Social Rules in a Correctional Community Peter G

Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 55 Article 4 Issue 3 September

Fall 1964 Social Rules in a Correctional Community Peter G. Garabedian

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Recommended Citation Peter G. Garabedian, Social Rules in a Correctional Community, 55 J. Crim. L. Criminology & Police Sci. 338 (1964)

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SOCIAL ROLES IN A CORRECTIONAL COMMUNITY*

PETER G. GARABEDIANt

The traditional conception of our maximum tration, however, illegitimate prescriptions do not custody prisons assumes the existence of two demand uniformity of behavior. Rather, they en- normative systems that are in point for point op- courage symbiotic or reciprocal relations among in- position to each other. The first system represents mates by recognizing certain interdependencies in standards of behavior that are defined and sanc- a variety of permissible roles that are organized 2 tioned by conventional society and by prison around a number of focal issues or concerns. administrations as representatives of that society. The present study directs its attention to an Legitimate norms are embodied in the formal rules investigation of four major role alternatives that and regulations of the institution and represent are available to inmates as they enter maximum standards of appropriate behavior which the in- custody prisons. Specifically, the purpose of this mate is to use in his relationships with prison paper is to construct an empirical typology of in- officials and with other prisoners. Ideally, no inmate role types that have been identified by a num- mate is exempt from employing these formal ber of investigators and to examine variations standards. In theory, the prison's administration among the types with respect to (a) criminal demands that all inmates conform to these norms. careers, (b) institutional behavior, and (c) nor- Conformity to legitimate norms is rewarded in a mative orientations. variety of ways such as reductions in custody status SociL. ROLES IN PRISON and sentence, while deviations are not tolerated Inmate roles are differentiated and integrated and result in institutional infraction reports along around such focal issues as "doing time" in prison, the withdrawal of privileges. The maximum with loyalty attachments, food, sex, health, etc. The in- security prison maintains a large custodial staff to mate learns the importance of these issues early in enforce uniformity of behavior among inmates. his institutional career while being exposed to system is part of the in- The second normative processes of mortification.3 His mode of adapta- mate subculture and is also assumed to prescribe tion, both actions and verbalizations, with respect appropriate behavior for the inmate. Behavior pre- to focal issues is observed and assessed informally scribed by this system, however, is assumed to be by other inmates, and through a process of mutual contrary and opposed to behavior prescribed by agreement they assign the inmate to a given role. These illegitimate be- the formal authority system. Consider for example the issue of "doing time" in havior prescriptions are embodied in the prisoners' prison. There are two major alternatives available loyalty to the inmate com- code which emphasizes to prisoners with respect to this issue. The first in- adminis- munity.' Unlike the norms of the prison's volves inmates who are constantly aware of their * Revised and expanded version of a paper read at sentences and, in the language of the prisoners, they the annual meeting of the Pacific Sociological Associa- do "tough time." Inmates occupying the second tion, Tucson, Arizona, April, 1961. Grateful acknowl- alternative absorb themselves into the affairs of edgment is made to Dr. Clarence C. Schrag, University the prison community and are characterized as of Washington, for his direction and criticisms of this 4 research. doing "easy time." t The author is Assistant Professor of Sociology in Washington State University. He has had both re- in Sykes & Messinger, The Inmate Social System, in search and practical experience in adult correctional TIEORETICAL STMDIES IN SOCIA1 ORGANIZATION OF institutions in the State of Washington. Currently, THE PRISON 5 (Cloward, Grosser, McCleery, Ohlin, Dr. Garabedian is directing a project concerned with Sykes2 & Messinger eds. 1960). Juvenile Delinquency and the Administration of Youth Schrag, A Preliminary Criminal Typology, 4 PA- Justice. The project is being subsidized in part by the ciFic Soc. Rmv. 11 (1961). President's Committee on Juvenile Delinquency and 3Goffman, Charactcristics of Total Institutions, in Youth Crime, and in part by the College Committee WALTER REED A uy INsTITUTE OF RESEARCH, Sy - on Research of Washington State University. POSrUm ON PREVENTIvE AND SOCIAL PSYcHIATRY 43 I Earlier accounts of the prisoners' code are described (1957). in CiEamiR, THE PRISON CoMmuMNTY esp. 152 (1958); 4Schrag, Social Role, Social Position, and Prison OHIN, SocIoLooy AND THE FIELD Or CORRECIONS Social Structure, 1959 PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICAN 28-29 (1956). A more recent discussion may be found CORRECTIONAL ASSOCIATION 178. 19641 RESEARCH REPORTS

