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Editorial: Left-Horizons Is Launched More Appetite for Marxist Ideas
Editorial: Left-Horizons is launched More appetite for Marxist ideas than ever before October 16 2017 The Left Horizons website is launched today with the aim of developing and promoting the Marxist strand of opinion within the Labour and trade union movement. Last week, Chris Leslie, Labour MP for Nottingham East, declared in relation to Momentum, that “there is no place for Marxism” inside the Labour Party. Leaving the aside the rather dubious link between Momentum and Marxism, even a cursory study of Labour history will show that there has always been a Marxist strand of opinion within the Party. We welcome the fact that for the first time in generations front bench Labour MPs are happy to describe themselves as “Marxists” or at the very least to pay tribute to Marx’s ideas. In contradiction to Chris Leslie, in our opinion, there should be “no place” in the Labour Party for candidates imposed undemocratically on a Constituency Labour Party, as happened to Nottingham East when Leslie was made the candidate. Neither should there be a place for any Labour MPs to be equivocal on the question of austerity and the living standards of working-class people. When Ed Miliband and Ed Balls lost the 2015 general election for Labour, Chris Leslie was one of those right- wing Labour MPs who implied that the Labour manifesto had at that time been too radical. “We should have done more about welfare reform and public-sector reform”, he said, “not just giving the impression it was all about spending more or less money.” When the Tories were hell-bent on pauperising the disabled by cutting their welfare benefits in July 2015, Chris Leslie was one of those 184 Labour MPs who did not vote against the second reading of the Tories’ Welfare Reform and Work Bill. -
Download the Red Book
The For this agenda-setting collection, the leading civil society umbrella groups ACEVO and CAF worked with Lisa Nandy MP to showcase some of Red Book Labour’s key thinkers about the party’s future relationship with charities The and social enterprises. The accompanying ‘Blue Book’ and ‘Yellow Book’ feature similar essays from the Conservative and Liberal Democrat Parties. ‘This collection of essays shows the depth and vibrancy of thinking across the Labour movement on this important issue and makes a vital the Voluntary of Sector Red Book contribution to the debate in the run-up to the next election.’ Rt Hon Ed Miliband MP, Leader of the Labour Party of the ‘I hope this collection will be a provocation to further dialogue with Labour and with all the major political parties. It demonstrates a willingness to listen … that our sector should be grateful for.’ Voluntary Sector Sir Stephen Bubb, Chief Executive, ACEVO ‘The contributions in this collection show that the Labour Party possesses exciting ideas and innovations designed to strengthen Britain’s charities, Civil Society and the Labour Party and many of the concepts explored will be of interest to whichever party (or parties) are successful at the next election.’ after the 2015 election Dr John Low CBE, Chief Executive, Charities Aid Foundation With a foreword by the Rt Hon Ed Miliband MP £20 ISBN 978-1-900685-70-2 9 781900 685702 acevo-red-book-cover-centred-spine-text.indd All Pages 05/09/2014 15:40:12 The Red Book of the Voluntary Sector Civil Society and the Labour Party after -
1 the Name of the Society Shall Be the Fabian Society
RULES OF THE FABIAN SOCIETY 1 The name of the Society shall be the Fabian Society. 2 The Fabian Society consists of socialists. It therefore aims for a classless society, where a just distribution of wealth and power assures true equality of opportunity. It holds that society, through its democratic institutions, should determine the overall direction and distribution of economic activity, and seeks to promote where appropriate the social and co-operative ownership of economic resources. It argues for strong and accountable public institutions reflecting the values of public service to meet need. It believes in an active democracy, characterised by liberty, tolerance and respect for diversity. It aims at the implementation of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and seeks the creation of effective international institutions to uphold and promote world peace and sustainable development. It seeks to secure these ends by the methods of political democracy. The Society, believing in equal citizenship in the fullest sense, is open to persons, irrespective of race, gender, sexual orientation, age, disability or creed, who commit themselves to its aims and purposes and undertake to promote its work. Its activities shall be the furtherance of socialism and the education of the public on socialist lines by the holding of meetings, lectures, discussion groups and conferences, the promotion of research into political, economic and social problems, national and international, the publication of books, pamphlets and periodicals, and by any other appropriate methods. The Society shall be affiliated to the Labour Party. 3 The Society as a whole shall have no collective policy beyond what is implied in Rule 2; its research shall be free and objective in its methods. -
