Log Kya Kahenge (What Will People Say): Honour-Based Violence As a Response to Community Influenced Control and the Fear of Ostracization

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2021-01-29 Log Kya Kahenge (What Will People Say): Honour-Based Violence as a Response to Community Influenced Control and the Fear of Ostracization

Rahman, Afrin Naz

Rahman, A. N. (2021). Log Kya Kahenge (What Will People Say): Honour-Based Violence as a Response to Community Influenced Control and the Fear of Ostracization (Unpublished master's thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/113062 master thesis

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Log Kya Kahenge (What Will People Say): Honour-Based Violence as a Response

to Community Influenced Control and the Fear of Ostracization

Afrin Naz Rahman

A THESIS

SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE

DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS

GRADUATE PROGRAM IN RELIGIOUS STUDIES

CALGARY, ALBERTA

JANUARY, 2021

Abstract

Honour-based violence (HBV) is a particular subset of violence against women (VAW) that is based on the belief that an individual (mostly women) has brought shame and dishonour upon their family and community. This particular justification is limited and ignores the pressure and fear of community condemnation and ostracization that the perpetrator (mostly men) experience.

In order to apprehend the justifications for HBV, this thesis will address the subject of VAW and how it is systematic and imbedded within societal norms, regardless of region, race, or creed. It is then necessary to not only define religion, culture and tradition but also address the underlying correlation between HBV and Islam, that despite being refuted by Islamic leaders, continues to dominate research regarding this form of violence. Focusing solely on these two points (women and Islam) of contention ignores the mindset of the perpetrator, as their supposition of honour is derived from almost exclusively from the fear of log kya kahenge (what will people say).

Instead, using sociological theories, the continuity of HBV should be examined based upon the impellent fear: heteronormativity and the community itself.

Acknowledgments

I would like to take this opportunity to give my sincere gratitude to the following individuals who have helped me throughout my time writing my thesis.

Foremost, I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr. Morny Joy. Her guidance, insight and encouragement were instrumental to my success in completing my thesis. I am also grateful for her never-ending patience and support, without which I would have not made it this far.

I am also thankful to the University of Calgary and Department of Classics and Religion for providing me with the opportunity and time I required to complete my thesis, ensuring that I was successful in my academic career.

To Dr. Wendi Adamek and Dr Liza McCoy, I am thankful for not only the opportunity to be taught by both of you, but also for agreeing to be on my defence committee.

Last, but not least, I am thankful to my family and friends. They have equally been a part of my journey and struggle, and have remained steadfast in their support, patience and love.

Table of Contents

Abstract 2

Acknowledgements 3

Introduction: What Will People Say? 5

Chapter 1: The Subject of Violence Against Women 11

Chapter 2: The Implications of Religion, Culture and Tradition 31

Chapter 3: The Heteronormative Fear of Westernization 56

Chapter 4: The Collective Demand for Honour 88

Conclusion 133

Bibliography 136

Introduction: What Will People Say?

The phrase log kya kahenge (what will people say) is a familiar rhetorical question used to enforce particular attitudes and demeanors that align with accepted South Asian social norms.

This particular question used more as an implied threat, rather than a question, is the primary justification and motivation for the continued existence of honour-based violence (HBV) in

South Asian Muslim communities. Current scholarly assumptions are that honour-based violence, otherwise known as honour killings, is a means of protecting or restoring an individual and their family’s perceived loss of honour (izzat). Although this continued postulation may be valid, is limited because the focus on HBV is predominately based on only two factors: women and Islam. This present narrative, research, and scrutiny, especially of women, is based on their culpability for the loss of honour. The victims, mostly women, are subject to abuse and murder.

However, despite Muslims confirmation that Islam does not promote HBV, it is undeniable that

HBV is prevalent within Muslim communities

While there is an awareness of the victims of this violence and religious reasons that inform it, there is insufficient research regarding the perpetrator’s (mainly men), mental state.

Currently there is little to no understanding behind the justifications for committing HBV as a means for combating shame and dishonour of the perpetrators. Nor are their justifications from the families experience due to the perceived offenses committed by female relatives.

In particular, the importance given to the concept of log kya kahenge is in need of further investigation as a source for HBV. This would involve community influence as well as the fear of condemnation and/or ostracization. This thesis argues that the concept of honour is based upon affirmation and prestige dictated (handed down) by others. The loss of honour, or shame

(sharam), is also dependent upon the perceived or actual perception of the community. It is the 6 community’s involvement which influences the perpetrator’s evaluation of their own honour and subsequently their identity. However, any perceived shame on the perpetrator and subsequently their family, would then be considered an attack on their identity and acceptance within that community.

For scholars who want to study the subversive relationship between the perpetrator and community requires an examination of motivating triggers that encourages HBV, justifying not only violence, but in many cases murder. The endurance of honour-based violence requires scholars to study the interpretation (ijtihad) of religions, in particular, Islamic rhetoric that is used to validate cultural and traditional heteronormativity. Any rationalizations of HBV require analysing the relationship between the perpetrator and their community. This relationship is multifaceted, and by using multiple sociological theories, it confirms the community’s substantial influence. This is done through intimidation, coercion, and encouragement of the perpetrator and their family to commit violence and murder against any woman who has challenged existing gender norms. Each of the upcoming chapters in this thesis illustrates aspects of this particular relationship and the reasons for continuing the existence and endurance of honour-based violence (HBV).

Chapter One: The Subject of Violence Against Women

This chapter provides a basic understanding of how violence against women (VAW) has been normalized and even trivialized historically through various cultural institutions and systems worldwide. The unfortunate reality is that patriarchy, despite its detrimental effect on both sexes, has determined horrific consequences for women. The World Health Organization has estimated that: “1 in 3 (35%) of all women worldwide have experienced either physical and/or sexual 7 intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence in their lifetime.”1 This statistic is further evidence for the use of severe terms such as gendercide or femicide that confirms VAW is rooted within a universal patriarchy that is not predicated on a specific region, race, class, ethnicity, religion etc.

To understand the extent that women are horrifically abused worldwide, requires confirming the overarching reality whereby women are systematically abused through crimes.

The reality of this system of abuse includes female infanticide, acid attacks, female genital mutilation, breast flattening, child marriages, kitchen deaths, and honour killings, and more prevalent actions are those of domestic violence and sexual abuse

Chapter Two: The Implications of Religion, Culture and Tradition

This chapter evaluates the role of both religion and culture as they apply to violence against women (VAW). In order to recognize their influence on VAW, it is first necessary to understand key religious, cultural, and traditional terms that have been responsible in the othering of women.

This chapter focuses on the monotheistic religions, Judaism, Christianity and Islam, and their obsessions with Eve’s portrayal in religious texts.

Eve’s sexuality is of special concern in the Western tradition. The Fall is regarded (whether literally or metaphorically) as a sexual event. Eve is guilty of wishing to be in control her own sexual life. Some very deep, partially unarticulated fears are behind the male insistence that she be denied the freedom to make her own decisions about her bodily life.2

Interpreting Eve’s actions as her desire to control her own sexuality, she is symbolically challenging patriarchal social norms and values.3 Making such types of decisions means that

1 “Violence against Women.” World Health Organization. World Health Organization, (2017). 2 Nel, Noddings. Women and Evil. LA, California. University of California Press, (1991): 53. 3 Ibid. 8 women could survive without male approval and control. This independence posed a threat to the patriarchal norms including gender hierarchies’ control over a woman’s body and sexuality.4

This historical narrative in religious dialogue is important to appreciate how it is interpreted and used to justify specific gender norms. This is obvious when addressing Islamic ijtihad (interpretation) of scripture. There is a clear distinction between scriptural, cultural and traditional ideologies. This distinction demonstrates the commitment to values that are placed upon gender norms that confirm male superiority.

Chapter Three: The Heteronormative Fear of Westernization

This chapter addresses honour-based violence itself. Interpretation and sensitivity to the terms honour (izzat) and shame (sharam), imply that their influence on HBV goes beyond the realm of religion but also differentiates it from other forms of domestic violence. Although it is considered a duty for both men and women, honour has different connotations, which includes responsibilities and repercussions for both. Conservation of gender roles or heteronormativity is the standard by which men and women should conduct themselves.5 It is important that this thesis stresses that heteronormativity is a social structure based on a collective belief in particular gender roles.

There is overwhelming pressure placed on conforming to these roles, where women are specifically targeted. Because of their association with family honour, women are discouraged, if not forbidden to have any exposure and association with Western culture. As a result,

Westernization is considered a source of shame, an emotion so harmful to family honour, that any indication compels male relatives and the community to combat it by whatever means necessary. This theme is substantiated by Recep Dogan’s interviews with a perpetrator’s

4 Ibid., 53-54 5 Ibid., 75 9 conviction of honour killings. The interviews that Dogan conducted confirmed not only the ramifications of shame but also the community’s influence and authority over the perpetrator’s decisions to commit violence and to murder in order to redeem his honour.

Although there are secondary provocations for HBV, they should still be identified as contributing factors to the perpetuity of such a crime. This includes the influence of economic disparity, education, mental health, and particularly the caste system. This thesis will show that

HBV is a crime shaped and validated by a multitude of issues that inform how an individual understands their environment. These other facets, along with the assumed responsibilities of the perpetrator to restore honour, emphasize how this crime is not limited to the relationship only between victim and perpetrator. It instead makes evident the belief and value that honour is a collective title and a distinction and that both its loss and protection, is a communal endeavour.

Chapter Four: The Collective Demand for Honour

Acknowledging the community’s overwhelming influence on honour-based violence requires further examining the relationship between the perpetrator, their family and the community.

Addressing these relationships will provide a greater understanding of the motivations and justifications for HBV. In this chapter we will use sociological theories to show how social mores influence the perpetrator’s decision to commit HBV and even murder. The attention will be placed on comprehending the gravity of community on the perpetrator’s perception of self and how honour is construed as a justification for the continuation of HBV.

This chapter will introduce sociological theories to decipher social dynamics as a means to determine self-identity in relation to their community and how this relationship can drive the perpetrator to commit these crimes. Accurately illustrating the relationship between self and community requires the use of multiple theories. These include the social identity theory, social 10 control theory, ambivalent sexism, strain theory, looking glass theory, labelling theory, and differential reinforcement theory. The use of multiple theories is necessary because applying a single Western sociological theory to Eastern cultures can be problematic because it can ignore other frames of influence in these cultures. Unfortunately, a lack of comparable theories from these regions necessitates the use of Western theories. By addressing each aspect of honour- based violence in this manner, the intent of this thesis is to highlight the significant neglect in understanding and appreciation the community’s substantial influence and long-existing contribution to the endurance of HBV.

Chapter One: The Subject of Violence Against Women (VAW)

Violence against women (VAW) is a global experience, not limited by race, religion, or region.

It is such a widespread and familiar matter, that many scholars refer to its commonality as gendercide: the abuse and mass murder of a particular gender. Because of the overwhelming majority of female victims of gendercide, the term femicide is used more specifically to define and identify the disappearance and violence towards women. It is this distinction that needs greater attention and condemnation as it bespeaks of patriarchal normative ideologies that validate the prevalence of crimes where women are the victim. In order to appreciate the necessity of using the word femicide, as a means of intentional violence against women, this chapter focuses first upon the various forms of discriminations against women. This includes imbedded sexism present within systems (such as the economy, politics and religion), institutions, and culture. The ongoing discrimination and sexism that women face provides a basis for various forms of violence that women have and continue to endure. Forms of violence, such as domestic violence and sexual assault are significant examples of how the abuse women face is a consequence of existing patriarchal beliefs that validate their treatment as subordinates to men. There is a pervasive antagonistic attitude towards women, present within the global community. This needs to be understood as constituting a hostile climate that fosters violence against women.

The differing types of violence and abuse against women globally illuminate an overarching patriarchal ideology of societal norms that goes beyond religion, culture, country, and region. The various means by which women have been physically violated, abused and killed indicates a societal proclivity where women are associated with ‘evil’. The implication of this association is problematic, as the use of the term ‘evil’, implies a religious form of both 12 identification and treatment. Yet, the antagonism shown to women goes beyond the religious purview and reveals female suppression and aggression within many different forms of institutions. A social fact, as Durkheim explains, is not intended or contrived but, instead, is the product of human activities.6 Interactions between individuals within a marriage, family, community, organizations, and religion, are all institutions that guide certain actions and relationships that in time becomes social facts. 7 These social facts are “perceptible in the whole society, while having an existence of their own, independent of its individual manifestations.”8

Based on this understanding, other types of social facts, such as abuses against women, are plausible and also go beyond the realm of religious justifications.

Recognizing violence against women as a social fact is still problematic, however, as it does not address the implications and basis for the harm to women worldwide. Until very recently, the inability to discuss and condemn VAW is a result of the difficulty women face in being publicly vocal and explicit about these forms of abuse. Some justifications for why this topic is not acknowledged, is that it is an uncomfortable topic for which institutions and/or authorities do not want to take responsibility.9 There is also a lack of data regarding violence against women because many of the victims have died as a result of the abuse they faced, or they go underreported. Such impediments hinder treating incidents of violence against women as a crime.

Another argument for the neglect dealing with violence against women is that it is also unclear as to which organization or branch of government should examine this topic. This is

6 Weil, Shalva. "Making Femicide Visible." Current Sociology 64, no. 7 (2016): 1124-37. https://doi.org/10.1177/0011392115623602. 7 Ibid., 1126 8 Ibid. 9 Ibid., 1128 13

especially so, because there is no consensus for recognizing VAW as constituting female

genocide.10 Nevertheless, the use of the terminology, ‘female genocide,’ for the global

occurrence of VAW confirms that there is still a significant number of women are killed, raped,

denied reproductive rights, and go missing.11

The word ‘genocide’ has been used to discuss the mass killings of Jews during the

Holocaust, of the Tutsis in Rwanda, and Muslims in Bosnia, yet the term is somehow still

controversial when used to discuss the global phenomenon of violence against women. This

differentiation may be because of the time frame and political situations of the other noted

genocides in history, but it is also because violence against women does not represent particular

events or a collective genus like the victims of Rwanda and Bosnia. Therefore, it cannot to be

used within the accepted understanding of genocide.12 Instead of the term ‘gendercide’, it is

‘femicide’ (coined in 1976 by Diana Russell)13 that has been used to distinguish this particular

form of genocide:

[G]endercide would be the deliberate extermination of persons of a particular sex (or gender). Other terms, such as ‘gynocide’ and ‘femicide,’ have been used to refer to the wrongful killing of girls and women. But ‘gendercide’ is not a sex-neutral term, in that the victims may be either male or female [emphasis added]. There is a need for such a sex-neutral term, since sexually discriminatory killing is just as wrong when the victims happen to be male. The term also calls attention to the fact that gender roles have often had lethal consequences, and that these are in important respects analogous to the lethal consequences of racial, religious, and class prejudice.14

10 Ibid., 1129-1130 11 Ibid., 1130 12 Ibid. 13 Corradi, Consuelo, Chaime Marcuello-Servós, Santiago Boira, and Shalva Weil. "Theories of Femicide and Their Significance for Social Research." Current sociology 64, no. 7 (2016): 975-95. https://doi.org/10.1177/0011392115622256. 14 Jones, Adam PhD. "Gendercide: Examining Gender-Based Crimes against Women and Men." Clin Dermatol 31, no. 2 (2013): 226-29. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.clindermatol.2011.09.001.

Although the use of the term gendercide is often used interchangeably with femicide, it is not synonymous, as victims of gendercide include men and other members of the gender spectrum as well.15 Historically, the murder and the disappearance of women has been ignored or relegated to other forms of crime, such as homicide, that are not differentiated by sex or gender.16 But femicide, the murder of women by men that is misogynous in nature, is

“[M]otivated by hatred, contempt, pleasure or a sense of ownership of women”.17 This differentiation in terminology is necessary because the victimization of men and transgendered individuals (though distinctive and relevant) does not convey the significance of female mass murders, since men “Even if men are murdered more frequently than women, they ‘are rarely murdered simply because they are men”.18 The definition of femicide as proposed by the United

Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) is:

Femicide comprises the killing of women and girls because of their gender. It can take the form of, inter alia the 1) murder of women as a result of intimate partner violence; 2) torture and misogynist slaying of women 3) killing of women and girls in the name of "honour"; 5) targeted killing of women and girls in the context of armed conflict; 5) dowry-related killings of women; 6) killing of women and girls because of their sexual orientation and gender identity; 7) killing of aboriginal and indigenous women and girls because of their gender; 8) female infanticide and gender-based sex selection foeticide; 9) genital mutilation related deaths; 10) accusations of witchcraft and 11) other gender-based murders connected with gangs, organized crime, drug dealers, human trafficking, and the proliferation of small arms.19

15 The gendercide of men takes a different form than that of women, as it can refer to the extermination of men which occurs especially in times of war. Men and young boys of fighting age were separated from the women (who were evacuated out of war zones) and massacred during the Bangladesh genocide in 1971, the Holocaust, and the Bosnian war since they posed the highest threat. Women in those instances were targeted as well, but it most actively is sexual in nature. For further information: Ibid. Pg. 227 16 Corradi, Consuelo., et al. “Theories of Femicide and Their Significance for Social Research.” 976 17 Ibid., 977 18 Ibid., 977 19 “DCN5: Symposium on Femicide: A Global Issue That Demands Action.” United Nations: Office on Drugs and Crime. (2018). Accessed April 18, 2018. http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/ngos/DCN5-Symposium-on-femicide-a- global-issue-that-demands-action.html.

The various ways in which women and girls are abused and killed illustrate and justify the use of

the term femicide, thereby identifying it as its own specific issue. The term also politicizes the

number and disparity involved in the victimization of women as a separate entity from homicide,

allowing it to be studied, understood and approached as such.20 Femicide has been and continues

to be a global concern that is not discussed as constituting an attempt to decimate a gender, in

part because “[V]iolence against women is almost universally under-reported.”21 Research

regarding femicide is limited because of both the stigma that women face from society for

reporting their own victimization and the imbedded acceptance of female inferiority within the

global community.

Though not all forms of abuse against women are physical, it is the focus for this chapter,

as femicide, the mass murder of women is:

[T]he misogynous killing of women by men, motivated by hatred, contempt, pleasure or a sense of ownership of women, thus to be investigated ‘in the context of the overall oppression of women in a patriarchal society’.22

It is this motivation that is important to address, as the terms homicide or murder are

gender neutral and fail to emphasize the distinctive nature of abuse that women endure.

For this reason, the term femicide serves the purpose of highlighting the violence

against women because they are women.

Femicide…occurs in patriarchal societies, characterized by male dominance and female subordination, through ‘social and political construction of masculinity as active and aggressive and the social construction of femininity as receptive and passive’.23

20 Corradi, Consuelo., et al. “Theories of Femicide and Their Significance for Social Research.” 976 21 Watts, Charlotte, and Cathy Zimmerman. "Violence against Women: Global Scope and Magnitude." Lancet 359, no. 9313 (2002): 1232. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(02)08221-1. 22 Corradi, Consuelo., et al. “Theories of Femicide and Their Significance for Social Research.” 977 23 Ibid. 977 16

Femicide is a distinct phenomenon that permeates social norms that stem from the systemic, cultural, and institutionalized forms of discrimination against women that allows for violence against women to occur. The discussion of these forms of discrimination are thus far incomplete, as VAW is extremely controversial. This is because there are other contributing factors that need to be examined and understood, such as religion.

The existence and need to recognize femicide as having its own classification is necessary because it stems from patriarchy, misogyny, gender inequality, sexism, power imbalances, and institutionalized discrimination.24 Women throughout history have been considered inferior to men and therefore their contributions and roles within society have mostly been viewed and treated as insignificant, inconsequential and problematic. The treatment of women has been dictated by the existence of patriarchy25, which is defined as:

[S]ocial arrangements that privilege males, where men as a group dominate women as a group, both structurally and ideologically – hierarchical arrangements that manifest in varieties across history and social space. There are patriarchal systems at the macro level (bureaucracies, government, law, market, religion), and there are patriarchal systems at the micro level (interactions, families, organizations, patterned behavior between intimates) …Micro – and macropatriarchal systems exist symbiotically. Interpersonal dynamics are nested within the macro-level gender order.26

This definition of patriarchy essentially outlines how violence is gender sensitive.27 The victimization of women is any system or relationship that is different from any violence that men experience. Patriarchal gender structures ensure that a woman is more vulnerable to various forms of violence, usually perpetrated by men, while the reverse

24 “Issue 14: Femicide.” Learning Network - Western University. (2015). http://www.vawlearningnetwork.ca/our- work/issuebased_newsletters/issue-14/index.html. 25 Though the advent of patriarchy is contested, but is believed to have begun in the 4th millennium BCE in Mesopotamia and spread globally, imbedding itself within all aspects of society. For further information: French, Marilyn. The War Against Women. New York, NY. Summit Books, (1992). 16-17 26 Hunnicutt, Gwen. "Varieties of Patriarchy and Violence against Women: Resurrecting “Patriarchy” as a Theoretical Tool." Violence Against Women 15, no. 5 (2009): 557-58. https://doi.org/10.1177/1077801208331246. 27 Ibid., 557 17

(women abusing men) is minimal. These gender structures also serve as gender hierarchies:

Although gender hierarchies are the central organizing feature of patriarchal systems, age, race, class, sexuality, religion, historical location and nationality mediate gender statuses, assigning males and females varying amounts of social value, privilege and power.28

Patriarchy is regarded as the validation of male and female roles that complement gender restricted identities. It includes masculine responsibilities such as maintaining and protecting the family unit. Women’s primary responsibility, however, was and continues to be childbearing and child-rearing.29 This specific role for women meant that their identity was correlated with the home and domesticity. The implication of these particular roles was useful for creating social roles that denied women opportunities to participate in the public domain or have other identities. Instead, patriarchy pervaded the cultural constructs of society, encouraging men and women to conform to their gender roles, eventually becoming idealized and normalized forms of identity for both sexes. Patriarchy has thus had the effect of ensuring gender as a social construct that limited not only the role of women to the home and motherhood, but also justified the oppression and abuse of women as well. Essentially, “Patriarchal societies are not only male- dominated, but they are male-identified, male-centered, and tend to cause the oppression of women by devaluing the work they do or treating them as though they are ‘invisible’”.30 The distinctions patriarchy made between males and females provided a means for men to refuse or acknowledge women as equals, suggesting that women are inherently inferior to men and can therefore be treated as such. These distinctions are imbedded within many societal norms and

28 Ibid., 558 29 York, Melinda R. Gender Attitudes and Violence Against Women. United States. LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC (2011). 3 30 Ibid., 14 18 are made visible through the various forms of discrimination women face within social structures that support existing prejudices against their sex (and race).

