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Part II Chapters Significance of identity, individuality & ideology in Old Kingdom tomb iconography Verma, S. Citation Verma, S. (2011, June 22). Significance of identity, individuality & ideology in Old Kingdom tomb iconography. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/17722 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) Licence agreement concerning inclusion of doctoral thesis in the License: Institutional Repository of the University of Leiden Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/17722 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). - - - 174 - Part 2 - - - 175 - Chapter 5 Criteria for the Selected Motifs Part 1 abstained from extensive discussions of the attributes of the individual motifs found in the elite tombs in Dynasties 5 and 6, because the objective was to establish an understanding of whether generic (i.e. common) values of iconography could apply to funerary art. The present section deals with the criteria for the selection of the motifs to be analyzed in Part 2. The West wall of the chapel is now accepted as being primarily concerned with the ritualistic function involving the hereafter; 487 therefore the selection will be from the other walls, and focus on their composition, placement, and communicative nature. The idea is to show that the culturally generic aspects of identity, individuality, ideology, and memory in the iconography of the Memphite tombs of the elite officials are an all-encompassing broad phenomenon, despite the stylistic uniformity that Memphite artists strove towards. It is accepted that to confine oneself only to the secular nature of the other walls, would be too simplistic an approach because: • It ignores the fact that scenes which appear secular at one level (e.g. the physical act of dragging a statue may at a higher level be ritual e.g. the censing of the statue in these dragging scenes). Even at its most basic level that of grave goods, which although made in this world, were ostensibly understood to have a putative use in the hereafter. This dichotomy of reality is endemic throughout ancient Egyptian iconography. • It ignores the religious context in which the ancient Egyptians lived. These all-important religious activities are often shown in the form of rituals, which follow a set, repeated, sometimes rehearsed pattern (dominated by customs, conventions, traditions, taboos linked to decorum) in which the 487 Junker, Giza vol. 3, 103. See also Bonnet, Reallexikon der Ägyptischen Religionsgeschichte 867. - - - 176 - participants play relatively fixed roles. Such rituals allow little scope for an individual person to vary the ritual, because the rituals are “patterns of thought that attribute to phenomena supra-sensible qualities which… are not derived from observation” 488 . On the other hand the ritual demands that the dead represented in the form of visible icons, be treated with respect and understanding as distinct individuals, a corollary of which is that the dead thereby persist in the memory too. Once it is realized, that the concept of memory is the basis of all funerary art, it follows that the workings of this idea play a crucial role, indeed are the key ingredients of what are termed the generics. Secular activities being less subject to religious restrictions allow the individual more scope to do things in his own way, and thus to express his particular self. It becomes obvious that the expressing of the self will also involve the individual in all those common values, which are called ‘generic’. One cannot deny that the individual’s activities in real life might also have had a religious foundation, but because this is not directly observable in the iconography of Old Kingdom elite tombs, they cannot be pursued in detail. The tomb-owner is the central figure, therefore his involvement either directly or indirectly with people and things, results in his personal differentiation 489 . This is an archeological fact, the consequence of being part of a community. This would also suggest some correlation between the esteem which was given to him during his life, and that which was given to him in his tomb, again pointing to the existence of generics in the tomb and its contents. Having established that certain values are found in all funerary art it is now proposed to select the motifs and see the extent of their application in the activities of the tomb-owner. 488 M. Gluckman, "Les Rites de Passage," in Essays on the ritual of social relations , ed. M. Gluckman and C. D. Forde (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1962), 22. See also W. James, The ceremonial animal: a new portrait of anthropology (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003) 107. 