, she said that:

“Loko hi ringanisa munhu na nkaka, hi vula leswaku munhu leyi wababa”/ when someone is compared to nkaka, it means that the person is too stubborn and not approachable.

Figure 5.1: Different fruits of the nkaka leafy vegetable that are known in the two cultural groups. Green on left is Tsonga nkaka while red on the right is Pedi nkaka.

Local names have meanings and significance that reflect to the culture of these two cultural groups. TLV such as tinh’wembe its cultural meaning is associated with how people behave, and this is like what was mentined above about how nkaka is compared to people’s

behaviour. Participant 5 stated that the VaTsonga people’s naming of TLVs is linked to day to-day life. Tinh’wembe is a creeping plant that spreads out on the ground, meaning if it grows close to the fence; it might creep into the neighbour’s yard. This is figuratively used to refer to someone with multiple partners that they creep into their neighbor’s houses.

“Loko va ku wanuna I nh’wenbe va vula leswaku u na vavasati vo tala ku fana na nh’wembe yi navaka yi ya wela eka nsimu ya van’wana”. / When they say a man is tinh’wembe, they mean that he has many wives and he leave his wife home go to other women outside, like tinh’wembe because it stretches to other people’s garden.

It has become evident that the local names of TLVs in both the Ba-Pedi and the VaTsonga cultural group carry meanings, which can be linked to everyday life. The linking of these names to everyday life is meant to preserve and protect the culture and language of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups. The use of these local names among the VaTsonga cultural group is to help them to differentiate the different types of leafy vegetables in their culture; participant 5 expressed this:

“Nkoka wa kona I ku VaTsonga va kota ku hambanisa tinxakanxaka ta miroho leyi”/ the significance of these local names is to differentiate different types of TLVs.

The continued use of these TLVs is to ensure that the next generation become familiar with these names so that their culture can be preserved. Participant 6 supported the idea of generational knowledge transfer and in their own words she said:

“vana lava nga ta velekiwa va ta tiva mavito lawa”/ children who are still to be born will be able to know these names.

The knowledge transfer of these names can be accounted to the oral nature of African IKS embedded in each African culture including the two cultural groups under study. This aligns to the expression of participant 1:

“akere ge ke go botsa ka maena a ke boloka leleme le setsho sa ga bo rena ka tsela eo”/since I am sharing the knowledge of these local

names with you, in this way I am preserving my culture and language.

Hence, naming these TLVs in their own language and linking these names to their daily cultural lives is important to their cultures.

5.3.2 Theme 2: The influence of culture of the utilization of traditional leafy vegetables among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women

5.3.3.1 The use of TLVs for household Food and nutrition security

TLVs are very important among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultures because TLVs have the potential to contribute to household food and nutritious security among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups. The participants reported that the utilisation of TLVs for ensuring household food and nutritious security in their cultures is an old practise, even before meats and other fast/fatty foods were introduced to them. Participant 1 supports the notion that before the introduction of meat, indigenous people survived through TLVs and they were healthy.

Merogo e kgona go fepa masole a mmele wa motho ga e swane le nama e re sa tsebeng gore e dutse nako e kaye gare ga fridge, ka go bane go dula sebaka ga yona ka gare ga fridge e lahlegelwa ke di phepo tsa mmele. E fela merogo ge e tshwa ka gare ga tshemo re e buna e se nale diphepo tsa mmele.

When we eat TLVs we gain a lot in our bodies, unlike when we eat meat, which we do not even, know how long it has stayed in the fridge, because you might put it in the fridge for 3 months and maybe it have stayed for 6 months in the fridge where you bought it. Meaning that the meat has lost all the nutritents, but you see when it comes TLVs we harvest it from the field and cook when it is still fresh and has all the nutrents.

The participants reported that the TLVs contain vitamins and proteins, hence when these TLVs are consumed daily the people do not get tired or hungry fast and it decreases their

chances of getting sick because the TLVs makes them strong. Participant 3 and 6 argue on the same line and support that TLVs have nutritious properties:

Participant 3: “Ge ke jele merogo ke e kwa ke lokologile ke nale matla” whenever I eat TLVs I feel rejuvenated.

Participant 6: “miroho hinkwayo yi pfuna ku ka u nga khomeki ndzeni”all the TLVs, which we consume, keep our bowel movements regular.

It was further emphasised that because of the nutrients and properties that are found in the consumption of TLVs, in the old days the women used to go to the field to harvest TLVs or the bushes to collect woods carring babies on their backs and they would not get tired. It can be deduced from the above arguments that TLVs play a very critical role among the cultural groups as these TLVs ensure that rural communities are household food and nutritious secured at all time, and the importance of these TLVs is still acknowledged and valued among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups.

5.3.2.1 Sub-theme: The medical use of traditional leafy vegetables It was reported that TLVs are not only used or consumed for household food and nutritious security or eaten for pleasure among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups, however it said that regular consumption of TLVs have health benefits than most conventional food, because of the medicinal effects of some of them. The participants emphasised that prior the introduction of genetically modified food products and fast food, indigenous people were healthier, and they lived for such a long time because of the TLVs that they were consuming. The two cultural groups possess IK of TLVs, which were known and still used for relieving pains, and treating different diseases, therefore when a child complained about pains, the elders would give the child the right TLV for that pain or sickness.

TLV such as serokolo contain medicinal benefits that can treat flu, it was reported that when a person has flu, she/he has to take a small piece of the plant’s root and eat it, then the next morning the person would be healed. Participant 1 expressed the medicinal use of serokolo:

“Go nale sehlare bare ke serokolo, se kwagala bjalo ka pepper mint, le monkgo wa sona. Se diriṧwa go kalafa mokomane, ge motho a nale mokomane wa se metsa”.

There is a plant called serokolo used by someone who has flu.

Furthermore, the roots of the serokolo are also used to treat “makgoma” which is a cultural illness that is associate with ritual taboo violations. Culturally when someone is pregnant in her early days she must chew and spit the chewed particles water to prevent people she stays with from getting sick, or when someone has a wound, they would spit it on the wound then the person would not get “makgoma”. TLV known as mopodi among the Ba-Pedi culture, is used to heal people possessed by ancestral spirits (malopo), the roots of mopodi, mohlalabo and mokorolakgogo are burned to make powder that is used as medicine to treat people who are possessed by ancestral spirits (malopo).

Several TLVs that are harvested naturally from the wild were reported to be having more medicinal properties than the ones that are traditional and domesticated in home gardens. Such TLVs are nkaka and nkhutsega. Nkhutsega was reported to being used as an enema to relieve constipation when the leaves are boiled to make a decoction. Nkhutsega together with nkaka are also to have medicinal properties, which reduce stress levels, boost the immune system, and regulate blood pressure. The water from parboiled leaves of nkaka and nkhutsega are drained to a container and left to cool off before they drink it. Participant 1 stated that the reason nkaka and nkhutsega have lot of medicinal benefits it is because of their bitter taste, she emphasised that:

“Sehlare sa kgalaka”, / medicine is bitter.

It can be deduced from the above mentioned that the tatse of TLVs is very critical among the culture of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi. Since this taste is used to assign names to TLVs and it is also used to determine the medicinal properties of TLVs, meaning that the more the TLVs are bitter in taste the more they contain or have medicinal properties, and this is consistent with the culture and IK of the cultural groups.

In addition to the aforementioned illnesses, nkaka is also used for gastrointestinal illnesses such as excess bile and pinworms among the VaTsonga culture. The leaves of nkaka are

grinded and mixed with a small amount of water and salt to make a paste and the paste is put in the baby’s anal to track and kill pinworms. Participant 7 stated that:

“U phuza mati ya nkaka loko u ri na nyongwa”

You drink nkaka’s water when you have bile.

Another TLV used for its medicinal purposes is tinyawa, which is used for healing ringworms. The leaves are grinded and mixed with a small amount of water to make it moist a bit then they paste it on the ringworm, the paste makes the ringworm become dry and heal. Participant 6 mentioned the medical benefit of guxe, she said that:

“Guxe ri tirhisiwa ka munhu loyi a vabyaka hi minkolo ku va a mita kahle”, guxe is used on a person who has sore throat so that the person can be able to swallow since guxe is slippery.

It is evident that most of the TLVs consumed by both Ba-Pedi and have immense health benefits.