Another focal concern in prison is sex. The The first role in the set is defined in terms of prison is a uni-sexual community, and as such is doing "tough time" while incarcerated in the devoid of many of the affectional relations com- institution. Affective attachments are oriented monly derived from heterosexual contacts. The toward legitimate norms and standards, and thus newly arrived "fish" soon learns the importance of loyalties are anchored in conventional groups in this issue and invokes a given mechanism of adap- the free community and with the prison's admini- tation to cope with the problem. Although be- stration. Relations with staff members, therefore, havior with respect to this issue varies widely are generally good involving a high degree of con- among prisoners, there are a variety of alternatives tact, but contacts with other inmates are generally that are generally recognized by staff and inmates. limited to those with similar affective attachments. Some inmates occupy a role alternative consisting Thus there is a lack of intensive involvement in in- of behavior characteristic of the female role in the formal inmate activities, and as a result the oc- free community. According to the inmate argot, cupant of this role remains naive about much of the these role incumbents are fairies or queens, since prison culture. Inmates at the prison studied refer they employ female gestures and mannerisms to to this alternative as Square John behavior. seduce other inmates. Techniques of seduction In contrast to the Square John role, a second employed by this role type, however, are generally major behavior alternative is defined in terms of of a non-violent kind. On the other hand, inmates doing "easy time" while in the institution. Af- recognize another role alternative with respect to fective attachments are oriented toward illegiti- the issue of sex. Recognized as a wolf orjocker, this mate norms, and thus loyalties are anchored with role type also seeks to seduce other inmates, but criminal persons and groups. This alternative in- techniques of seduction are likely to be of a violent volves strict conformity to the principles of the type, using force or the threat of force to exploit prisoner's code. Relations with other inmates are weaker inmates. Wolves are likely to be active generally good, involving a high degree of contact homosexuals, while fairies are of the passive type. with them, while contacts with staff members are A third major behavior alternative recognized is minimized and avoided if possible. Deep involve- the punk. The term punk generally refers to the in- ment in prison rackets and other informal inmate mate who allows himself to be seduced by either of activities also characterize this role. Although a the above two types, and thus may be active or variety of labels are used to identify the incumbent passive. Finally, many inmates refrain completely of this role, the most frequent label used in the from homosexual behavior, or engage in this prison studied is Right GCuy. practice only periodically. These inmates for the The third alternative in the set is also charac- most part are called iwrmals.5 terized by doing "easy time" in the institution. Prisoners have a variety of role alternatives But unlike either of the first two alternatives, this available to them, and on the basis of their be- role involves affective neutrality with respect to haviors and verbalizations with respect to a given conventional or illegitimate behavior prescrip- issue or issues they are assigned a given role by tions. Contacts with staff and inmates are exten- their peers. Identification of the role incumbent is sive, but members of both these groups are accomplished chiefly through the language system manipulated for the promotion of personal goals. of the prisoners. Manipulation involves a high degree of role-taking The set of role alternatives that concerns us in skill, with normative perspectives rapidly shifting this paper is organized around the issues of to accommodate the exigencies of the situation. "doing time" in prison, loyalty attachments, Frequent contacts with staff members and in- relations with inmates, and contacts with staff volvement in informal inmate activities result in a- members. From the language of prisoners, it is storehouse of knowledge regarding prisoner and possible to relate five major role types to these focal official affairs. A familiar label used to identify this concerns. Each of these alternatives involves behavior alternative is Con Politician. characteristically different modes of adjustment to The fourth role in the set involves doing "tough the four issues, and consequently distinctive pat- time" in the institution primarily because of pro- terns of behavior may be observed for each of the longed difficulties of adjustment to the authoritar- role incumbents. ian climate characteristic of prison life. Similar to 5 Schrag, Social Types in a Prison Community 48- the role of the Con Politician this alternative in- 49 (unpublished Master's Thesis, University of Wash- ington, 1944). volves rejection of the two major normative RESEARCH REPORTS [Vol. 55 systems, and the manipulation of staff and in- networks of social relationships structured around mates. But unlike the Politicianrole, manipulation important institutional problems. in this case takes the form of direct physical ag- gression or the threat of force, and as a result, the METHODOLOGY incumbent of this role isolates himself from both The data to be reported were collected from a staff and inmate contacts. The alternative there- maximum security prison in a Western state. At fore involves self-oriented behavior, expressive the time of the study there were approximately violence, and deficient role-taking skills. Not- 1,700 convicted adult felons housed in the institu- withstanding isolation, inmates adopting this mode tion. From this population, a random sample of of adjustment become deeply involved in prison 345 inmates was selected to be included in the and rackets, make frequent attempts at escape, study. Inmates in the sample were asked to com- rise to positions of temporary leadership during plete an anonymous questionnaire. The question- times of general strikes and prison riots. Inmates naire was also administered to a sample of 141 at the prison studied employed the label of Outlaw members of the custodial staff. identify this role alternative. to The method of identifying incumbents of the Summarizing, we find that the Square John and four roles described above consisted of obtaining Right Cuy alternatives are collectivity-oriented. responses of the inmates in the sample to a set of 12 the promotion of Behavior is directed in terms of items included in the questionnaire. The items, group values and goals. But the direction of their which dealt with attitudes toward self, others, and is com- attachments differ, in that the Square John philosophy of life, are listed below: Right Guy is mitted to legitimate norms, while the 1. You've got to have confidence in yourself if committed to illegitimate standards. Con Politi- you're going to be successful. are affec- cians and Outlaws, on the other hand, 2. I generally feel guilty whenever I do wrong. tively neutral with respect to the two normative 3. "Might is right" and "every man for him- systems, and behavior is self-oriented. In the latter self" are the main rules of living, regardless is directed