Discrimination Against Women

Institutionalized discrimination against women is the means by which female inferiority has been enforced, through the implication that women are also biologically inferior to men. Historically, this inference suggested men have a stronger body and a more intelligent mind in comparison to women, who are regarded not as fully developed as men.31 As a result, the feminine body was deemed to be physically weak and mentally deficient, and therefore unable to compete with men at any level. This implied inferiority has been used as a means of controlling the female body. It has also meant that men have had the authority to dictate female attire, work, and any access to healthcare or its equivalent. Healthcare, is a prime example of this type of discrimination in particular countries, as access to certain products and care, such as birth control and abortions has continuously been restricted or denied.32

The inability of women to access various forms of education, is another means by which institutionalized discrimination is also achieved. The lack of access to education has had a significant and lasting effect on girls, which is particularly evident in developing nations, such as

Pakistan.33 The education of boys is given precedence over girls because of the belief that boys will be able to earn more and contribute to the family and society. Keeping girls uneducated,

31 Walton, Michael T., Robert M. Fineman, and Phyllis J. Walton. "Why Can't a Woman Be More Like a Man?: A Renaissance Perspective on the Biological Basis for Female Inferiority." Women & health 24, no. 4 (1997): 88. https://doi.org/10.1300/J013v24n04_05. 32 French, Marilyn. The War Against Women, 101 33 Niaz, U. "Violence against Women in South Asian Countries." Archives of Women’s Mental Health 6, no. 3 (2003): 173-84. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00737-003-0171-9.

19 forces them to work in poor conditions for a lower income and ultimately rely upon men and male support for financial security.34

Cultural forms of discrimination can be found in the attempt to control women’s behaviour, language and image.35 Particularly within developing countries, this type of discrimination, manifests itself within traditions, rituals, and customs that reinforce female inferiority. Women are also targeted in the media, such as news, films and art. These visual representations of women are either sexualized or made insubstantial in comparison to male counterparts.

The various forms of offences against women on a global scale, as described above, indicate a systemic form of abuse against women. Systemic discrimination against women also includes economic, political and religious discrimination. This limits and confines the role of women within their societies to the specific duty of motherhood, hindering them from making any other contributions.36

A contemporary example is economic discrimination and the limitations it imposes on any individual financial security and gain for women. In both developed and non-developed countries, particular laws exist restricting women’s ability to pursue economic advancement.

According to the United Nations, in 2013, more men were employed globally (72.2%) than women (47.1%), but women were paid significantly less than men (average of 60-70% less than men), despite working more hours a day than them.37 This discrepancy in wage and labour

34 French, Marilyn. The War Against Women, 30 35 Ibid., 157 36 This neglect and invalidation of female influence promoted the belief that women were not involved in society (which I define to include groups, such as communities and those affiliated through religion, culture and politics) and resulted in their exclusion from history. Ibid., 19 37 “Facts and Figures: Economic Empowerment.” UN Women. 2017. http://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we- do/economic-empowerment/facts-and-figures.

20 between men and women illustrates a method of systematically ensuring female inferiority. It is important to note that in some countries, a husband’s authority can also prevent his wife from working.38 Such unequal work and pay force women to contend with interferences with their ability to access education, care, or participate in political endeavors.39

Economic discrimination is directly linked to political discrimination against women as well. One means of political discrimination is the invisibility of (until very recently, and then only in the more developed countries) women in political roles, especially high-ranking positions, such as Prime Minister or President. Though few women have achieved those roles, it has been often due to an elite hierarchy that is based on monarchies and established family political dynasties.40 Women who have achieved those roles were given these titles and responsibilities because of the belief that their lineage was the primary means of ensuring the continuation of a monarchy. Despite their positions of power, these women were still expected to concede the male model of ruling.41

In cases of elected powers, India has had the most women in positions of political influence, but this is due to the caste system dictating privilege. As its (caste) importance waned, so did the involvement of women in those positions.42 Essentially, Indian women have been reluctantly given power by men (with very few exceptions), and any other forms of influence they had were located in the private realm as wives and daughters. This meant that any impact these women could make was limited, disregarded or denied by men in positions of power. The contributions of women in history in philosophy, science, religion, inventions, and literary works

38 Ibid. 39 Ibid. 40 French, Marilyn. The War Against Women. 45 41 Ibid., 44 42 Ibid., 45 21 have, mostly been ignored or credited to male contemporaries.43 The removal, or rather the exclusion of women from history, was a deliberate means of minimizing and erasing their significant roles and identity.

Religious discrimination is another form of systemic discrimination that helped the spread and influence of patriarchy.44 As most religions in the world are patriarchal, the ideology of male superiority is entrenched within cultures, traditions and societies. This form of discrimination has many facets (such as the interpretation, practice and the significance of religious communities) that contribute to the violence that women experience. (This topic will be discussed further in the following chapter).

These forms of discrimination (systematic, institutionalized and cultural) have contributed to the various forms of abuse that women face worldwide. Though there are existing differences when comparing developed and developing countries, abuse, especially physical abuse, is a consequence of these forms of discrimination. This is evident in the following UN declaration:

The United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women states in its preamble that violence against women is a product of ‘unequal power relations’ that characterise gender relations in all parts of the world. The declaration recognises that in addition to individual acts of violence, it is this history of unequal relationships that is at the core of widespread and pervasive nature of violence against women. Violence against women is a universal reality but at the same time it is invisible. Yet such violence is underreported if not ‘normalized’ as acceptable social behaviour.45

43 Ibid., 48 44 Ibid., 51 45 Radhika, Coomaraswamy. "Human Security and Gender Violence." Economic and political weekly 40, no. 44/45 (2005): 4729. https://ucalgary- primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1p0s7n7/TN_cdi_jstor_primary_4417359

These ‘unequal power relations’ are at the crux of female discrimination and again indicates why violence against women is underreported and, in many cases, ignored. Discrimination as it is understood so far, is the normalization of sexism applied as a means of ensuring female subjugation.

Abuse

The forms of sexism mentioned above provide insight into the various forms of abuse that women experience as a means of maintaining normative heterosexuality, especially interpersonal violence. As a result:

Women experience all forms of violence, however, interpersonal violence – that is, violence inflicted by another person or by a small group of people on the woman is the most universal form of violence against women, as it takes place in all societies.46

Interpersonal violence is based upon individual relationships, generally consisting of female victims and male perpetrators. These relationships, distant or familiar, are necessary for the perpetrators to justify taking action or abusing a victim(s).

Interpersonal violence:

[I]s in turn divided into two subcategories: family/intimate partner violence and community violence. Family/partner violence describes violence between family members (often taking place in the home), while community violence describes violence between people who are unrelated and who may or may not know each other, and it generally takes place outside the home.47

Interpersonal violence addresses the abusive form of sexism that is more visibly prevalent globally. It is this particular type of violence, despite its intimate setting, that is used to then justify “[T]he globally dominant institutions and cultural constructs facilitate the subjugation of

46 Krantz, Gunilla, and Claudia Garcia-Moreno. "Violence against Women." Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 59, no. 10 (2005): 818. https://doi.org/10.1136/jech.2004.022756. 47 Ibid. 23 women through ostensibly private but widespread sexual violence.”48 The differing means of interpersonal violence is imperative to address because despite the allusion of invisibility, violence against women, is not only the most visible, but perhaps the most normalized as well.

The intimate nature of interpersonal violence insinuates that the varying forms of discrimination and sexism that women endure is imbedded within familial ideologies and relationships.

The abuse women endure can take many forms: verbal, emotional, psychological, financial, sexual and physical, and can be administered in both isolation and accumulatively.

Differing forms of abuse also occur at every stage of a female’s life, from infancy to old age.

These include: female infanticide (foeticide), child brides, rape, witch hunts, domestic violence, sex trafficking, dowry deaths (bride burnings), acid attacks and honor killings. It also includes other forms of abuse that only exist as a result of misogynistic punishments designed to blame and condemn women for their inherent sexuality, i.e., female genital mutilation and breast flattening. Non-physical abuse such as verbal, emotional, and psychological forms, which include neglect, are means of belittlement, humiliation, and control that occur in all cultures and societies.49 Though this type of abuse is more subtle in nature, the lasting effect it has on victims is often used in conjunction with physical and sexual violence, as a part of the intimidation that usually accompanies these forms of abuse.50 Psychological, mental and emotional forms of abuse are also implemented to cause internal pain, such as blaming victims for financial hardships or lost crops. Women are made to feel guilty or responsible for adversities and, as a result, face depression, anxieties and fear of retaliation for perceived faults.51

48 Toit, Louise du. "Sexual Violence, Religion and Women’s Rights in Global Perspective." Religious studies and theology 36, no. 2 (2017): 158. https://doi.org/10.1558/rsth.35156. 49 Krantz, Gunilla., Garcia-Moreno, Claudia. “Violence Against Women.” 818-819 50 Ibid., 818 51 Understanding and Addressing Violence Against Women: Health Consequences.” World Health Organization, (2012). 2. https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77431/WHO_RHR_12.43_eng.pdf?sequence=1

According to the organization UN Women, though the data is relatively modest, it is estimated that 43% of women in the EU (European Union) have experienced various forms of psychological abuse from an intimate partner.52 In 2015, both England and Wales introduced a new law into effect which included coercive and controlling behaviour (such as threats, humiliation and intimidation) as a part of their definition for domestic violence that is now criminalized and prosecuted.53 The inclusion of these non-physical forms of abuse is necessary, as they are an integral part of the various experiences of women suffering from violence, especially in cases of domestic violence and rape. These two particular forms of violence against women are important to address because they are not limited by systems, institutions and regions. Their ‘commonality’ is also important to address because not only do they occur within the sphere of other forms of abuse but are also implicit acts that are used to sustain particular behaviors for both men and women.

Domestic Violence and Rape

The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that “Worldwide, almost one third (30%) of women who have been in a relationship report that they have experienced some form of physical and/or sexual violence by their intimate partner in their lifetime.”54 Domestic violence or intimate partner violence “refers to behaviour by an intimate partner or ex-partner that causes physical, sexual or psychological harm, including physical aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse and controlling behaviours”.55 Domestic violence combines

52 “Facts and Figures: Ending Violence Against Women.” UN Women. 2017. http://www.unwomen.org/en/what- we-do/ending-violence-against-women/facts-and-figures 53 “New Domestic Abuse Law Comes into Force.” BBC News. BBC, (2015). https://www.bbc.com/news/uk- 35192256. 54 Violence Against Women: Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Against Women: Fact Sheet.” World Health Organization., (2017). http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs239/en/ 55 Ibid. 25 differing forms of abuse to ensure control and dominance over the victim, who are usually women (though children are also often victims as well).56 One of the most important facets in differentiating domestic violence, or intimate partner violence, from other forms of abuse, is that it based upon emotionally-formed relationships.57

Domestic violence is also cyclical, signifying a pattern or theme of abuse that repeats itself for both victims and offenders. The cycle of abuse is generally divided into three categories: the tension building phase, the explosion phase and the honeymoon phase.58

During the first stage of the cycle, tensions begin to arise from issues such as financial concerns or children. This in turn, triggers verbal and psychological forms of intimidation and abuse from the perpetrator, who in most cases is a husband or boyfriend. The situation then escalates into the second stage of the cycle: the explosion. This occurs when the verbal and emotional abuse escalates to physical or sexual violence, which is usually unpredictable. In the final stage, or ‘honeymoon phase’, a perpetrator will become remorseful, apologizing and offering gifts in return for forgiveness.59 At this stage, the victim will, in most cases, forgive her abuser and agree to stay in the relationship. The duration of the cycle changes over time; the time between each stage shortens gradually and, in some instances, the honeymoon phase ceases to exist.60

The abuse of victims in domestic violent relationships is essentially a means of control and dominance that an offender will use to ensure the woman will not leave. Ways of

56 Coleman, Frances L. "Stalking Behavior and the Cycle of Domestic Violence." Journal of interpersonal violence 12, no. 3 (2016): 422. https://doi.org/10.1177/088626097012003007. 57 Dutton, Donald G. Rethinking Domestic Violence. Vancouver: Vancouver: UBC Press, 2006. https://ucalgary- primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1p0s7n7/TN_cdi_proquest_ebookcentral_EBC3412393 58 Coleman, Frances. “Stalking Behavior and the Cycle of Domestic Violence.” 422. 59 Focht, Jennifer, and Amanda Chu. “The Cycle of Domestic Violence.” National Center for Health Research, (2018). http://www.center4research.org/the-cycle-of-domestic-violence/. 60 Ibid. 26 ensuring this often involve segregating women from family, friends and any other form of personal interactions, thus limiting her mobility. She is ultimately confined to the house, and without financial control, virtually dependent upon her abuser.61

Domestic violence has no regional demographic as it is a global phenomenon, not restricted by religion, culture, region or governance. There are, however, distinct commonalties that male perpetrators exhibit worldwide, such as the abuse of alcohol, low levels of education, previous exposure to family violence, and the acceptance of violence as a means of control.62 For the victims of domestic violence, parallel commonalities consist of inequity in employment, and communal norms ensuring female inferiority, including a general consensus of male entitlement, and societal approval of violence against women.63

An unfortunate reality is the difficulty women face when attempting to leave intimate partner violence. Beyond any remaining feelings of love and sympathy for the abuser, women also stay because they have no other support. There is also the fear of retaliation, a concern for their children’s well-being, or fear that they might be taken away.64 Another justification for women to endure these relationships is the societal norms and beliefs, such as the belief that a male has the ‘right’ to “[A]ssert power over a woman” because he is socially superior and has the “[R]ight to physically discipline a woman for ‘incorrect’ behavior”. In addition, from a male purview, women, from a male perspective “[S]hould tolerate violence in order to keep her family together.”65 This assertion of power and means of validating and fostering

61 Krug, Etienne G, James A Mercy, Linda L Dahlberg, and Anthony B Zwi. “The World Report on Violence and Health.” ResearchGate, (2002). 89 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/11077126_The_world_report_on_violence_and_health. 62 “Violence Against Women: Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Against Women: Fact Sheet.” 63 Ibid. 64 “Understanding and Addressing Violence Against Women: Intimate Partner Violence.” 3. 65 Ibid., 5. 27 certain behaviours and attitudes is also posited in cases of sexual assault, where rape is often

‘normalized’ and victims are blamed for their own victimization.

Rape or sexual assault crosses cultural and regional divisions and can be discussed as a common form of violence against women. Defining rape, however, is difficult as it is a multifaceted endeavor. It is often broadly defined to encompass any and every type of sexual assault and is often based upon interpretations of consent which is argued by misogynists as ambiguous and remains a contentious issue. An unfortunate result of broad definitions is that they can also be applied to insinuate female accountability.66

For the purpose of this thesis, a simple definition of rape is the: “physically forced or otherwise coerced penetration – even if slight – of the vulva or anus, using a penis, other body parts or an object”.67 The term sexual assault, though broad, is more inclusive and can encompass other forms of offences, is defined as: "any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, or other act directed against a person’s sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting."68 Rape and sexual assault have been and are still often used interchangeably as the act of rape falls within the definition of sexual violence.69 Also included in the definition of both sexual assault and rape is the existence of differing forms of sexual violence. Subcategories of rape include wartime rape, gang rape, marital or partner rape, date rape, campus rapes and others. The different classifications of rape offer varying perspectives regarding the dehumanization of women as sexual objects, ensuring female

66 Bourke, Joanna. Rape: Sex Violence History. Great Britain. Virago Press. 2007. 9 67 Krug, Etienne G., et al. “World Report on Violence and Health”. 149 68 “Violence Against Women: Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Against Women: Fact Sheet.” 69 Held, Myka, and Juliana McLaughlin. "Rape and Sexual Assault." The Georgetown journal of gender and the law 15, no. 1 (2014): 157. https://ucalgary- primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1p0s7n7/TN_cdi_gale_infotracacademiconefile_A399683293

28 inferiority. This form of misogyny is now understood as ‘rape culture’, i.e., the normalization of rape (sexual abuse) and the ‘natural’ tendency of blaming the victim for her own victimization.70

The presumption that women are responsible for how they are objectified, both before and after their victimization, has allowed for the perception that men are not responsible for their own actions. As a result, men’s coercion of women with whom they are acquainted is thus justified because only strangers pose real threats.71 Especially in cases of rape perpetrated by acquaintances, the general assumption is that the victim was a willing participant (at least at first), and because no physical force was used, is harder to prosecute. The focus on ‘force’, is problematic as it negates the influence of psychological, emotional and verbal manipulation as force (which could be viewed as forms of seduction instead), implying that only physical forms of coercion are applicable in charges against rape.72.

Women in such a society are meant “[T]o be polite, accommodating and minimally assertive”.73 This passivity makes it difficult for women to be forthcoming and for those who do, ensures they are victimized once more for being a victim. Misogynistic ideologies as to what constitutes a ‘good’ woman is entrenched within culture and conceivably within religion as well, which is the case in many religions and cultures globally. These ideologies are then used to enforce conformity to particular gender constructs and identities which, when opposed, are countered in certain instances, by violent means.

Religion and Violence

70 Messina-Dysert, Gina. Rape Culture and Spiritual Violence : Religion, Testimony, and Visions of Healing. New York, NY. Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, (2015). 1 71 Courtney, Fraser. "From "Ladies First" to "Asking for It": Benevolent Sexism in the Maintenance of Rape Culture." California law review 103, no. 1 (2015): 165. https://ucalgary- primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1p0s7n7/TN_cdi_proquest_journals_1658727830 72 Ibid., 167-169 73 Ibid., 169 29

A part of the systematic structure that supports violence against women is the influence of religion. Religion, in the subjugation of women is important to address separately because it is imbedded within laws, institutions and societal norms in every region of the world. Religion is also used as a means of spreading and enforcing patriarchal values and identities. Its influence provides a justification for the belief that women are essentially inferior to men, enabling them

(men) to categorize women as the ‘Other’:

When God is pictured as male in a community that understands “man” to have been created in God’s image, it only makes sense that maleness functions as the norm…When maleness becomes normative, women are necessarily Other, excluded… and subordinated in the community…And when women are Other, it seems only fitting and appropriate to speak of God in language drawn from the male norm.74

The ‘Othering’ of women is a common feature in both Eastern and Western religions. Religion, all too often a manipulated means of systemic discrimination against women, has had a significant influence on how women have been targeted, segregated and abused. Because of their purported inferiority, religion is also a potent means of justifying continued cultural constructs that maintain inferior female roles. This is apparent in all religions. The influence of the

Manava-dharma-sastra or the Laws of Manu within Hinduism is a prime example. Estimated to have been completed between circa 300 BCE – 200 CE, the Laws of Manu are primarily concerned with the conduct and duties (dharma) of married men and women and their specific gender responsibilities.75 The responsibilities of a woman, according to the Laws of Manu are dependent upon their obedience to male relations, ensuring patriarchal gender relations remain

74 O’Connor, Frances., Drury, Becky S. The Female Face in Patriarchy: Oppression as Culture. United States, Michigan State University Press, (1999), 67 75 Ibid., 23 30 intact.76 Women are warned not to neglect their duties or they will be punished now and in rebirth for their actions.77

This is a similar theme in Western religions as well. Despite egalitarian features, male interpretations, such as that of early Church Fathers like Tertullian (ca. A.D. 160-220),78 have continuously denigrated women and promoted the belief that women are not only inferior but

‘the Devil’s gateway.’79 Tertullian’s opinion of women as inherently inferior and sinful or ‘evil’ is based upon the belief that all women inherited Eve’s culpability for the Fall of Mankind.80

Tertullian’s works, and others like his, were influential in how scripture is and continues to be interpreted, especially as it pertains to the conduct of women. It is this means of interpretation, or specifically, male interpretations of religious texts (which is not confined to Christianity), that needs to be addressed. The focus of my next chapter is therefore upon how religion is interpreted and understood to validate violence against women. Interpretation of scripture involves understanding how culture and tradition influence religious ideologies. Religion and culture are entwined with one another and, as such, they combined to reinforce conformity of systemic and institutionalized means of discrimination, facilitated by sexism imbedded within society.

Therefore, religion and culture need to be understood together and separately, in order to determine how they are used to validate and justify abuses that women have and continue to face.

76 Ibid., 23 77 Ibid., 23 78 Nel, Noddings. Women and Evil. LA, California. University of California Press, (1991), 51 79 Ibid., 52 80 Ibid., 52 31

Chapter Two: The Implications of Religion, Culture and Tradition

Religious and cultural norms and values are continually used to justify violence committed against women. These two potential agents of discrimination provide a means of ‘othering’ women as not only deviant, but, in a religious setting, as ‘evil’. As such, it is important to address how religion and culture are interchanged, despite religion(s) identification as a subset within the classification of culture.81 Defining both individually is necessary, in order to appreciate their complicated relationship and how it is perceived within a community or society.