The Leftist Case for War in Iraq •fi William Shawcross, Allies
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 27, Issue 6 2003 Article 6 Vengeance And Empire: The Leftist Case for War in Iraq – William Shawcross, Allies: The U.S., Britain, Europe, and the War in Iraq Hal Blanchard∗ ∗ Copyright c 2003 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Vengeance And Empire: The Leftist Case for War in Iraq – William Shawcross, Allies: The U.S., Britain, Europe, and the War in Iraq Hal Blanchard Abstract Shawcross is superbly equipped to assess the impact of rogue States and terrorist organizations on global security. He is also well placed to comment on the risks of preemptive invasion for existing alliances and the future prospects for the international rule of law. An analysis of the ways in which the international community has “confronted evil,” Shawcross’ brief polemic argues that U.S. President George Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair were right to go to war without UN clearance, and that the hypocrisy of Jacques Chirac was largely responsible for the collapse of international consensus over the war. His curious identification with Bush and his neoconservative allies as the most qualified to implement this humanitarian agenda, however, fails to recognize essential differences between the leftist case for war and the hard-line justification for regime change in Iraq. BOOK REVIEW VENGEANCE AND EMPIRE: THE LEFTIST CASE FOR WAR IN IRAQ WILLIAM SHAWCROSS, ALLIES: THE U.S., BRITAIN, EUROPE, AND THE WAR IN IRAQ* Hal Blanchard** INTRODUCTION In early 2002, as the war in Afghanistan came to an end and a new interim government took power in Kabul,1 Vice President Richard Cheney was discussing with President George W. -
Parliamentary Debates House of Commons Official Report General Committees
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES HOUSE OF COMMONS OFFICIAL REPORT GENERAL COMMITTEES Public Bill Committee FINANCE (NO. 2) BILL Fifth Sitting Thursday 28 October 2010 CONTENTS CLAUSE 27 agreed to. SCHEDULE 11 agreed to. CLAUSE 28 agreed to. SCHEDULE 12 agreed to. CLAUSE 29 agreed to. SCHEDULE 13 agreed to. CLAUSES 30 and 31 agreed to. SCHEDULE 14 agreed to. CLAUSES 32 and 33 agreed to. Bill, as amended, to be reported. PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS LONDON – THE STATIONERY OFFICE LIMITED £4·00 PBC (Bill 072) 2010 - 2011 Members who wish to have copies of the Official Report of Proceedings in General Committees sent to them are requested to give notice to that effect at the Vote Office. No proofs can be supplied. Corrigenda slips may be published with Bound Volume editions. Corrigenda that Members suggest should be clearly marked in a copy of the report—not telephoned—and must be received in the Editor’s Room, House of Commons, not later than Monday 1 November 2010 STRICT ADHERENCE TO THIS ARRANGEMENT WILL GREATLY FACILITATE THE PROMPT PUBLICATION OF THE BOUND VOLUMES OF PROCEEDINGS IN GENERAL COMMITTEES © Parliamentary Copyright House of Commons 2010 This publication may be reproduced under the terms of the Parliamentary Click-Use Licence, available online through the Office of Public Sector Information website at www.opsi.gov.uk/click-use/ Enquiries to the Office of Public Sector Information, Kew, Richmond, Surrey TW9 4DU; e-mail: [email protected] 131 Public Bill Committee28 OCTOBER 2010 Finance (No. 2) Bill 132 The Committee -
Geopolitics, Oil Law Reform, and Commodity Market Expectations
OKLAHOMA LAW REVIEW VOLUME 63 WINTER 2011 NUMBER 2 GEOPOLITICS, OIL LAW REFORM, AND COMMODITY MARKET EXPECTATIONS ROBERT BEJESKY * Table of Contents I. Introduction .................................... ........... 193 II. Geopolitics and Market Equilibrium . .............. 197 III. Historical U.S. Foreign Policy in the Middle East ................ 202 IV. Enter OPEC ..................................... ......... 210 V. Oil Industry Reform Planning for Iraq . ............... 215 VI. Occupation Announcements and Economics . ........... 228 VII. Iraq’s 2007 Oil and Gas Bill . .............. 237 VIII. Oil Price Surges . ............ 249 IX. Strategic Interests in Afghanistan . ................ 265 X. Conclusion ...................................... ......... 273 I. Introduction The 1973 oil supply shock elevated OPEC to world attention and ensconced it in the general consciousness as a confederacy that is potentially * M.A. Political Science (Michigan), M.A. Applied Economics (Michigan), LL.M. International Law (Georgetown). The author has taught international law courses for Cooley Law School and the Department of Political Science at the University of Michigan, American Government and Constitutional Law courses for Alma College, and business law courses at Central Michigan University and the University of Miami. 193 194 OKLAHOMA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 63:193 antithetical to global energy needs. From 1986 until mid-1999, prices generally fluctuated within a $10 to $20 per barrel band, but alarms sounded when market prices started hovering above $30. 1 In July 2001, Senator Arlen Specter addressed the Senate regarding the need to confront OPEC and urged President Bush to file an International Court of Justice case against the organization, on the basis that perceived antitrust violations were a breach of “general principles of law.” 2 Prices dipped initially, but began a precipitous rise in mid-March 2002. -