toward the gratifica- two cases behavior of what people say. tion of personal goals. But in the case of the 4. The biggest criminals are protected by Politician,other persons are skillfully manipulated, society and rarely get to prison. while in the case of the Outlaw, persons are manipu- 5. There's a little larceny in everybody, if lated by force. you're really honest about it. There is an increasing amount of informal 6. The only criminals I really know are the ones observational evidence that these behavior here in the institution. alternatives exist in many of our maximum 7. You have to take care of yourself because 6 be security prisons. Although different labels may nobody else is going to take care of you. throughout used by inmates in various institutions 8. Inmates can trust me to be honest and loyal the United States, their behavioral referents never- in my dealings with them. theless remain fairly stable. The prison argot, then, 9. Who you know is more important than what reflects the organization of the inmate social you know, and brains are more important system. It defines the interrelationships between than brawn. the various inmate roles. Inmates who have 10. Most people try to be law abiding and true. cognitive knowledge of cultural elements in prison 11. It makes me sore to have people tell me such as argot, beliefs, and slogans, are also likely what to do. to be familiar with the role sets that comprise the 12. Police, judges, prosecutors, and politicians social system. The prisoner society, then, is are just as crooked as most of the people they conceptualized in terms of spontaneously emerging send to prison. 6In addition to Scbrag's works cited above, see the Each of the above types is assumed to reflect a following works by Sykes: Men, Merchants, and Toughs, component of the attitudinal organization of a 4 SOCIAL PROBLEMS 130 (1956); TEm SocImv OF CAP- given role type. The works of Schrag and others Trvs 85-108 (1955); and Sykes & Messinger, The Inmate Social System, in Cloward, el al., op. cit. supra have indicated that the various role types express note 1, at 5. See also KORN & McCoyR, CRaMooL- attitudes and opinions which are consistent with OGY AND PENOLOGY, ch. 22 (1959); and Kinch, Self the content of the statements listed above. Items Conceptions of Types of Ddlinquents, 32 SOCIOLOGICAL. INQuiRY 228 (1962). 4, 8, and 12, for example, would be expected to be RESEARCH REPORTS endorsed by Right Guys, since they have been empirical typology was constructed classifying 227, described as holding a jaundiced view of the or66 per cent, of the inmate sample as incumbents of legitimate world, and as having strong bonds of one of the four roles. The 227 inmates comprise the loyalty to other inmates. Outlaws would be ex- sample on which the data to be presented in this pected to endorse items 3, 7, and 11, since they paper are based. as anarchists who do not have have been described ROLE TYPES AND CRnUNAL CAREERS strong feelings of loyalty toward other persons or groups, and who frequently use physical force as a The importance of prior criminal experience and means for the attainment of personal goals. Square contact with illegitimate norms has been stressed Johns would be expected to endorse items 2, 6, and by numerous investigators in the field of criminol- 10. They have been described as pro-social in- ogy. Clemmer, for example, found that inmates mates who identify not only with the prison's who became most prisonized during their institu- administration, but also with legitimate persons tional commitment were those who had a relatively and groups in the free community. Generally, they well-developed and mature set of criminal value 8 have had little or no contact with criminals outside orientations upon their admission to prison. This of their institutional experience, and are unable finding suggests the importance of prior criminal effectively to neutralize feelings of guilt that arise experience and its relationship to prisonization. as a result of their crimes. The manipulators in the Moreover, parole prediction studies have found prison community, or Con Politicians, would be that recidivists are less successful on parole than expected to endorse items 1, 5, and 9. Politicians first offenders, and that those individuals who be- live by their wits, and believe that most persons gan their criminal careers early in life are poorer can be "bought off" if the price is right. In short, risks on parole than those individuals who began 9 for each of the role types there are three items their careers later in life. In addition, Schrag has designed to tap attitudes characteristic of a given found that prior penal commitments and crimes of type. violence are significantly associated with leadership 0 Inmates responded to the items by checking one among prison inmates. of four response categories for each statement: In this section three aspects of criminal career strongly agree, agree, disagree, and strongly dis- are selected for investigation. First, the extent of agree. Weights of plus two, plus one, minus one, juvenile delinquency in the offender's background; and minus two were assigned, respectively, to each second, the degree of participation in adult crime of the above response categories. The weights for in the background of the individual; and third, the the four sets of three items were then algebraically offense for which the inmate is currently com- summed for each inmate. Thus, a given inmate was mitted. Delinquency is defined in terms of being represented by a set of four scores, with each score arrested for the first time before the age of 18 plus having a possible range of plus six to minus six and prior experience in a juvenile training school. indicating his status on the five role types men- Adult crime is defined in terms of having three or tioned above. more prior arrests and prior experience in an adult Ideally, the occupant of a given role should en- correctional institution. dorse (strongly agree or agree) the three items designed to tap his attitudes, and should not en- Square Johns dorse the remaining nine items. That is, an inmate Compared with the other role types, Square who has been assigned a given role in the prisoner Johns show the least amount of juvenile delin- society should exhibit a high positive score with re- quency and participation in adult crime in their spect to the items characterizing the role type and backgrounds. It is also seen that these incumbents should exhibit low positive or negative scores on are committed, more frequently than the other role items characterizing the other role types.The highest absolute mean of its distribution. The distribution of positive score shown by an inmate on any one set of scores for the four role types showed absolute means of items determined his classification.7 On this basis, an five for thepolitician items; four for the right guy items; three for the square John items; and two for the outlaw 7 Inmates whose highest score on any of the four items. sets of items was three or less were not considered in O Cited in OnHi, op. cit. supra note 1, at 37-38. the classification. The problem of tied scores on two or 9 Cited in TAT, CEIMIOLOGY 662 (1956). more sets of items was handled by classifying the in- 10 Schrag, Leadership Among Prison Inmates, 19 Am. mate in favor of the score which was furthest from the Soc. REv. 37 (1954). RESEARCH REPORTS [Vol. 55