5.3.2.2 Sub-theme: The marketing of traditional leafy vegetables TLVs are naturally collected from the wild and every member of the Ga-Boelang and New Forest has access to these TLVs, as they are always available, it is for this reasons that the practise of marketing TLVs was not common among the cultural groups. However, due to climate change, globalisation and the introduction of exotic vegetables, the TLVs are no longer available and accessible as they used to be. Therefore, the women of Ga-Boelang and New Forest adopted the practise of marketing as a way of ensuring their household income and food security. Participant 3 argued that the practise of selling TLVs started when they observed that other women from their villages were selling these TLVs, therefore they did not want to be left out. In her own words, she said that:

“Lebaka la gore lena ke rekiṧe merogo ke gore batho ba bangwe ba rekiṧa, ga ke tlo fa batho bangwe mahala”. /the reason I am also selling TLVs it is that other are selling, therefore I will not be the only one giving people free.

The women in the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups play a huge role in the marketing of TLVs in their communities, they are the ones who go to the fields to harvest these TLVs with the aim of feeding their families but due to changing economic conditions in indigenous communities, they end up selling these TLVs. However, these TLVs are seasonal, hence their marketability falls on the times when they are in season. The Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga women then turn to their cultural practices of preserving TLVs during summer to be sold in winter when the TLVs are off-season; participant 4 confirmed this by stating that:

“Re rekiṧa fela merogo e re e omiṧitṧego, ka gore o mongwe le o mokgwe a ka kgona go e kgela motṧhemong”/ we only sell dried TLVs, because during winter no one can be able to harvest frest TLVs in their own gardens

The statement from participant 4 indicates that when these TLVs are in season, there is no market for those who would want to sell within the community as every household has a garden or people can freely harvest TLVs in the wild. However, this does not mean the women do not sell. Firstly, they have an option of going to sell to those living in town or they go to the taxi rank in Bushbuckridge town (30 to 50km from the villages) where there is always a market place for women from various villages around Bushbuckridge selling various products. This is consistent with what was observed by the researcher in Bushbuckridge town women selling fresh leafy vegetables such as tinh’wembe/ditoke (Figure 5.2). Other VaTsonga participants complained that the income they get from selling these miroho in town is not enough to meet their day-to-day household needs, because they spend most of the money, they make from selling TLVs on transport.

Figure 5.2: A woman selling fresh traditional leafy vegetables in Bushbuckridge town while these traditional leafy vegetables were still in season.

5.3.3 Theme: The influence of cultural aspects (taboos, beliefs, norms and ritual/ceremonies) on access and consumption of traditional leafy vegetables among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga women Among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups, there are certain cultural aspects (taboos, beliefs, rules and ritual/ceremonies) that influence the access and consumption of TLVs, and this is consistent with the culture and IK possess by the two cultural groups. These cultural aspects (taboos, beliefs, rules and ritual/ceremonies) are associated with pregnancy, menstruation, lightning and age group. The participants reported that cultural aspects (taboos, beliefs, norms and ritual/ceremonies) are meant to control the time when TLVs should be accessed and who has access to them in a sense that there are not allowed to harvest the TLVs. The taboos, beliefs, norms and rituals/ceremonies that were identified are only associated with TLVs that are domesticated in home gardens, excluding those that are harvested easily from the wild.

All two villages New Forest and Ga-Boelang reported that they are forbidden from harvesting

TLVs the day before and on the day of a funeral. This is because funerals are viewed as cultural pollutants, which will harm the TLVs by passing bad aura, and the plants might die. Hence, a person should mourn for ten days before they can have access to the TLVs in the garden. Furthermore, quite a few cultural taboos associated with the female fertility cycle such as pregnancy and menstruation were reported between the two cultural groups. It is a taboo for pregnant women to harvest TLVs from the field when they are still on their first trimester (1-3 months) between both Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga culture, participant 6 confirms this and in her own words, she said:

“Loko khwiri ra ha ri 1-3 months a wu tshami emasin’wini miroho ya cinca”/ when a woman is 1-3 months pregnant, she is forbidden to go to the garden to collect leafy vegetables because the leafy vegetables will spoil their taste.

Indigenous women among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups are forbidden to harvest or take part in any agricultural activity when they are on their menstruation cycles. There was a consensus between the Ba-Pedi and the VaTsonga communities that during that period, the women have to stay away from the gardens and TLVs until their menstruation period is finished, as this may cause the TLVs to be spoiled and prevent the leaves from growing or even worse die (Figure 5.3). Participant 7 in her own words said:

“Loko u ri masikwini a wu ngni emasin’wini”/ when you are on your periods, you do not harvest TLVs in the garden.

Figure 5.3: These traditional leafy vegetables died because a woman entered the garden while she was on her periods.

Even though majority of these cultural taboos affects women the most, there are also taboos that are directed to men. The taboos influence the access and consumption of TLVs among the Ba-Pedi men. The eldest son is supposed to harvest and consume merogo first so that those coming after him can harvest and consume according to their age and this is called “go loma”. If the eldest son has moved out from his father’s home and maybe the ones after him have not moved out. Then the older brother is not supposed to go to the field or garden to harvest TLVs or collect seeds and go plant them in his house, it is forbidden in their culture because he is older than the one who is still staying in their father’s home. Therefore, if these cultural taboos go against the members of the family including young children, who were born without any disabilities, they might become disabled and this is called “difika”. To mitigate this, a ritual called “go loma” is done so that the next son can be able to harvest or consume TLVs and the ritual will be discussed proceeding section.

Cultural beliefs associated with weather were only reported among the VaTsonga cultural group. When there is lightning, people cannot work in the field, for example if there are thunder storms, which are accompanied by lightning today, then women, are allowed to go to the field the next day even if the thunder storms have stopped, because going to the field the same day after the lighting then all the vegetables in the garden will all die. It is a cultural belief that women who are on menstruation have bad aura, which will spoil the TLVs once they enter the garden. These cultural beliefs shows the connection that Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups have TLVs, hence their proceeded with existence relies upon the amount of respect given to the TLVs.

TLVs such as ditoke/tinh’wembe, moraka and dinawa/tinyawa were reported that if a person has to go to plant or harvest in the garden, they must be pure of cultural pollutants. Meaning they should have abstained from sex and when it is a woman, she should not be menstruating. Participant 1 gave an example of what is expected of indigenous people regarding the accessing of TLVs:

“Go swana le kereke ya ZCC batho ba swanetse go elela dilo, ekaba gore batswa lesong, ba swanetse gore baele matsatsi a seshupa, ebile ga ba swanelwa goga merogo ka shimong ka nako eo”. / Just like the

ZCC church, people are supposed mourn for things, it can be that maybe they from the funeral, therefore they are supposed to mourn for seven days, and they are not allowed to harvest TLV from the garden during this time.

However, participant 2 emphasised that they only mourn for domesticated TLVs not the ones harvested naturally from the wild amd this is influenced by their cultural beliefs:

“Re elela fela merogo e ree kgatshago, e seng ya tlhago”/ we only mourn for leafy vegetables that are cultivated, not the ones that grows naturally form the wild.

The participants also revealed that there are cultural ritual/ceremonies particularly associated with the access and consumption of TLVs. As it was discussed early that pregnant women are forbidden from harvesting TLVs when they are in their first trimester (1-3 months). However, to mitigate this taboo, there is a ritual that is performed by the preganant women and it allows them to access TLVs as much as they like during their pregnancy and it also ensures food security for female-headed household when the mother is pregnant. The ritual is done differently between the two cultural groups and this is based on the IK endowed to them through their culture. For instance, among the VaTsonga, pregnant women perform this ritual by picking up soil from the ground and rub their stomach with the soil and then after they throws the soil away in the garden and after doing that, they can enter the garden whenever they feel like going to pick up leafy vegetables (Figure 5.4).

While in the Ba-Pedi culture the ritual is performed by picking up soil from the ground, spit saliva, rubs their hands together, and throws the soil on the ground, then that is when they can enter the garden to harvest TLVs. The ritual is performed to prevent TLVs from being spoiled in the field, and after they have performed it, every pregnant woman can go to the garden without practising the ritual again there will not be problems going forward. The ritual is indicative of the fact that there are spiritual elements that are associated with TLVs and other crops that are harvested in indigenous communities, which does not separate man and plant.