Submission to the 91St Session of the United Nations Human Rights Committee
Submission to the 91st Session of the United Nations Human Rights Committee on Respect for Freedom of Expression in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland London October 2007 ARTICLE 19 à 6-8 Amwell Street à London EC1R 1UQ à United Kingdom Tel +44 20 7278 9292 à Fax +44 20 7278 7660 à [email protected] à http://www.article19.org 1. Introduction This submission outlines ARTICLE 19’s main concerns regarding respect for the right to freedom of expression in the United Kingdom. Our submissions is presented in respect of the consideration by the United Nations Human Rights Committee of the Sixth Periodic Report of the United Kingdom on the implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). A list of possible questions to be posed to the United Kingdom representation is appended to this submission. ARTICLE 19 is an international, non-governmental human rights organisation which works around the world to protect and promote the right to freedom of expression and information. 2. Summary of concerns The United Kingdom is a long-standing member of the Council of Europe and European Union and a party to the European Convention of Human Rights as well as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. While the right to freedom of expression is generally respected, there are currently problems in five key areas: Access to information: i) The Freedom of Information Act 2000 contains exemptions which allow access to information to be refused on arbitrary or inappropriate grounds. ii) The government has proposed FOIA amendments to the way the costs of processing a request under the Act are assessed, making it easier to reject politically sensitive or complex requests on the grounds of costs. -
Lisa Nandy MP, Shadow Foreign Secretary
1 ANDREW MARR SHOW, 21ST MARCH, 2021 - LISA NANDY, MP ANDREW MARR SHOW, 21ST MARCH, 2021 LISA NANDY, MP SHADOW FOREIGN SECRETARY (Please check against delivery (uncorrected copies)) AM Lisa Nandy, it’s clear that the EU threat to block vaccines coming into the UK is still live. If that happens, how should the UK respond? LN: Well, I think the President of the European Commission’s comments were deeply, deeply unhelpful. I think that it was right listening to the Commissioner just now that we should try to calm down these tensions. We’ve seen throughout this process that we do better when we work together, that if we don’t defeat the virus everywhere we’re not going to defeat it anywhere, and there are new strains of the virus that are currently emerging. The South African variant which scientists are particularly worried about that is starting to gain traction in France that we need to be very mindful of. We may not be out of the woods with Covid yet and so we’ve got to work together. That means we need to calm these tensions; blockades are really unhelpful. I would urge the European Commission to calm down the language, cool the rhetoric and let’s try and work together to get through this crisis. AM: One of the crucial components of the Pfizer vaccine is made in Cheshire. If the EU banned the export of vaccines into the UK would the UK be justified in banning the exports of components back into the EU? LN: Well look, this is precisely the tit for tat we don’t want to get into. -
Fabian Society
SOS POLITICAL SCIENCE & PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION M.A POLITICAL SCIENCE II SEM POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY: MODERN POLITICAL THOUGHT, THEORY & CONTEMPORARY IDEOLOGIES UNIT-III Topic Name-fabian socialism WHAT IS MEANT BY FABIAN SOCIALISM? • The Fabian Society is a British socialistorganisation whose purpose is to advance the principles of democratic socialism via gradualist and reformist effort in democracies, rather than by revolutionary overthrow WHO STARTED THE FABIAN SOCIETY? • Its nine founding members were Frank Podmore, Edward R. Pease, William Clarke, Hubert Bland, Percival Chubb, Frederick Keddell, H. H. Champion, Edith Nesbit, and Rosamund Dale Owen. WHO IS THE PROPOUNDER OF FABIAN SOCIALISM? • In the period between the two World Wars, the "Second Generation" Fabians, including the writers R. H. Tawney, G. D. H. Cole and Harold Laski, continued to be a major influence on socialistthought. But the general idea is that each man should have power according to his knowledge and capacity. WHAT IS THE FABIAN POLICY? • The Fabian strategy is a military strategy where pitched battles and frontal assaults are avoided in favor of wearing down an opponent through a war of attrition and indirection. While avoiding decisive battles, the side employing this strategy harasses its enemy through skirmishes to cause attrition, disrupt supply and affect morale. Employment of this strategy implies that the side adopting this strategy believes time is on its side, but it may also be adopted when no feasible alternative strategy can be devised. HISTORY • This -
Role and Powers of the Prime Minister