TABLE 1 place for this role-type where he is forced to JUVENILE DELINQUENCY AMONG ROLE "mingle with criminals." Because of his non- TYPES criminal self-definition, the Square John openly identifies with the prison's administration, and re- Per Cent Role Te Delinquent ' mains isolated from many of the informal inmate activities. Square John ...... 17 36 Politician ...... 21 77 Right Guys Right Guy ...... 24 73 Compared with Square Johns, inmates occupy- Outlaw ...... 35 38 ing the antisocial role in the prisoner society have * In this and most of the following tables, N refers had early contact with delinquent traditions and to the number of cases on which the percentage is continued participation in adult crime. Tables 1 based. For example, 21 per cent of the 77 politicians and 2 show that Right Guys are considerably more are classified as having been delinquents. likely than Square Johns to have been delinquent with subsequent participation in adult crime. The TABLE 2 Right Guy type most frequently comes from an INVOLVEMENT IN ADULT Car AMONG economically underprivileged family residing in the Ror TYPES disorganized sections of large cities making possible early contact and association with delinquent Per Cent Role Type Involved in N traditions and peers.n Table 3 shows that com- Adult Crime pared with the other role types, Right Guys are committed more frequently for the traditional Square John ...... 16 37 property offenses, such as robbery, burglary, and Right Guy ...... 30 72 auto theft, in addition to assault. The data suggest Politician ...... 41 78 that the Right Guy may be a nonprofessional ...... Outlaw 51 37 property offender who attempts to make a career out of crime, albeit an unsuccessful one.13 types, for the crime of homicide and to a lesser Con Politicians extent for forgery and non-violent sex offenses. Contrasted with Right Guys, Con Politicians These findings support the notion that Square show slightly less evidence of juvenile delinquency Johns have not had an extensive delinquent and in their background, but more evidence of involve- criminal career, but may become involved in a ment in adult crime. In addition, they are more serious personal offense, probably due to a set of likely than Right Guys and Outlaws to be com- extenuating circumstances. Moreover, Square mitted for forgery and grand larceny by check. Johns may become involved in writing "rubber That these crimes are easily detected and fre- checks" usually against their own bank accounts, quently lead to arrest and prosecution may be a and often while drinking. Investigators have called partial explanation of the Politicians' position in this type the "naive check forger" in that highly Table 2. Lemert's study of the systematic forger developed and specialized techniques of profes- tends to corroborate the latter point, in that he sional forgery are not used. Naive check writers found his sample of forgers were very likely to be 1 4 conceive of themselves not as criminals, but as detected, and further were highly recidivistic. individuals laboring under a burden of personal A significant feature differentiating Politicians problems for which checkwriting seemed to be an from Right Guys and Outlaws may be seen by appropriate solution." considering the role of the victim in the commission The net result of the Square John's lack of of offenses. Right Guys and Outlaws are likely to systematic involvement in delinquent and criminal commit offenses involving little or no manipulation traditions is an individual who, when committed of the victim. When the victim is manipulated, as to prison, invokes characteristic mechanisms of in the case of robbery, it tends to be direct, un- adjustment to focal issues. The prison is a foreign 12Id. at 56. t Gibbons & Garrity, Some Suggestions for the De- 134 Ibid. velopment of Etiological and Treatment Theory in Crimi- 1 Lemert, The Systematic Check Forger, 6 SOCIAL nology, 38 SOCIAL FORCES 51 (1959). PROBLEMS 141 (1958). RESEARCH REPORTS