It is also important to understand the tradition(s) used as a foundational facet for ensuring cultural and religious ideologies that condone negative impressions of women that have resulted in violence against women. In order to differentiate the meanings and significance of these particular terms, this chapter will focus on delineating the relationship between tradition, culture and religion, and how they have created, influenced and allowed violence against women to occur by: (1) understanding the significance of the terms, religion, culture and tradition, (2) how these terms have been understood and used to create the perception of women as the ‘Other’, which (3) supported the desire to control women’s sexuality, (4) and how, in turn, scripture has been interpreted, influencing traditions and practices leading to violence against women.

Differentiating between the terms first is necessary as it enables a greater understanding of their influence on how women are discriminated against. This involves the interpretation of scripture and the way it has been used to construct the perception of women as the ‘Other’ or

‘evil’. The ‘othering’ of women as ‘evil’ is an enduring belief, used to segregate, subjugate and justify violence against women. ‘Evil’ is generally understood to mean “…the antithesis of

81 Flood, Michael, and Bob Pease. "Factors Influencing Attitudes to Violence against Women." TRAUMA, VIOLENCE & ABUSE. 10, no. 2 (2009): 129. https://doi.org/10.1177/1524838009334131. 32

‘good’, and not of evil as such.”82 This distinction is based upon what is understood to be ‘evil’ which is positioned as the direct opposite of what is understood to be ‘good’. In its common interpretation, ‘evil’ is anything or anyone who can be considered immoral, sinful, and wicked.83

‘Othering’ women ensures their characterization as both ‘evil’ and inferior in comparison to their male counterparts, who consider themselves inherently good and moral.84 Thus, the use of the term ‘evil’, in association with women is a familiar theme within religious ideology and many cultural practices.

The monotheistic ideologies have been a prime example of ‘othering’ women as ‘evil’, especially as a means of controlling female sexuality. Evident in the interpretation of the ‘Fall of

Man’ in the Book of Genesis, the introduction of sexuality, led to religious rituals and traditions limiting and denying the participation and influence of women within society. This included emphasis, placed by religious leaders, upon the importance of a woman’s virginity and purity.

Traditions that were solidified through these interpretations were then justified, such as the practice of veiling, present within Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Consequently, particular interpretations of scripture are then assumed to have led to certain ‘practices’ such as honour- based violence (HBV).

This chapter focuses on traditions and practices found within the monotheistic religions of Judaism, Christianity and Islam that are used to ‘Other’ women. This is not indicative of a predisposition in these religions to support or validate the abuse of women, nor does it suggest that these religions are inherently misogynistic. Instead, the focus of this chapter considers the

82 Singer, Marcus G. "The Concept of Evil." Philosophy 79, no. 2 (2004): 189. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0031819104000233. 83 Ibid., 196 84 Bergoffen, Debra, and Megan Burke. “Simone De Beauvoir.” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Stanford University, 2014. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/beauvoir/.

33 limitations and pressures placed upon women to conform to patriarchal gender norms, reinforced through the amalgamation of traditions, culture and religion. It is the cyclical nature of traditions that are imbedded within culture, which religion, in turn, validates and encourages through popular interpretations that acknowledge and solidify those existing traditions. Interpretation of religious scripture is based upon the influence of traditions and their amalgamation within cultural norms of a particular society. These interpretations then in turn, provide a means for creating and validating traditions that sanction violence against women which imbeds itself within particular communities and cultures.

The Distinctions Between Tradition(s), Culture and Religion

Culture is acknowledged as forms of social difference, such as race, ethnicity, class, age, religion and gender.85 Religion, as a feature of culture, is important to highlight as it has often been incorrectly argued that the opposite is true. The combination of religion and culture is such that they are regularly confused with one another and thought to often be simply a product of religious ideologies rather than cultural practices. Though there is no consensus on a definition of religion, one pertinent to my argument is:

(1) [A] system of symbols which acts to (2) establish powerful, pervasive and long-lasting moods and motivations in men by (3) formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and (4) clothing these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that (5) the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic.86

The second and third facets of this definition are of particular significance as they pertain to traditions that validate religious and cultural ideologies. The distinctions between religion and culture includes the influence of certain tradition(s) on both, as tradition is considered a practice or process of customs and values (that are often imbedded within religion and culture) being

85 Flood, Michael. Pease, Bob. “Factors Influencing Attitudes to Violence Against Women.” 129 86 Geertz, Clifford. 1988. “Religion as World-View and Ethic.” In, Introducing Religion: Readings from the Classic Theorists, edited by Pals, Daniel L. 2009. New York, NY. Oxford University Press. 349 34 handed down to be preserved and remembered.87 The importance of religion, culture and tradition is in their ongoing manipulation of each other, and their interaction within differing communities of a specific society as a whole. These facets of a society are all employed to promote certain attitudes and convictions that inform social values and norms:

The perceived immutability of religions and the cultures with which they are identified is manifested in two quite specific ways when cultures associated with ethnic minorities become heavily politicised in a context of a real or perceived threat. The first of these is the ‘invention of tradition’. This involves reference to values and adoption of behaviours that are presented as ‘traditional’ and ‘culturally authentic,’ even though they are frequently either not indigenous to the cultures in question or not widely accepted within the cultural group as ‘representative’ practices.88

Traditions are understood as the practices or customs that have been constructed through particular experiences. These experiences based upon kinship, agriculture, economic and even political happenings, facilitate the creation of actions or beliefs which designate them as appropriate deeds, correlating them with common social norms. The concept of tradition or

‘traditional’ is based upon its juxtaposition with ‘modernity’.89 Modernity suggests that society has progressed beyond practices that are or can be considered ‘primitive’.90 It essentially implies:

[A] binary divide between two basically different types of society: the one non- industrial and characteristically marked by… religion, emphasis on unchanging tradition from the far past, collective norms, face-to- face and oral communication, lack of change, and closeness to nature; the other typified by … rationality, literacy, individuality, change, and the artificial contractual relationships viewed as typical of urban living within Western industrial civilization. The first “type” was—and is—often broadly and short-handedly dubbed “traditional” and the fit subject for anthropology; the second “modern” and to be studied by sociologists.91

87 Graburn, Nelson H. H. "What Is Tradition?". Museum anthropology 24, no. 2‐3 (2000): 6-11. https://doi.org/10.1525/mua.2000.24.2-3.6. 88 Winter, Bronwyn. "Religion, Culture and Women's Human Rights: Some General Political and Theoretical Considerations." Women's studies international forum 29, no. 4 (2006): 382-83. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2006.05.004. 89 Finnegan, Ruth. "Tradition, but What Tradition and for Whom?". Oral tradition 6, no. 1 (1991): 107. https://ucalgary-primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1p0s7n7/TN_cdi_proquest_journals_1306632671 90 Ibid., 107 91 Ibid. 35

Societies that have conserved traditional values and practices are contrasted with modern nations and are ‘Othered’ as undeveloped, unchanging and ignorant.92 This distinction between modernity and tradition is necessary in order to understand how tradition(s) are associated primarily with culture and religion and ignored in reference to modern thought. Identifying traditions as actions which support particular beliefs, distinguishes itself from modernity’s focus upon change and enlightenment.93

It is also important to realize that the ‘invention of traditions’ or ‘representative practices’ have two main purpose(s): it serves to differentiate or ‘Other’ differing communities or societies and it benefits particular groups, gender, race, etc., that is often associated with cultural identity.94 The ‘perceived immutability of religions and cultures’ highlights the lasting dominance of such cultural beliefs and customs. Diasporic communities’ continuation of cultural practices, even within a new cultural setting, demonstrates the enduring nature of certain traditions, even if those traditions change and evolve in the country of origin.95

The lasting adherence to those cultural values, traditions and practices also has much to do with the manner in which scripture is interpreted and understood. Essentially, a society is synonymous with culture, while culture is also viewed synonymously with religion.96 This is especially relevant, as it pertains to the dominance of masculinity and the resulting treatment of and attitudes towards women.97 Such constructed practices and behaviours are especially relevant to the enduring nature of traditional values maintained by both religion and culture.

92 Ibid. 93 Ibid., Pg. 108 94 Ibid., Pg. 107, 109 95 Winter, Bronwyn. “Religion, Culture, and Women’s Human Rights: Some General Political and Theoretical Considerations”. 382-383 96 Ibid., 382 97 Ibid., 383 36

Defining traditions, religion and culture first was necessary in order to understand the manner by which patriarchal beliefs have been integrated within religious ideologies.98 These classifications apply to the unspoken discrimination against women within certain religious communities. Often imbedded in the interpretation of religious texts is the juxtaposition of women with two adversarial identities: the virgin, the epitome of purity; or the whore, the epitome of evil. These two differing affiliations attributed to women stem from the inherent patriarchy present within most religions implying men’s superiority to women.

Both of these polarized identities, however, focus on particular behavioural and, more explicitly, on physical characteristics. This is especially evident in the rejection and/or the omission of the divine as female.99 Monotheism designates God as masculine, despite the insinuation, offered by Christian theologians, that God lacks a gender.100 The masculine allusion then solidifies the belief that men, created in the true image of God, are essentially superior to their female counterparts.101 Interpretation of scripture within monotheism reinforces particular practices and traditions indicative of female inferiority.

Traditional interpretation of Jewish and Christian scripture, limits and disregards the religious roles of women, with most attention given to their male counterparts. This is on the account that the gender bias imposed upon the Christian Bible to ensure that ‘Man’ was positively associated with male dominance and control of women. The intended implication

98 It is important to stress that this is a Western definition of religion and that it is not a universal claim. However, for the purpose of this thesis, this definition offers a comprehensive understanding as to what is generally entailed in the description of religious organizations and communities. For further information please refer to: Allan, S. Mohl. "Monotheism: Its Influence on Patriarchy and Misogyny." The Journal of psychohistory 43, no. 1 (2015): 2-20. https://ucalgary- primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1p0s7n7/TN_cdi_proquest_journals_1691650756 99 Ibid., 4-5 100 Furseth, Inger, and Repstad, Pål. An Introduction to the Sociology of Religion: Classical and Contemporary Perspectives. Abingdon: Taylor & Francis Group, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central. 180. https://ebookcentral- proquest-com.ezproxy.lib.ucalgary.ca/lib/ucalgary-ebooks/reader.action?docID=429627&ppg=190 101 Allan, S. Mohl. "Monotheism: Its Influence on Patriarchy and Misogyny."10 37 reinforced the association of women with what constitutes as ‘evil’. Women’s association with

‘evil’ essentially accepts that:

Men represent the general human condition, women, the deviation…Ethical and moral responsibility is given to men and expected of them…The symbolic and mythic image of maleness most often concerns itself with aggressive positive action, victory over obstacles, and ethical self-realization.102

The Bible’s fundamental purpose was to distinguish right from wrong, subsequently allowing for interpretations insinuating an inherent susceptibility to evil in female narratives.103 Of the women mentioned in the Bible, Eve and the Virgin Mary possess the most compelling narratives, influencing religious dialogue encompassing the role of women. They are habitually used in opposition of one another to illustrate the fallibilities men believe are present within women and how they should compensate for them.

Eve’s Fault

The accepted interpretation of Eve’s narrative (Genesis 2-3) is used as symbolic representation and confirmation of all women’s inherent disobedience, immorality and sinfulness. Eve is the archetype for all women in the monotheistic traditions, and as such, has been used as an example to justify their subordination to men. Her narrative is significant, as it is perpetually used as a symbolic representation of women. For this reason, her narrative needs to be acknowledged and addressed as its interpretation has continued to influence the negative perspective and treatment of women within these particular religions and traditions. The epitome of Eve’s narrative is based on: (1) her creation from Adam’s rib, (2) her susceptibility to the temptations proposed by the serpent thereby disregarding for God’s command, and (3) her ability to persuade Adam to commit the same sin [Genesis 2:15-322].104 These three particular proponents ensured

102 Ibid., 10 103 Ibid., 5-6 104 Attridge, Harold. W., Meeks, Wayne. A. The Harper Collins Study Bible: Including the 38 misogynistic identities were set in place, damning and ensuring equality or equity between the genders was ignored.105

As a singular representation of women, Eve’s image and actions affected the image and actions of all women. Her creation from Adam’s rib, for example, connotes her immediate inferiority and insignificance, confined to the role of helpmate alone. Her actions, both as the tempted and temptress, reinforced the patriarchal purpose of ‘othering’ women. ‘Othering’ Eve encouraged the belief that women were inherently weaker and subordinate to men. Her narrative also justified maintaining and enforcing authority over women. It made possible for the pre- existing misogyny to include the concept of sin, which not only insinuated women are evil, but encouraged the association of women as sexually evil.

Eve’s narrative focuses on Adam and Eve’s discovery of their sexuality (nudity) after eating from the tree. For Eve especially, eating from the Tree of Knowledge, represented a departure from innocence, and an immediate awareness of sexuality. This distinction was purposeful as it popularized accepting Eve as the sole sinner despite

Adam’s own sinful sexual awareness and transgression.

As it was Eve, who was first to sin, the Church used this motif to infer that women were and are illogical, irrational and susceptible to evil thoughts and actions.106

This association with evil also allowed early Christian theologians to suggest that the

Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical books. Harper Collins Publishers. San Francisco, California. (2006), 8-10 105 Another proponent of the Book of Genesis necessary to mention is the specification that man was made in God’s image. Though this phrase is often meant to encompass both genders, the association is most often accredited to males alone. This ongoing attitude reflects an overarching theme, based upon a patriarchal ideology that is imbedded within the monotheistic religions, beginning with Judaism. For further information, please refer to: O’Connor, Frances., Drury, Becky S. The Female Face in Patriarchy: Oppression as Culture. United States, Michigan State University Press, (1999), 88 106 Kvam, Kristen E., Schearing, Linda S., Zielgler, Valarie, H. Eve & Adam: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Readings on Genesis and Gender. Bloomington, Indiana, Indiana University Press. 112-113 39 presence of women tempted men to commit sin.107 As a consequence of this incrimination, women therefore needed to accept their responsibility for the existence of sexual guilt.108

The perception of women as not only evil, but a punishment upon mankind has much to do with Tertullian (ca. A.D. 160-220) claim that Eve, and by extension, all women, are the Devil’s gateway.109 Tertullian proposed that the act of eating from the

Tree of Knowledge brought about sexual enlightenment and desire. Because Eve was guilty of bringing about the sin of sexuality, her shame (and that of all women) is visible and of the flesh. Men do not share this shame however, maintaining their purity as a result of their spirit, and remaining the true image of God.110 The implication: a woman’s sexual guilt was deliberately tied to the flesh, her body.

As such, Eve’s act of disobedience triggered Man’s ‘knowledge between what’s good and evil’, symbolizing knowledge of sex and sexuality. Women as the ‘Devil’s gateway’ asserts that they are sinners, and their bodies, an ‘instrument of sin’.111 For this reason, Tertullian believed, women (the true offenders), should veil themselves as a sign of humility and deference to the Church.112 If not, then they should remain out of public sight to avoid tempting men to sin. Eating from the Tree of Knowledge symbolized a sexual event, an interpretation that insinuates a relationship between sexuality and the concept of ‘evil’. As men interpreted it, the Fall proved the existence

107 Ibid., 113 108 Gilmore, David. D. Misogyny: The Male Malady. Philadelphia, Penn. University of Pennsylvania Press. (2001) Pg. 85 109 Noddings, Nel. Women and Evil. 52 110 Gilmore, David. D. Misogyny: The Male Malady. 85 111 DeConick, April D. Holy Misogyny: Why the Sex and Gender Conflicts in the Early Church Still Matter. New York, NY. The Continuum International Publishing Group. (2011) 123 112 Ibid. 40 of evil, with sexuality and lust being its true form.113 The popularity of Tertullian’s interpretations of Eve’s narrative denied women any autonomy. This inherent sexuality of women, espoused by the early Church Fathers is precarious however, since it would also remain true for the Virgin Mary, whose sexuality is never questioned.

As the mother of Jesus, the Virgin Mary is deliberately excluded from the rest of the carnal female population. Because a woman’s knowledge of sexuality is sinful,

Mary’s virginity became a necessity. As the mother to the son of God, Mary must represent purity. For Church Fathers, emphasizing her virginity secured the veneration and masculinity of both God and Jesus, and ensured female submission.114 Therefore, as an alternative to Eve, the Virgin Mary provided Church Fathers with a feminine ideal they could offer to women as their salvation. Thus, Mary is essentially a construction made by men to limit and control the identity and abilities of women to ensure their continued subjugation.

It is important to note that it is Mary’s virginity that is significant, not Mary herself.115 Virginity, or in other words, purity, is considered by the early Church

Fathers, a woman’s only salvation. Eve and even Mary were essentially used to propagate the belief that women are inherently ‘evil’ and inconsequential, and therefore inferior to men, justifying their subjugation. Women were positioned as both deviants and minor characters in Biblical narratives, confirming their inferior status. It encouraged the conviction that the female body as it was interpreted is inherently sexual

113 Salisbury, Joyce, E. Church Fathers: Independent Virgins. New York, NY. Verso. (1991) 44 114 Holland, Jack. Misogyny: The World’s Oldest Prejudice. New York, NY, Carroll & Gap. (2006) 102-103 115 It was God who gave life to Jesus, while Mary acted as a vessel for his son. This meant that Mary had no real purpose, maintaining the belief in female inferiority even in regard to childbirth. For further reading of this interpretation refer to: DeConick, April D. Holy Misogyny: Why the Sex and Gender Conflicts in the Early Church Still Matter. 36-38 41 and wicked, implying that women needed to be controlled. It also ensured that man, the symbol of goodness and morality, would not be tempted to sin as Adam did without women. Essentially, virgins, like Mary, represented innocence and subservience and

Eve’s sexuality, meant defiance of God and of men. This narrative as it was constructed, accorded men with authority over the feminine form, emphasizing the importance of virginity.

Islam’s interpretation of Eve’s narrative was heavily influenced by Christian ideologies validating the belief that women are inherently inferior to men. Despite the Qur’an's declaration that Man and Woman were created together and equally, popular aHadith echo the Genesis narrative of Eve being created from Adam’s rib.116 Verses, such as Sahih al-Bukhari and Sahih

Muslim, refer to women as a rib, both curved and crooked, signifying both her secondary nature and inherent corruptibility.117 The popularity of these texts enable validating man, as God’s primary creation, superior to women, and therefore endorsing the belief: “[T]hat woman was created not only from man but also for man, which makes her existence merely instrumental”.118

Another discrepancy between the Bible and the Qur’an, regarding Eve’s narrative, is her culpability for ‘Man’s Fall’.119 In Genesis (3:1-22), Eve is tempted by a serpent to eat from the

Tree of Knowledge, and she in turn, tempts Adam to do the same, resulting in their expulsion from paradise.120 However, the verse Surah Al-A’raf (The Heights, 7:20-23), states:

Then Satan whispered to them, that he might expose to them that which was hidden from them of their nakedness. And he said ‘Your Lord has only forbidden you this tree, lest you should become angels, or among those who abide [forever].’And he swore unto them, ‘Truly I am a sincere unto you.’ Thus

116 Hassan, Riffat. "Challenging the Stereotypes of Fundamentalism: An Islamic Feminist Perspective." The Muslim world (Hartford) 91, no. 1‐2 (2001): 61. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.2001.tb03707.x. 117 Ibid., 61-62 118 Ibid., 60 119 Ibid. 120 Attridge, Harold. W., Meeks, Wayne. A. The Harper Collins Study Bible: Including the Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical books. 9-10 42

he lured them on through deception. And when they tested of the tree, their nakedness was exposed to them, and as they began to sew together the leaves of the Garden to cover themselves.121

This verse does not condemn the ‘Fall’ as Eve’s responsibility (contradicting Christian interpretations), instead holding both Adam and Eve accountable for their actions. The ‘Fall’ is an allegory for mankind’s evolution: from naivety to mindfulness.122 Their act of disobedience can then be interpreted as the advent of free will.123 This interpretation acknowledges that the freedom to choose, means the freedom to choose both good and evil: a freedom God gave mankind to show his faith in them and vice versa.124 In Islam, Adam and Eve were both guilty of committing the first sin, without the affixation of sexuality to it.

These distinctions from Judaism and Christianity illustrate the influence of existing traditions and culture. The ambiguity concerning Eve’s narrative within Islam meant women’s inferiority had to be confirmed through other, but similar, means as those used by early Church

Fathers. Qisas (prophetic tales) written by Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Kisa’i, interpreted scripture and reinforced pre-existing Christian ideologies that validated Eve’s culpability.125 His stories mimicked Christian narratives, including her conception from Adam’s rib, to her susceptible nature, and her inherent inferiority to man.126 By ensuring Eve remains guilty, the monotheistic traditions carried forward a misogynistic attitude that served as a provocation to justify limiting the role and presence of women, such as the tradition of veiling, which has remained a visible form of ‘othering’ women.

121 Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. The Harper Collins Study Quran. New York, NY, Harper Collins Publishers, (2015) 412- 413 122 Hassan, Riffat. “Feminism in Islam.” Dr. Riffat Hassan, (1999). 260. http://riffathassan.info. 123 Ibid. 124 Ibid. 125 Kvam, Kristen E., Schearing, Linda S., Zielgler, Valarie, H. Eve & Adam: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Readings on Genesis and Gender. 190 126 Ibid., 191-194 43

The Veil

Traditionally, before the expansion of the Western religions, the veil was used by elite women, distinguished by the abundance of cloth they would wear.127 As a means of differentiating herself from female slaves, an elite woman would be covered from head to toe in cloth, a sign that her family possessed the wealth to drape her in excess. Slaves, as a sign of their stature and wealth, had minimal cloth to cover themselves.128 This tradition remained within Judaism, Christianity and Islam, but was modified to include the theme of promiscuity and sexuality as a justification for the existence of the veil.

