Security Council Distr.: General 19 January 2017
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ICC-ASP/18/25 Assembly of States Parties
International Criminal Court ICC-ASP/18/25 Distr.: General Assembly of States Parties 29 November 2019 Original: English Eighteenth session The Hague, 2-7 December 2019 Report of the Bureau on complementarity I. Background ................................................................................................................. 2 II. General findings .......................................................................................................... 2 III. The President of the Assembly of States Parties, and the Secretariat ......................... 4 IV. The Court .................................................................................................................... 6 V. Broader efforts of the international community .......................................................... 6 VI. Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 9 Annex I: Draft resolution language for the omnibus resolution ................................... 10 Annex II: Draft language for inclusion in the annex on mandates of the omnibus resolution ....................................................................................................... 12 Annex III: Summaries of 2019 meetings ......................................................................... 13 25E291119 ICC-ASP/18/25 I. Background 1. At its 7 February 2019 meeting, the Bureau re-appointed Australia and Romania as ad country focal points for the topic of complementarity. As such, Australia and -
Assessment of ECOWAS Interventions in Guinea Bissau, Burkina Faso and the Gambia
International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS) |Volume II, Issue IV, April 2018|ISSN 2454-6186 Assessment of ECOWAS Interventions in Guinea Bissau, Burkina Faso and the Gambia Charles Akale1, Kingsley Chigozie Udegbunam2*, Julie Sanda3 1Research Fellow at the Centre for Strategic Research and Studies, National Defense College, Abuja, Nigeria 2Social Sciences Unit, School of General Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria 3Research Fellow at the Centre for Strategic Research and Studies, National Defence College, Abuja, Nigeria *Corresponding author: Kingsley Chigozie Udegbunam he increase in violent hostilities on the African continent ECOWAS MECHANISM FOR CONFLICT PREVENTION, T since the 1990s can be attributed to the withdrawal of MANAGEMENT, RESOLUTION, PEACEKEEPING AND super power strategic interest in Africa following the end of SECURITY the Cold War. The end of the Cold War dramatically The ECOWAS conflict management framework provides for changed the global strategic landscape. Although threat of regional intervention in political crisis in members states. big power and regional conflicts diminished, the security ECOMOG has been adopted as the regional intervention landscape became characterized by political fragmentation. force. Intervention became popular in the 1990s when In the Third World particularly West Africa has experienced ECOWAS deployed ECOMOG forces into Liberia to prevent many conflicts arising from a multiplicity of causes such as the overthrow of the unpopular government of President bad governance among others. The intensity and carnage that Samuel Doe by the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) attended these conflicts, coupled with the inactions of the led by Charles Taylor. ECOMOG intervention can take the “big powers”, reinforced the need for an “African solution” form of peacekeeping or peace enforcement. -
Multi-Faceted Mediation in the Guinea-Bissau Civil War ______
76 MULTI-FACETED MEDIATION IN THE GUINEA-BISSAU CIVIL WAR ___________________________________________ Dr Simon Massey Coventry University (UK) An exchange of gunfire in Bissau city between soldiers loyal to President and mutinous troops supporting the recently dismissed army chief of staff Brigadier Ansumane Mané in the early morning of 7 June 1998 heralded the start of 11 months of civil conflict. ‘It was not a huge war’, the Economist noted, ‘but for the 1m people…of Guinea-Bissau, it was devastating…Hundreds of people were killed, the city was destroyed and hundreds of thousands fled into the countryside’.1 The primary reason for the fighting - irrevocable splits within the government and leading Partido Africano da Independencia da Guiné-Bissau e Cabo Verde (PAIGC) - sat amidst a web of geopolitical machinations and posturing. Guinea-Bissau became the locus for mediation based, for a large part, on political opportunism. These efforts resulted in a peace operation with ostensible humanitarian motives which, nonetheless, was also marked by strong political impulses. As William Zartman has remarked, ‘Africa does not lack mediators’.2 In the case of the war in Bissau the gamut of potential intermediaries – regional, African and extra-African – offered assistance. This confusion of good offices led to rival mediation efforts whose polarisation mirrored that on the battlefield. The background to the conflict What led to civil war? By 1998, Guinea-Bissau had moved far away from the original revolutionary vision of political society articulated by cofounder of the PAIGC Aristides Perreira – ‘the model which our party builds is one in which participation at the base is guaranteed in all decisions, and at every level, by a democratic organisation and method’.3 A disparate population had disengaged from 1 Economist, 15 May 1999, p.48. -