TABLE 3 OFFENSES AmONO RoLF, TYPEs

Assault Burglary Forgery Homicide Non-Violent Total Robbery AutoTheft Sex Role Types % N % N % N % N % N % N

Square John ...... 9 3 29 10 31 11 20 7 11 4 100 35 Politician ...... 15 10 41 27 30 20 8 S 6 4 100 66 Right Guy ...... 30 21 41 28 13 9 9 6 7 5 100 69 Outlaw ...... 24 8 50 17 14 5 6 2 6 2 100 34 sophisticated, and involves the threat of force. Con inmates are importantly related to the role oc- Politicians, however, tend to commit offenses in- cupied within the inmate social system. Thus volving a high degree of role-playing skill, where although inmate behavior may vary widely, we the victim is manipulated by words. should generally expect uniform behavior among incumbents occupying the same role within the in- Outlaws formal social structure. Social role, then, regulates From the data shown in Tables 1 and 2, Outlaws behavior within the institution. appear to have had the most prolonged career in Particzpationin FormalInstitutional Programs delinquency and crime. Notwithstanding the fact that Outlaws, like Right Guys, also tend to be If this general proposition is valid, then we committed for the traditional property crimes, should expect participation in formal staff- they are nevertheless much more likely to be sponsored programs to be distributed differentially detected for these offenses. This may provide some among the role types in two important respects. indication of the relative degree of skill used by First, the rate or extensiveness of formal participa- each type in the commission of these crimes. Out- tion should be related to role type. Some inmates laws are likely to commit crimes on impulse with will take an active interest in the programs of- little or no thought given to planning prior to their fered by the prison's administration and take commission. advantage of as many of these activities as possible. Other inmates, however, will not be motivated to ROLE TYPES AND INSTITUTIONAL BEHAVIOR participate. Second, role type should be related to Investigators have observed the institutional participation in the types of programs offered by behavior of inmates to vary widely. Clemmer, for the staff. For example, some of the activities in- example, found that some inmates were involved cluded in the total program of many prisons are in primary relationships with other inmates, while aimed directly at changing or modifying attitudes others were relatively isolated from any close and values. These activities are therapeuticin their friendship ties.' 5 Again, some inmates were more orientation. Other programs are aimed at improv- 1 6 prone to break institutional rules than others. ing the moral character of the inmate and are Because he lacked a systematic conceptual frame- religious in their orientation. Still others do not work of the inmate role system within which to have any specific underlying rationale, but exist interpret his findings, Clemmer was forced to primarily to expend the inmate's excess energy, or conclude that the prisoner community was an help the inmate pass his time. These activities are atomistic society which lacked consensus and neutral in their orientation. Thus, the two aspects 7 solidarity. of formal participation are defined in terms of We feel that much of the seemingly divergent extensiveness and type of program involvement. inmate behavior can be accounted for in terms of The data presented in Table 4 show the per- the theoretical framework presented above such centage of the four role types who actively partici- that the conduct, contact, and communication of pate in at least one staff-sponsored program. These data show fairly clearly that Square Johns are the ,5 Cirn P, op. cit. supra note 1, ch. 5. 16 Id. at 122. most active, followed by Politicians, Right Guys 7 Id. at 322. and Outlaws in that order. Since the Square John RESEARCH REPORTS [Vol. 55