The focus on veiling stems from the belief that all women, daughters of Eve, are inherently sexual and therefore a temptation to men, in the same manner as Eve was to

Adam. This fear of temptation reinterpreted the concept of veiling from a symbol of status to a justification for covering a woman’s shameful body and nature, visibly exemplifying their inferiority.129

Biblical interpretations of the veil begin with the belief that women should cover themselves in order to illustrate their shame and honour.130 Women who remain unveiled were suspected and accused of inciting sexual promiscuity and violence.

Veiling forced women to limit their own role and presence within society, making apparent the patriarchal need to ensure that men remain visibly superior.

Redemption for the inherent ‘evil’ within women is the preservation of their purity or virginity. Virginity symbolized the female endeavour to overcome their inherent carnality and

127 Grace, Daphne. The Woman in the Muslin Mask: Veiling and Identity in Postcolonial Literature. London: London: Pluto Press, (2004). 14. https://ucalgary- primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1p0s7n7/TN_cdi_askewsholts_vlebooks_9781849644914 128 Ibid. 129 Ibid. 130 DeConick, April D. Holy Misogyny: Why the Sex and Gender Conflicts in the Early Church Still Matter. 58 44 attempt to immolate their superior male counterparts’ natural morality and goodness.

Emphasizing virginity confirmed sexual guilt as a means to enforce behaviours associated with modesty and that women remain subordinate to men. The Old Testament’s references to veiling illustrates the shift in attitude regarding the veil’s purpose, from a popular Mediterranean practice, to a religious obligation, emphasizing the need for the veil to prevent sexual indiscretions.131

Veiling or purdah is present and the most visible within Islam. As mentioned earlier, veiling was already common during the advent of Islam. The practice of veiling in Islam however, is based upon particular interpretations of the Qur’an, which rose in popularity over the centuries. Veiling is mentioned in four verses of the Qur’an. The first verse, in Surah al-Ahzab

(The Parties, 33:32-33:35), is prescribed to the wives of the Prophet, but is popularly interpreted to include all women.132 The general interpretation of this verse suggests that the Prophet’s wives should conduct themselves with both poise and thoughtfulness, and remain at home whenever possible (but were not prevented).133 This interpretation however, contradicts the visibility of the

Prophet’s wives, such as Khadija, who was not only visible, but independent and active.134 This verse is instead, meant to distinguish the Prophet’s wives from other women and encourage men to respect his wives rather than enforcing seclusion upon them.135 It’s also important to include

131 Ibid. 132 O wives of the Prophet! You are not like other women. If you are reverent, then be not overly soft in speech, lest one in whose heart is a disease be moved to desire; and speak in an honorable way. Abide in your homes and flaunt not your charms as they did flaunt them in the prior Age of Ignorance. Perform the prayer, give the alms, and obey God and His Messenger. God only desires to remove defilement from you, O People of the House, and to purify you completely. And Remember that which is recited unto you in your homes from among the signs and Wisdom of God. Truly God is Subtle, Aware. Surah al-Ahzab (The Parties, 33:32-33:35) For further reading, please refer to: Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. The Harper Collins Study Quran. 1028 133 Ibid. 134 Hashim, Iman. "Reconciling Islam and Feminism." Gender Development. 7, no. 1 (1999) 10: 7-14. https://doi.org/10.1080/741922938. 135 Ibid., 10 45 that in another facet of this particular verse, men and women are both beseeched to visibly display modesty. The predisposition when interpreting this verse however, is to concentrate specifically on the mentions and actions of women, in order to enforce limitations on the presence of women within society; despite the distinction between the Prophet’s wives and the rest of womankind.

The second mention of veiling, in Surah al-Azhab (33:53), , known as the ‘Veiling

Verse’, required early followers to agree to some form of etiquette when approaching the

Prophet.136 The mention of the veil, however, was a literal entreaty for guests (men) to respect the privacy of the Prophet’s wives, when entering their home. In other words, the veil referred to a partition (hijab) or shield guests could speak through but still provided the Prophet’s wives privacy from visitors in their own home.137 Distinguishing the Prophet’s wives in this manner affirmed their significance and ensured their purity and marriage to the Prophet remained unquestionable even after his death.138

Veiling is mentioned again in Surah al-Azhab (33:59):

O Prophet! Tell your wives and daughters, and the women of the believers to draw their cloaks over themselves. Thus is it likelier that they will be known and not be disturbed. And God is Forgiving, Merciful.139

This statement is unique, as it is intended not only for the women related to the Prophet but any woman, implying other mentions of the Prophet’s wives were meant for them alone and not

136 O you who believe! Enter not the dwellings of the Prophet for a meal without waiting for its time to come, unless leave be granted you. But if you are invited, enter; and when you have eaten, disperse. Linger not, seeking discourse. Truly that would affront the Prophet, and he would shrink from telling you, but God shrinks not from the truth. And when you ask anything of [his wives], ask them from behind a veil. That is purer for your hearts and their hearts. And you should never affront the Messenger of God, nor marry his wives after him. Truly that would be an enormity in the sight of God. Surah al-Azhab (33:53) For further reading, please refer to: Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. The Harper Collins Study Quran. 1035 137 Ibid., 875 138 Ibid., 1036 139 Ibid., 1038 46 expected for every woman to adhere to. This particular reference to the purdah was meant as a means of protection for women. Wearing a cloak (jilbab), ensured a modest appearance and distinguished women from slaves, who were targeted and sexually abused by men.140 This statement suggested that the jilbab was meant to protect and identify these women (slaves) as

Muslims (belonging to a family or community), rather than restrict their movement.141 How the cloak was worn however, is debated as it is thought to have either covered a woman’s body except for one eye, or that it left just the face exposed.142 The excessive attention to female modesty is also translated through interpretations which assert whether appropriate attire for women should include the jilbab, or a khimar (a cloth covering the head).143 Though a woman’s hair is not mentioned in this verse, it is often interpreted to include a woman’s hair/head, ears, neck, bosom/chest.144

The final mention of the purdah is found within Surah al-Nur (The Light, 24:31).145

The mention of believing women to lower their eyes and to guard their private parts, is a repetition of the verse before it (24:30): “Tell the believing men to lower their eyes and to guard their private parts”,146 reiterating the importance of modesty for both men and women. Men and

140 Ibid. 141 Hashim, Iman. "Reconciling Islam and Feminism." 10 142 Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. The Harper Collins Study Quran. 1038 143 Ibid., 875 144 The covering of women also had much to do with class and status of women, as uncovered women were easily recognizable as slaves. For further information, please refer to: Ibid., 875 -876 145 And tell the believing women to lower their eyes and to guard their private parts, and to not display their adornment except that which is visible thereof. And let them draw their kerchiefs over their breasts, and not display their adornment except to their husbands, or their fathers, or their husband’s fathers, or their sons, or their husbands’ sons, or their brothers, or their brothers’ son, or their sisters’ sins, or their women, or those whom their right hands possess, or male attendants free of desire, or children who are innocent of the private areas of women. Nor let them stamp their feet such that the ornaments they conceal become known. And repent unto God all together, O believers, that haply you may prosper. Surah al-Nur (The Light, 24:31) For further reading, please refer to: Ibid. 146 Ibid. 874-875 47 women both being told to lower their gazes, suggests that the veil was not meant to be so severe on women, as the onus is equally on men to lower their gazes as well.147

Each of these verses within the Qur’an popularized what is understood today as the hijab

(meaning ‘to cover’, ‘to hide’, or ‘to seclude’).148 The hijab, initially interpreted to distinguish and protect women was later interpreted to justify enforcing the veil (in various regions) for fear of fitna (meaning ‘temptation’, ‘trial’, and ‘torment’), or rather female seduction149.

Similar to Tertullian’s arguments, fear of female sexuality as a means of corrupting the faith of men, led to women accepting the responsibility to veil themselves from the male gaze.150

In essence:

Veiling has become an institutionalized aspect of Islam in many Muslim societies, which serves to illustrate both the importance of Qur’anic injunctions, and the need to challenge patriarchal interpretations which are used as a justification for practices which maintain an inequitable status quo.151

The hijab (which generally today refers to a headscarf), exemplifies how early interpretations manifested to associate veiling as a symbol of purity.152 The veil, and its various forms, depends upon differing interpretations from region to region, but is commonly used to symbolize a woman’s commitment to the patriarchal interpretations of purdah that is imbedded within culture practices and traditions of many Islamic communities.

147 Hashim, Iman. “Reconciling Islam and Feminism”. 10 148 The term hijab is mentioned in the Qur’an seven times, with only two references to women. The first reference is in relation to the Virgin Mary and the other to Surah al-Ahzab (33:53-33:55). For further reference: Goto, Emi. "Qur'an and the Veil: Contexts and Interpretations of the Revelation." International Journal of Asian Studies 1, no. 2 (2004): 282. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1479591404000245. 149 Ibid. 150 Ibid., 291 151 Hashim, Iman. 1999. “Reconciling Islam and Feminism”. Gender and Development. Vol.7. No.1. Pg. 10 152 Goto, Emi. “Qur’an and the Veil: Contexts and Interpretations of the Revelation”. 282 48

In Saudi Arabia, where veiling is mandatory, the practice of fatwas (formal legal advice)153 made by Islamic clerics, such as Imams or Muftis, are used to conceal and prevent the movement of women, limiting both their visibility and abilities. The authority of Islamic clerics regarding the interpretation of scripture has, in many instances, been used in an attempt to control the actions of women. Until recently, this included the ability to drive in Saudi Arabia. It was argued that because women must have a male with them for protection in public, they would always have a man to drive them.154 Women drivers, symbolize access to mobility and freedom in the public realm, increasing their visibility in front of men.

In 2011, an Islamic cleric attempted to issue a fatwa preventing women from handling certain fruits and vegetables, such as bananas and cucumbers.155 The justification for such a decree was that women would somehow connect it to male genitalia and become aroused, exemplifying how the fear of fitna (temptation) is used as an effective means of control, even within the home. Sexuality is, like Tertullian suggests, innately female and equally sinful that needs to be perpetually subdued and limited. By this logic, preventing or ‘veiling’ women from handling phallic appearing fruits and vegetables is ultimately another means of ensuring her

‘purity’ remains intact.

153 Hassan, Said. "Law-Abiding Citizen: Recent fatwas on Muslim Minorities' Loyalty to Western Nations1: Recent fatwas on Muslim Minorities' Loyalty." The Muslim world (Hartford) 105, no. 4 (2015): 518. https://doi.org/10.1111/muwo.12109. 154 “Saudi Arabia: Why Weren't Women Allowed to Drive? - CBBC Newsround.” BBC News. BBC. (2018). https://www.bbc.co.uk/newsround/41412980. 155 Nomani, Asra Q. “The Fatwa Against Women Touching Bananas and Other Stupid Islamic Orders.” The Daily Beast. The Daily Beast Company, (2011). https://www.thedailybeast.com/the-fatwa-against-women-touching- bananas-and-other-stupid-islamic-orders.

The previous two examples provide a modern interpretation and integration of religion, culture and tradition. Evident in the manner religion is not only practiced but interpreted by varying cultures, which in turn becomes common practice and tradition. Essentially:

It is axiomatic that there exists no society without a culture. This implies that culture is not a ‘thing,’ existing outside of human interaction, but a process, that is both constituted by and constitutive of human experience and social relations…As such, culture is bound up with power relations. To extend the axiom further: just as there is no such thing as a society without a culture, there exists no culture without some form of religion. Religion is thus, as part (some would say the bedrock) of culture, also constituted by and constitutive of social relations, including power relations. As I and others have noted, religion can be ‘the agent of assertion of power, direct resistance to it, or a means of finding a transformative space for disempowered groups during a period of socioeconomic upheaval.’… Which it will be will depend on the historical and geopolitical context, as well as on different schools of thought within the one religion and the one context.156

Religion and culture are amalgamated to such a degree that their influence upon each other is difficult to distinguish and understand on their own, especially in relation to the identity and treatment of women. For this reason, it is necessary to understand how women are ‘othered’, defining each term and focusing on how they have influenced the segregation of women from the definition of ‘good’. Eve’s narrative, and its monotheistic interpretations provided a rationalization for the subjugation of women.

The implied inferiority justified traditions limiting the roles and visibility of women, which includes the practice of veiling. The influence of religion and culture is also an integral facet with honour-based violence (HBV) and honour killings. Because of this convoluted association, examination of Islamic scripture, is then necessary in order to determine how it has been interpreted to allow HBV to occur.

156 Winter, Bronwyn. “Religion, Culture, and Women’s Human Rights: Some General Political and Theoretical Considerations”. 382 50

Honour-Based Violence and Islam

A common misconception is that HBV exists only within Muslim families and communities, but multiple cases have and continue to occur in Sikh, Hindu and Christian communities as well.157

The affiliation between honour-based violence and Islam, is largely contested, as there is no mention or insinuation within the Qur’an or other Islamic scripture that tolerates and encourages this type of violence. This lack of physical evidence, however, does not negate the correlation that appears to exist between Islam and HBV, as scripture is often manipulated to confirm female culpability for shame.

The act of interpretation in Islam is referred to as ijtihad, which, for the purpose of this thesis can be simply defined as ‘rethinking’ or ‘independent reasoning’.158 A more detailed definition of ijtihad is:

Sunni jurists and scholars, through personal efforts independent of any particular Sunni school (madhab) of jurisprudence (fiqh), would read a decision based on their own understandings of law, tradition, and acceptable actions in Islam. They would issue a fatwa (legal pronouncement), and consider this to be an interpretation that would be included as a source of sharia (Islamic law).159

This description is centered upon Islamic interpretation of the Qur’an, ahadith (the plural of hadith) or sunnah (traditions, sayings and actions of the Prophet Muhammad160), fiqh

(jurisprudence), and shari’a (Islamic law – based upon the Qur’an and hadiths161). Essentially,

157 Meetoo, Veena, and Heidi Safia Mirza. "“There Is Nothing ‘Honourable’ About Honour Killings”: Gender, Violence and the Limits of Multiculturalism." Women's studies international forum 30, no. 3 (2007): 187. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2007.03.001. 158 There are multiple variations with regards to defining ijtihad, which poses difficulties in the discussion as to whether or not ijtihad had been banned. For further reading refer to: Ali-Karamali, Shaista P., and Fiona Dunne. "The Ijtihad Controversy." Arab law quarterly 9, no. 3 (1994): 238. https://doi.org/10.1163/157302594X00031. 159 Ibid. 160 Doğan, Recep. "Is Honor Killing a "Muslim Phenomenon"? Textual Interpretations and Cultural Representations." Journal of Muslim minority affairs 31, no. 3 (2011): 427. https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2011.599547. 161 Weiss, Anita M. "Interpreting Islam and Women's Rights: Implementing Cedaw in Pakistan." International sociology 18, no. 3 (2003): 597. https://doi.org/10.1177/02685809030183007. 51 ijtihad is the interpretation of scripture and Islamic law, in order to reach a knowledgeable judgement in legal rulings.162

Feminist scholar Riffat Hassan explains that, though each of these ‘sources’ are included in Islamic tradition, these doctrines are not ‘coherent or consistent’ and therefore cannot offer a universal understanding of Islamic ‘norms’.163 For the purpose of ijtihad (as it pertains to this thesis) however, the Qur’an and ahadith are the two most important sources of scripture that will be referred to. Ahadith, in particular, is perpetually used to arbitrate means of worship and faith.164 However, its use is problematic as its authenticity is often called into question.165 This is because any text that contradicts the Qur’an must to be nullified, which means certain ahadith, should not serve as a primary source for ijtihad. The justification provided for why the ahadith is often quoted, despite contradictions to the Qur’an, is because of claims asserting those particular texts are legitimate statements and acts of Prophet Muhammad.166

However, feminist scholars, such as Riffat Hassan and Fatima Mernissi, have been calling into question the validity of certain ahadith as they pertain to the treatment of women, disputing any that is not consistent with the Qur’an.167 It is this inconsistency between the

Qur’an and ahadith that needs to be addressed and understood, especially as it relates to violence against women.

162 The antonym for ijtihad is taqlid: “accepting an opinion concerning a legal rule without knowledge of its bases.” For further information, refer to: Ali-Karamali, Shaista P., and Fiona Dunne. "The Ijtihad Controversy." 238-239. 163 Hassan, Riffat. “Feminism in Islam.” 248. 164 Doğan, Recep. “Is Honor Killing a “Muslim Phenomenon”? Textual Interpretations and Cultural Representations. 428. 165 Hassan, Riffat. “Feminism in Islam.” 248-249. 166 Doğan, Recep. “Is Honor Killing a “Muslim Phenomenon”? Textual Interpretations and Cultural Representations. 430. 167 Ibid., 430 52

It is instead, the influence of patriarchal ideologies present within Jewish and Christian interpretations of the Bible that affected the interpretation of certain ahadith literature, which is second authoritatively, to the Qur’an. The previous examples from the Qur’an do not offer any validation for violence against women, especially honour-based violence, contradicting the belief that women are inherently inferior to men. The hadith, Sahih al-Bukhari, written after the death of the Prophet Muhammad however, “quotes” the Prophet comparing women to dogs and donkeys.168 This hadith, among others, promoted negative opinions of women and their impure presence in society.169 Despite Aisha, the Prophet’s wife, rejection of this statement, the continued existence of this hadith reflects the enduring resilience of pre-Islamic culture that propagated female inferiority and subjugation.170

Two verses in the Qur’an, Surah Al- Isra (The Night Journey) and Surah An- Nisa

(Women) are important to recognize, as they pertain to the treatment of women. Surah Al- Isra

(17:15), concerns accountability:

Whoever is rightly guided is only rightly guided for the sake of his sown soul, and whosoever is astray is only astray to its detriment. None shall bear the burden of another. And never do We punish till We have sent a messenger.171

Individuals are accountable for their own actions and not responsible for the actions of others, negating the inheritance of Adam and Eve’s sin on all others.172 Also, this verse effectively disproves the belief, if religious in nature, that men are responsible for protecting the family’s honour from any ‘dishonorable’ actions’ women may commit.

168 Ibid., 432 169 Ibid. 170 Ibid. 171 Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. The Harper Collins Study Quran. 699 172 Doğan, Recep. “Is Honor Killing a “Muslim Phenomenon”? Textual Interpretations and Cultural Representations. 429. 53

The other verse, Surah An-Nisa (4:34), or the ‘beating verse’ states173:

Men are the upholders and maintainers of women by virtue of that in which God has favoured some of them above others and by virtue of their spending from their wealth. Therefore the righteous women are devoutly obedient, guarding in [their husbands’] absence what God has guarded. As for those from whom you fear discord and animosity, admonish them, then leave them in their beds, then strike them. Then if they obey you, seek not a way against them. Truly, God is Exalted, Great.174

The traditional interpretation of this verse confirms the belief that men are responsible for leading, guarding and ensuring women behave honourably.175 This interpretation influenced

Shari’a law and has been used in court proceedings as a defence, subsequently leading to acquittals and lesser charges such as manslaughter in cases of HBV. 176 Known as the provocation defence, it is asserted that the offender had just cause to act violently in order to control the actions of the woman in question to uphold their honour.177 However, this verse can be interpreted in various ways, with the use of particular terms changing in severity depending upon the perspective from which it is read.

Liberal interpretations, though they exist, are not as popular, despite the Qur’an’s egalitarian foundations.178 An example of a differing interpretation of Surah An-Nisa states: “As for those from whom you fear discord and animosity, admonish them, then leave them in their bed, then strike them.”179 The term ‘strike’, can change (depending upon the interpretation) to ‘to

173 Idriss, Mohammad Mazher, and Tahir Abbas. Honour, Violence, Women and Islam. New York, NY, Routledge, (2010), 546 174 Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. The Harper Collins Study Quran. 206-208 175 Ibid., 206-207 176 Doğan, Recep. “Is Honor Killing a “Muslim Phenomenon”? Textual Interpretations and Cultural Representations. 433. https://doi-org.ezproxy.lib.ucalgary.ca/10.1080/13602004.2011.599547 177 Idriss, Mohammad Mazher, and Tahir Abbas. Honour, Violence, Women and Islam. 546 178 Ibid., Pg. 433 179 Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. The Harper Collins Study Quran. 206 54 be shaken’, and in other version, ‘to chastise them’ only.180 However, the word ‘strike’ is the translation of the Arabic term ‘fadribu’, which is actually meant to translate as ‘sending away or

‘getting out of a place.181 This translation changes the interpretation of this verse, implying that women, who continue to disobey, should be sent away.182 Instead, the popularity of traditional interpretations of this verse, and others, allow Muslim men to assert their superiority and authority over women.183 In conjuncture with cultural and traditional understandings of honour, the pretence regarding a woman’s behaviour, especially sexual behaviour, is “ [A] source of

‘potential stress’ or ‘potential threat’ to family honor.” is then accepted184 It is only particular interpretations imbedded within Islamic tradition and culture that is used to validate the existence of honour-based violence.

The concerns addressed in this chapter center on the relationship between religion and culture and how they are manipulated to reinforce the negative treatment and violence perpetuated against women. Presumed to be an Islamic crime against women, honour-based violence is used as a means of preventing and/or punishing women for dishonouring their family and community.