489 Lepsius, Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien pls. 3, 25, 44, 69, 86 & 89. - - - 1 77 - Numerous motifs could be chosen to show commemoration; demonstrating identity, individuality, and ideology as different, culturally significant aspects. It is acknowledged that unbiased representative selection is crucial yet difficult. If one looks closely at all non-ritual scenes, it becomes obvious that they all contain some form or other of generic values. Equally, it is clear that the motifs selected must cut across a cross section of the known representations, such that they include the tomb-owner during the different parts of his life. The selected motifs then should include the following abstract/iconological themes: 1. The social rank of the tomb-owner and the number and composition of persons having duty relationships towards him. 2. Active/Passive participation by the tomb-owner in a communal act. 3. Participation by members of his family, kin, and community in pursuance of commemoration. 4. Inclusion of many varieties of elevated status goods made in this world but also required in the hereafter. 5. Indications of perceived idioms of identity, ideology, and individuality (directly or indirectly) existing as part of funerary art. In line with the above guidelines, the selected iconographic motifs including related inscriptional texts are: • Carrying-chair scene • Taking-Account scene • Mourning as part of the funeral processes scene As with everything connected with Egyptology, there will always be exceptions, and it may well be that the choice of motifs will be subject to objections, all the more so when the material is incomplete or missing. However this is no excuse for avoiding an attempt to understand the causes of the conception, creation, and cultural impact of the iconography. If at a later date certain causal concepts need to be amended, this is not a disaster, - - - 178 - because the very attempt can be illuminating, as knowledge can also come in small increments. I have selected the above-mentioned motifs for consideration because these represent the full length of a life; they are clear illustrations of the continuing emphasis on the generics. Additionally I feel that the processes and outcomes in them seem to unfold faster which can lead to more clarity. My method will be to use a multi-pronged approach basing it on the macro analysis of the widespread ‘socially engineered’ (the generics) indications that directly affected ancient Egypt (the subject of Part I of this study). The consequences of these generics, intended and otherwise as depicted in the selected iconography (the subject of Part 2), then enable one to move down and dig deeper to uncover facts and reliable data that support, or refute, the big picture analysis. Each of the scenes will at first be deconstructed in detail, and then contextualized to highlight the cultural significance of the parties/objects/inscriptions; finally generic (common patterns) will be identified. For ease of reference these motifs are included in a separate volume as follows: • Carrying-chair numbered 001- 0037 • Taking Account numbered 0051- 0088 • Mourning numbered 00101- 00103 - - - 179 - Chapter 6 The Carrying-Chair Compared to today’s society, our grandparents had a different mindset, e.g. attitudes and perceptions about morals, obligations, class, etc. The ancient Egyptians probably had an even more different mindset: such that whilst a modern person might be able to translate the Egyptians’ words and actions accurately, the perception, and meaning of both of these may differ. Consider the carrying-chair motif which for the ancient Egyptians could mean a number of things. Status probably was the main reason. However status can cover a wide variety of areas, e.g. those associated with age (e.g. village elders’ experience, health), kinship structure as in feudal aristocracies, and wealth as with modern social classes. For arguments sake let us begin as a starting point with the following non-controversial propositions: - that the number of carrying-chair motifs is but a minor selection of that which may have existed, - that as wood rots easily we do not have any existing actual carrying-chairs, - that the carrying-chair was a scarce and valuable resource. Because funerary expenditure was one prime concern of the elite’s existence and because this was not equal, the possession of an independent means of transport meant a higher level of status, wealth, and comfort. The depiction of such an object would therefore imply an equivalent association in the afterlife. One can therefore conclude with a high degree of probability, that the possession of a carrying-chair was an elite attribute. The detailed analysis of the carrying-chair motif and its components attempts to attain some precision in dealing with such and related concepts, when assessing the role of the generics in Egyptian art and society. 6.1 General Characteristics The motif of the carrying-chair and its occupant(s) are found among the reliefs in the mastabas of the elite of the Old Kingdom as given in Appendix ‘A’ 490 and was a symbol of high social rank and importance 491 . The oldest depiction of a possible carrying-chair is that seen in the Narmer/Scorpion 490 A detailed list of all related scenes appears in Appendix 'A' of the list of tombs.
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