The International Criminal Court, Elite Theory, and African States Withdrawal Notifications
The International Criminal Court, Elite Theory, and African States Withdrawal Notifications: South Africa, The Gambia, and Burundi Theresa Whitely Dr. Ivan Ivanov POL5000 Independent Research Thesis April 30, 2020 Table of Contents_______________________________________________________________ Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 1-2 Understanding ICC’s Eroding Authority ............................................................................. 3-11 National Wealth and ICC Membership .................................................................................... 4-6 Democracy ............................................................................................................................... 6-8 ICC Bias Against African Nations ......................................................................................... 8-10 Table 1: Summary of Explanations about States’ Motivations to Withdraw from ICC ..............11 Theory and Methods ............................................................................................................. 11-16 Case Study .............................................................................................................................. 16-26 South Africa ......................................................................................................................... 17-21 The Gambia ......................................................................................................................... -
Arts, Propaganda and Politics in Contemporary Africa
Wageningen University - Department of Social Sciences MSc. Thesis Chair Group: Rural and Environmental History (RHI) Arts, Propaganda and Politics in Contemporary Africa: The role of Music and Musicians in Entrenching Dictatorship in The Gambia during the Jammeh’s Regime (1994-2016) October, 2020 Abdoulie Sawo 911020728020 MSc. International Development Studies Specialization: Politics and Governance of Development Supervisor: Prof. Dr. EHP Frankema Second reader: Dr. Michiel de Haas Thesis code: RHI-80436 Abstract The art of music permeates many aspects of human societies including the politics and governance arena. One of the most important aspects of music in politics is that it serves as a popular means to express societal issues and communicate political messages. Musicians use the art to produce political songs praising or opposing political authorities or political climate. A number of political songs involve propaganda geared toward propagating and entrenching political rulers thus placing music and musicians at the core of politics and governance systems of our societies. The influence of music makes numerous African politicians including dictators use the domain for their political objectives. This thesis explores how musicians help in building and entrenching dictators by using the regime of Yahya Jammeh in The Gambia (1994 to 2016) as a case. This research relies on related scholarly works and in-depth semi-structured interviews with eleven respondents (six influential musicians, two DJs (TV/radio presenters) and three top (former) government officials) as primary sources of data. Five political hit songs were also selected and analyzed to understand the discourses they propagated. The interview results and propaganda song lyrics praising Jammeh are analyzed using Maarten Hajer‟s (2006) discourse analysis. -
Gambia, a Complicated but Hopeful Road to Democracy Visit Web Receive Newsletter
Opinion Paper 07/2018 18 January 2018 Pilar Requena del Río* Gambia, a complicated but hopeful road to democracy Visit Web Receive Newsletter Gambia, a complicated but hopeful road to democracy Abstract: A year ago, a peaceful change from dictatorship to democracy took place in a small African state, The Gambia. It was probably one of the most forgotten countries although it was suffering since 22 years under the fierce and terrible dictatorship of Yahya Jammeh. Since January 19th 2017 Adama Barrow, elected December 1st 2016, is the president. The dictator initially accepted defeat but then refused to relinquish power until the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, threatened to intervene militarily. Since then, the country faces a new stage of development, freedom, equality, justice and reconciliation amidst major challenges and a still fragile security situation. Keywords: The Gambia, dictatorship, democracy, ECOWAS, security, justice, reconciliation, Yahya Jammeh, Adama Barrow *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Opinion Papers shall be responsibility of their authors, without necessarily reflecting the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defense . Opinion Paper 07/2018 1 Gambia, a complicated but hopeful road to democracy Pilar Requena del Río Introduction The Gambia is the smallest country in mainland Africa and one of the poorest in the world. With only 2 million inhabitants, mostly Muslims, it is a narrow strip along the river of the same name, surrounded mostly by Senegal. A legend says that an English warship sailed upstream launching cannon shots to port and starboard. The borders were traced where the projectiles fell. The English put a wedge in the middle of a Senegal controlled by the French. -