[It then] creates an environment conducive for Muslim men culturally and traditionally to perceive that women are subordinate to men, and that female relatives, either by blood or by marriage, are the personal property of males. Females, therefore, should obey males, and males should have the right to make them obedient. This perception, combined with the cultural conceptualization of honor, which is largely believed to depend on the proper behavior of female relatives, reconstructs women’s sexuality as a source of ‘potential stress’ or ‘potential threat’ to family honor… the different interpretations of Qur’anic verses concerning the social status of women, and the cultural conceptualization of honor, result in cultural norms requiring that,

180 Doğan, Recep. “Is Honor Killing a “Muslim Phenomenon”? Textual Interpretations and Cultural Representations. 434. 181 Ibid. 182 Ibid. 183 Ibid. 184 Ibid. 55

in order to maintain family honor, men should constantly supervise their family relatives and take all necessary measures to restrict their mobility185

Cultural and traditions within patriarchal societies influence the existence of HBV in Muslim communities. This will be the focus of the next chapter, understanding the existence and justifications for honour-based violence within the confines of culture and tradition. This means separating HBV and making it distinct from other crimes similar to it, such as domestic violence.

And perhaps the most crucial factor to address is how HBV is validated as a means of ensuring cultural values associated with honour is respected and upheld.

185 Ibid. 56

Chapter Three: The Heteronormative Fear of Westernization

The practice of honour-based violence and murders, especially within Islam exemplifies how religion and culture have validated violence against women. Historically, honour killings precede the advent of Islam, indicating a cultural influence that associated itself with other religious ideologies. However, in recent years, honour killings have largely become associated with

Muslim countries and by extension, with Islam itself. Contemporary society’s acceptance of

Islam’s connection with this form of violence against women, despite the majority of Muslims rejecting any such correlation, needs a much more in-depth investigation. In order to understand how Islamic scripture has been manipulated to defend HBV, this chapter will define what constitutes HBV, not only differentiating it from other forms of violence against women, but also examining religious and cultural validations for its continued existence. The intent for doing so is to gain an extensive understanding of the reasoning, or rather the justifications, used by perpetrators for committing this form of violence against women.

The concept of honour is a construct that exists within several regions such as East Asia and Latin American,186 but is especially visible within Middle Eastern countries that are primarily Islamic nations such as Pakistan, Turkey and Jordan. 187This distinction is based upon both public interest and the prevalence of honour-based violence within Islamic nations. The unconstructive attention on HBV has been harmful, as it focuses primarily upon its correlation with problematic scripture and particular Islamic traditions. It prevents further dialogue regarding other contributing factors, such as patriarchal ideologies and the influence of

186 Smith, Peter B., Matthew J. Easterbrook, James Blount, Yasin Koc, Charles Harb, Claudio Torres, Abd Halim Ahmad, et al. “Culture as Perceived Context: An Exploration of the Distinction between Dignity, Face and Honor Cultures.” Acta de Investigación Psicológica 7, no. 1. (2017) 2568–76. Retrieved from: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.aipprr.2017.03.001. 187 Idriss, Mohammad Mazher, and Tahir Abbas. Honour, Violence, Women and Islam. New York, NY, Routledge, (2010) 3 57 community pressure. In order to subsume religious thought and practice with other motivations that stem from patriarchal gender norms, the bearing of dogma as its own justification needs to be addressed.

Despite the lack of authenticity in Islamic scripture, particularly the Qur’an, neither references nor justifies violence against women, men, in positions of religious authority, have interpreted scripture from a masculine standpoint. Within Islamic discourse regarding gender, the focus is often based upon supplementary texts, in particular, the aHadith, which is used spuriously, as much of its content is debated regarding their validity. The misuse of these texts, as they relate to the concept of honour, have been used to justify interpretations that are used to condemn and control women. Essentially, men are constructing the conduct of women through their translations of scripture, existing patriarchal ideals of gender norms and their distinct interpretation of honour.

Defining Honour

Before defining honour-based violence, it is necessary to specify the different meanings of honour and how it is understood. Though varying meanings are accredited to this word, honour has two distinctive definitions that are relevant to the topic of honour killings. The first definition of honour is positive. It is based upon the recognition of great deeds, or accolades for integrity and good action.188 It also places significant value upon the individual, approving his or her conduct and thus a reputation of integrity that sets them apart from the rest of society. The second understanding of honour, however, is in sharp contrast. Honour demands an individual maintain a sense of duty rather than conferring prestige.189 Rather than a reward, this concept of

188 Doğan, Recep. “Is Honor Killing a “Muslim Phenomenon”? Textual Interpretations and Cultural Representations. 424. 189 Ibid. 58 honour “can only be maintained or lost”.190 These two definitions of honour call attention to how this term is interpreted and sanctioned to justify violence against women. This connotes that

‘honour’ is understood and enmeshed based upon cultural understandings of gender, suggesting that honour demands particular characteristics or duties from both genders. For a man, his honour is based upon his ability to defend the honour of his family.

For a woman, however, her honour is based upon her behaviour and ability to maintain and protect her purity.191 The consequences for the loss of honour for a woman is more dire than for a man, as her loss of honour is synonymous with the pernicious implications of shame, not to mention the physical harm she may or may not experience.192 The explicit gender distinctions of honour enforce specific attitudes towards the conduct of men and women. By these standards, men assume the responsibility of ensuring women of their households conduct themselves according to strict rules of demeanor193.

The importance placed upon these gender distinctions in terms of honour is significant as it infers men are superior to women. By this assertion, women who fail to preserve their honour compel male relations to defend (their own) honour against tarnish. The gender restrictions place severe limits on women, as their honour is based not only on their actions, but the effect of such actions on their reputations as well.194 These actions, can range from: attaining a job, gaining an education, being seen unveiled in a public place, or seen speaking to a non-related male, to other more sexually inclined actions, such as wearing provocative clothing, having a boyfriend,

190 Ibid. 191 Ibid., Pg. 425 192 Ibid. 193 Ibid. 194 Faqir, Fadia. "Intrafamily Femicide in Defence of Honour: The Case of Jordan." THIRD WORLD Q 22, no. 1 (2001): 65-82. https://doi.org/10.1080/713701138.

59 committing adultery, getting pregnant out of wedlock and even rape.195 This list, by no means comprehensive, offers an insight as to how shame is perceived, prevented and punished.

A woman’s reputation once tarnished, and whether the charge is legitimate or not, justifies the tarnishing of her honour as well. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the interpretation of honour is dependent upon religion (the interpretation of sacred texts), culture and tradition.

Another facet to consider is the importance of community, as cultural norms and practices affect varying perceptions of honour and the consequences of its loss. The significance and impact of community influence on HBV, will be discussed in further detail in the next chapter.

Honour-Based Violence and/or Domestic Violence

Honour killings or Honour-Based Violence (HBV) is understood as the violence or killing of women (and some men) based upon the belief that they have brought dishonour upon not only the family, but in some cases, the community as a whole. However, there is debate that this definition is not strong enough to isolate this type of crime from other forms of domestic violence (DV). Honour killings and domestic violence are often confused with one another as they both involve the severe mistreatment and abuse of a family member (often a spouse, siblings and children within the home)196 The forms of abuse (financial, emotional, psychological, and physical) suffered by victims is multifaceted, and are generally executed simultaneously.197 Similar in HBV and DV is also the policing of female behaviours: controlling their actions, limiting their interactions with others, and enforcing particular codes of conduct.198

195 Hayes, Brittany E., Colleen E. Mills, Joshua D. Freilich, and Steven M. Chermak. "Are Honor Killings Unique? A Comparison of Honor Killings, Domestic Violence Homicides, and Hate Homicides by Far-Right Extremists." HOMICIDE STUDIES 22, no. 1 (2018): 71. https://doi.org/10.1177/1088767917736796. 196 “Violence against Women.” World Health Organization.. 197 Idriss, Mohammad Mazher. "Not Domestic Violence or Cultural Tradition: Is Honour-Based Violence Distinct from Domestic Violence?". The Journal of social welfare & family law 39, no. 1 (2017): 5. https://doi.org/10.1080/09649069.2016.1272755. 198 Ibid. Pg. 4 60

Despite these similarities, there are some distinct differences between the two types of violence that demand that they are understood separately. The first distinction is that HBV is generally premeditated, while domestic violence is considered a crime of passion; unplanned, and unintended.199 The second difference is the most obvious: the motivation behind HBV is a sense of dishonor, or shame. Domestic violence, however, is more common, is not restricted by culture and region, is usually between intimate partners, and has little to do with the concept of shame. Honour-based violence also involves the surrounding community (e.g. immediate and external family members and other members of their social network).200 Though their involvement does not necessarily imply direct participation, their presence and influence does insinuate a motivation to rid themselves with any connection to shame.201 Perhaps the most telling difference between the definitions for honour-based violence and domestic violence, is that HBV are thought to restore the honour of both the family and community alike. These distinctions between honour killings and domestic violence are necessary as a means of recognizing and reporting incidents when they occur.

The UN Population Fund reported in 2000, that roughly 5000 women worldwide are killed each year in honour killings. 202 And, in 2016, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan reported that an estimated 1100 women were murdered by family members in honour killings in

199 Elakkary, Sally, Barbara Franke, Dina Shokri, Sven Hartwig, Michael Tsokos, and Klaus Püschel. "Honor Crimes: Review and Proposed Definition." Forensic Science, Medicine and Pathology 10, no. 1 (2013): 78. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12024-013-9455-1. 200 Shahrzad, Mojab. "The Politics of Culture, Racism, and Nationalism in Honour Killing." Canadian criminal law review 16, no. 2 (2012): 129. https://ucalgary- primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1p0s7n7/TN_cdi_proquest_journals_1018564868 201 Ibid., 129 202 “UN Population Fund Launches The State of World Population 2000.” United Nations Population Fund, (2000). https://www.unfpa.org/press/un-population-fund-launches-state-world-population-2000.

2015 alone.203 Other regions that have also reported cases of honour killings include the Middle

East, North Africa, South and Central Asia, Europe, and North America, negating the belief that this type of crime is committed in only certain countries.204 It is argued that both the perpetrators and victims in cases of HBV are often from diasporic communities, immigrating and bringing with them remnants of their traditions and cultural practices with them. However, this statement ignores the existence of honour killings in the West, as honour killings were historically confirmed not only in Roman law, but in the penal codes of countries such as France, Spain, Italy and Portugal, with laws approving honour crimes for adulterous wives.205 The existence of honour-based laws within these countries is important to stress, as it is often assumed that honour killings are distinctly an Eastern affair that affects only immigrant families living in the West.

Despite the existence of Western-based honour killings, for the purpose of this thesis, I will examine HBV as it relates to Islam. The reason for doing so, is two-fold. The first, is that scholarship discussing Western accounts of HBV is limited, preventing a more thorough analysis of this type of violence. Secondly, to analyze the influence of religion and culture on HBV, it is important to acknowledge its overwhelming association with Islam. The correlation between

Islam and HBV provides an opportunity to debate and determine how religion and culture are interpreted and thus used to promote and accept this type of violence as a defence for honour.

Cultural Motivations for HBV

Despite the declaration made within Muslim communities, that Islam has granted more rights to women than any other religion, there is, in my opinion, a modern-day incredulity to this

203 “Pakistan 'Honour Killing': Karachi Teen Lovers 'Were Electrocuted'.” BBC News. BBC, (2017). https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-41268745. 204 Elakkary, Sally., et al. "Honor Crimes: Review and Proposed Definition." 78 205 Roman law would punish men who did not murder their wives who committed adultery. For further information: Ibid. 62 statement by the rest of the world. This incredulity stems from ignorance of the religion, and aggravated attention from the media, but it also has much to do with the many cases of violence against women within Muslim homes and societies. Though this is not factually true, the correlations between Islam and honour-based violence cannot be ignored. In a study conducted by the Middle East Quarterly in 2010, 91% of those accused of honour killings were from

Muslim households, and in North America, 84% of killings were still perpetrated by Muslim families.206 These numbers are staggering and validate the belief that honour-based violence is a

Muslim problem and evidence that the religion is the reason. However, based upon the previous chapters, it can be argued that the culture and traditions that exist within Muslim communities plays a larger role and is more culpable for the continuation of honour-based violence.

In communities where honor killings occur, the received cultural norms govern the different understanding of honor and shame which inspires violence, equates loss of honor with loss of life, and sustains subcultures where such killings tend to occur. The rules of this subculture are learned through association with others, and the subculture promotes a value system where violence is regarded as normal, and is expected of others in the case of dishonorable conduct.207

Patriarchal sentimentality and cultural interpretations of Islamic ideologies imposed by those with authority and the need to follow traditions validate and enforce the belief that women are responsible for maintaining the honour of the family. Women who fail to do so are usually found guilty of two types of offences: Westernization and sexual impropriety.208 Violence against

206 Chesler, Phyllis. "Worldwide Trends in Honor Killings." Middle East quarterly 17, no. 2 (2010): 3-11. https://ucalgary- primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1p0s7n7/TN_cdi_gale_infotracacademiconefile_A237358190 207 Doğan, Recep. “Is Honor Killing a “Muslim Phenomenon”? Textual Interpretations and Cultural Representations. 426. 208 These particular ‘crimes’ are considered more heinous depending upon the female’s age. Young women, 25 years and younger, are more likely to be accused by their fathers and brothers of Westernization. And for women 26 years and older, the motive shifts to allegations of infidelity, often made by their husbands and sons. Though the differing motives and age groups are significant, the rationalization remains the same: these women failed to uphold the honour of their families. For further information, please refer to: Chesler, Phyllis. "Worldwide Trends in Honor Killings."12- 13 63 women (and their murder) is then considered a means of preventing, ensuring and recovering honour lost by their female relatives. This type of measure lends itself to a more traditional perspective that normalizes violent actions or reactions to any behaviour that can be considered deviant within particular communities.

The normative principle that the right to claim honor requires killing or violence in return is reinforced and transmitted from generation to generation. These norms are backed up with social rewards and punishment. People who do not wish to follow the norms are criticized, ridiculed, condemned, or excluded by the community, and those who follow them are admired and respected. If these constraints and sanctions were not in place, the community or subculture would soon lose its separate identity.209

The belief that certain actions or lack of can cause a loss of identity, either individual or communal identity, is significant and confirms the importance of social value as a good reason for violent forms of punishment. This concept of identity and interpretations of honour vary depending upon region, culture and socio-economic status.210 It is synonymous with cultural relativism, the understanding that an individual’s cultural identity is specific and cannot or rather should not be compared or valued higher/lower with one another.211 This means that “[W]hat is important is that the concept of honor serves as a mechanism to reinforce and legitimate patriarchy within particular cultures”.212 Cultural thoughts and practices associated with honour should be judged individually rather than comparatively, such as traditional practices like

209 Doğan, Recep. “Is Honor Killing a “Muslim Phenomenon”? Textual Interpretations and Cultural Representations. 426. 210 Gill, Aisha K. "Feminist Reflections on Researching So-Called ‘Honour’ Killings." Feminist Legal Studies 21, no. 3 (2013): 243. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10691-013-9249-6. 211 Shahrzad, Mojab. "The Politics of Culture, Racism, and Nationalism in Honour Killing." 122 212 Hayes, Brittany E., et al. "Are Honor Killings Unique? A Comparison of Honor Killings, Domestic Violence Homicides, and Hate Homicides by Far-Right Extremists." 71.

64 honour-based violence.213 This is especially important in relation to the one of two leading motives for HBV: Westernization.214

The Fear of Westernization

In 2009, in Kingston, Ontario, four women were found dead in a car that was submerged in a canal.215 The four victims were three sisters, Zainab, Sahar, Geeti and their father’s first wife,

Rona Amir Mohammad.216 Mohammad Shafia, his second wife, Tooba Mohammad Yahya and their eldest son Hamed Shafia were all charged and found guilty of four counts of first-degree murder.217 This case sparked a large amount of media attention, due to the distinctive nature of the crime, that entailed religious and cultural scrutiny. The justification provided by the father, his second wife, and the brother of the victims, was that the girls were becoming too

Westernized, and Rona (the first wife) supported them.218

This fear of Westernization has been used as validation for the confinement, and an added emphasis for veiling, especially in relation to honor killings. Westernization is viewed as a corruptive and immoral lifestyle, and an indication of the loss of one’s culture and tradition. As

Riffat Hassan, a Pakistani feminist theologian, explains:

Muslims, in general, tend to think of ‘modernity’ in two ways: a) as modernization which is associated with science, technology and material progress, and b) as Westernization which is associated with promiscuity and all kinds of social problems ranging from latch-key kids to drug and alcohol

213 Ibid., 123 214 The other motive for HBV is promiscuity, and though it is indeed a separate point of contention, it is also considered an underlying theme embedded within the fear of Westernization. Ibid. 215 “Canada 'Honour' Killings: Shafia Family Found Guilty.” BBC News. BBC, (2012). https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-16783354. 216 Ibid. 217 Jiwani, Yasmin. "A Clash of Discourses: Femicides or Honor Killings?", In Eid, M., and Karim, K., eds. Re-Imagining the Other: Culture, Media, and Western-Muslim Intersections. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US. ProQuest Ebook Central, (2014) 130 218 “Canada ‘honour’ Killings: Shafia Family Found Guilty.” BBC News.

abuse. While ‘modernization’ is considered highly desirable, ‘Westernization’ is considered equally undesirable.219

Hassan’s focus on the problematic belief that Muslims have in reference to Westernization as independent from modernity and a source of toxicity, emphasizes the distinctions made between the genders, especially regarding the treatment of women. She effectively points out the contradiction within Islamic societies in reference to how modernity is perceived in deference to men and women. 220 For the Shafia family, the daughters’ behaviours, such as wearing makeup, going out with friends and having boyfriends, were all legitimate concerns, pointing to their adoption of Western ideologies. The stigma of Westernization is important to stress, as it is often used as justification for occurrences of HBV.

Westernization is the word used to describe the cultural influence of the Occident (the countries associated with modern Western thought, primarily within Europe and North

America).221 The juxtaposition of Eastern and Western thought has been an ongoing point of contention as it relates to the topic of honour-based violence. Though HBV has historically and currently existed within both the East and West, its presence in both worlds has been considered a consequence of the influence of the other. The West associates HBV with Eastern religious and cultural practices that limit the roles and identity of women, while the East contends that Western influence has enabled a loss of religious and cultural importance and relevance. However, both arguments are problematic as they ignore the correlation and influence of both cultures on particular behaviours. This is in essence, a parallel similar to the structuralist and culturalist arguments that confirm the influence of the Eastern and Western perspectives on HBV.

219 Hassan, Riffat. "Challenging the Stereotypes of Fundamentalism: An Islamic Feminist Perspective." 57. 220 Ibid., 57 221 Saffari, Siavash. Beyond Shariati: Modernity, Cosmopolitanism, and Islam in Iranian Political Thought. Cambridge: Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, (2017). 135 doi:10.1017/9781316686966.

The structuralist argument maintains that honour-based violence is simply a variation of existing patriarchal ideals that, because of its global reach, can be regarded without exception, in the same manner as theft, rape and murder.222 The structuralist argument for violence is essentially individualistic. It focuses on the motives and specific honour of the individual rather than looking at his relationship to other factors, such as culture, religion and pressure from the community.223 The culturalist argument for honour-based violence however, concludes that this form of abuse is influenced by cultural logic stemming from beliefs and values of particular groups and communities.224 It includes culture-specific behaviours and attitudes towards particular issues, as they confirm a dependency upon traditional or social approval. Individuals who commit violent actions against women are then only doing what is expected of them. It is the culture that is problematic rather than the individual who is only conforming to its pressure.225 This cultural logic is justified by the conviction that HBV or the murder of the offending female restores the honour and masculinity of the male family members.226

However, neither the structuralist nor culturalist arguments offer an exact characterization for why HBV exists and persists. They are limited because they only offer a partial consideration for the overall problem. Both the structuralist and culturalist arguments depend upon the notion that they have to be viewed independent of each other. As it applies to

HBV, the structuralist and culturalist arguments apply in equal measure.

Honour is, rather, a complex social institution, which is crucial for the (re)production of patriarchal social relations. In this sense, honour is not a private matter, it also has a public function with the power to transcend the notion of domestic or interpersonal in the understanding of the phenomenon of violence against women. Furthermore, patriarchy does not assume sovereignty;

222 Jiwani, Yasmin. "A Clash of Discourses: Femicides or Honor Killings?", 126 223 Ibid. 224 Ibid. Pg. 125 225 Ibid. Pg. 127 226 Ibid. 67

that is, it is not constituted independent of culture, religion, nationalism, or racism.227

This concept of private and public domains is consequential to the value that is placed upon the belief that HBV will remove any dishonour that befalls the family. The public function of HBV is more significant in the East, where emphasis is placed more upon the family and by extension the rest of the community. Privacy, however, is individualistic, and symbolic of the West and the general perception of domestic violence. It is this relationship between the private and public that underscores the conflict between the Eastern and Western understandings of HBV. Honour violence against women is a product of both Eastern and Western ideologies. It is a private conflict with public consequences.