The ritual of “go loma” is conducted during the period of harvesting and consuming the first ripe crop and it is performed as an ancestors’ thanksgiving ceremony among the Ba-Pedi cultural group. The eldest son performs the ritual, during the harvesting season the he harvests the TLVs and preboils them. In the early hours of the morning, the eldest son has to throw away the preboiled TLVs in a cow kraal or at the gate if there is no kraal in the household. After this is done, the eldest son must inform the other sons after him that he has done the ritual; thereafter the ones coming after him do the same according to their age. The Ba-Pedi cultural group perform this ritual to show respect and give thanks to their ancestors for giving them food, and there are serious consequences when the ritual is not performed according to the age of the brother, such as children or any member of the family becoming disabled. The “go loma” ritual however, excludes the female children in the family because they must follow their husband’s culture when they are married. Therefore, it can be inferred that the fore mentioned ritual of sibling harvesting and consuming TLVs by order of their age might differ from family to family because the female children are not taught this practice, as they will adopt practices of the family they marry into.

On the contrary, to the VaTsonga culture, there are no thanksgiving rituals that are performed during the harvesting period and when they were asked why, they mentioned that these rituals differ according to clan names. Participant 8 expressed the issue of clan names during the focus group discussions, they said that:

“Mikhuvo wa miroho wu hambana hi kuya hi xivongo, kambe ba kona lava ba nga swi endla, hambiswiritano hina ha swi tivi”. These ceremonies differ according to clan name, maybe there are those who perform them, but in our culture, we do not perform thanksgiving ceremony.

However, during the harvesting period when the TLVs are ripe and ready for harvesting the first people to go to the field to pick up are the elderly women in the households before anyone else, this was confirmed by participant 6:

“Mmh hi ndhavuko ya hina VaTsonga miroho ya le kaya ku rhanga kokwane kumbe lonkulu a khaya”/ in our VaTsonga culture, during harvesting season, the first person to harvest is the grandmother.

The rationale of having the grandmother as the first person to harvest and taste the first crop can be attributed to the hierarchical nature of cultural rules. This has nothing to do with the fact that the elderly woman may not go through menstruation or pregnancy ever again. However, it is their cultural ritual of hierarchy for elderly women to go first, pick up the TLVs, and cook them, then after they inform the others that the leafy vegetables are now ready. This cultural ritual is done to prevent children or elders in the families from becoming disabled. In the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultures, plants are considered to be alive and have the ability to cause illness to those who are at a certain stage of life.

5.3.4 Theme: The role of indigenous knowledge and technologies in the preparation, preservation and storage of traditional leafy vegetables by Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga women

Even though both cultural groups are found in BLM, the way that they prepare TLVs varies between the two cultural groups and the differences are based on their IK endowed upon

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them through their culture, tradition and tatse preference. Prior the introduction of cooking soda (bicarbonate of soda), ashes of burnt wood which were and are still used to cook TLVs such as guxe so that it cooks faster because it takes longer without the ashes. It was mentioned by the Ba-Pedi women that in their culture, nkaka and are cooked with marula seeds and nuts, and the Ba-Pedi women further were of the opinion that it is a VaTsonga culture to add grinded groundnuts as an extra ingredient to improve taste when cooking nkaka (Figure 5.5). However, the VaTsonga women were of a different view to the opinion of the Ba-Pedi women. They asserted that in their culture, nkaka and guxe are cooked with dry grinded aloe leaves to make the TLVs more delicious. TLVs such as lerotho and dinawa were cooked with grinded nuts and “dikoko”.

Figure 5.5: Ground groundnuts that are used as an extra ingredient to improve the taste of nkaka

As stated above, that the preparations of TLVs vary between the two cultural groups based on the IK endowed upon them through their culture. Among the VaTsonga culture the mixing of TLVs when cooking is common and the least preferred TLV is usually used to add taste or minimize the bitter taste of preferred TLVs. Nkaka and cheke are mixed together to minimize the bitter taste of nkaka. Furthermore, cheke is also mixed with tinyawa, tinh’wembe and this is based on their taste preference of these TLVs. The variety of mixing TLVs and plants parts used between the two cultural groups reflects the differences in the preparations’ IK.

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The indigenous methods of preserving and storing seasonal TLVs to ensure HFS differ from each culture. It is within the VaTsonga culture to dry fresh TLVs through the indigenous method of shade drying. Hence, the indigenous method of shade drying is a common practise the VaTsonga women and is known to most households in the New Forest village; however, it is not popular in the Ga-Boelang village. Participant 6 and 7, supported the use of shade drying among the VaTsonga culture, and in their own words they said:

Participant 6: “Hi ndhavuko ya hina hi tirhisa ndzhuti ku omisa miroho, leswi a xi tirhisiwa hi bo kokwane ba hina ku omisa miroho”/ shade drying has been part of our culture since we were young and it was used by our grandmother and mothers to preserve TLVs.

Participant 7 added that: “Hina VaTsonga hi tshama hi tirhisa ndzhuti ku omisa miroho, hikuva loko hi sweka swakudya swi bola, kambe loko hi omisa miroho u teka nkhari wo leha”. WeVaTsonga people we use shade drying the most, we use it frequently because is it our proper method to preserve TLVs, because cooking makes food gets rotten fast, but shade drying makes TLVs to stay for a long period.

Ba-Pedi women stated that in their culture they depend mostly on sun drying to preserve TLVs. Fresh TLVs are harvested from the gardens or wild and cooked without adding salt and after cooking they are left to cool off. The cooked leaves are spread on a zinc and placed outside in the sun to dry. The TLVs are cooked in the evening and placed in the sun in the morning until they are dry and if they do not dry the same day then the following day, they are taken outside the house to the sun again. According to participant 3 and 4:

“Ge go thoma pula, re swenetse go tseya merogo ra e biya ntlong gore e seke ya kreya metsi, ka gore e ka senyega”. If it starts to rain, the leaves have to be taking inside the house so that they do not get wet because if they become wet then they are spoiled.

Cooking TLVs before drying is also practised among the VaTsonga, tinyawa is harvested from the field, washed to remove the soil and cooked using fire. In the process of cooking

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when the water boils, salt is added and when it is ready for consumption, it is left to cool off then after it is spread on a zinc and placed outside in the shade until it is dry. However, miroho such as guxe and tinyebi are not cooked. Guxe is harvested and spread on an open maize meal bag and placed on the floor inside the house or even outside under a tree because among the VaTsonga culture it is believed that it gets bitter when dried through the sun. After TLVs are dried through the sun or shade, they are therefore stored in clay pots and calabashes. However, some of the Ba-Pedi women emphasised that because today there are no longer clay pots to store dried TLVs, they use buckets, containers, plastics and maize meal bags to store them (Figure 5.6). It was further stated that, when the containers’ lids are tight the dried leaves can even last for a year or years without being spoiled.

5.3.5 Theme: The influence of culture on the ways of acquiring and transmitting indigenous knowledge of traditional leafy vegetables among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women Indigenous knowledge of harvesting, preparing, processing and preserving TLVs among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups is acquired and transmitted through oral tradition and observational learning. Between the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga culture, when an elderly knows something it is very expected of them to pass that knowledge down to the next generation. When elders are going to the field to harvest TLVs, and when they are preparing, processing and preserving TLVs, the younger children are expected to stand next to the them to observe the processes that are taking place and then after imitating by also taking part in harvesting, preparing, processing and preserving those TLVs (Figure 5.7). This is indicative of the fact that indigenous form of education or knowledge transfer requires the student to do as the elder is doing in order to internalise the practice. Participant 5 and 7 emphasised that the indigenous ways of teaching and learning the IK of TLVs among the VaTsonga cultural groups is through observing and imitating elders:

Participant 5: “Hi ndhavuko ya hina hi dyondza yi ku vuka na ku endla, hayi nyike vana nhlampfi, kambe hi va dyondzisa ku khoma nhlampfi ku endlela leswaku va ta kotaka ku dyondzisa vana va vona”/ in our culture indigenous knowledge is transmitted through observation and imitation, and a child is not given a fish, but rather she is taught how to catch a fish so that she can be able to pass down the knowledge to the next generation. 103

Participant 7: “Loko u ri munhu ha u dyondzi hi ku vuka, hi dyondza hi ku tekelela”/ as a person you cannot learn by just looking, but we learn by imitating.

