Michel Pablo Bio-Bibliographical Sketch
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more
Recommended publications
-
Pablo Bio-Bibliographical Sketch
Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet Michel Pablo Bio-Bibliographical Sketch Contents: Basic biographical data Biographical sketch Selective bibliography Basic biographical data Name: Michel Pablo Other names (by-names, pseud. etc.): Abdelkrim ; Alain ; Archer ; Gabe ; Gabriel ; Henry ; Jérôme ; J.P. Martin ; Jean-Paul Martin ; Mike; Molitor ; M.P. ; Murat ; Pilar ; Michalēs N. Raptēs ; Michel Raptis ; Mihalis Raptis ; Mikhalis N. Raptis ; Robert ; Smith ; Spero ; Speros ; Vallin Date and place of birth: August 24, 1911, Alexandria (Egypt) Date and place of death: February 17, 1996, Athens (Greece) Nationality: Greek Occupations, careers, etc.: Civil engineer, professional revolutionary Time of activity in Trotskyist movement: 1928 - 1964 (1995) Biographical sketch A lifelong revolutionary, Michel Pablo for some one and a half decades was the chief leader of the Trotskyist Fourth International – or at least of its majority faction. He was perhaps one of the most renowned and at the same time one of the most controversial figures of the international Trotskyist movement; for all those claiming for themselves the label of "orthodox" Trotskyism, Pablo since 1953 was a whipping boy and the very synonym for centrism, revisionism, opportunism, and even for liquidationism. 'Michel Pablo' is one (and undoubtedly the best known) of more than about a dozen pseudonyms used by a man who was born Michael Raptis [Mikhalēs Raptēs / Μισέλ Πάμπλο]1 as son of Nikolaos Raptis [Raptēs], a Greek civil engineer, in Alexandria (Egypt) on August 24, 1911. He grew up and attended Greek schools in Egypt and from 1918 in Crete before, at the age of 17, he moved to Athens enrolling at the Polytechnic where he studied engineering. -
Nicolai Ivanovich Bukharin 1 888- 1938"
NICOLAI IVANOVICH BUKHARIN 1 888- 1938" Ken Coates 1978 marks a macabre anniversary. Forty years ago, in March 19 38, there took place in Moscow the last of the great show ~rials.' Previously there had already been two earlier public trials of former Bolshevik leaders, mowing down among others, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Piatakov and ~adek.~ A closed court-martial involving foremost Red Army commanders like Tukhachevsky, Yakir and Kork had also preceded this last trial,3 which was to involve Bukharin, Rykov, Krestinsky, Yagoda, Rakovsky and sixteen others. The third great trial was in one sense the keystone in a horrendous arch: all the charges which were brought in its forerunners were calculated to prove that Trotsky, from exile, was organizing with a selection of foreign powers to bring about the downfall of the Soviet Government, and that the internal opposition was not only disloyal, but criminally implicated in a vast terrorist conspiracy. By extending the web of this plot to implicate Bukharin and Rykov, a final amalgamation was thus charged against former oppositions of both Right and Left, and the effect was to establish that henceforth no "loyal" opposition was in fact possible. The Soviet political structure still manifestly suffers the ill-effects of this tragic decision, which would have been baleful even if the absurdly implausible charges in the trials had all been true, and was simply paralysing in the actual event, that they were all deliberately fabricated. Ryltov was, after all, a former prime minister, and Bukharin had been not only editor of Isvestia, and long-standing politbureau member, but, from 1926 onwards, chairman of the Communist International. -
Victor Serge's Midnight in the Century
Cultural Logic: Marxist Theory & Practice Volume 24 (2020), pp. 50-63 Revolutionary Resistance: Victor Serge’s Midnight in the Century Ronald Paul University of Gothenburg In his contribution to the debate in the 1920s about the possibility of proletarian literature developing in the Soviet Union, Victor Serge shared similar critical doubts as those expressed by Leon Trotsky in his book, Literature and Revolution (1924). Reflecting the optimism of the new Soviet state, Trotsky imagined a process of revolutionary social and economic development that would relatively quickly transform itself from a proletarian dictatorship to that of a new socialist society in which art and literature would no longer be class-bound: [A]s the conditions for cultural creation will become more favorable, the proletariat will be more and more dissolved into a Socialist community and will free itself from its class characteristics and thus cease to be a proletariat […] This seems to lead to the conclusion that there is no proletarian culture and there never will be any and in fact there is no reason to regret this. The proletariat acquires power for the purpose of doing away forever with class culture and to make way for human culture. We frequently seem to forget this. (Trotsky 1960, pp.185-6) 1 Serge considered these conclusions “definitive”, although he did have “one important reservation” (Serge 2004, p.46). He himself thought that the existence of a proletarian state might be more prolonged than could be predicted (much more than a few decades). In this extended historical perspective, new kinds of revolutionary literature would have more time to develop. -