The temptation to place blame upon culture (Eastern or Western) is both understandable and evident, especially when trying to separate it from religious ideology. Riffat Hassan condemns the manner by which Islamic theology is juxtaposed with Western ideologies.228 Her condemnation has to do with the suppositions that Islam in some way condones violence against women, which is inaccurate and harmful. Her focus is instead upon the problem of ‘Islamization’ of Muslim societies that places emphasis on traditional patriarchal ideals of what a woman’s role should be.229 This in large part has to do with public and private places and women’s’ visibility in the two, as even visibility can be regarded as the influence of Westernization. The idea that

Westernization is the problem has caused the belief that women who choose to engage in any activities that are considered modern are assumed to be Western and are attempting to neglect their cultural and religious identity. This is especially true as it relates to promiscuity, where “

227 Shahrzad, Mojab. 2012. "The Politics of Culture, Racism, and Nationalism in Honour Killing." 129 228 Hassan, Riffat. "Challenging the Stereotypes of Fundamentalism: An Islamic Feminist Perspective." 57-58. 229 Ibid., 57 68

‘[T]he passion of the West’ parallels and meets the ‘honor of the East’ in terms of circumscribing women’s rights and accentuating their vulnerability to and victimization by male violence”.230

It is the Eastern fear of Westernization that has had a more visible effect on this particular crime. According to a report in the Middle East Quarterly, 58% of inmates stated that

Westernization was a leading factor for their actions against female family members.231

Westernization, a term used to describe the immorality of the West, is generally associated with sexual impropriety in Muslim nations.232 It is also undeniably associated with women alone and suggests that male morality is unimpeachable. Although many deeds can be associated with

Westernization, promiscuity is considered the most damaging to a woman, and her family’s honour, insinuating other motivations for HBV, such as the feeling of shame.

The Consequence of Shame

The concept of honour and its subsequent loss has a strong correlation with shame (sharam).

Shame is a fundamental theme and a powerful motivator for why honour related violence occurs.

Shame, results from varying types of actions, which can change and intensify (the burden of shame) over time.233 It triggers feelings of embarrassment, discomfort, misery and especially the impression of being unwanted.234

Even thinking about it can make us feel uneasy, as if we might be contaminated by this acutely uncomfortable condition just by considering it. The idea of shame, let alone the experience of it, can seen defiling or polluting. At first blush, then, shame seems to be an unwanted phenomenon which figures unwantedness – toxic unwantedness at that.235

230 Jiwani, Yasmin. "A Clash of Discourses: Femicides or Honor Killings?", 127 231 Chesler, Phyllis. "Worldwide Trends in Honor Killings." Pgs. 3. 232 Ibid. 233 Gill, Aisha K. "Feminist Reflections on Researching So-Called ‘Honour’ Killings." 243. 234 Jewett, Robert., Alloway, Wayne., Lacey, John. The Shame Factor: How Shame Shapes Society. Eugene, Oregan, Cascade Books, (2011), 9 235 Ibid., 9 69

The particular feeling of being unwanted is especially important because it suggests that the consequence of particular actions is more consequential than others. And though shame is a universal concept, it is not viewed and experienced in the same manner. Within South Asian countries such as India, Pakistan and Bangladesh for example, shame is a powerful emotion and tool that is used to enforce particular ideals and conformity. The significance of regional understandings of shame is important because it reflects the sensitivity of particular cultures and traditions, which is why it is necessary to use terms specific to the region.

Shame (sharam) is a relevant term as it is an influential emotion that essentially constitutes and validates what is considered a loss of honour. Honour and shame are intertwined and therefore need to be discussed as a combined motivating force for perpetrators and victims alike to act in response to their effect.

[S]hame is a more informative concept: individuals in communities that value honour are not just motivated by a desire to obtain and maintain honour but are equally concerned about avoiding shame. Thus, honour and shame are dynamically interrelated…Thus, honour relates to the behavior expected of members of a particular community, while shame is associated with transgressions against these expectations. As such, shame is easier to measure as it necessarily involves an action or a series of actions, while honour is a broad category that often defies classification.236

The influence and impact of shame has a different meaning for men and women, based upon expected behaviours for each gender.237 Shameful transgressions for women can include a perceived Westernization and any form of sexuality, especially in regard to their modesty. The signification of shame is not static and varies. Depending upon factors such as region, socioeconomic status, and existing traditions, the definition of what is considered shameful or

236 Gill, Aisha K., Avtar, Brah. "Interrogating Cultural Narratives About ‘Honour’- Based Violence." The European journal of women's studies 21, no. 1 (2014): 72-86. https://doi.org/10.1177/1350506813510424. 237 Ibid. 70 not changes.238 A common example used in reference to this discrepancy is the female pursuit of education or income. 239 For some communities, these endeavors are either celebrated or condemned. The term honour or izzat, is also culturally specific that refers to sociocultural relationships, especially within South Asian families and communities.240 It is a subjective term that distinguishes an individual and their family based upon their reputation, virtue, dignity, esteem and ghairat (social prestige or respect) within their community.241 Sharam, izzat and ghairat are all used to determine the magnitude of any and all transgressions.

For this reason, honour and shame cultures have continued to uphold the belief that women are responsible for the dishonour of the family and their community.242 Women, as the guardians of honour are responsible for any actions that can be considered shameful.243 Her actions and reputation directly impact the reputation of the family, especially other women.244

Essentially, the feeling of shame for women, is used as a means of limiting and demeaning their actions, in order to maintain their subservience. Shame as a product of humiliation, for men, is a motivator rather than a repellant, to absolve themselves and the rest of the family of any resulting stigma. The feeling of shame turns into justification for violence.

Honor violations have serious social consequences, sharply reducing a family’s social standing – particularly that of its male members. A dishonored family may be excluded from community activities, bear the brunt of mockery and gossip, and experience difficulty finding marriage partners. But lost honor can be regained… ‘the ultimate vindication of honor lies in physical violence’.245

238 Ibid. 239 Ibid 240 Ibid., Pg. 73 241 Ibid., Pg. 74 242 Zvinkliene, Alina. "'Honour Killings' in Modern Societies: A Sociological Perspective." Islam and civilisational renewal 1, no. 3 (2010): 532. https://ucalgary- primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1p0s7n7/TN_cdi_gale_infotracacademiconefile_A270895945 243 Idriss, Mohammad Mazher, and Tahir Abbas. Honour, Violence, Women and Islam. 547 244 Cooney, Mark. "Death by Family: Honor Violence as Punishment." Punishment & society 16, no. 4 (2014): 417. https://doi.org/10.1177/1462474514539537. 245 Ibid., 409 71

In this context, men are considered the victims rather than the perpetrators. Their victimization elicits sympathy from onlookers within the community who encourage any action that restores the family dignity, which again legitimizes the ‘provocation defense’.246 When a female family member commits shameful transgressions that draws public scrutiny and censure, it is the offenders’ honour that is being questioned, suggesting their victimization rather than the victimization of the women they abused. Male understanding of honour is based upon the belief that they are responsible for maintaining and ensuring the honour of the family. This is because the onus is on them to ensure that the family izzat is preserved.

That culture has often been used as an excuse to justify violence is not uncommon, but it has also been used to ‘Other’ the influence of both Eastern and Western ideologies regarding honour-based violence.247 Using the argument that culture, specifically South Asian or Muslim culture, is somehow uncivilized and dangerous, ignores the historical existence of honour-based violence in Western societies.248 Though HBV occurs mainly within Muslim majority countries, there have been cases reported within Christian, Hindu and Sikh communities as well, confirming the overarching misogynistic theme of this form of abuse. The ‘culture clash’ between the Eastern and Western worlds has been emphasizing culture rather than the crime itself.249

The discussion so far has focused on the cultural and religious significances behind HBV but has not addressed this form of violence explicitly as a crime. As it is tied to religious and cultural ideologies, other justifications for HBV are often ignored and dismissed. What has yet to be discussed is the perpetrators perception of gender norms, more specifically heteronormative

246 Idriss, Mohammad Mazher, and Tahir Abbas. Honour, Violence, Women and Islam. 546 247 Zvinkliene, Alina. "'Honour Killings' in Modern Societies: A Sociological Perspective." 124 248 Gill, Aisha K., Avtar Brah. "Interrogating Cultural Narratives About ‘Honour’- Based Violence." 75-76. 249 Ibid., Pg. 75 72 ideologies, that motivates them to redeem their honour through violence against their female family members. Understanding heteronormativity and other provocations (such as caste) as it applies to HBV will provide a greater context for why this type of violence still occurs.

Heteronormativity

Honour-based violence has generally been correlated with domestic violence, as both forms of crime share similar patterns of coercion and abuse. However, the provocation of shame and its influence not only on the victim and abuser, but the surrounding family and community as well is a distinct feature in cases of HBV. The significance of this distinction is two-fold: it emphasizes the influence of community and the expectation of gender conformity. It is also indicative of a shared moral judgment, which includes “collective punishment…to police transgressions in gender and sexuality…”250 This particular form of morality is apparent in various Muslim, Hindu, Sikh, Christian and Roma communities, who similarly condemn individuals who identify themselves as LGBTQ.251 Such an authoritative nature of social norms can be regarded more appropriately as heteronormativity. Asquith observes:

[T]he concept of heteronormativity captures the codes of conduct that normalise privilege and reward acceptable performances of heterosexuality and cisgender…. Heteronormative violence is best understood as that which ‘constitutes and regulates bodies according to normative notions of sex, gender and sexuality’.252

Heteronormativity involves the affirmation of heterosexual ideologies and thus is a powerful motivator regarding sex and gender roles.253 Heteronormative practices, which are generally regarded as the normative principle, supply the standard by which morality is obeyed by honour-

250 Asquith, Nicole L. "Honour, Violence and Heteronormativity." International journal for crime, justice and social democracy 4, no. 3 (2015): 74. https://doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v4i3.191. 251 Ibid. 252 Ibid., Pg. 75 253 Ibid. 73 based communities.254 As a result, “[H]eteronormativity is not just a norm, but a normative principle…”255 that condemns any behaviour that contradicts the norm, which includes female promiscuity and all forms of homosexuality.

Heteronormativity, for all intents and purposes, supports a systematic patriarchy that has established explicit gender roles. The significance of identifying normality or rather heteronormativity with specific gender roles, implies that anything contrary to that definition is either unnatural or immoral: “The label has normative force, as well as strong emotive connotation: in common parlance, to call something unnatural is to call it grotesque, perverse, monstrous”.256 Gender norms, with reference to HBV has meant any action or behaviour deemed abnormal or unnatural should be condemned. Men and women are required to act according to their gender roles, and any action that disregards with these roles is therefore deemed as immoral.

This particular attitude towards specific gender norms is similar to the structural and cultural arguments that reaffirm the parallels between Eastern and Western ideologies in regard to honour. ‘Honour cultures’ are also dependent upon a communal understanding of heteronormative ideologies and practices that uphold traditional masculine and feminine identities. In regions where ‘honour cultures’ exist, these norms are enforced by stringent rules of social censure and punishment.257 The reinforcement of affirming certain behaviours and concurrently rejecting others that are considered as ‘unnatural gender practices’.258 Women and men who do not conform to requisite gender roles are negatively associated with immorality and

254 Ibid. 255 Ibid. 256 Corvino, John. 2013.What’s Wrong with Homosexuality? New York, NY. Oxford University Press. 78 257 Asquith, Nicole L. "Honour, Violence and Heteronormativity."73-84. 258 Courtney, Fraser. "From "Ladies First" to "Asking for It": Benevolent Sexism in the Maintenance of Rape Culture." 145-147.

74 are abused or killed for their transgressions. The justifications for the ‘punishment’: any deviation from the norm demands immediate rebuke and necessary action from the family and rest of the community.

Recep Doğan’s Findings in Turkey

Heteronormative practices, which are generally accepted as representing the normative principle, is the standard by which social and cultural conformists defend gender norms.259

Heteronormativity reinforces habitual behaviours, by endorsing patterns in attitudes and behaviours that validate a masculine supremacy. It also confirms that hegemonic masculinity and the ‘correct’ performance of gender roles is what is at stake.260 With the emphasis on the concept of hegemonic masculinity rather than patriarchy, it has been argued that in any society different forms of masculine identities coexist in a pattern of hierarchies according to the value that the society accords them. Therefore, the hegemonic masculinity that is a dominant and culturally exalted form of masculinity, and that describes the characteristics of an ideal man, subordinates all femininities and other masculinities, such as homosexual masculinity, which are less valued.261

This hierarchy of masculinity requires the consideration of both feminist and cultural interpretations of patriarchy as it relates to HBV.262 Feminist interpretations of HBV are concerned with the patriarchal subordination of women. With regards to honour violence, feminist interpretations assert that violence against women is the consequence for those who do

259 Asquith, Nicole L. "Honour, Violence and Heteronormativity." 75. 260 Ibid. Pg. 79 261 Doğan, Recep. "Different Cultural Understandings of Honor That Inspire Killing: An Inquiry into the Defendant’s Perspective." Homicide studies 18, no. 4 (2014): 366. https://doi.org/10.1177/1088767914526717. 262 A third interpretation is referred to as individualistic and argues that HBV should be regarded in psychological terms such as ‘temporary insanity’, which is often used in domestic violence situations and ignores the role of cultural influences. For further information refer to: Ibid. 365. 75 not conform to strict masculine gender norms. The inclination with this assertion, however, often neglects the influence of culture as a motivator for committing violence against women.

Sociocultural pressures to conform to specific gender norms is powerful motivation to ensure particular behaviours and incites corrective measures if they are not. Deviance from the norm affects not only the individual but their family and subsequently the rest of the community.

Considered a means of prevention and punishment for community censure, violence is normal and ‘effective’.

[W]henever a norm is invoked in explaining an action, one can turn the account into a rational-choice explanation by saying that the agent is concerned with upholding his self-image and reputation as a norm follower.263

Using this rationale, honour-based violence and honour killings are a conventional cultural response to any action that challenges the behavioural and sexual norms of a particular community. This rationale, however, does not explain why the onus is on men to prevent and punish their female relatives for any suspected or perceived wrongdoing. It also does not explain the desire to accede, comply and appease community norms and ideals.

Research regarding HBV has been, for the most part, focused upon the actions and behaviours of the women that led to their victimization. Any research focused upon the male perpetrators is based upon their response to the actions and behaviours of female relatives.

Emphasis should instead be placed upon the specific norms and the pressure placed on men to react and act to any female wrongdoing that could shame the family. Men are expected to uphold the honour of their individual families in their respective communities, and failure to do so means a loss of reputation and potential or eventual ostracization. There is an assumed

263 Doğan, Recep. "The Dynamics of Honor Killings and the Perpetrators’ Experiences." Homicide studies 20, no. 1 (2014): 74. https://doi.org/10.1177/1088767914563389.

76 expectation that men have a duty to ensure the family and in particular their own honour is protected. The threat of community recrimination is such that it compels men in honour societies to act either before the public knows or after, to prove to others that they had avenged themselves and restored their honour. However, this does not reflect the convoluted correlation between male responsibility and the rationalization and significance of community condemnation. This relationship is generally not discussed in scholarship, as most attention is usually on the behaviours and actions of the women that led to their victimization. This is especially true regarding the thoughts and opinions of the fathers, brothers, sons, husbands and other male relatives of the victims.

Stories told by victims’ families, the police, professionals, and other knowledgeable informants are taken to be a form of truth without being corroborated with other reliable sources… created an environment conducive to making general assumptions based on popular beliefs rather than upon qualified research evidence. Moreover, the voice of the defendant and those serving sentences in Turkish prisons for having committed murder in the name of honour, which should be crucial to reflecting the whole picture and dynamic behind these killings, have rarely been heard.264

The perpetrators perception of their crimes and their understanding of honour is both crucial and necessary for male hegemony. It is not enough to discuss HBV as simply a response to female actions but to address male reasoning and response to community involvement and pressure.

Dr. Recep Doğan, a Turkish scholar, wrote multiple articles on the topic of honour killings, and conducted a qualitative study within 65 Turkish prisons in 2008.265 His research was based upon interviews he conducted in Turkish prisons with men incarcerated for the crime of honour killing. He interviewed 39 (34 male and 5 female) prisoners, who were found guilty of

264 Doğan, Recep. "The Profiles of Victims, Perpetrators, and Unfounded Beliefs in Honor Killings in Turkey." Homicide studies 18, no. 4 (2014): 391. https://doi.org/10.1177/1088767914538637. 265 Ibid., 392 77 murder in honour-based cases.266 Placing the attention on the male perspective for determining the reasons they committed violence or even murder in the name of honour, Doğan’s interviews focused primarily on cases where the offenders (male) stated that ‘honour’ was the primary motive for the crime.267

The interviews with the offenders indicated the relationship they had with the victims and the motives for the murder(s). These motives range from disagreements, financial matters, domestic concerns, rumors, pride, jealousy, suspicions and rumors.268 Similar to definitions of domestic violence, these motives are not uncommon or particularly surprising, especially as it relates to the relationship between victims and their offenders. There are two primary differences however: the ‘traditional’ assumptions of who is the victim and the offender in these situations and the disturbing influence of the surrounding community on the events leading to abuse and in many cases murder. Doğan stated his concern regarding the existing research on honour-based violence, saying it: “[C]reated an environment conducive to making general assumptions based upon popular beliefs rather than upon qualified research evidence”.269

Doğan focused in particular on the cultural understanding and experiences of the perpetrators who have been jailed for committing murder in defense of their honour. This included the personal attitudes of the perpetrators regarding their motives and feelings towards their crime, such as:

266 Ibid. 267 Ibid., 393 268 It is relevant to note that religion was not specified as a motive by these perpetrators. Doğan asked the defendants whether they had performed any prayers, rituals or asked the victims to recite “shahadah (which is the expression of faith: La ilaha illa Allah. Muhammadun rasulullah. [There is no god but Allah. Muhammad is the messenger of Allah])” This question was met with incredulity and suggested that religious ideologies were not the motivation for the murders. One of the defendants His reaction confirms (affirms) that there is little to no influence of religious ideologies with regards to this type of violence. For further information, please refer to: Ibid., 394, 407 269 Ibid., 391 78

[R]umor and suspicion as instigating events, techniques used to neutralize the killing, pressure to kill, attempts to escape from the publicity of dishonorable conduct, alternatives to restore honor without seeking violence, feelings of regret, and the probability of reoffending.270

One of the main reasons provided by many of the offenders that is important to highlight was the existence of rumours and suspicions. Rumours are essentially unsubstantiated claims made about particular person(s) that are generally negative or damning in nature. Regardless of its validity, these rumours can be spread by either members of the family or the community. This hearsay is then circulated by the community, who are also the ones to criticize, condemn and even ostracize the family for failing to prevent and act on these rumours regardless of their validity. These rumours pressure the offender to either circumvent and/or control those involved in the gossip, generally women, to regain any loss of their honour. Most of the cases (approximately 31 of the interviewees) reviewed by Doğan confirmed that rumours were the initial cause for the murder of a female relative.271 That number illustrates that a misdemeanor does not even need to occur for the loss of honour to be assumed by the perpetrators. Rumours, therefore, are essentially an attack against their (and the family’s) character and reputation within the community.

The general assumption here would be that the family would defend themselves against any incendiary allegations by disavowing any rumours and insults to them. However, in cases of

HBV, the reaction to rumours causing disgrace is to assert their commitment to higher loyalties beyond family: to culture norms.272 This means demonstrating to their audience, in the surrounding community, that even rumours will not be tolerated. This is done by acting to remove the besmirching of their family’s name, either through violence or murder, which Doğan

270 Doğan, Recep. "The Dynamics of Honor Killings and the Perpetrators’ Experiences." 59-60 271 Ibid., 60 272 Ibid. 63 79 referred to as a means of neutralizing the killing.273 The perpetrators Doğan spoke to, defended their actions by stating such sentiments like “‘I had no choice,’ ‘it was not in my hands’ and

‘there was no other remedy’”.274 These statements affirm that the pressure they experienced provoked them to take action, forcing them to commit these crimes. To the perpetrators, their actions are regarded as a form of self-defence, and according to their logic, in this instance it is the men who are the victims while the women, the offenders.275

Men and women have specific characteristics that they are expected to abide by in honour communities. These characteristics dictate their behaviour, lifestyles and expectations of one another, and the manner in which they should conduct themselves, not only in public, but also in private spaces. In these societies:

[T]he ideal honorable woman is an obedient and loyal woman who takes care of her children. She is modest in her behavior and so she is not on the lips of men…she does not go out without the permission from her husband, she does not let unrelated people enter her house, and she always keeps her husband’s head held high among people and relatives. An honorable woman is modest in her dress…She is an honest, respectful and dignified woman. A dignified woman is like a heavy stone so that nobody attempts to move it. It is heavy and strong so that makes people admire and respect her…For an unmarried honourable woman…being respectful, obedient, and modest in behaviour and keeping virginity before marriage is essential.276

Women who do not conform to these characteristics are acting against their prescribed roles and are therefore dishonourable.

For men, the characteristics they should display are based upon their traditional role as provider. Thus “[A]s long as a man meets the basic needs of his family, he meets the ideal

273 Ibid., 62 274 Ibid. 275 Ibid., 74 276 Doğan, Recep. "Different Cultural Understandings of Honor That Inspire Killing: An Inquiry into the Defendant’s Perspective." 375

80 standards”.277 However, he is also expected to protect his family from any potential threats, especially against female members of the family.278 An important characteristic to highlight for such an honourable man to possess, is the ability to control his sexual desires and conduct around women other than his wife. This particular distinction for men is suggestive and implies that a man’s honour can be compromised by his desire for a woman’s body and innate sexuality.279 The emphasis is then on women to control and veil their sexuality, as they symbolize honour, not for themselves, but for the men in their family.280

The honor of a man obliges him to defend his honor and that of his family; and the honor of a woman obliges her to maintain and protect her purity. In this context, actions and behaviors are characteristically described as masculine and feminine.281

It is these particular gender roles that enforce the mentality that performing masculinity for men means ensuring that women ‘maintain and protect their purity’.282 Failing to do so, puts their masculinity into question. The humiliation of their masculinity being called into question is sufficient pressure to force a response from them, which is generally violent in nature. This particular ‘shame’ is so palpable, in comparison to other kinds of shame, that it cannot be dismissed and necessitates a reaction against their female relatives, where other forms of shame does not. Placing the attention on the male perspective for justifying honour killings is, in the author’s opinion, the crux for understanding HBV. The decision to demean, abuse and kill their female relatives is a conscious decision that is fueled by an implicit and intimidating consensus of the surrounding community. The community’s censure and influence are justification enough

277 Ibid., 374 278 Ibid. 279 Ibid. 280 Ibid., 374-375 281 Doğan, Recep. "Is Honor Killing a "Muslim Phenomenon"? Textual Interpretations and Cultural Representations." 425. 282 Ibid. 81 for why these men commit violence, and murder, in order to regain their honour. This affirms the belief that they are the victims in these situations. As a result of this particular rationality, HBV is accepted as a means of controlling the behaviour of women within the household.