When the participants were asked about the significance of the local names of TLVs, they mentioned that they were never taught about the significance since the names existed way before they were born. However, they stated that they knew about these names from a younger age, when the elders were busy picking up the leafy vegetables, they would tell them that this is nkaka, this is guxe, this is tinyawa and so on, and that is how they came to know about the different types of leafy vegetables. Participant 2 in her own words said that:

“Ge re kgola batswadi ba rena ba be sepela le rena go yoga merogo ko hlageng goba tṧhemong, ba be ba re botsa gore o morogo ke moshitsa, o ke bobatsane, bjalo bjalo”. /When we were growing up, our mothers used to go with them to the wild or home gardens to pick up merogo, they would say to us come and see what type of leafy vegetables we are picking up. They would tell us that this is moshitsa; this is bobatsane and so on.

Since their elders have used these local names, therefore they acquired the knowledge. They had to believe everything that they were taught by their parents because that was a way of life in their times, unlike today whereby children acquire knowledge from reading and watching TVs. The participants further stated that their mother taught them how to pick up different types of traditional leafy vegetables, and how to prepare and preserve them.

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A B C

Figure 5.6: Modern technologies that used by both cultural groups to store dried traditional leafy vegetables. (A) Plastic bag, (B) maize meal bag and (C) container.

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Figure 5.7: The researcher and other young children acquiring the knowledge of harvesting traditional leafy vegetables through observing and imitating what the elder women are doing.

5.3.5.1 Sub-theme: The eroding indigenous knowledge associated with the utilization of traditional leafy vegetable among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women Even though TLVs in this study have been reported to have cultural significance, income, and medicinal value among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga communities. The knowledge of the cultural rules/norms, which govern the utilization of TLVs, is slowly but surely being lost in the communities under inquiry. The participants in Ga-Boelang and New Forest villages emphasised that the consumption of TLVs is only common to the elders, and not popular among the youth because of “bad taste” of some of TLVs such as nkaka, which has a bitter taste. Participant 3 confirmed that the consumption of TLVs is slowing eroding, in her own words she said:

“Matsatsi a ga re sa nyaka merogo ka gore bana ba re merogo yankga ebile ya baba”/ these days people don’t want leafy vegetables especially our children say they smell bad and bitter.

The participants emphasised that when they cook TLVs, they eat it alone because their children want meat, or they rather fry eggs bought from the shops and eat with porridge. Therefore, it was suggested by the participants that people should go back to practising their culture to improve their lives, and by practising their culture the coming generation will consume cultural foods so that they can reach their grandmother’s ages. This shows that the participants are aware of the health benefits of the regular consumption of TLVs and that they can contribute to people living longer. Considering the irrefutable fact that most of the life style diseases such as diabetes, hypertension and gout are related to the food we consume, there is a dire need for the return to an indigenous plant diet.

During the FGDs, the participants were complaining that these days the new generation is not interested in learning about these leaf vegetables, as they are always glued to the television or their phones. Participant 3 and 4 confirmed that children have lost interest of learning about the IK of TLVs:

“Bana lehono ga ba sa retsa batswadi ba bona ebile gaba je merogo, ga ba tsebe silo ka thelela, moshitsa goba nkaka ka gore ba dira dilo ka bophelo ba lehuno”. /Children no longer listen to their elders and they do not even consume these leafy vegetables, they do not know

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anything about guxe, muxiji, or nkaka because they have adopted the modern ways of doing things.

“Bana ba matsatsi a ga bana thaba le go ithuta ka merogo ka gore ba dira dilo tṧa matsatsi a. Rena ge re kgola re be re sena dilatekeng, ge re boa sekolong re be re thuṧa batswadi ba rena go apea le go kolomaka”. / The new generation has no interest in learning about TLVs because they have adapted to the ways of doing things today. Unlike us when we were growing up, we had no cell phones and when we came back from school we would help our parents to clean and cook.

It shows that indigenous form of knowledge transfer has changed in a sense that children no longer shadow their parents as apprentices in doing household chores.

Since the shift away from indigenous ways of life and the abandoning of indigenous technologies, which were used for processing and preserving traditional leafy vegetables, fewer people (specifically the elderly) know the cultural knowledge of preserving TLVs and it is at risk of going extinct. The participants gave an account of their experience of white people coming to their villages during the apartheid era with big vans to take their grinders. This act was to put white farmers at an advantage so that these communities no longer produce food for them and have to rely on the white commercial farmers by taking all of their grinders, mortars and pastels that they needed to farm with. Participant 2 stated that:

“Ga re tsebe gore ba romile ke mang gore battle ba tshiye dilo tsa rena, mara nna ga kafa motho selo sa ka, ga ke gafe”. / You will never know who send them to take all these things, we do not even know what they use them for, but I did not give them min, I promise you no one will ever take what is mine.

Some villagers showed resistance by not giving away their indigenous technologies to the white men who came to take them.

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5.4 Chapter conclusion This chapter has presented the results of the study, the indigenous knowledge of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women are slightly the same. Some of the cultural practises that are practised among the Ba-Pedi are also practiced among the VaTsonga. For instance, the IK of assigning TLVs local names based on the people interaction with the environment and how they view events is common in both cultural groups. However, this chapter showed that the Ba-Pedi cultural groups are more rooted in their cultural beliefs than the VaTsonga cultural group, and this can be drawn from the fact that among the VaTsonga cultural groups there is ancestors’ thanksgiving ritual and ceremony during the period of harvesting. On the contrary, among the Ba-Pedi cultural groups the ancestors thanksgiving ritual and ceremony is performed during the harvesting period and it can be concluded from this fact that Ba-Pedi women are spiritual people and they have a huge connection with their nature and the ancestors, hence they see it fit to thank them through the ‘go loma” ritual. The next chapter will present the discussions of the results, gives conclusions and recommendations to the study.

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Chapter 6

DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

6.1 Introduction The previous chapter represented the findings of the study. The study was led on the ground that the influence of culture on the utilization of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi cultural groups has not been sufficiently documented. Even though this knowledge is still “alive” as it is still in use within both cultural groups, the researcher found it imperative to conduct a study that will systematically investigate and document the influence of culture on the utilization of TLVs. This will in turn add to the existing body of scholarly knowledge that already exists on TLVs, with the influence of culture being the main contribution of this study. Hence, the aim of the study was to compare how the cultures of Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga women influence the utilization of TLVs in Bushbuckridge Local Municipalities. The results of this study are discussed based on the main themes that emerged from the findings. It must be noted that each theme will be aligned to the objective it answered. Thereafter, conclude and give recommendations to the study.

6.2 Discussion

The consumption of TLVs among South African communities is an old practice and they contribute to household food and nutritional security (Maunda, 1997). This finding is similar to a study by Thandeka, Sithole, Thamaga-Chitja and Makanda (2011) and Mavengahama (2013), who reported that TLVs have been consumed by many African rural communities for centuries and have a potential to contribute to the alleviation of rural household food insecurity by providing direct access to readily accessible nutritious food. According to Nyaruwata (2019), TLVs have the potential to contribute to household food and nutritious security because they can be available and accessible throughout the year as fresh or dried vegetables.

Mavengahama (2013) reported African women found ways of making seasonal TLVs to be available during off-season, and these ways includes the preservation and storage of TLVs.

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This finding is similar to a study by Virginia and Pallavi (2016) who reported that in times of shortage rural women uses indigenous practices and technologies to process and preserve TLVs for their household food security. According to Nyembe (2015), the preservation of leafy vegetables forms 80% of winter food consumption in rural areas. Croft (2016) stated that the status of TLVs as women’s crop helps women to generate household income and meet the nutritional needs of their families. Based on the current study findings, VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi turn to their cultural practices of preserving TLVs during summer to be sold in winter when the TLVs are off-season as a way to of ensuring their household income and food security. However, the participants stated that the income they make from selling these TLVs does not yield enough profit. It can be concluded from the above-mentioned statement that there is a need for the development and exploitation of TLVs resources through improved marketing practises, preservation, storage and the utilization of technologies if the TLVs are to play a critical role in food security (Mabala, 2018).