The Bolshevil{S and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds
The Bolshevil{s and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds Chinese Worlds publishes high-quality scholarship, research monographs, and source collections on Chinese history and society from 1900 into the next century. "Worlds" signals the ethnic, cultural, and political multiformity and regional diversity of China, the cycles of unity and division through which China's modern history has passed, and recent research trends toward regional studies and local issues. It also signals that Chineseness is not contained within territorial borders overseas Chinese communities in all countries and regions are also "Chinese worlds". The editors see them as part of a political, economic, social, and cultural continuum that spans the Chinese mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, South East Asia, and the world. The focus of Chinese Worlds is on modern politics and society and history. It includes both history in its broader sweep and specialist monographs on Chinese politics, anthropology, political economy, sociology, education, and the social science aspects of culture and religions. The Literary Field of New Fourth Artny Twentieth-Century China Communist Resistance along the Edited by Michel Hockx Yangtze and the Huai, 1938-1941 Gregor Benton Chinese Business in Malaysia Accumulation, Ascendance, A Road is Made Accommodation Communism in Shanghai 1920-1927 Edmund Terence Gomez Steve Smith Internal and International Migration The Bolsheviks and the Chinese Chinese Perspectives Revolution 1919-1927 Edited by Frank N Pieke and Hein Mallee -
Fourth International 666
Vol. 7, No. 26 0 1969 Intercontinental Press July 14, 1969 $1 DOCUMENTS World Congress of the FOURTH INTERNATIONAL 666 fied to the active way in which the Trotskyists in most countries are participating in vanguard struggles. Special Issue A noticeable feature of the congress was the youthful- ness of many of the delegations. They represented the most politically conscious sector of the new generation One of the features of Intercontinental A.ess which of rebel youth that is stirring the world today. The many of our well-wishers have told us is especially question of how the Fourth International can take still appreciated is the number of documents which we reg- better advantage of the great new openings interna- ularly make available in translation from various lan- tionally to recruit fresh contingents from this source guages and from various sectors of the political spec- was one of the major items on the agenda. It was trum. In this issue the entire contents comes under the likewise interlaced with other points in the deliberations heading of rrdocuments” and these documents are all of the delegates. from a single gathering, the world congress of the Fourth The discussion was an intense one throughout the International held last April. congress, constituting the most graphic evidence of how In our opinion, this was a political event of some the democratic side of the principle of democratic cen- importance to the revolutionary-minded left. As the tralism is observed in the Fourth International in con- Third World Congress since the Reunification, it reg- trast to the stultifying, antidemocratic practices charac- istered the solidity achieved by the world Trotskyist teristic of the Stalinist and Social Democratic organiza- movement after a major split that lasted for almost tions with their iron-fisted and ivory-headed bureau- ten years until the breach was closed in 1963 on a cracies. -
Critique Socialiste
ITS / CENTRE JACQUES SAUVAGEOT / MXT. 04/11/2018 1 Critique socialiste Cote : CRIT. SOC. Volume : 0,5 m. l. (5 boîtes) Dates extrêmes : mars-avril 1970-1986 Provenance : Marc Mangenot, Henri Mermé, Bernard Ravenel et autres donateurs. Localisation : État de la collection : complet (52 numéros pour 51 numéros physiques), en assez bon état (suppléments aux n°13 et 14, n°35 et n°48 abîmés). Description : Se présentant sous la forme d’un cahier d’environ 80 pages ou plus, cette publication bimestrielle était soutenue par le PSU et éditée par les éditions Syros, son objectif et son contenu sont proches de ceux de Perspectives socialistes (arrêtée en 1968). Débutée en 1970, Critique socialiste, sous-titrée Pour une théorie et une pratique révolutionnaires, était la revue théorique du PSU ainsi que l’énonce l’avant-propos du n°1 (mars-avril 1970) : « C’est dans ce contexte [l’après Mai 68] et dans un esprit de réflexion critique sur l’action qu’un groupe de militants, membres ou non du PSU, entreprend de créer cette revue. Critique socialiste n’entend pas défendre une orthodoxie ou se référer à des canons immuables. Elle sera ouverte au débat, à la confrontation, voire à la polémique avec tous ceux pour qui mai 68 marque une rupture, une ligne de partage. Il n’y aura pas de tabous pour elle dans sa volonté d’examen. Toutefois la recherche du dialogue ne sera pas faite au prix de l’éclectisme, au prix d’un effacement de combat idéologique contre la bourgeoisie. Critique socialiste doit être un instrument pour la progression du combat révolutionnaire. -