Consequently, it secures the community’s approval.283

Of the themes Doğan discusses in reference to the motives and attitudes of the perpetrators, is the “pressure to kill [and] attempts to escape from the publicity of dishonorable conduct”284, that comes from their community. This overarching theme: the influence of the community and its approval. The phrase log kya kahenge or ‘what will people think’, has been a repetitive tool used to enforce cultural gender norms deemed appropriate by the surrounding community. The intense pressure and fear of log kya kahenge, especially for women, where honour and shame have considerable consequences, have resulted in, some communities, extreme measures and mental conditioning.

[T]his perception and conceptualization of honor has resulted in such cultural norms for women as confining women to the four walls of the house, a harem mentality that regulates social life in accordance with sexual segregation, and finally the necessity for a woman to be escorted by a male or a menopausal female chaperon who has stopped menstruating. Through such cultural norms, men have on one hand attempted to prevent the potential threat of dishonor outside the house and, on the other hand, they have sustained the values of patriarchal ideology.285

These examples painfully demonstrate the means taken to safeguard the honour of the family. It also showcases measures used to prevent exposure and criticism from the community. The fear of communal awareness and eventual ostracization from society, for any female transgression,

283 Doğan, Recep. "The Dynamics of Honor Killings and the Perpetrators’ Experiences." 63 284 Ibid., 60 285 Doğan, Recep. "Different Cultural Understandings of Honor That Inspire Killing: An Inquiry into the Defendant’s Perspective." 368.

82 creates the pressure to kill and regain the honour lost. Unfortunately, this fear is not unfounded.

Perpetrators talked about events leading up to their decision to murder their female relative, and many of those events had to do with the reactions of their surrounding community. These events or situations that “[F]orced the defendants to kill…was the escalating effect of continued insult, taunting, belittling, exclusion and explicit and implicit family and social pressure”.286 Honour is so fragile in these communities that the shame of being ignored and taunted is pressure enough to retaliate, not against the community, but the source of the dishonour. In essence, the community acts as a societal form of control for both the victim and perpetrator. The authority of the community needs to be addressed in greater detail and condemnation. Its influence on this form of violence implies that certain sociological ideologies are imbedded within the mindset of these populations. Shame is then a consequence of patriarchal normative behaviours within society.

Essentially, such honour is not a private matter.287

Other Provocations for Honour-Based Violence

Although heteronormative ideologies and community influence are the main rationales for honour-based violence, other contributing factors should be acknowledged, due to the added pressure they place on family members to react. These factors include economic disparity education, mental health, and caste and gotra (patriline). The affect these other factors have on

HBV change from case to case, and often instigates the gender specific ‘offences’ which lead to perpetrators justifying abuse as a valid response.

286 Doğan, Recep. "Did the Coroners and Justice Act 2009 Get It Right? Are All Honour Killings Revenge Killings?". Punishment & society 15, no. 5 (2013): 488-514. https://doi.org/10.1177/1462474513504797. 287 Jiwani, Yasmin. "A Clash of Discourses: Femicides or Honor Killings?"

Though not as significant as heteronormative ideologies, a family’s socio-economic status does affect the honour of a household and the violence a woman may be subject to.288 For many South Asian families, women are considered a financial burden, due to the necessity of producing a dowry (despite it being illegal in both India and Pakistan). Many women are killed in the name of ‘honour’ as a means of obtaining their inheritance of land and wealth.289 The justification for HBV changes however when a woman enters the workforce. It some communities, an educated woman in the workforce is applauded and considered a matter of pride for families, and for others, it is viewed as a negative effect of Westernization in the Eastern world.290 In those communities, a woman outside of the home, is shameful and should therefore be prevented and opposed.291 It is also important to note that women who have brought dishonour upon the family, impact the financial stability of their household. Families who have been dishonoured have trouble finding income or will lose inheritances and their reputations, although financial stability is often restored once the source of their dishonour is removed.292 A lack of education has also been noted as a cause of HBV. Lack of education, not just in terms of men and women, but the surrounding community, is attributed to more physical violence against women, and in cases where women had varying levels of education, the abuse they experienced was more psychological and verbal.293

288 Gill, Aisha., Strange, Carolyn., Roberts, Karl. ‘Honour’ Killing & Violence: Theory, Policy & Practice. New York, NY, Palgrave Macmillan. (2014), 93 289 Government of Canada, Department of Justice. “Preliminary Examination of so-Called ‘Honour Killings’ in Canada.” Socio-Cultural Influences and Honour Killings / Mental Health and Honour Killings / Conclusion - Preliminary Examination of so-called Honour Killings in Canada, (2016). https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/cj- jp/fv-vf/hk-ch/p5.html. 290 Gill, Aisha., Strange, Carolyn., Roberts, Karl. ‘Honour’ Killing & Violence: Theory, Policy & Practice. 3 291 Ibid. 292 Ibid., 93 293 Kalaca, Sibel, and Pınar Dundar. "Violence against Women: The Perspective of Academic Women." BMC Public Health 10, no. 1 (2010): 490-90. https://doi.org/10.1186/1471-2458-10-490.

Mental health is also important to address as it relates to HBV. Though there is research

on the effect HBV has on the mental well-being of women, it is unclear how much mental health

may have an effect on perpetrators of HBV, as little research has been done on this particular

subject. The minimal research could be due to two important factors when analyzing cases of

HBV. Firstly, the perpetrators motivations, and, secondly, the involvement of the community. In

cases of domestic violence, researchers have observed antisocial personality disorder (ASPD),

borderline personality disorder (BPD), and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), as indicators of

aggressive perpetration.294And, though its influence cannot be determined, it is plausible that

certain factors such as depression and anxiety can and does play a role in HBV. However, the

argument that mental health is a mitigating factor for HBV is, in the author’s opinion, false. As

is obvious, HBV is a distinct form of violence in comparison to understood definitions of

domestic violence. However, perhaps the most distinct difference between these two forms of

violence against women is the involvement of the family and community. Though an individual

can experience extenuating systems of mental illness, the instigation of honour-based violence

has more to do with heteronormative ideologies being challenged and causing stress on the

family to react and act to avoid community censure, which is prevalent in communities

subscribing to a caste system.

While the caste system is a part of the problematic relationship between religion and

culture, it represents a small percentage of the known cases of HBV, particularly within Sikh and

Hindu communities. 295 This contributes to the preconception that the majority of honour-based

294 Shorey, Ryan C., Jeniimarie Febres, Hope Brasfield, and Gregory L. Stuart. "The Prevalence of Mental Health Problems in Men Arrested for Domestic Violence." Journal of Family Violence 27, no. 8 (2012): 741-42. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10896-012-9463-z. 295 Chesler, Phyllis, and Nathan Bloom. "Hindu Vs. Muslim Honor Killings." Middle East quarterly 19, no. 3 (2012): 1-2. https://ucalgary- primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1p0s7n7/TN_cdi_gale_infotracacademiconefile_A327724943

85 violence is a result of specific regional and cultural cues that originate from the influence of

Islamic purviews. This results in an over-representation of South Asian communities. However, despite the global reach of HBV, South Asian communities, prominent within this thesis, share a particular commonality that correlates with other forms of violence similar in nature to HBV, such as dowry deaths, acid attacks, child marriages, and female infanticide. “Muslims, Sikhs, and

Hindus view honor and morality as a collective family matter. Rights are collective, not individual. Family, clan, and tribal rights supplant individual human rights”.296

The caste system, prevalent in both Hinduism and Sikhism, serves the purpose of differentiating groups of people based upon their status from their birth297. The history and influence of the caste system is vast and complex and therefore cannot be discussed at length in this thesis. However, the focus here is on drawing attention to the similarities between the role of community as it relates to caste and intercaste relationships and HBV. For both of these religions, castes serve as a means of differentiating social class and as such, it reaffirms the significance of community pressure in regard to their heteronormative understanding of honour.

Although there is no genuine caste system in Islam, there are Muslim communities throughout

South Asia that subscribe to particular social classes as well. The castes within Islam, primarily within Sunni Muslims, include: Syed, Sheikh, Mughal, Pathan, Qureshi, and others.298 In cases of HBV within these castes, the motivations are again similar to the ones mentioned for both

Hinduism and Sikhism.

296 Chesler, Phyllis. "Are Honor Killings Simply Domestic Violence?". Middle East quarterly 16, no. 2 (2009). 3 https://ucalgary- primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1p0s7n7/TN_cdi_gale_infotracacademiconefile_A230959927 297 Chesler, Phyllis, and Nathan Bloom. "Hindu Vs. Muslim Honor Killings." 1-2 298 Syed, Ali. "Collective and Elective Ethnicity: Caste among Urban Muslims in India." Sociological Forum 17, no. 4 (2002): 595. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1021077323866. 86

More common in certain regions, particularly in areas with gang influence and the presence of a panchayat or jirga (local or tribal councils), women are at times used as a bargaining chip to deter any feuds or violence against different castes. Women are expected to beg for forgiveness and dishonour of their family or caste, even if they themselves did nothing.299 Rape is used as a means of humiliating a woman and her household, since she is no longer pure. For most South Asian women, it is expected that she commits suicide after her rape, in order to recover her family’s honour.300 Suicide is a means for women to restore their family’s honour after their own honour has been compromised. The caste system and the influence of a panchayat or jirga, again draws attention to the significance community has regarding how honour is understood and measured especially in relation to violence against women. The emphasis again is fear of community censure, or rather log kya kahenge.

Societal norms, including the value of the individual in their community and caste and related pressures both influence instigating and validating the justification felt by the perpetrator(s) to commit honour-based violence. The overarching concern is the community. The anxiety they have for other people’s perceptions and their familial image and honour in the community. Repeatedly, the focus has been upon the pre-existing relationship between the victim and the perpetrator within the community. It is this relationship and the fear of what will people say.

The following chapter will focus upon addressing sociological theories that can be used to explain the justifications for the continuation of honour-based violence beyond examining cultural and religious motives. This would include looking at the significance of community as it applies to this crime. The influence that community has upon honour-based violence is

299 Mai, Mukhtar. 2006. In the Name of Honour. New York, NY, Washington Square Press, (2006) 4 300 Ibid. Pg. 10 87 significant, as the fear of cultural ostracization is an effective means of controlling behaviour and ensuring conformation to heteronormative ideologies.

Chapter Four: The Collective Demand for Honour

The impact the community (mohalla) has on HBV is undeniable and needs to be addressed and accepted as a primary reason this crime still occurs. The fear of log kya kahenge (what will people say) and communal ostracization is, in the author’s opinion, the primary motivation for honor-based violence. Understanding its influence is necessary prior to engaging in means of prevention. Sociological theories provide explanations for social behaviour, actions and attitudes that are deviant and, in many cases, violent. They propose rationales for why offenders choose to engage in particular types of crime, such as honour-based violence. The distinct and intimate nature of HBV is such that no one particular rationalization is useful. For this reason, the use of multiple theories is necessary in order to appreciate the impact community influence and manipulation has on the perpetrators who commit this type of violence against their female family members. It is important to note however, that these theories can be both limited and biased, as they emanate from a Western perspective and can neglect the impact of Eastern cultures and traditions. Those who seek to defend HBV, and other practices that discriminate against women, commonly argue that it is only in relation to Western values and norms that these practices are rendered problematic. They contend that attempts to prevent HBV and VAW represent a form of neo-colonialism that seeks to impose Western morals and values on non-

Western communities.301

Despite these suggested limitations, the perception that these theories cannot provide culturally sensitive research and solutions, and therefore should not be regarded is a mistake.

The benefit of these “sociological theories are geared to explaining crime in terms of the social

301 Gill, Aisha K. "Feminist Reflections on Researching So-Called ‘Honour’ Killings." 250 89 environment”,302 which means that they offer a broad examination of crimes that can be used in reference to particular themes and overarching concerns subjective to region and culture. These theories can also be used to provide a frame of reference from both etic (outsiders) and emic

(insiders) perspectives. The use of etic and emic perspectives as it relates to HBV is necessary because they offer a comprehensive approach that forces discussions to include limitations and biases of those Western viewpoints.

The emic or inside perspective follows in the tradition of psychological studies of folk beliefs (Wundt, 1888) and in cultural anthropologists' striving to understand culture from "the native's point of view" (Malinowski, 1922). The etic or outside perspective follows in the tradition of behaviorist psychology (Skinner, 1938) and anthropological approaches that link cultural practices to external, antecedent factors, such as economic or ecological conditions, that may not be salient to cultural insiders (Harris, 1979). 303

Essentially, the emic perspective refers to the self-awareness of a particular cultural group regarding particular attitudes and actions.304 Though this perspective is generally thought to be more accurate, as it offers an insider’s point of view, it runs the possibility of becoming apologetic in nature. The etic perspective allows for more “general causal models of a particular behavior”.305 This provides awareness of comparing to the universal practice of domestic violence and other comparative cultural features.306 Yet, while this perspective prevents insider biases, it cannot fully consider distinct features of a culture, such as language, traditions and practices and risks the use of pre-existing prejudices and stereotypes. The use of both

302 Atchison, Andrew J., and Kathleen M. Heide. "Charles Manson and the Family: The Application of Sociological Theories to Multiple Murder." International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 55, no. 5 (2011): 774. https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X10371794. 303 Morris, Michael W., Kwok Leung, Daniel Ames, and Brian Lickel. "Views from inside and Outside: Integrating Emic and Etic Insights About Culture and Justice Judgment." The Academy of Management review 24, no. 4 (1999): 781. https://doi.org/10.5465/amr.1999.2553253. 304 Ibid.,782 305 Ibid (Table 1)., 783 306 Ibid (Table 1). 90 perspectives, however, is not divisive, as it instead offers a comprehensive questioning of particular themes in relation to regions and culture, such as the impact the phrase log kya kahenge has on victims and perpetrators of HBV.

Though numerous theories can be applied to HBV, keeping in mind the cultural and social influences, the importance needs to be placed upon theories that focus upon subjugation through community control. These theories thus need to reflect the influence of specific social pressures and the reaction of the individual to those stressors. Theories that address these particular pressures are the social identity theory, social control theory, gender theories

(ambivalent sexism), strain theory, looking glass theory, the labeling theory, and the differential reinforcement theory. These particular theories examine the influence of societal pressures as they relate to crime. Examining all of these theories in thesis is necessary, because an integrated theory is useful as it allows for a more comprehensive analysis for understanding cases of honour-based violence. The theories listed above have particular commonalities that provide a greater perspective regarding the influence of community and social norms. Though these theories are limited because of its Western foundations, they are still useful as they examine the intimate relationship between the family and the community they reside in, especially as it relates to the issue of honour-based violence.

For the purpose of this thesis the theories used are divided to discuss three particular trends that exists in cases of HBV. The first trend is the social dynamics of the community; how the community engages with each other and understands their particular beliefs and norms. The social identity theory, and the social control theory can be used to discuss the collective perception of morality and how a community affirms that morality.

[M]oral regulation and normativity are cultural formations, and constitutes a moral ethos that serves to homogenize difference in constructing relations of 91

rule. Relations of rule, framed by how ‘states state’ expectations and moral ‘codes code’ appropriate behavior, contextualize the social construction of normativity.307

Community control ensures particular ideologies are adhered to by the particular existing environment. These social constructions that form moral regulations create the norms, values and boundaries that invoke feelings of shame and honour within the family and the individual.

Heteronormative ideologies constitute the behaviours and actions by which these communities’ function and govern themselves, and any challenge to these gender norms is stress inducing. Gender theories, such as ambivalent sexism, is an obvious choice to consider in examining honour-based violence as it examines gender roles and the patriarchal inequalities imbedded within this system.308 It is the continued emphasis on gender norms that constitutes a society and its relationship with an individual and their family. When these gender norms are challenged, the consequential shame triggers varying levels of stress, that comes with failing their community, influencing their behaviour and actions. Stress (or the Strain theory) suggests that unwanted negative relationships and circumstances can pressure an individual to commit offences in order to remove that particular threat.309 It is this sensitivity to particular social norms, such as gender, that provokes certain reactions (such as feelings of shame, fear and anger) resulting in HBV.

The final trend is focused on the fear, and in many cases, affirmation of social disgrace that the perpetrators ‘feel’ has occurred, whether or not any social disgrace was actually

307 Feldman, Shelley. "Shame and Honour: The Violence of Gendered Norms under Conditions of Global Crisis." Women's studies international forum 33, no. 4 (2010): 309. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2010.02.004. 308 Barnett, Michael D., Kylie B. Sligar, and Chiachih D. C. Wang. "Religious Affiliation, Religiosity, Gender, and Rape Myth Acceptance: Feminist Theory and Rape Culture." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 33, no. 8 (2016): 1221. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260516665110. 309 Polizzi, David. "Agnew’s General Strain Theory Reconsidered: A Phenomenological Perspective." International Journal of Offender Therapy Comparative Criminology 55, no. 7 (2011): 1054. https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X10380846.

92 experienced. The theories that best explain the effect of this perception are the looking glass theory, labelling theory, and the differential reinforcement theory. These particular theories focus on the strong emotions, of shame and dishonour that compels perpetrators, their families and members of the community to take action. Focusing on community control over familial relationships and the pressure to adhere to societal norms is necessary and relevant to understanding the enduring nature of HBV and the importance of identity as it relates to the opinions of the community. The community is an arbitrator of culture, normative traditions and values, and gender norms. It is therefore imperative that their influence be examined and consequently held accountable for its role in honour-based violence.

The Community

As previously established, community influence is the primary justification provided in cases regarding HBV. It is the community that forms particular beliefs, values and norms that inform certain mindsets regarding attitudes and behaviours within the family. These values, when compromised, result in feelings of shame and dishonour by the individual. The emphasis here is on society, or rather the community, and its relationship with the individual (perpetrator), their female relatives and both their immediate and extended family. The involvement of the community is the overwhelming rationale that prompts an emotional response leading to HBV.

Therefore, the community’s integral involvement in cases of HBV needs to be addressed: their discernment, instigation, rumors, response, attitude, prodding and accusations create an urgency/compulsion to dispel any kind of condemnation and satisfy community expectations.

The community’s overwhelming influence can be examined using the social identity theory

(SIT) and the social control theory (SCT). Understanding the intimate nature of this relationship confirms the community’s culpability in regard to the continuation of honour-based violence. 93

Traditional gender norms affirm and encourage attitudes and behaviours that are meant to identify hypermasculinity as the ideal manner by which all men should conduct themselves.310

Identification with particular ideologies, such as hypermasculinity, is implicit in the social identity theory (SIT), as it examines the collective perception and sense of honour in belonging to a particular group.

The social identity theory (as suggested by Henri Tajfel)311 focuses on an individual’s relationship to the community, rather than how certain behaviours are learned. It is based on an individual’s sense of identity based upon their inclusion in a particular group.312

It is argued that (a) social identification is a perception of oneness with a group of persons; (b) social identification stems from the categorization of individuals, the distinctiveness and prestige of the group, the salience of outgroups, and the factors that traditionally are associated with group formation; and (c) social identification leads to activities that are congruent with the identity, support for institutions that embody the identity, stereotypical perceptions of self and others, and outcomes that traditionally are associated with group formation, and it reinforces the antecedents of identification. This perspective is applied to organizational socialization, tole conflict, and inter- group relations.313

Individuals take pride in their membership to this group and as a result consider other groups as inferior. This reflects the group mentality of ‘us’ versus ‘them’, or ‘othering’ that is inherent in this theory. Social identification and group identification can be used interchangeably and is based upon three key precepts.314 The first is cognition, acknowledging their membership within the group.315 This means recognizing their inclusion within a particular group based upon certain

310 Murnen, Sarah K., et al. "If “Boys Will Be Boys,” Then Girls Will Be Victims? A Meta-Analytic Review of the Research That Relates Masculine Ideology to Sexual Aggression." 360. 311 Baker, Coleman A. "Social Identity Theory and Biblical Interpretation." Biblical theology bulletin 42, no. 3 (2012): 130. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146107912452244. 312 Ibid. 313Ashforth, Blake E., and Fred Mael. "Social Identity Theory and the Organization." The Academy of Management review 14, no. 1 (1989): 20. https://doi.org/10.2307/258189. 314 Ibid., 21 315 Baker, Coleman A. "Social Identity Theory and Biblical Interpretation." 130. 94 attributes, such as shared race, gender, religion, nationality, career, or sports team to name but a few examples.316

The second precept is evaluative, which is based upon an individual’s own self-worth within a particular group, which includes viewing the groups successes and failures as their own.317 This also means that the individual appreciates the significance and appeal of belonging to that group.318 Finally, the third precept, is emotional, focusing on the feelings or internalization elicited from being a part of a group.319 This internalization refers to the embodiment of traits, attitudes, behaviours and values that accompany this form of involvement.

It also means differentiating or rather ‘othering’ individuals or groups, such as sport teams and schools, to other groups such as race, ethnicity and religions, and to more hostile groups such as terrorist organizations.320 Group identification therefore imposes a self that is synonymous with the group’s ideologies and segues into the significance and influence of social bonds that forms the basis of the social control theory (SCT).