Despite the potential of TLVs contribution to household food and nutritional security, their consumption is slowly being replaced by exotic vegetables such as cabbage and spinach as put forward by Croft (2016). Dweba and Mearns, (2011) state that the introduction of exotic vegetables has been cited as one of the causes of the loss of knowledge about TLVs. Mabala (2018) argues on the same line and states that there is a decrease in the utilization of TLVs; this may be because of the introduction of exotic TLVs, most of the younger people are no longer interested in consuming TLV, as they prefer mostly the exotic ones. Matenda (2004) reported that another possible reason could be that other people do not like TLV’s because they claim that it tastes bad since they are not familiar with the taste. This is consistent with the current study findings that the consumption of TLVs is only common to the elders and not to the younger people because of “bad taste and smell” such as nkaka which has a bitter taste. In most areas Dweba and Mearns, (2011) point out that those TLVs are backward and associated with poverty. Consequently, most people, especially the youth, have stopped using traditional vegetables because they do not want to be labelled as backward (Jansen van Rensburg, et al. 2007).

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One of the many ways in which language is linked to culture, concerns the ways in which different cultures select and assign names for people, animals, plants and to name a few (De Klerk and Bosch, 1996). According to Ytrehus (1999) cited by Phukubje (2007:36),

“Language is amongst the basic tools through which people communicate and identify with each other in terms of who they are, where they come from and their cultural orientation”. Machaba (2014) also stated that languages are a very critical tool used in African cultures to convey certain messages, either to individuals, family members or to a community. Mandende (2009) argues on the same line and support that names, as part of language are able to transmit culture, just as the languages of all cultures do. It is evident that language is a major factor that demarcates each cultural grouping and this demarcation has been confirmed in this study were the same TLVs has different names among the cultural groups under inquiry as shown in Table 5.3.

Similar to the above, a study by Vorster (2007), Jansen van Rensburg (2007) and Essack, Odhav and Mellem (2017), found that similar TLVs are given different names in various cultures in South Africa. For example, amaranth is known as unomdlomboyi, imbuya, umifino umtyuthu in isiXhosa, imbuya, isheke, indwabaza in isiZulu, thepe, theepe in Sepedi, Sesotho and Setswana, umbuya, isheke in siSwati, vowa, and theebe in Tshi-venda, theyke and cheke in Xitsonga. Another example is cleome, it is known as lude, ulude, ulube in isiNdebele; amazonde in isiZulu; lerotho in Sepedi and Sesotho; murudi in Tshivenda; rirhudzu or bangala in Xitsonga. It can be concluded from these arguments that Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups are promoting and preserving their culture through using their languages to name TLVs.

The use of personal names among African communities serves the means of conveying the cultural values and traditions of their daily experience (Mandende, 2009). Like the above, the current study findings show that the names assigned to TLVs among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups are also conveying the traditions of their daily experience. For instance, the names of TLVs are influenced by how the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga interact with their surrounding environment and how they interpret environmental events during their quest for food and in the subsequent naming of that food in relation to their culture. Such as

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observing animal food patterns in order to identify plant crops that can be consumed and name the plants crops after the animals. However, this kind of naming TLVs is different from the way personal names are assigned in African communities, and this can be observed from the way the Xhosa people gives names to children. The naming of a child is determined by different factors such as waiting to see what happens at birth, the sex of the child, and how people feel after the birth of the child, then that is when a name is assigned to the child (De Klerk and Bosch, 1996).

Among the Zulu people names are given based on the following factors: “a synoptic history of the circumstances surrounding the child’s birth, the emotions related to the birth, the family’s attitude to the birth, the place where he was born, his position in the family, the time he was born the country situation at the time and the clan into which he is born” (Mandende, 2009:23). While among the VaTsonga cultural groups, children are named after their ancestors and this is because they believe that giving a child an ancestral name, the child will be protected from evils, as the ancestor will be near the child (Chauke, 2015). However, the names which are assigned to TLVs are not assigned based on ancestors’ names, but they are assigned based on their characteristic features such as the physical appearance, texture and taste consistent with their culture. Creativity is observable in this kind of naming; many names allude to the kind of shape, taste, and length associated with the TLV as put forward by (Possa and Khotso, 2015). However, Zimu-Biyela, 2016) argue that the mutual challenge in African communities is that knowledge about the local names of TLVs and the TLVs themselves is vanishing; therefore, there is a critical need to document the knowledge of TLVs names. It is therefore recommended that future studies research more on the local names of TLVs to protect and preserve the indigenous knowledge around these names.

According to Machaba (2004) the responsibility of assigning personal names among most South African cultures except the Ba-Pedi and Batswana cultural groups, lies in the domain of men and this lies entirely in the social history of indigenous people that was dominated by the patriarchal system. Furthermore, among most African communities’ men are more powerful and respected and had more status than indigenous women had, hence they were given the responsibility of assigning names to children. However, in the current study, it was

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not reported on who is responsible for assigning TLVs names between the two cultural groups, and it is therefore recommended that future studies should research more on the naming practices of TLVs since the current study was looking at the already exiting names.

Beside the importance of TLVs to household food and nutritional security, TLVs also play a role in the health of indigenous people (Croft, 2016). From the evidence presented in this study, it is clear that one of the most important uses of TLVs is in medicine. Malla and Chhetri (2009) argue on the same line and support that the use of TLVs for medical purposes has augmented human culture since time immemorial. Mogale (2018) notes similar findings that the use of TLVs for medicine has always been an important part of South African cultures. Mahomoodally (2013) emphasises that the use of these TLVs for medicine is associated with the sum total of knowledge, skills, and practices based on the beliefs, theories and experiences of different cultures that are used to maintain health, as well as to prevent illnesses. It is in no way different for the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups, as the women possess indigenous knowledge of TLVs that contain medicinal properties, such as nkaka, nkhutsega, serokolo, mopodi, tinyawa and guxe, and such TLVs are known for treating different diseases and relieving pains.

According to Kamble and Jadhav (2016) TLVs have long been reported to contribute in the dietary vitamin and mineral intake of rural communities. This is supported by Atram (2005), Mabala (2018) argue that TLVs are cheap source of carbohydrate, protein, iron, vitamin and other essential micronutrients. It is for this reason that they are used indirectly as an alternative source of medicinal drug in African communities (Atram, 2005). For example, the vitamin and protein found in TLVs can help to eliminate nutrient deficiencies amongst children, pregnant women and poor people living in African rural communities. The leaves of chorchorus oliotorus L. are rich in vitamin A and iron hence the leaves are used to overcome anemic diseases (Kamble and Jadhav, 2013). Some of the TLVs which were found in the study are reported to be having nutritional properties hence they are used as medicine. TLV such as Amaranthus spp which is consumed among the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups is reported to be rich in calcium, iron and vitamins (A, B and C). Even though Cleome gynandra L leaves have a mildly bitter taste but they contain proteins, carbohydrates, calcium, phosphorus, iron and vitamins A and C. The nutritional value that Cleome gynandra L contain helps relieving constipation and facilitates child birth (Mabala, 2018). This is

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consistent with study findings; among the VaTsonga culture it is believed that the regular consumptions of any TLV help them with constipation.

The current study found that among the VaTsonga cultural group it is believed that a paste made from the grinded leaves of Virgna unguiculata is used to heal ring worms and this can be due to the fact that these leaves are high in vitamin and proteins as reported by (Mabala, 2018). According to DAFF (2012), Corchorus spp the leaves are very nutritious and contain iron, calcium, beta-carotene and vitamin C and E. According to the study results, the cooked leaves of Corchorus spp are given to a person who has sore throat so that the person can be able to swallow. According to Lyatuu and Lebotse, 2010) people who are suffering from blood pressure, hypertension and cancer are advised to consume TLVs on regular basis for medical cure because of the nutritional properties they contain. Similar to the abovementioned, the current study reported that the regular consumption of TLVs harvested naturally from the wild help regulate blood pressure. However, Kamble and Jadhav (2013) argue that the nutritive value of TLVs remains underutilized due to lack of awareness and promotion of appropriate technologies for their effective utilization.