Realising Inclusivity: the Role of the United Nations in Promoting
Realising Inclusivity The role of the United Nations in promoting inclusion at the country level © 2021 Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation All rights reserved. The opinions expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation, its Board of Trustees or its International Honorary Committee. Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation Övre Slottsgatan 2, 753 10 Uppsala, Sweden [email protected] <www.daghammarskjold.se> Photos: Adobe Stock Images unless otherwise specified. Printed by X-O Graf Tryckeri AB (Uppsala, Sweden) ISBN: 978-91-985372-7-7 Realising Inclusivity The role of the United Nations in promoting inclusion at the country level Table of Contents Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................6 Acronyms and abbreviations ....................................................................................... 7 Foreword ......................................................................................................................8 Summary ................................................................................................................... 10 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 12 Part I. Realising Inclusivity: From Policy Recognition to Practice ............................. 16 Policy recognition for inclusive peacebuilding ...........................................................17 Understanding United Nations -
Gambia: Political Opinion
Country Policy and Information Note Gambia: Political opinion Version 2.0 March 2017 Preface This note provides country of origin information (COI) and policy guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the policy guidance contained with this note; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country information The COI within this note has been compiled from a wide range of external information sources (usually) published in English. Consideration has been given to the relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability of the information and wherever possible attempts have been made to corroborate the information used across independent sources, to ensure accuracy. All sources cited have been referenced in footnotes. It has been researched and presented with reference to the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, dated July 2012. Feedback Our goal is to continuously improve our material. Therefore, if you would like to comment on this note, please email the Country Policy and Information Team. -
The Senegambia Confederation In
Aka: The Continued Search for Appropriate Structures for Governance an AkaCameraReady final (Do Not Delete) 7/5/2017 10:05 AM CALIFORNIA WESTERN INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL VOLUME 47 SPRING 2017 NUMBER 2 THE CONTINUED SEARCH FOR APPROPRIATE STRUCTURES FOR GOVERNANCE AND DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA IN THE 21ST CENTURY: THE SENEGAMBIA CONFEDERATION IN HISTORICAL AND COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE PHILIP C. AKA*† * Professor of Political Science, Chicago State University; Adjunct Professor of Law, Indiana University Robert H. McKinney School of Law—Indianapolis; Member of the Illinois Bar; former Vice Chair, ABA Committee on International Human Rights; and Corresponding Editor, International Legal Materials (ILM); S.J.D., IU Robert H. McKinney School of Law—Indianapolis; Ph.D., Howard University; LL.M. (summa cum laude), IU Robert H. McKinney School of Law— Indianapolis; J.D., Temple University Beasley School of Law; M.A., University of North Texas; B.A. (magna cum laude), Edinboro University of Pennsylvania. Dr. Aka has written extensively on issues related to minority populations in Africa and the United States, including human rights. His recent publications germane to these topics include HUMAN RIGHTS IN NIGERIA’S EXTERNAL RELATIONS: BUILDING THE RECORD OF MORAL SUPERPOWER (Lexington Books, 2017), and Bridging the Gap Between Theory and Practice in Humanitarian Action: Eight Steps to Humanitarian Wellness in Nigeria, 24 WILLAMETTE JOURNAL OF INT’L LAW & DISPUTE RESOLUTION 1 (Fall 2016). † This Article evolved from a contribution to a festschrift for Professor Sulayman S. Nyang on his retirement following a distinguished academic career at 109 Published by CWSL Scholarly Commons, 2017 1 California Western International Law Journal, Vol. -
Responding to the Challenge of Fragility and Security in West Africa