TABLE 4 tee for rule infractions and violations. Table 6 EXTENSIVENESS OF PARTICIPATION IN shows that rule infraction is systematically re- STAF-SpoNsoRED PRoGRAm AMoNG lated to role type. Square Johns appear to present RoLE TYPES the least problem to prison officials, while Out-

Per Cent in laws comprise the most serious behavior problem Role Type at Least One N cases. There is a good deal of evidence in the Program literature to suggest that the outlaw-type is avoided by other inmates because of his disrup- Square John ...... 84 37 9 Politician ...... 71 79 tive behavior in the institution' Perhaps the Out- Right Guy ...... 63 73 law should be regarded as a "double failure" in Outlaw ...... 62 38 both legitimate and illegitimate activities, and this may help to account for his untrammeled violence. 20 alternative represents "pro-social" behavior, it is reasonable to assume that this incumbent will be Reported Social Contacts relatively isolated from many of the informal in- Studies by Clemmer, Wheeler, and others have mate activities and thus will direct more of his shown the importance of informal social contacts energies toward formal staff-sponsored activities and involvement to the attitudes and values of in- which are open to all inmates regardless of informal mates. Clemmer, for example, noted a relationship social status. between primary group membership and degree of Table 5 presents evidence regarding type of prisonization.2 Wheeler has reported relationships program involvement. Although the numbers are between various measures of informal involvement small, the trends are nevertheless evident and sup- and conformity to staff role expectations.2" In our portive of the general hypothesis. Square Johns investigations, we had the opportunity to examine are much more likely than other role types to the relationship between role type and social participate in programs geared specificially at contact. Although we do not have at the present therapy, while Politicians, Right Guys, and Out- time direct measures on the actual number and laws in that order are more likely to participate in types of contacts an inmate has, we do have neutral programs. These data suggest that those evidence on the reported frequency and types of inmates who are least likely to be affectively at- contacts inmates claim they have. The sample of tached to illegitimate norms are most likely to be- inmates was asked to report whether they had come involved in instrumental therapy programs. more or less contacts with staff members and in- Thus it may be that many of the therapy programs mates as compared with the average inmate. The that exist in correctional institutions have the data are reported in Table 7. function of supporting and reinforcing conventional The findings appear to be consistent with the affective orientations rather than being vehicles of evidence presented in the previous tables and sug- change." gest that the amount and kind of contacts an inmate reports are in fact associated with the role he InstitutionalAdjustment occupies in the informal social system. It can be An index commonly used by prison classification seen, for example, that compared with the other committees and parole boards to evaluate an in- types Right Guys tend to report having more than mate's adjustment in prison is the number of rule average contact with inmates but less than average or conduct infractions incurred by the inmate. In- 19The outlaw-type, as discussed in this paper, ap- mates were asked to note the number of times pears to be similar to the ball buster as discussed by they had been referred to the adjustment commit- Gresham Sykes. See his SOcmCTY OF CAPrvs 99-102 8 (1955). 1 Prison therapy programs may also be vehicles of 20See Cloward, Illegitimate Means, Anomie, and change, especially when they are devised and regulated Deviant Behavior, 24 Am. Soc. REv. 164 (1959). See within the inmate community. In this case, inmates also CLOWARD & OHLIN, DELINQUENCY AND OPPoR- who otherwise would not avail themselves of staff- TUNSTY 178-87 (1960). sponsored therapy programs will play an active role 21 CLEME rn, op. cit. supra note 1, ch. 12. in inmate-sponsored therapy sessions. For evidence 2 Wheeler, Social Organization and Inmate Values, on this matter, see Garabedian, Legitimate and Illegiti- 1959 PROCEEDINGS OP THE AMhpUCAN CORREMONAL mate Alternatives in the Prison Community, 32 Socio- ASSOCIATION 189-98; Wheeler, Socialization in Correc- LOGICAL INQUIRY 172 (1962). tional Communities, 26 Am. Soc. REv. 697 (1961). 1964] RESEARCH REPORTS