IK in African communities is acquired through revelations such as dreams, intuition and visions, is sometimes viewed as spiritual learning, which is understood as originating from the spirit world and ancestors (Lavallée, 2011). Mazonde, 2001; Owusu-Ansah and Gubela (2013) argue that in African communities’ knowledge, skills, pattern of behaviour and ideas were transmitted through folk media such as storytelling, riddles, myths, proverbs, recitation, praise, songs, word games, puzzles, dance and music. The findings of this study revealed that between the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups IK is transmitted through oral tradition and observational learning, the results further revealed that when an elderly knows something it is very expected of them to pass that knowledge down to the next generation. Therefore, the new generation in turn is expected to perpetuate the culture by passing on the same tradition to his own offspring (Sibisi, 1989). It is this understanding that provides enough evidence that African communities learnt skills that were required for them to survive through observation learning and imitating their elders and how they interacted with their environment (Mosweunyane, 2013).

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The above knowledge transmission methods were known to the Africans as indigenous education systems. African indigenous education existed in Africa way back before the coming of the missionaries (Mosweunyane, 2013). However, the missionaries came along with what is known as modern education or western education which is now used to transfer knowledge (Mushi, 2009). When the missionaries came, they only looked at the weaknesses of traditional African indigenous education and concluded based on what they saw that Africans were uneducated and uncivilised. Little did the missionaries consider the merits of indigenous African education even neglecting the fact that African people in pre-colonial period learnt what they lived (Mwanakatwe, 1974). Masago and Kweingoti (2018) outlined the three main aims of indigenous education namely: 1. to protect and preserve African cultural heritages of tribes and clans; 2. to adjust new generation to their physical surrounding and teach them to control and utilize it and last but not least; and 3. to disclose to them that their very own future, and that of their community and society, relies upon the understanding and dissemination of the laws, language and beliefs acquired from an earlier time.

On the contrary, modern education or the type of knowledge transfer method that was brought by the missionaries was aimed at making Africans learn how to read and write so that Africans can easily be converted to Christianity. Thus, the missionaries were motivated to give formal education, that is literacy and numeracy so that Africans could read the Bible and spread the gospel to others (Kelly (1999). This led to the loss of traditional knowledge transfer in African communities and to the adoption of western knowledge transfer. This is consistent with what was emphasised in the study that young children have adopted the western way of doing things and they are always glued to their cell phones and they show no interest in learning about TLVs or any other IK. It shows that indigenous form of knowledge transfer has changed in a sense that children no longer shadow their parents as apprentices in learning about their culture or traditional foods.

Since the shift away from IK transmission and the abandoning of indigenous technologies, which were used for processing and preserving traditional leafy vegetables, fewer people (specifically the elderly) know the cultural knowledge and technologies of preserving TLVs

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and it is at risk of becoming lost. Asogwa, Okoye and Oni (2017) sees that there’s an urgent need to promote the utilization of indigenous skills and practices of TLVs processing, preservation and storage as survival strategy to reduce the high rate of food insecurity in rural communities. Fasoyiro and Taiwo (2012) stated that the indigenous technologies that are used when processing and preserving TLVs provide local communities with the foundation of socioeconomic progress, therefore those technologies should be promoted for wider application to benefit local communities. Aluga and Kabwe (2016) suggest that, “the traditional techniques can be improved, by introducing technological interventions wherever possible, which will be beneficial not only for the common people and government but also our future generations”. While, the current study suggest that the government should improve the traditional technologies to promote their utilization in local communities and they should be user friendly.

The current study was carried out and underpinned by indigenous philosophies, this is because the study was carried out by an African researcher who was researching on African cultures. The use of these indigenous philosophies such as indigenous research methodologies played a huge role in the study, for example employing the qualitative research approach and indigenous research data collection methods enhanced the quality of the study by collecting in-depth data that was enough to answer the study objectives. This is consistent with the finding by Porsanger (2004) who advises that indigenous methodologies should be employed when conducting research related to, or involving indigenous people, which aims at ensuring that researchers carries out the research in a respectful, ethical, correct, sympathetic, useful and beneficial manner. The aspect of respect was prioritised in the study by utilising the villages’ local languages (Sepedi and Xitsonga) as a sign of respect to the elders who were part of the study. The use of these indigenous languages guaranteed the participants’ opportunity to express themselves in languages that they understood better.

The study therefore recommends other indigenous researchers to employ indigenous philosophical underpinnings when conducting indigenous studies, as these indigenous philosophical underpinnings ensure that indigenous participants are respected. Similar to the abovementioned, a study by Owusu-Ansah and Mji (2013) suggest that African researchers

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need to continue developing and utilising indigenous methodologies for studying Africans realities and avoid adhering to the research pathways mapped out by Western methodologies.

The study has its own challenges and limitations, some of the challenges, which were faced in conducting the study, included travelling distances. The participants’ households were scattered, therefore the researcher had to travel long distances to conduct interviews in this villages and this led to selecting participants who were close to each other for the focus group discussions. Language barrier was also a challenge in New Forest village, as the researcher cannot speak Xitsonga fluently, hence Ms Khanto was asked to be part of the interviews as a translator. Another challenge that was faced is that the study was conducted towards winter (April and May) therefore some of the seasonal plants were not found for photographs and it was late for the researcher to observe the preparation and preservation processes as the participants had already preserved some TLVs for winter. Therefore, if this study were to be conducted again, the researcher would conduct it between November to January when the seasonal plants are still available.

6.3 Conclusion In conclusion, the study argues that the local names that are assigned to TLVs form the basis of IK of the Sepedi and Xitsonga languages. The TLVs are assigned cultural names through how the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga cultural groups interact with their surrounding environment and how they interpret environmental events during their quest for food and in the subsequent naming of that particular food in relation to their culture. In addition, the names of these TLVs are also given through the observation of colour, taste, physical appearance and texture. Furthermore, the study concludes that the names of these TLVs are not only limited to the description of the TLV, but it further extends to it being used for educational purposes hence they use figurative language. The study further concludes that TLVs are very popular between the New Forest and Ga-Boelang villages; however, the beliefs, taboos, rituals and practices on the harvesting, preparation and consumption of these TLVs vary between the cultural groups and this is consistent to their culture. It has also been concluded that the negative attitudes toward the utilization of TLVs has also led to the eroding of indigenous knowledge of TLVs.

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The study was conducted on the assumption that cultural aspects (taboos, beliefs, rituals/ceremonies) associated with the access and consumption of TLVs has an impact on female-headed households. However, it has been concluded that the cultural aspects associated with the access and consumption of TLVs are not only limited to female but among the Ba-Pedi cultural groups men are more affected and this is extended to their household food security. the season for doing this study was not ideal as it was conducted in the season when all seasonal TLVs were no longer available and the processing and preservation processes were already done when this study was conducted, therefore time need to be considered when conducting a study similar to this one.

6.4 Recommendations • It is recommended that future studies should research more on the local names of TLVs to protect and preserve the indigenous knowledge around these names. • It is highly recommended that awareness campaigns about the importance of these TLVs as nutritionally balanced food, source of medicine and as a direct and indirect source of income, particularly for rural communities, must be included in the national development plan and agricultural policy. • Indigenous people particularly the youth should be made aware of the influence of culture on the utilization of TLVs through books, social media and newspapers in order to understand their traditional food systems. • If the study was to be done again, the nutritious value of traditional leafy vegetables should be analysed. • It is recommended that policy makers should promote the cultural use of TLVs such as marketing in rural communities so that the people residing in rural areas should always be food secured. • The indigenous knowledge of processing and preserving TLVs should be introduced in the western education curriculum so that people are aware of the knowledge particularly the new generation.

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APPENDICE 1:

ETHICAL CLEARANCE LETTER OF THE STUDY

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APPENDICE 2

CHECKLIST OF ETHICAL ISSUES Date April 2019 Name of researcher Khumotso Thandi Kock Title of the research study The Influence of Culture on the Utilization of TLVs among VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi Women of Bushbuckridge, Mpumalanga Province.