THE ANARCHIST COLLECTIVES Edited by Sa M Dolgoff
THE ANARCHIST COLLECTIVES Edited by Sa m Dolgoff W o rk e rs ’ Self-management in t h e Sp a n ish Revolution 1936-1939 Introductory Essay by Murray ßookchin THE ANARCHIST COLLECTIVES: Workers’ Self-management in the Spanish Revolution (1936-1939) Copyright © 1974 by Sam Dolgoff Introductory Essay © 1974 by Murray Bookchin All rights reserved, Free Life Editions, Inc. First Edition Published 1974 by Free Life Editions, Inc. 41 Union Square West New York, N.Y. 10003 Canadian edition published by Black Rose Books by arrangement with Free Life Editions, Inc. Black Rose Books 3934 St. Urbain Montreal 1 31, Quebec Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 73-88239 ISBN: 0-914156-02-0 paperback ISBN: 0-914156-03-9 hardcover Manufactured in the United States of America Faculty Press, Inc. Brooklyn, N.Y. To the heroic workers and peasants o f Spain! To my comrades, the Spanish Anarchists, who perished fighting for freedom! To the militants who continue the struggle! Contents PREFACE by Sam Dolgoff—ix INTRODUCTORY ESSAY by Murray Bookchin-x/ PART ONE: BACKGROUND 1. THE SPA NISH RE VOL UTION 5 The Two Revolutions (S.D.)—5 The Trend Towards Workers’ Self-Management (S.D.)—14 2. THE LIBERTARIAN TRADITION 19 The Rural Collectivist Tradition (S.D.)—20 The Anarchist Influence (S.D.)— 23 The Political and Economic Organization of Society (Isaac Puente)— 28 3. HISTORICAL NOTES 35 The Prologue to Revolution (S.D.)—35 The Counter-Revolution and the Destruction of the Collectives (S.D.)—40 4. THE LIMITATIONS OF THE REVOLUTION (Gaston Leval) 49 PART TWO: THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION 5. -
Bibliography
International Review of Social History 45 (2000), pp. 131–161 2000 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis BIBLIOGRAPHY General Issues SOCIAL THEORY AND SOCIAL SCIENCE ABELLA´N,JOSE´ LUIS. El exilio filoso´fico en Ame´rica. Los transterrados de 1939. Fondo de Cultura Econo´mica de Espan˜a, Madrid [etc.] 1998. 461 pp. Ptas. 3.000 (Paper: Pts. 2.400). During the Second Republic, Spanish philosophy reached a higher level than at any point since the Golden Age. This was attributable to a development that began with the gener- ation of 1898, first through Miguel de Unamuno, later through Ortega y Gasset. Spanish philosophy was influenced by Husserl, Scheler, Heidegger and Dilthey. In 1939 many phil- osophers fled Spain after the fall of the Republic and settled in Latin America. This book features a detailed description of the emergence of Spanish philosophy in exile. Each chap- ter addresses a specific movement, including socialism and Marxism. ACHTERHUIS,HANS. De erfenis van de utopie. Ambo, Amsterdam 1998. 444 pp. D.fl. 49.50. In this philosophical and historical exploration of the evolution of utopian ideas, rang- ing from its early modern roots in More’s Utopia to contemporary feminist science fiction, Professor Achterhuis distinguishes between utopias with social origins and those arising through technology. Unequivocally rejecting the social utopias, he argues that our contemporary technological culture may be viewed largely as a materialized utopia, without the negative consequences that were often foreseen. Finally, the author explores the lessons to be derived and the aspects worth preserving from the utopian heritage. BRUDNEY,DANIEL. Marx’s Attempt to Leave Philosophy. -
Joseph Hansen Papers
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf78700585 No online items Register of the Joseph Hansen papers Finding aid prepared by Joseph Hansen Hoover Institution Archives 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305-6003 (650) 723-3563 [email protected] © 1998, 2006, 2012 Register of the Joseph Hansen 92035 1 papers Title: Joseph Hansen papers Date (inclusive): 1887-1980 Collection Number: 92035 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 109 manuscript boxes, 1 oversize box, 3 envelopes, 1 audio cassette(46.2 linear feet) Abstract: Speeches and writings, correspondence, notes, minutes, reports, internal bulletins, resolutions, theses, printed matter, sound recording, and photographs relating to Leon Trotsky, activities of the Socialist Workers Party in the United States, and activities of the Fourth International in Latin America, Western Europe and elsewhere. Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Creator: Hansen, Joseph, Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Archives. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Joseph Hansen papers, [Box no., Folder no. or title], Hoover Institution Archives. Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover Institution Archives in 1992. Accruals Materials may have been added to the collection since this finding aid was prepared. To determine if this has occurred, find the collection in Stanford University's online catalog at http://searchworks.stanford.edu . Materials have been added to the collection if the number of boxes listed in the online catalog is larger than the number of boxes listed in this finding aid. -