TABLE 5 TYPE op PROGRAM INVOLVEMENT AMONG ROLE TYPES*

Therapeutic Religious Neutral Total Role Type % N % N % N % N

Square John ...... 55 6 27 3 18 2 100 11 Politician ...... 29 8 7 2 64 18 100 28 Right Guy ...... 23 4 23 4 54 9 100 17 Outlaw ...... 33 4 17 2 50 6 100 12 * The small size N in this table reflects the mode of analysis. Thus of the Square Johns, six participated in only therapeutic programs, three in only religious activities, etc.

contact with staff members. On the other hand, TABLE 6 Outlaws report themselves as being isolated from SERIOUS CONDUcT INFRACTIONS AMONG both groups. Square Johns and Politicians report ROLE TYPES more than average contact with both groups, al- Per Cent With though Square Johns report somewhat more con- Role Type Three or More N Infractions tacts with inmates than was expected.O It is also interesting to note that very few inmates report Square John ...... 00 37 more than average contact with staff but less than Politician ...... 14 79 average contact with inmates. Apparently, in- Right Guy ...... 16 73 volvement with prison officials generally implies Outlaw ...... 22 27 involvement with inmates as well. Communication tion.2 Since the data suggest that social contacts Investigators have also noted the existence of a are associated with role types, we should also "grapevine" in our prisons, which refers to the expect that some degree of communication would rapidity with which a bit of information circulates take place during these contacts and thus varying through the inmate population. 24 However, the degrees of cognitive knowledge should be possessed pervasiveness and effectiveness of the grapevine as by the incumbents. a means of informing inmates of events and Just prior to the time of our study, several in- conditions within the institution has not been sub- mates obtained official sanction to initiate a mitted to empirical test. It is very likely that all therapy group. In an effort to determine whether inmates in a given prison do not possess an equal cognitive knowledge varied with role incumbency, amount of information, nor are the kinds of in- the sample of inmates was asked whether they had formation possessed likely to be distributed in an heard of a therapy group recently organized in the equitable or random fashion. Moreover, possession institution. The results presented in Table 8 show of information and knowledge enables inmates to that knowledge of the therapy group varies sys- understand and interpret events in the institution. tematically with role type. Incumbents of the A lack of information may lead many inmates to Square John role are most likely to have knowledge employ the "rat" concept as a basis for interpreting of this group, which result is not surprising in light events or changes that take place in an institu- of the findings presented in Tables 4 and 5. It is likely that the content of the information to be com- 23There is some indication that Square John types municated plays are not as isolated from informal inmate activities as is a significant part in determining commonly thought to be the case. For evidence on this who possesses the knowledge. Since in this case the point, see Garabedian, Social Roles and Processes of content of the communication bears directly on Socialization in the Prison Community, 11 SocIAL PROBLEMS 139 (1963). See also Garabedian, supra note the problem of therapy and rehabilitation, we 18, at 178-84. find that Square Johns are most likely to know 24 CLEMMER, op. cit. supra note 1, at 97. See also McCleery, about it. Communication Patternsas Bases of Systems 2 of Authority, in Cloward, et al., op. cit. supra note 1, -McCleery, The Strange Journey, 1953 UNIvERSITY at 49. or NORTH CAROLINA EXTENSION BULLETIN. RESEARCH REPORTS [Vol. 55

TABLE 7 REPORTED SoCIAL CONTACTS AMoNG ROLE TYPES

Hi Staff- Hi Staff- L Staff- Lo Staff- TOW Hi Inmate Lo Inmate Hi Inmate Lo Inmate RoleType % N % N % N % N % N

Square John ...... 38 14 3 1 13 5 46 17 100 37 Politician ...... 27 21 3 2 24 18 46 37 100 78 Right Guy ...... 16 12 8 6 35 25 41 30 100 73 Outlaw ...... 13 5 3 1 29 11 55 21 100 38