Purpose of the study To document how the Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga culture influence the women utilization of TLVs in Bushbuckridge

Principle of disclosure and The community leaders of the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi respect were informed about the purpose of the study and asked for their permission to have access to their communities

Principle of respect for secret Respect of secret and sacred knowledge was prioritised in and sacred information this study and a non-disclosure agreement were signed

Principle of confidentiality The protection of participants identify were observed. Participants’ names were replaced codes (e.g. Participant 1). Principle of reciprocity, The results of this study were used for commercial benefit mutual benefit and equitable nor sold or given to different entities; it was used for academic purpose only. However, if there were any sort of sharing benefit the participants were going to be given their share. A benefit-sharing agreement were signed by the researcher and participants

Principle of data access and The results of this study (dissertation hardcopy) were ownership shared with both the community leaders and participants as a form of token appreciation. In the case of publication arising from the study the participant were appropriately acknowledged or co-author the publications depending on the contribution

Ethical right of a participant • The ethical rights of the participants were explained to them before they signed the prior

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informed consent form. • The ethnical rights of the participants were including but not limit to: 1. Voluntary participation 2. Withdraw at any given time • Confidentiality was maintained and codes were used to name Participants. • In-depth interviews andFGDs were recorded and those records were confidential.

Permission to record The researcher asked for permission from the participants interviews and take for recording the interviews and take photographs. photographs Use of local language in the The interviews and FGDs were conducted in the local research process languages (Xitsonga and Sepedi) of the participants to manufacture understanding for participants and energize better correspondence among participants and the researcher.

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APPENDICE 3

PERMISSION LETTER FROM THE IKS CENTRE

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APPENDICE 4: PRIOR INFORMED CONSENT

Date April 2018 Name of researcher Khumotso Thandi Kock Title of the research study The Influence of Culture on the Utilization of TLVs among VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi Women of Bushbuckridge, MP.

Purpose of the study To document how Ba-Pedi and VaTsonga influences the women utilization of TLVs in Bushbuckridge.

Objectives of the study • Explore the influence of culture on naming, use and sources of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women • Explore the influence of culture on the processing and preservation of TLVs among the VaTsonga and BaPedi women • Investigate the ways of knowing and acquiring IK of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women.

What is the role of the participant in the • To answer questions honestly and in research study line with the study objectives • To respect each other and should give each other a chance to talk to prevent confusion • To speak freely so that we can together contribute ideas on how culture influence the utilization of TLVs.

Ethical rights As explained in annexure 2

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Informed Consent Agreement The researcher first ensured that participants understand the ethical right before requesting them to agree verbally for participant in the study.

I ...... agree to take part in the research study titled: “The Influence of Culture in the Access and Utilization of Traditional Leafy Vegetables among VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi Women of Bushbuckridge, Mpumalanga”. I likewise understand the substance of the request letter that additionally clarifies my rights as a participant.

Signature: ......

Date: ......

Contact Details: ......

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APPENDICE 5:

NON-DISCLOSURE AGREEMENT

Title: The Influence of Culture on the Utilization of Traditional Leafy Vegetables among VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi Women of Bushbuckridge, Mpumalanga Province.

This Nondisclosure Agreement (the "Agreement") is entered into by and between ______with intended participants ______("Disclosing Party") and ______, located at ______("Receiving Party") for the purpose of conducting research on “The Influence of Culture on the Utilization of Traditional Leafy Vegetables among VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi Women of Bushbuckridge, Mpumalanga Province” preventing the unauthorized disclosure of Confidential Information as defined below.

a. Exclusions from Confidential Information. Receiving Party's obligations under this Agreement do not extend to information that is: (a) publicly known at the time of disclosure or subsequently becomes publicly known through no fault of the Receiving Party; (b) discovered or created by the Receiving Party before disclosure by Disclosing Party; (c) learned by the Receiving Party through legitimate means other than from the Disclosing Party or Disclosing Party's representatives; or (d) is disclosed by Receiving Party with Disclosing Party's prior written approval.

b. Obligations of Receiving Party. Receiving Party shall hold and maintain the Confidential Information in strictest confidence for the sole and exclusive benefit of the Disclosing Party. Receiving Party shall carefully restrict access to Confidential Information to employees, contractors, and third parties as is reasonably required and shall require those persons to sign nondisclosure restrictions at least as protective as those in this Agreement. Receiving Party shall not, without prior written approval of Disclosing Party, use for Receiving Party's own benefit, publish, copy, or otherwise disclose to others, or permit the use by others for their benefit or to the detriment of Disclosing Party, any Confidential Information. Receiving Party shall return to Disclosing Party any and all records, notes, and other written, printed, or tangible materials in its possession pertaining to Confidential Information immediately if Disclosing Party requests, it in writing.

c. Integration. This Agreement expresses the complete understanding of the parties with respect to the subject matter and supersedes all prior proposals, agreements, representations,

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and understandings. This Agreement may not be amended except in a writing signed by both parties.

[Disclosing Party] [Receiving Party]

By: ______By Name: ______Name Title: ______Title Address: ______Address Date: ______Date

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APPINDICE 6:

PERMISSION LETTER FROM MOROLO TRUST

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APPENDICE 7

PERMISSION LETTER FROM THE BUSHBUKRIDGE LOCAL MUNICIPALITY

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APPENDICE 8: (A) IN- DEPTH INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

Section 1 Participants Personal information 1 Name: 2 Age? 60-65 65-70 years 70-75 years 75 and over

3 Marital status: Married Divorced Separated Widowed Single

4 Ethnic group:

5 Religion:

Christian Judaism Islam African Other

6 What is the size of your household? 1-2 3-4 5-6 7 and more

Section 2 The influence of culture on naming, use and sources of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women of Bushbuckridge

Theme one : Influence of culture on names of TLVs 1 How does your culture influence the naming of TLVs used in your household? 2 What are the local names of TLVs do you know? 3 Who is responsible for naming the TLVs which are known in your culture? 4 What are the cultural significance of these local names?

Theme Two: Influence of culture on the utilization of TLVs 1 How does your culture influence the utilization of TLVs that are used in your household?

2 What are the cultural uses of TLVs? (E.g. Medicine use, as sources of food, Marketing and nutrition).

3 What are the main cultural aspects (Taboos, beliefs, norms and myths) influencing the choices of the different uses of TLVS in your culture?

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3.1 Which of these cultural aspects are related to the gathering of TLVs?

Theme three: Influence of culture on the sources of TLVs 1 In your household what are the major sources of TLVs, are these sources influenced or affected by your culture?

3 Which ceremonies are there? Their significance/ how and when are they done? By who?

Section 3 The influence of culture on the processing and preservation of TLVs among the VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women of Bushbuckridge

1 Does your culture inform the indigenous methods you use to process and preserve TLVs in your household?

2 What challenges do you face regarding practicing this knowledge of processing and preserving TLVs in your culture?

3 Are there any cultural aspects (Taboos, beliefs, norms and myths) related to the processing, consumption and preservation of these TLVs?

4 In your culture what are the indigenous processing, preservation and storage technologies do you use and for which TLVs?

Section 4 Ways of knowing about TLVs among VaTsonga and Ba-Pedi women of Bushbuckridge 1 How do women acquire knowledge about TLVs among the Ba-Pedi/VaTsonga culture?

2 Are there any communities of practice for sharing knowledge on TLVs with your culture?

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(B): VATSONGA IN-DEPTH INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

Xiyenge xa Participants Personal information xeni

1 Vito?

2 Lembe? 60-65 65-70 years 70-75 years 75 and over

3 Xiyimo xa vukati: Married Divorced Separated Widowed Single

Rixaka ra arhi: k 5 Vukhongeri: Christian Judaism Islam African Other

6 Vukulu bja muti? 1-2 3-4 5-6 7 and more

Xiyenge xa Nkucetelo wa ndhavuko eka mathyelo, matirhiselo na laha miroho yi vumbirhi kumekaka kona exikarhi ka vavasati va ma VaTsonga na Ba-Pedi eBushbuckridge

Nhlokomhaka Nkucetelo wa ndhavuko eka mavito ya miroho ya xeni

1 Xana ndhavuko wa wena wu na nkucetelo wihi eka mathyelo (mavitanelo) ya miroho leyi u yi tirhisaka ekaya ka wena?

2 Xana hi wahi mavito ya miroho leyi u yi tivaka? 3 I mani layi a thyaka miroho leyi tivekaka eka ndhavuko wa wena? 4 Hi wihi nkoka wa ndhavuko eka mavito lawa mi ma tirhisaka?

Nhlokomhaka Nkucetelo wa ndhavuko eka matirhiselo ya miroho ya vumbirhi

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1 Xana ndhavuko wa wena wu na nkucetelo wihi eka matirhiselo ya miroho leyi u yi tirhisaka ekaya ka wena?