Responding to the Challenge of Fragility and Security in West Africa By Alexandre Marc, Neelam Verjee, and Stephen Mogaka Fragility, Conflict, and Violence Group World Bank January 2015 1 This paper aims to provide an analysis of the major trends in conflict and violence across West Africa since 1960, with an overview of the causes and the duration of conflicts and violence in the subregion. A key conclusion of the paper is that the subregion has on average experienced fewer conflict events and fatalities as a result of conflict than have the other subregions on the continent. In particular, West Africa experienced significantly less conflict and violence between 1970 and 1990 than Africa’s other subregions, especially Southern Africa, which became a pawn in the Cold War. A resurgence of violence and conflict in West Africa since 2010 has sparked concerns that emerging threats could undermine the subregion’s future development, and derail hard-won economic gains at a time when the growth outlook appears very encouraging. The spike in violence and conflict, and the rise of religious extremism—in particular in Mali and in northern Nigeria—has proven disruptive for the subregion, while drug trafficking and maritime piracy have rapidly taken root in West Africa and contributed to locking some countries like Guinea-Bissau into fragility traps. The challenge for the countries in the subregion is to transform their security institutions to effectively address these emerging threats. West Africa has often been perceived as one of Africa’s most violent subregions. Indeed, as various conflicts battered the region through the 1990’s, the examples of countries such as Sierra Leone and Côte d’Ivoire were held up as a signpost for the future of the planet.1 Recent events in West Africa have pivoted the world’s attention back to the risk of conflict and fragility in the region. -
Gambia: 2 Togolese Among Victims in Migrant Murder Case
JUNE 25, 2018 7:55AM EDT Gambia: 2 Togolese Among Victims in Migrant Murder Case Victims Seek Justice for 2005 Killings Linked to Ex-President Jammeh (Dakar) – Two Togolese have recently been discovered to be among about 50 West African migrants massacred in 2005 by a paramilitary unit controlled by former Gambian President Yahya Jammeh, Human Rights Watch and TRIAL International said today. The victims’ families said that the Togolese government should support efforts in Ghana to investigate and prosecute the case. In July 2005, the Togolese nationals, Yawovi Agbogbo and Kossi Odeyi, left Senegal on board a motorized canoe with several dozen Ghanaians as well as Nigerians, Senegalese, Ivorians, and one Gambian, with a view to reaching Europe. Three days later, Agbogbo called his family to say that they had been arrested in Gambia, but they never heard from him again. “We believe Yawovi Agbogbo and Kossi Odeyi were among those murdered along with the Kossi Odeyi and Yawovi Agbogbo, two Togolese citizens who were Ghanaians by a death squad taking orders from former President Jammeh,” said Reed Brody, among a group of about 50 West African migrants murdered in Gambia in 2005, by the “Junglers,” a paramilitary unit controlled by former Gambian counsel at Human Rights Watch. “We hope Togo’s government will support efforts in Ghana to President Yahya Jammeh. bring their killers to justice.” © Private A report published on May 16, 2018 by Human Rights Watch and TRIAL International, revealed that the migrants were killed after being detained by Jammeh's closest associates in the army, the navy, and the police. -
Security Council Distr.: General 16 January 2017 English Original: French
United Nations S/2017/43 Security Council Distr.: General 16 January 2017 English Original: French Letter dated 13 January 2017 from the Chargé d’affaires a.i. of the Permanent Mission of Senegal to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council I have the honour to transmit herewith the communiqué issued by the Peace and Security Council of the African Union following its six hundred and forty-seventh meeting, held on 13 January 2017, in Addis Ababa, regarding the post-election situation in the Islamic Republic of the Gambia (see annex). I should be grateful if you would have the present letter and its annex circulated as a document of the Security Council. (Signed) Gorgui Ciss Chargé d’affaires a.i. 17-00673 (E) 240117 250117 *1700673* S/2017/43 Annex to the letter dated 13 January 2017 from the Chargé d’affaires a.i. of the Permanent Mission of Senegal to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council [Original: English and French] Communiqué The Peace and Security Council of the African Union, at its six hundred and forty-seventh meeting, held on 13 January 2017, adopted the following decision on the post-election situation in the Islamic Republic of the Gambia. Council: 1. Takes note of the briefing made by the Chairperson of the Commission, Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, as well as the presentation made by the Commissioner for Political Affairs, Dr. Aisha Laraba Abdullahi, on the latest developments in the post-electoral situation in the Gambia, following the presidential election held in that country on 1 December 2016.