Bio-Bibliographical Sketch of Max Shachtman
The Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet Max Shachtman Bio-Bibliographical Sketch Contents: • Basic biographical data • Biographical sketch • Selective bibliography • Notes on archives Basic biographical data Name: Max Shachtman Other names (by-names, pseud. etc.): Cousin John * Marty Dworkin * M.S. * Max Marsh * Max * Michaels * Pedro * S. * Max Schachtman * Sh * Maks Shakhtman * S-n * Tr * Trent * M.N. Trent Date and place of birth: September 10, 1904, Warsaw (Russia [Poland]) Date and place of death: November 4, 1972, Floral Park, NY (USA) Nationality: Russian, American Occupations, careers, etc.: Editor, writer, party leader Time of activity in Trotskyist movement: 1928 - ca. 1948 Biographical sketch Max Shachtman was a renowned writer, editor, polemicist and agitator who, together with James P. Cannon and Martin Abern, in 1928/29 founded the Trotskyist movement in the United States and for some 12 years func tioned as one of its main leaders and chief theoreticians. He was a close collaborator of Leon Trotsky and translated some of his major works. Nicknamed Trotsky's commissar for foreign affairs, he held key positions in the leading bodies of Trotsky's international movement before, in 1940, he split from the Socialist Workers Party (SWP), founded the Workers Party (WP) and in 1948 definitively dissociated from the Fourth International. Shachtman's name was closely webbed with the theory of bureaucratic collectivism and with what was described as Third Campism ('Neither Washington nor Moscow'). His thought had some lasting influence on a consider able number of contemporaneous intellectuals, writers, and socialist youth, both American and abroad. Once a key figure in the history and struggles of the American and international Trotskyist movement, Shachtman, from the late 1940s to his death in 1972, made a remarkable journey from the left margin of American society to the right, thus having been an inspirer of both Anti-Stalinist Marxists and of neo-conservative hard-liners. -
Download Download
'THE LEFT IN BRITAIN': A REPLY by David Widgery The quote which prefaces The Left in Britain 1956-68, so scathingly reviewed by Ken Coates in last year's Socialist ~e~z'ster,'was the key to my intention. It is William Morris's prophetic remark, 'Men fight and lose that battle, and then the thing they fought for comes about in spite of their defeat, and when it comes, turns out not what they meant and other men have to fight for what they meant under another name.' It was an attempt to trace backward some of those battles, some of those defeats and some inadvertent victories, undertaken in the hope it might illuminate the present dilemmas of the Left. But if I have learnt any lesson from history, it is Don't Write It, especially about the recent past of the Left. First of all socialists in the full flush of the present just aren't interested; 1968 is old hat and '56 the Dark Ages. The new generations of the converted are, justifiably, more interested in the Commune than Grosvenor Square. And those who have first hand experience are, again justifiably, infuriated by newcomers tampering with their memories. Those socialist stayers of the generation of '56, who stood up against Stalinism when it was still intact, a world- wide, marble-faced orthodoxy, no doubt feel ill-tempered at us little squirts, parrotting our post-Trotskyist cliches to the manner born, but with our knowledge safely out of books, spared the doubts and dangers, presuming to draw the lessons. -
Leon Trotsky and the Barcelona "May Days" of 1937
Received: 20 May 2019 Revised: 2 July 2019 Accepted: 19 August 2019 DOI: 10.1111/lands.12448 ORIGINAL ARTICLE Leon Trotsky and the Barcelona "May Days" of 1937 Grover C. Furr Department of English, Montclair State University, Montclair, New Jersey Abstract During the past several decades, evidence has come to Correspondence light which proves that Leon Trotsky lied a great deal to Grover C. Furr, Montclair State University, Montclair, NJ 07043. cover up his conspiracies against the Stalin regime in the E-mail: [email protected] USSR. References to the studies that reveal Trotsky's falsehoods and conspiracies are included in the article. The present article demonstrates how this evidence changes the conventional understanding of the assassina- tions of some Trotskyists at the hands of the Soviet NKVD and Spanish communists, during the Spanish Civil War. A brief chronology of the Barcelona May Days revolt of 1937 is appended. During the past several decades evidence has come to light which proves that Leon Trotsky lied a great deal in order to cover up his conspiracies against the Stalin regime in the USSR. In 1980 and subsequent years Pierre Broué, the foremost Trotskyist historian in the world at the time, discovered that Trotsky approved the “bloc of Rights and Trotskyites,” whose existence was the most important charge in the Moscow Trials, and had maintained contact with clandestine supporters with whom he publicly claimed to have broken ties. Arch Getty discovered that Trotsky had specifically contacted, among others, Karl Radek, while he and Radek continued to attack each other in public.