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Sociology of Industrial Conflice in Ghana, 1957-1972

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Sociology of Industrial Conflice in Ghana, 1957-1972 SOCIOLOGY OF INDUSTRIAL CONFLICT IN GHANA: 1957-1972 Yau Aboagye Debrah 8. A. Siatcn Fraser University (1981) THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIEEHEWTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Sociology/Anthropology C Yaw Akoagye Debrah 1983 SIflC# FRASEB UNIVERSITY A11 rights reserved, This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. ----APPROVAL Name: Yaw Aboagye Debrah Degree: Master of Arts Title of Thesis: SCCIOLOGY OF INDUSTRIAL COSPLICT IN GHANA: 1957-1972 Examining Committee: Chai rperson : Dr. Ian Whi taker prof .A.M.Wyllie Senior Supervisor ./- - - Dr. Gary Teeple Dr. Robert Rd@w Dr. Robert Davies External Examiner Dept. of Business Administration University of British Columbia Date Approved: March 15, 1983 I bzrzby grant to Simon Fraser University the i ight to lend n:y the5 is, project or extended essay (the title of which is shown k!c;;) -to uszrs of ths Sinon Frassr University Library, and io make partial 3r single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behal f or for one of its users. I further agree that pernission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is undersfood that copying or publication of this work for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Project/Extended Essay Author: - , - w (signature) Yaw Aboagye Debrah - April 12, 1983 P (clste) ABSTRACT This study endeavours to explain why industrial corif lict in Ghana was weakly institutionalized from 1957- 1972, Institutionalization is the process whereby industrial cock lict is lsolated from, and prevented from diffusing through, the entire political systeffi, Sogie studies of trade unions in Western Industrial societies have argued that once unions have acQuired legitimacy in society and have achieved some sutstantial kenefits for their merebers, their function then becomes the institutionalization of industrial conflict. through the collective bargaining process, Some social scientists thus assumed that unions would perform the same role in developing nations like Ghana, By analysing published literature on trade unions in both Ghana and the industrialized West, trade union policies and documents of the Nkrumah, National Libera tior: Council artd 3 usia regimes, as veil as Ghana Trade Union Congress docume~lts, an attempt was mnde to show why the regimes adopted measures aimed at repressing strikes and controlling the unicns, The policies adopted by the unicns to resist such measures were also studied, The result shoved that the unions in Ghana did cot replicate the experience of the West, This thesis skows that in Ghana, unlike the ~ractice in the industrialized Ucst, the economy was planned by the state through development plans. Also the state was the largest employer and as such was much more easily drawn into inOustrial conflicts which then spread through iii the entire pclitical system. In Ghana the unions were incapable of isolating 13bour conflicts irom the public arena because the collective bargaining structures were not strong enough. Furthermore, there was a major conflict of interest betweer, the regines and the onions due to the failure of each to recogriize the legitimacy of the other's position, This manifested itself in strikes and other forms of labour conflicts, In such conflicts the unions relied oa a populist ideology to achieve their objectives, The adoption of this po~ulist ideology precipitated the conflict of interest into a power struggle between the two opposing sides, As a result of these factors industrial conflict was only weakly institutionalized in Ghana- DEDICATION Dedicated to my parents. ACKNOWLEDGflEUTS My thanks are due to the me~bersof my supervisory ccnmittee: Professor R, F. Fyllie, Dr,Gary Teeple and Dr, Robert Rogow;to Cr, Hari Sharma for his friendship and guir?ance ; to Elr.Vern Loewen,the Director of Financial Aid,SFII for the financial assistance provided for the tzping and preparation of the thesis; to Hr, and firs. Joe Amoako-Tuffour for their assistance in the use of the computer; to Hs. Noreen Ash for the various assistance provided;and finally to all my friends,faculty, statf and fellow graduate students oi the Sociology and Anthropology Department for their support and encouragement, TABLE OF CONTENTS LABOUR LEGISLATION AND THE UNIONS .,,.,.*,..--,.,,It,,43 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PEBIOD IN TERMS OF INDUSTRIAL CONFLICT IN GBAMA ,~,,,,-.,,---,.,,,.-.68 Iff, INDUSTRIAL CONFLICT DUBING THE HILITARY REGIPlE -NATIOtJAL LIBERATION COUNCIL (NLC) :1966-1969 ,,,,,, .,,, 77 LBBOUR LEGISLATION AND TEE UNIONS ,,,,,,,..,. ,, ,.,,,-,83 COLLECTIVE BABGAINING 1966-1969 .,I-.g.-.90 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PERIOD IN TERMS OF IRDUST3IAL CONFLICT IN GHANA ,,-,, ,,,,,,. ., ,,., -,106 vii LABOUH LEGISLATICW ANJJ THE rJNIOtiS ,,,.,,. ...... .,. .. 133 COLLECTIVE BARGAIMIMG ,. , ., ,, . ,., ,, .,,.. .. .. .