2 Hi wihi ntirho wa ndhavuko wa miroho leyi? (Ku tshungula, swakudya, kushabesa na madyelo lamanene)

3 Hi yihi swikholwakholwana, milawu na swiyilayila leswi swi kucetelaka mahlawulele yo hambana hambana ya matirhiselo ya miroho eka ndhavuko wa wena?

3.1 Xana ku na swikholwakholwana, milawu na swiyilayila mayelana na mahlangeletelo kumbe makhayelo ya miroho?

Nhlokomhaka Nkucetelo wa ndhavuko eka laha miroho yi kumekaka kona ya vunharhu

1 Endyangwini wa wena xana miroho yi kumeka kwihi, xana tindhawu ta kuceteriwa kumbe ku kpxa hi ndhavuko wa wena ke?

3 Xana mikhuvo eku? Nkoka wa wona/ xana u endlanga njani kumbe ri ne? hi mani?

Xiyenge xa Nkecetelo wa ndhavuko ka maendlelo na makhuselo ya miroho exikarhi ka vunharhu vavasati va ma VaTsonga na Ba-Pedi eBushbuckridge

1 Xana ndhavuko wa wena wa ku dyondzisa tindlela ta xintu ku tirhisa maendlelo na makhuselo ya miroho endyangwini wa wena?

2 Xana hi kwihi ku tikeriwa loku u hlanganaka loko u ri karhi mi tirhisa vutivi bya maendlelo na makhuselo ya miroho eke ndhavuko wa wena?

3 Xana ku na swikholwakholwana, milawu na swiyilayila mayelana na maendlelo, kudya na makhuselo ya miroho leyi?

4 Xana hi wihi tindlela ta xintu ta maendlelo, makhuselo na kuhlayesa miroho leyi eka ndhavuko wa wena?

Xiyenge xa Tindlela ta ku tiva na ku dyondza hi miroho exikarhi ka vavasati va ma mune VaTsonga na Ba-Pedi eBushbuckridge 1 Xana vasati va kuma njani tivo ya miroho exikarhi ka ndhavuko ya VaTsonga na Ba-Pedi?

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2 A ku na nhlangano wa ku avelana tivo ya miroho hi ndhavuko ya wena?

Karolo ya Participants Personal information pele

1 Leina?

2 Mengwaga? 60-65 65-70 years 70-75 years 75 and over

3 Seemo sa lenyalo: Married Divorced Separated Widowed Single

4 Sehlopha sa merafe:

5 Tumelo

Christian Judaism Islam African Other

6 Bogolo bja lapa? 1-2 3-4 5-6 7 and more

Karolo ya Khuetṧo ya setṧo go releng, tṧhomiṧong le methopo ya merogo makgatheng bobedi a maVaTsonga le maPedi a basadi a Bushbuckridge

Moko wa pele Khuetṧo ya setṧo maineng a merogo 1 A nna khuetṧo ya setṧo sa lena e ba efe go releng merogo e lee tṧhomiṧago mo gae?

2 A nna le tseba afe maina a merogo? 3 Ke maikarabelo a mang go releng merogo maina ao le wa tsebago setṧong sa geno?

4 A nna bohlokwa bja maina ao asetṧo ke bofe?

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Moko wa Khuetṧo ya setṧo tṧhomiṧong ya merogo bobedi 1 Setṧo se huetṧo bjang tṧhomiṧo ya merogo yeo e ṧomiṧwago motseng wa geno?

2 A nna mohola wa tṧhomiṧo ya setṧo go merogo ke eng? (ṧomiṧa go dihlare, bjalo ka mothopo wa dijo, kgwebong goba phepong)

3 A nna ke dilwana dife tṧa setṧo (diila, ditumelo, meetlo le disekgolwege) tṧeo di huetṧago kgetho ya mehutahuta tṧhomiṧong ya setṧo ga merogo?

3.1 Ke dilwana dife gona mo setṧong tṧeo di sepelelanago le kgoboketṧo ya merogo?

Moko wa Khuetṧo ya setṧo methopong ya merogo boraro 1 Mo motseng wa geno ke methopo efe ye megolo ya merogo, a nna methopo yeo e huetṧwa ke setṧo?

2 Ke meletlo efe go na fao? Mehola ya yona/ e dirwa neng le gona bjang, e dirwa ke bomang?

Karolo ya Khuetṧo ya setṧo go direng le polokong ya merogo basading ba boraro maVaTsonga le Ba-Pedi ba Bushbuckridge

1 E kaba setṧo se le tsebiṧa mekgwa ya segae polokong le go direng ga merogo motseng wa geno?

2 Ke dihlotlo dife tṧe le kopanago le tṧona mabape le go direng le go bolokeng ga merogo ka setṧo sa geno?

3 A nna go nale dilwana tṧa setṧo (diila, ditumelo, ditlwaelo le disedumele) mabapi le go dira le go boloka merogo?

4 Ka setṧo sa geno ke dilo dife tṧa setṧo, go direng, go bolokeng le pewong ya teknolotṧi le e ṧomiṧago ebile le go merogo efe?

Karolo ya bone Ditsela tṧa go tseba ka merogo basading ba maVaTsonga le Ba-Pedi ba Bushbuckridge

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1 A nna basadi ba maVaTsonga le Ba-Pedi ba hwetṧa bjang tsebo ya merogo ka setṧo sa bona?

2 A nna go nale mekgatlo ya go abelana ka tsebo ya merogo ka setṧo sa lena?

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APPENDICE 9

FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION SCHEDULE

Questions

Section 1 Xitsonga focus group discussion guide 1 Do you think that these names helps to protect and preserve your culture and language? / Xana o ehleketa kore mavito lawa a e pfuna ko sirhelela na ko hlayisa xintu sa hina?

2 What are the meaning of these names? / Hi wihi leswi mavito lawa a vulaka swona?

3 Why is it that VaTsonga do not practise any ceremonies related to the accessing of TLVs? / I yini lexi endlake leswaku VaTsonga va nga endle mikhuvo eka ndhavuko ya vona?

Section 2 Sepedi Focus group discussions guide 1 What does these LVs heal? Are there LVs that can heal headache? / A nna merogo e alafa eng? A nna e gona merogo eo e ka go alafa go opa ga hlogo?

2 Which TLVs do you market and roughly how much do you earn from them? / A nna le rekiṧa merogo efeng, ebile le hwetṧa bokae?

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APPENDICE 10: PARTICIPATE OBSERVATION SCHEDULE

Section 1 Field walks

• Observe the places where TLVs are harvested (different types of TLVs, how they are planted and harvested). • Observe where participants sell their TLVs (the stall, pricing, packaging and how they are displayed on the stall) • Observe where these TLVs are prepared and how (observe how the participants prepare their TLVs for preservation. For example, which TLVs do they wash, how they wash it and which tools do they use to wash the TLVs, which parts of the TLVs are cut and how to cut them. • During these field walks, technologies used for cooking and all the processing that take place when cooking TLVs were observed (such as the fireplace outside their home s using woods). Observe how the participants are storing their TLVs and traditional technologies they are using for storage and for which TLVs (calabash made of clay, tanks and maize meal bags). (Tacit knowledge). Observe the indigenous technologies that the participants use to process and preserve TLVs. For example, which indigenous technologies do they use and how do they use them to process and preserve different TLVs in their culture (Grinding stones, mortars and pestle, winnowing basket, pots, knives).

Section 2 Body language and tone of voice • Observe the use of eyes when engaging with the participants, the researcher will pay attention to whether the participant makes direct eye contact or looks away, as the inability to make direct eye contact can indicate boredom, disinterest, or even deceit. • Observe the participants’ faces, for example if they smile whenanswering questions because a genuine smile suggests that the

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person is happy and enjoying the company or the question asked reminds her of something interesting. • Observe the head and body language when expressing agreements and disagreements. The researcher will observe how the participants nods their head when they are asked a question, because that will indicate their patience or lack of patience. • Observe hand signals such as when they are talking then they might point in the general direction of the thing they are talking of. • Observe the tones of voice when emphasizing ideas or when in disagreement.

Section 3 Setting • How the participants in the discussions are seated and interacting with one another

THANK YOU, KEA LEBOGA, NDZA NKHENS

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