ROLE TYPES AND A.FECTIVE ATTACHmNTS TABLE 8 KNOWLEDGE OP TnAnY GROuP AmONG The data presented in the previous sections sug- ROLE TYPES gest that there are fairly uniform and distinct Per Cent With variations in the criminal careers and in the insti- Role Type Knowledge of N tutional behavior of the various role types. This Therapy Group section directs its attention to the final problem of normative orientations. Square John ...... 68 37 In order to examine this relationship, the 141 Politician ...... i...... 52 79 staff members, along with the sample of inmates, Right Guy ...... 44 73 Outlaw ...... 37 38 were asked to evaluate a series of five contrived situations referring to life in prison. An example of these contrived items follows: TABLE 9 "Two inmates who are planning to escape ask CoNFoRmrY To START Norams AmoNG one of their close friends, Brown, to distract the ROLE TYPES guard's attention so that they will have a chance Per Cent Con- to get out of his sight. Brown refuses, stating Role Type forming to N that he doesn't want anything to do with the Staff Norms 1 6 plot. Both staff members and inmates were asked to Square John ...... 46 37 state whether they approved or disapproved of Politician ...... 37 79 inmate Brown's behavior. Staff responses to this Right Guy ...... 23 73 Outlaw ...... 16 38 and the other four items were overwhelmingly in agreement. That is, there was a high degree of consensus among staff with respect to the action taken evaluate problematic situations in terms of legiti- in the five hypothetical situations. On the other mate standards suggests that these types identify hand, little consensus was observed to exist among with noncriminal persons and groups. The opposite inmate responses to the five items. Defining staff is true of Right Guys. Were it possible to construct responses as an index of their normative orienta- an index of conformity to deviant or illegitimate tion, it was possible to examine the characteristics norms, we should expect to find a larger per cent of those inmates whose responses were in agreement of Right Guys among the high conformists as com- with staff norms. pared with Square Johns.Nr Similarly, while Poli- The data shown in Table 9 are clear. The per ticians rank second only to Square Johns on the cent of conformists to staff norms decreases sys- conformity index, they should also rank high on tematically with role type. Square Johns rank conformity to illegitimate norms. Finally, Outlaws highest, followed by Politicians, Right Guys, and should rank low on both indices. Outlaws respectively. The fact that Square Johns 27For a logical presentation of the cognitive and 26For a complete description of the method of con- affective orientations of the role types, see Schrag, Some structing the index of conformity to staff norms, see Foundationsfor a Theory of Correction, in Tim PRISON: Garabedian, Social Roles and Processes of Socialization STUDIEs IN INSTITUTIONAL ORGANIZATION AND CHANGE in the Prison Community, supra note 23. 309 (Cressey ed. 1961). 19641 RESEARCH REPORTS

CONCLUSIONS and communication within the inmate social system. This paper has attempted to account for the The present investigation has directed its at- widely divergent behavior of inmates that is tention to four major behavior alternatives in commonly observed in maximum security prisons. prison. Systematic linkages were found to exist The accounting scheme used is based on the as- between the criminal careers, institutional behav- sumption that the inmate social system does not ior, and normative orientations of inmates identi- consist solely of illegitimate roles, nor does the fied as Square Johns, Right Guys, Politicians, or system expect uniform behavior among all its mem- Outlaws. The evidence suggests that the typology bers. Each inmate role represents a behavior al- may be a fruitful and parsimonious method ena- ternative with respect to issues or concerns that are bling researchers to approximate the complex net- of central importance to the prisoner group. In at- work of social relationships actually maintained by tempting to bring about a sense of order in an inmates. otherwise anonymous and heterogeneous commu- Although the problem of mixed-types was not nity, inmate behavior is classified into one or an- dealt with in this study, their importance should other of the alternatives. Thus, the various alter- not be overlooked or underestimated. In fact, it is natives have the function of serving as a classifica- not unlikely that closer approximations to the tion system as well as points of reference to which "social reality" of the prisoners' world can be made inmates may orient themselves. by constructing a typology of mixed-types Be- Once an inmate occupies a given role, much of havioral actions and verbalizations are matters of his behavior in the institution is predictable. By degree, and further, inmates occupy more than one virtue of his location in the social structure, the social role in prison. Some of the evidence presented inmate will have access to a variety of social and suggests that this in the case. Further study is cultural resources that will make it possible for needed on the types of personality structure that him to employ certain means for goal attainment. are associated with the various behavior alterna- s Square Johns, for example, have access to a variety tives,2 and of the conditions under which inmates of social resources making it possible for these may make a transition from one role to another. types to employ legitimate alternatives for goal 28Sykes and Messinger discuss a number of problems achievement. which future research must answer before a firm em- By the same token, however, they pirical understanding of inmate roles can be derived. generally do not have access to resources making One of the problem areas mentioned by these authors is possible the use of illegitimate means. In short, the the relation of personality structure to the selection of a given role. See their Inmate Social System, in Cloward, role is a mechanism regulating conduct, contact, et al., op. cit. supra note 1, at 19.