- 139 2ATTEBN DP INDUSTRIAL CONFLICT DURING THIS PEDICD .,.la1 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THP PERIOD IN TERMS OF INDUSTRIAL CONFLICT IN GHANA ..,,,.,.,,,.., ,...,, 151 V. PATTERNS UF INDUSTRIAL CONFLICT: 1957-1972- ..,,,,,..-168 THE IDEOLOGY CF THE TRADE UNION MOVENENT IN GHAWA ,,. 178 viii msr OF TABLES 1, Collective Agreements in Ghana, 1959-1977 56 2, Number of Unions, Hercbership and Strikes,1957-1972 58 3, Size and Composition of Public Debt,1959-1966 78 9, Annual Salary of Top Ranking nembers of the Busia ~egiine155 I. IBTRODUCTION The history of: the trade union movement in Ghana has been a history of continuous conflict between the workers and the state. (The stdte is the largest employer of Labour in Ghana), In Ghana industrial confiict tends to overshadow the relations between the trade union movement and the employers despite efforts to create and preserve communal working relationships, to provide some acceptable aechanisns of accommodation, compromise, and adjudication in aediating disputes, and to handle all other forms cf organized conflict with their potential ramifications and iiaplications for the whole of the political system. In spite of emphasis in recent years on corornon objectives and on the virtues of industrial peace and narmony, the pursuit of disparate airs on the part of toth the trade unions and the reginies continues to cause strife. This thesis seeks to explain why industrial conflict in Ghand was still weakly institutionalized by 1972, despite the legalization of trade unions, the development of collective bargaining procedures, the passage of labour legislation and the regular pronouncements on the virtues of industrial peace emanating from both employers and trade union leaders during the post-independence period, The investiyation in this respect will focus on the period from 1957 to 1972. The term institutionalization whenever used in the thesis will mean the process wfiereky industria 1 ccnflict is isolated from, and re vented from diffusing through the entire poll tical system, The develorment of trade unionism in Ghaua has its origins in the colonial period. Ofticia1 trade unionism did not begin until 194 1 when the Gold Coast colonial administration passed the Trade Union Ordinance which legalized trade unions in the Gold Coast(the name of the country under British colonial rule). After 1941 the Colonial Adainistration encouraged the for~ation of trade unions based on the British model, By the time of independence in 1957 trade unionism had become an integral part of industrial relations in Ghana, Since trade unionism was introduced in Ghana under Sritish Colonial rule, it was thought that institutionalization of industrial conflict would be possible in Ghana just as in Britain. This notion was based on the assumption that once the Ghanaian trade unions were legalized and were able to achieve sorn e sa bstantial berief its for their members, institntionalization of industrial conflict would be possible, In addition the notion overlooked some differences bet ween the social structure of Ghana and that of Eritain or the ind ustralized west, In Ghana, unlike the West, the state is the largest employer of labour and unionization is most developed in this sector. The state assuaies the position of management and labour-management relations is therefore controlled hy the state, In this regard the state in Ghana, unlike in the Yest, is much more easily drawn into industrial conflicts which have the potentiality of spreading to the whole political system, In Ghana as in most developing nations the state is the initiator of development. In such a state planned economy, the state is able to wield considerable often, unchallenged power, The state therefore is able to legislate the conditions under which trade unions would be allowed to operate, In such a count.ry the state makes the distinction between legal and illegal strikes, Even collective bargaining certificates are soaretimes controlled by the state, This is probably an indication that the recognition of trade unions in those countries does not go Ear enough, While trade unionism has officially been recognized or legalized, it has not been accepted in the beliefs of the authorities as a legitimate social institution, There are a number of factors that can perhaps explain this, however, the most important is the fact that the trade union movement in Ghana is seen by the various polltical leaders as a competitor. There seem to be a conflict of interest between the trade union ~ovementand the political leaders, In a society where there are virtually no strong op~osit ional political parties either because they are forbidden to operate or have been driven underground by the regimes, the trade union movement sometimes assumes the position of unofficial oppositional party, expressing the views and the opinions of the Basses, Purtheraore, in such societies the regimes are high11 vulnerable to coups and frequent overthrows, The trade union movement is capable of engi~eeringthe overthrow of a regime, AS such the activities of the trade union movememt are constantly watched.
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