House of Commons Political and Constitutional Reform Committee Role and powers of the Prime Minister First Report of Session 2014–15 Report, together with formal minutes relating to the report Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 19 June 2014 HC 351 Published on 24 June 2014 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £0.00 The Political and Constitutional Reform Committee The Political and Constitutional Reform Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to consider political and constitutional reform. Current membership Mr Graham Allen MP (Labour, Nottingham North) (Chair) Mr Jeremy Browne MP (Liberal Democrat, Taunton Deane) Mr Christopher Chope MP (Conservative, Christchurch) Tracey Crouch MP (Conservative, Chatham and Aylesford) Mark Durkan MP (Social Democratic & Labour Party, Foyle) Paul Flynn MP (Labour, Newport West) Fabian Hamilton MP (Labour, Leeds North East) David Morris MP (Conservative, Morecambe and Lunesdale) Robert Neill MP (Conservative, Bromley and Chislehurst) Chris Ruane MP (Labour, Vale of Clwyd) Mr Andrew Turner MP (Conservative, Isle of Wight) The following Members were also members of the Committee during the Parliament: Sheila Gilmore MP (Labour, Edinburgh East) Andrew Griffiths MP (Conservative, Burton) Simon Hart MP (Conservative, Camarthen West and South Pembrokeshire) Tristram Hunt MP (Labour, Stoke on Trent Central) Mrs Eleanor Laing MP (Conservative, Epping Forest) Stephen Williams MP (Liberal Democrat, Bristol West) Yasmin Qureshi MP (Labour, Bolton South East) Powers The Committee’s powers are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in Temporary Standing Order (Political and Constitutional Reform Committee). These are available on the Internet via http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm/cmstords.htm Publication Committee reports are published on the Committee’s website at http://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/commons- select/political-and-constitutional-reform-committee/publications/ and by The Stationary Office by Order of the House. -
Restoration of the Right to Protest at Parliament
Law, Crime and History (2013) 1 LETTING DOWN THE DRAWBRIDGE: RESTORATION OF THE RIGHT TO PROTEST AT PARLIAMENT Kiron Reid1 Abstract This article analyses the history of the prohibition of protests around Parliament under the Serious Organised Crime and Police Act 2005. This prohibited any demonstrations of one or more persons within one square kilometre of the Houses of Parliament unless permission had been obtained in writing from the police in advance. This measure both formed part of a pattern of the then Labour Government to restrict protest and increase police powers, and was symbolically important in restricting protest that was directed at politicians at a time when politicians have been very unpopular. The Government of Tony Blair had been embarrassed by a one-man protest by peace campaigner, Brian Haw. In response to sustained defiance, Mr. Blair’s successor as Labour Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, and opposition Conservative and Liberal Democrat MPs pledged to remove the restrictions, but this was not acted on by Parliament until September 2011. This article argues that the original restrictions were unnecessary, and that the much narrower successor provisions could be improved by being drafted more specifically. Keywords: protest, demonstration, protest at Parliament, freedom of speech, Serious Organised Crime and Police Act 2005, Brian Haw. Introduction This is about the sorry tale of sections 132-138 Serious Organised Crime and Police Act 2005 (SOCPA).2 These prohibited any demonstrations of one or more persons within one square kilometre of the Houses of Parliament unless advance written permission had been obtained from the Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis. -
Simon Briscoe [email protected]
1 Horse Guards Road T +44 (0)20 7276 2294 London [email protected] SW1A 2HQ www.cabinet office.gov.uk Simon Briscoe [email protected] FOI Reference: FOI321902 09/11/2015 Dear Simon Briscoe I refer to your request where you asked: “Please can you send me all the information that was put in the public domain about the recruitment of the current and four previous National Statisticians. The information to include but not be limited to the advertisement(s) and applicants pack, and all allied press releases and similar announcements regarding the process including the announcement of the successful applicant. Please include any announcements of reappointments. Please also set out the members of the interview panels. If any of this information is on a webpage, please supply the link.” I am writing to advise you that following a search of our paper and electronic records, I have established that some of the information you requested is held by the Cabinet Office. Cabinet Office have retained some of the information you requested and this is from the last two National Statistician appointments in 2014 and 2009. We do not routinely retain information any further back the last competition held. Of the information requested we hold the advert placed on the Civil Service website and the candidate brief and job description from the 2014 competition (both attached). The composition of the panel was: ● Sir David Normington, First CS Commissioner ● Sir Jeremy Heywood, Cabinet Secretary ● Sir Andrew Dilnot, Chair