The social control theory or social bond theory, put forth by Travis Hirschi, complements both the social identity theory, as its focus is on the group and/or community’s influence on an individual’s willingness to commit a crime.321 This does not mean that the individual’s internal motivation for a crime is ignored, but rather “[I]ndividual conduct is affected by what people think and anticipate will happen to them”.322 The social control theory

316 Ashforth, Blake E., Fred Mael. "Social Identity Theory and the Organization." 21. 317 Ibid. 318 Baker, Coleman A. "Social Identity Theory and Biblical Interpretation." 130. 319 Ashforth, Blake E., Fred Mael. "Social Identity Theory and the Organization."21. 320 Baker, Coleman A. "Social Identity Theory and Biblical Interpretation." 130. 321 Cullen, Francis T., and Robert Agnew. Criminological Theory: Past to Present: Essential Readings. Los Angeles, CA: Roxbury. (2006) 210 322 Ibid., 213 95 posits that social bonds are a product of: attachment, commitment, involvement and belief.323

Attachment, as Hirschi explains, is the emotional connection to others, such as friends, teachers and parents.324 If an individual chooses to commit a crime, it is because their attachments (in particular youths with their parents) are weak.325 It is essentially their “sensitivity to the opinion of others”, and the strength and importance of the emotional connections that prevent an individual choosing to commit criminal acts.326 Commitment, the second element of this theory, suggests that when an individual is doing well, rationally, they will be less inclined to engage in criminal behaviour that will challenge their status.327 This commitment has much to with the value of reputation within society and the fear of losing it.328 The next element of the SCT is the importance of involvement. This involves a continued engagement within the community that means there is no opportunity or time to engage in criminal behaviour.329 The final element is belief, which refers to belief in the rules of society.330 Belief in this theory can be viewed in two ways. The first viewpoint, focuses on the fact that beliefs can be ignored, especially if the other elements of this theory are not in place.331 The second viewpoint, more applicable to this argument, is that an individual “[R]ationalizes his behavior so that he can at once violate the rule and maintain his belief in it”.332 This means that an individual will rationalize a crime committed in order to neutralize strain(s) being experienced.333

323 Ibid. 324 Hirschi, Travis., Social Bond Theory. In, Cullen, Francis T., and Robert Agnew. Criminological Theory: Past to Present: Essential Readings. Los Angeles, CA: Roxbury. (2006) 219 325 Ibid. 326 Ibid. Pg. 220 327 Ibid. Pg. 219 328 Ibid. Pg. 222 329 Ibid. Pg. 223 330 Ibid. Pg. 219 331 Ibid. Pg. 224 332 Ibid. 333 Ibid. 96

An example of SCT is the ongoing influence of Jirgas and Panchayats in South Asia.

Jirgas and panchayats, as mentioned in the previous chapter, is a group council that governs a

particular community.334 It generally consists of local male elders, responsible for mediating and

facilitating local civil disputes and cases of dishonour.335 Recent attempts have been made by

India and Pakistan’s governments to reduce the influence of Jirgas and Panchayats, with India’s

supreme court eventually declaring it to be illegal in March of 2018.336 Pakistan followed suit in

January of 2019.337 Despite previous efforts made to change these councils, to include women

and youth, this change had been slow and, in many cases, absent. Thus, acting as judge, jury, and

by extension, executioner, the jirga and panchayat are prime examples of a type of communal

lynching, especially in cases of female delinquency.

As commonly understood, custom does not force people to think about morality but rather sets the parameters of appropriate everyday social behavior. As an expression of women’s appropriate behavior, custom can take on the force of law when enacted in the … village courts where women’s behavior is under the direct scrutiny of their community.338

The customs, traditions and values of the community are generally used to dictate the moral

ideology that affirms the effect of the SCT. Jirgas and Panchayats thus provide attachment by

offering a governing standard for a community to emulate and rally behind. Members of these

councils are representatives of the religious and cultural values and norms which others can

respect and defer decisions to. The attachment to these councils is, in essence, an attachment to

334 Mai, Mukhtar. 2006. In the Name of Honour. New York, NY, Washington Square Press, (2006) 2, 4 335 Imran, Myra. “Status of 'Jirgas', 'Panchayats' Decisions to Be Clarified by SC Soon.” thenews. The News International, 2018. https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/384786-status-of-jirgas-panchayats-decisions-to-be-clarified- by-sc-soon. 336 “Supreme Court Declares Khap Panchayats Illegal.” https://www.outlookindia.com/. outlookindia.com, (2018). https://www.outlookindia.com/website/story/supreme-court-declares-khap-panchayats-illegal/310063. 337 The Law Today Pakistan (TLTP) is an independent news service. “SC Declares Jirgas/Panchayats Illegal.” Pakistan Today. (2019). https://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2019/01/16/sc-declares-jirgas-panchayats-illegal/. 338 Feldman, Shelley. "Shame and Honour: The Violence of Gendered Norms under Conditions of Global Crisis." 311.

97 the ideal morals that everyone in the community is invested in. This commitment to the community and, in particular, the council also means avoiding any action that could result in condemnation and ostracization, and instead, actively engaging in promoting community values and norms. This commitment to community norms that Jirgas and Panchayats regulate, also implies allegiance and active engagement when those norms are betrayed. The result can consist in carrying out any action necessary to correct and punish wrongdoers is acceptable.

The correlation between the existence of Jirgas and Panchayats and honour-based violence and murders is undeniable, as numerous cases have specified their involvement. These councils are indicative of the power and influence the community has on families and the occurrence of this type of violence.

Honor violence is a species of group-on-individual, or collective, violence… The type of collective violence closest to honor violence is…communal lynching, in which a highly solidary community assaults or kills an insider, such as a recidivistic thief, liar, killer, or alleged witch. But there are differences: in honor violence, the group inflicting violence is not the community as such but the social unit on which the community is based – the family.339

Admittedly, it is the family who are the perpetrators of HBV, as “Cultural conditioning in and of itself does not render human being’s incapable of making moral judgements”.340 However, the involvement and impact of social influence is necessary to address first because it imbeds religious, cultural and traditional ideologies and norms that inform an individual’s identity. This relationship between the individual and their community determines the behaviours and actions of an individual with both positive and negative consequences. Religiosity for example, is usually a deterrent of delinquent behaviour. However, in the case of HBV, religious

339 Cooney, Mark. "Death by Family: Honor Violence as Punishment." 410-411. 340 Doğan, Recep. "The Dynamics of Honor Killings and the Perpetrators’ Experiences." 74.

98 communities, where social norms are governed by particular gender roles, criminal behaviour such as violence as a response to challenges to heteronormativity, is considered appropriate and commended.

The control and influence the community has on the perpetration of honour-based violence is undeniable and implies that greater attention needs to be accorded to their role in this horrendous crime. The community, as the creator of these social norms, is the primary motivator for an individual’s decision and motivation for HBV. Honour-based violence is not a crime committed in isolation and is very much dependent on the involvement and judgements of others. It is also based upon the existing cultural and traditional values and norms, especially as it pertains to gender, that is learned by an individual due to their direct and indirect contact with the community. If those heteronormative ideologies are ignored or challenged by a woman, the decision of her family is to either conceal or punish her in order to protect the family against community censure. The community either rewards or punishes the perpetrator, based on their reaction to the transgression. If the family, in particular men, fails to react properly, they will be ostracized and condemned for their inability to uphold heteronormative values in their own household. However, if they are successful in their prevention or punishment of unacceptable rumours or behaviours, there is generally a two-fold aftereffect. This is that the perpetrators are rewarded with the restoration of their honour and acceptance in the community. Then, punishment, of the female transgressor, serves as a reminder to all other women that they obey the cultural and traditional values and norms to which the community ascribes. 99

The allure of being a part of an honour-based community is that it offers a sense of identity based upon cultural (and often religious) and traditional values and norms, which are synonymous with collectivism. 341

[C]ollectivism refers to the broad value tendencies of a culture to emphasize the importance of the ‘we’ identity over the “I’ identity, group obligations over individual rights, and ingroup-oriented needs over individual wants and desires.342

Collectivism posits that a community’s ‘settled way of life’ is based upon a group consciousness that subsumes particular rights and responsibilities.343 Countries that maintain honour-based societies tend to have a more collectivist culture that encourages the belief that individual needs and rights are not as important as the needs and rights of the group. They suggest that: “Rights are collective, not individual”.344 This means that if the family is shamed, the community is shamed. Community involvement within a family’s private life then implies that the community by extension, is a part of the family. Therefore, regardless of any proof, the community as a presumed whole incites an immediate reaction to the perceived feelings of shame, which the family then feels compelled to act upon.

The social control theory generally suggests when an individual has weak social bonds, they will then engage in crime. However, in this context, the reverse is more appropriate. As a result, in honour-based societies, where dishonour, and those who commit it, is viewed as the crime. The perpetrator, who maintains strong social bonds, will seek to strengthen them with their particular emotional attachment to the community. Therefore, they are committed to preserving their reputation within society. Any risk to their status must be prevented and

341 Jafri, Amir. Honour Killing: Dilemma, Ritual, Understanding. New York, NY, Oxford University Press. (2008), 89 342 Ibid. 343 Ibid. 344 Chesler, Phyllis. "Are Honor Killings Simply Domestic Violence?". 3 100 removed. Their involvement with the community is also put at risk by any suspicion of dishonorable behaviour. This means that they can justify violence and even murder if it means restoring their perceived loss of honour.

Using an integrated theory of social influence is both important and relevant to discuss as the interaction, identification, and interrelation of the surrounding community that influences an individual’s understanding of self. In turn they choose to engage in the community and act accordingly. The application of these theories is evident in the impact that the community has on

HBV and how a perpetrator may rationalize their behaviour and actions, including violence and murder. Such actions are accepted as a valid response to any behaviour and action that is deemed inappropriate. In the author’s opinion, stressing the importance of community is necessary as it is the primary motivation for HBV. The fear of ‘log kya kahenge’ justifies honour-based violence and even murder if it means acceptance and respect from the community.

The Strain of Gender

Fear of ‘log kya kahenge’ leads to the second trend of HBV. Trigger event(s) initiate feelings of shame and dishonour and anxiety over community awareness. When values are betrayed, the community acts as judge and jury to chastise the family so they may rectify and redeem their lost honour. This loss of honour, is as I have thus far affirmed, is based upon gender stereotypes that have been challenged (mostly by women) in some manner. These gender norms are the crux of honour-based violence and have been the overarching theme of each chapter so far. The pressure of gender roles enforces particular attitudes and behaviour for both men and women, based upon religious, cultural, and traditional values and norms.

[L]inked the sociocultural structure with individual attitudes and argued that traditional gender-role attitudes are one of the social forces that maintain the existence of sexual violence against women. Traditional gender roles 101

encourage men to be violent in the name of ‘masculinity’ and women to be sexually passive in order to be ‘feminine’.345

Gender theories thus emphasize the patriarchal social constructions and interpretations of gender roles that constitutes masculine and feminine behaviours. In particular, ambivalent sexism is one such theory that explains the significance of heteronormativity and is fundamental as it is the underlying theme for the prevalence of this type of violence. Ambivalent sexism, as presented by Peter Glick and Susan T. Fiske in 1997, is focused on the amalgamation of benevolent and hostile sexism.346 Benevolent sexism is generally understood as chivalry or rather the treatment of women as delicate, docile and feeble, in need of protection, support and guidance from male counterparts.347 As noted by Glick and Fiske:

Protective paternalism is the benevolent aspect of paternalistic ideology, which states that because of their greater authority, power, and physical strength, men should serve as protectors and providers for women. This protectiveness is particularly strong toward women on whom men as dyadically dependent or over whom they feel a sense of ‘ownership’ (e.g., wives, mothers, daughters).348

Men are the breadwinners, providers and protectors, expected to maintain order and live a morally upright lifestyle.349

Women, on the other hand, are pure, docile and delicate, expected to ‘bear children, and satisfy the sexual and emotional needs of men.350 Benevolent sexism is subjectively positive,

345 Murnen, Sarah K., et al. "If “Boys Will Be Boys,” Then Girls Will Be Victims? A Meta-Analytic Review of the Research That Relates Masculine Ideology to Sexual Aggression." 360. Retrieved from: 346 Glick, Peter, Susan T. Fiske. "Hostile and Benevolent Sexism: Measuring Ambivalent Sexist Attitudes toward Women." Psychology of women quarterly 21, no. 1 (1997): 119. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1471- 6402.1997.tb00104.x. 347 Courtney, Fraser. "From "Ladies First" to "Asking for It": Benevolent Sexism in the Maintenance of Rape Culture." 147. 348 Glick, Peter, and Susan T. Fiske. "Hostile and Benevolent Sexism: Measuring Ambivalent Sexist Attitudes toward Women." 121-122. 349 Doğan, Recep. "Different Cultural Understandings of Honor That Inspire Killing: An Inquiry into the Defendant’s Perspective." 374. 350 Zaikman, Yuliana, and Michael J. Marks. "Ambivalent Sexism and the Sexual Double Standard." Sex Roles 71, no. 9 (2014): 334. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-014-0417-1.

102 because a man’s dominance over a woman can be regarded as affection or even protection.351

According to this theory, women possess dyadic power, which essentially refers to the proposition that it takes two people to make a relationship work; giving credence to the saying

“men can’t live without them”.352 This means, that despite the supposed equality of the gender dichotomy, women remain inferior to men.353 This includes the belief that a woman’s place is at home and a man’s place is at work. A woman is loyal, obedient, supportive and modest, and a man provides a roof, food, and other means for his family.354 Conforming to these gender stereotypes is necessary in order for this type of sexism to work and be justified. These attributes are considered complementary, and therefore women and men should conduct themselves according to their status (superior or inferior).

These ideologies serve both as a balm for the consciences of dominant group members (“We aren’t exploiting anyone; they couldn’t get along without us telling them what to do and taking care of them”) as well as a more effective and pleasant means of coercing cooperation from the subordinate group whose members receive various perks and even affection in return for ‘knowing their place.’355

In honour-based communities, benevolent sexism is based upon attitudes and behaviours that encourage and enforce women and men to conform to traditional heteronormative dialogue and

‘good’ behaviour. ‘Good’ behaviour for women is avoiding the possibility of shame, thereby ensuring their honour and that of the family is preserved. Being ‘good’ is synonymous with a

351 Glick, Peter, and Susan T. Fiske. "Hostile and Benevolent Sexism: Measuring Ambivalent Sexist Attitudes toward Women."121. 352 Ibid. 353 Courtney, Fraser. "From "Ladies First" to "Asking for It": Benevolent Sexism in the Maintenance of Rape Culture." 150. 354 Doğan, Recep. "Different Cultural Understandings of Honor That Inspire Killing: An Inquiry into the Defendant’s Perspective." 374-375. 355Glick, Peter, and Susan T. Fiske. "Hostile and Benevolent Sexism: Measuring Ambivalent Sexist Attitudes toward Women."120. 103 woman’s ignorance of anything sexual in nature.356 If women are ‘good’ they adhere to certain dress codes and conduct themselves in a modest manner. This includes limiting themselves to private space, as women in the public domain are subject to social influences and scrutiny. 357

There is also the fear of being subject to the male gaze, which would not be a worry if they remain in their private domain.358 If a woman maintains these particular traditional feminine norms, she is rewarded with her continued security and assurance that her value, and that of her family, has not been compromised.

The girls interviewed were from poorer backgrounds and were more conscious of the repercussions of not following social norms. There is competition for scarce resources and fewer opportunities. Thus, ‘good’ behaviour guarantees increased status, material and social resources for the family and the girl, and brings the possibility of decent marriage proposals which will ensure a girl’s future security.359

Benevolent sexism requires women to maintain a subservient nature that follows cultural(religious), and traditional gender norms. Complementary gender differentiation maintains this social construct, allowing both men and women to continue romanticizing this form of misogyny as a means of protection and affection that relies on a heteronormative semblance of order.360

Hostile sexism, however, is the counterpart of benevolent sexism and focuses on individuals who fail to meet the status quo. It is the impression and subsequent fear that women

356 Rashid, Sabina Faiz, and Stephanie Michaud. "Female Adolescents and Their Sexuality: Notions of Honour, Shame, Purity and Pollution During the Floods." Disasters 24, no. 1 (2000): 64. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467- 7717.00131.

357 Ibid., 59 358 Ibid. 359 Ibid., 57 360 Glick, Peter, and Susan T. Fiske. "Hostile and Benevolent Sexism: Measuring Ambivalent Sexist Attitudes toward Women."121. 104 are trying to gain authority over men.361 This is especially true for women who fail to conform to traditional norms and values by engaging or being rumoured to be engaging in behaviour that is not stereotypically appropriate. Hostile sexism is in large part centred upon the control and ownership of women, ensuring their continued dependency on men.362

The hostile aspect of this ideology, dominative paternalism, is the belief that women ought to be controlled by men. Power carries with it the propensity to stereotype the powerless, both by default and design.363

The type of sexism implies that women who fail to accept and adhere to the normalized benevolent sexism should expect some form of backlash. Hostile sexism is used to shame, manipulate and force women to comply with benevolent sexist norms. This hostility can take various forms and varies in extremity: verbal, emotional, physical, abandonment and even murder.

A prime example of this type of sexism is the antagonism towards Westernization that was discussed in the third chapter. Women who are viewed as Western, i.e., having a job, wearing jeans, associating with men, pursuing an education, and acting promiscuously, rumoured or not, etc., are challenging sexist traditions, and, as such, their actions are regarded as rebellious.

[A]dolescent girls in general are subjected to very strict norms and scrutiny, and any ‘deviation’ has social, cultural and moral consequences. Thus, be they Hindu or Muslim, if a girl is perceived as behaving inappropriately, such as being dressed immodestly, laughing and talking with boys or men, walking in a particular manner seen in ‘public’ spaces and so on, she will be subjected to harassment, and the family may face dishonour as well.364

361 Courtney, Fraser. "From "Ladies First" to "Asking for It": Benevolent Sexism in the Maintenance of Rape Culture." 147. 362 Glick, Peter, and Susan T. Fiske. "Hostile and Benevolent Sexism: Measuring Ambivalent Sexist Attitudes toward Women."121-122. 363 Ibid., 121 364 Rashid, Sabina Faiz., Stephanie Michaud. "Female Adolescents and Their Sexuality: Notions of Honour, Shame, Purity and Pollution During the Floods." 57.

105

Westernization is especially associated with entering the public domain, where they may be easily tempted to ignore traditional values and norms. Women who are considered ‘Western’ in both behaviour and thought are associated with delinquency and, as such, are treated with hostility. This hostility can take many forms and comes from two different sources. The community’s antagonism is primarily based upon encouraging rumours and criticizing the family for their failure to prevent this type of shameful demeanor. If the community is governed by a jirga or panchayat, their involvement includes not only the reaffirmation of rumours and criticisms, but also passing of judgement on the offending individuals. The second source is of course the family themselves. The family as a conduit of the community assumes rumours as truth and acts so as to alleviate the strain caused by this kind of ignominy.

Ambivalent sexism then, is comprised of both hostile and benevolent sexism as both of them, despite seeming to be contradictory, are a result of patriarchal ideologies of male supremacy and gender distinctions that define specific gender roles.365 Women who attempt to alter their role in any way thus elicit certain forms of dualist sexism. Women who identify as

‘ladies’ – pure and good – are treated with the benevolent sexism that is embedded in the common understanding of chivalry, and those who challenge this imposed identity, are rewarded with hostility instead.366 Both types of sexism ensure normative heterosexuality, as benevolent sexism validates gender inequality that allows hostile sexism to exist.367 This is because benevolent sexism is reliant upon the enforcement of perceiving women as inferior to men, while conferring qualities such as leadership on men, “[W]herein men assume agency on behalf of women”.368 Women are thus relegated to complementary roles congruent with their relegation to

365 Ibid., 147 366 Ibid., 149 367 Ibid., 149-150 368 Ibid., 152 106 the home where they can be protected.369 Essentially it is the dehumanization of women as inferior objects to be controlled.370

Benevolent sexism can in one sense be regarded as more harmful than hostile sexism because it encourages women, or more specifically, ‘good’ women (who are aware of their inferior status), to remain silent and expect any form of abuse they may suffer.371 The presumption that women are responsible for how they are objectified, both before and after their victimization, has allowed for the perception that men are not responsible for their own actions.

Women in such a society are meant “[T]o be polite, accommodating and minimally assertive”.372

This passivity makes it difficult for women to be forthcoming and for those who do, hostile sexism ensures they are victimized for being a victim. Hostile sexism is also used in these cases as a means of retribution or punishment for women who fail to conform to societal gender norms.

Prevalent in honour-based communities, when women betray traditional heteronormativity, the combination of benevolent and hostile sexism is considered an effective means of coercing women to yield to its pressure. The onus is especially on women to ensure other women conform, because of the fear that they may also face repercussions simply through association.373 It is also important to note that women who appreciate benevolent treatment will also treat other women with hostility.374 For men, whose primary role in these environments is to

369 Ibid., 150-152 370 Ibid., 152 371 Ibid., 169 372 Ibid., 169 373 Elden, Asa. “Men’s Violence and Women’s Responsibility: Mothers’ Stories About Honour Violence”. In, Idriss, Mohammad Mazher., Abbas, Tahir. 2011. Honour, Violence, Women and Islam. New York, NY. Routledge. (2011) 134 374 Glick, Peter, and Susan T. Fiske. "Hostile and Benevolent Sexism: Measuring Ambivalent Sexist Attitudes toward Women." 130.

107 enforce traditional gender norms, Westernized women are viewed as an emasculate threat to their gender role. The fear of emasculation causes an individual, their family, and the rest of the community to experience a level of strain that requires retributive action.

As in the battered women cases committed after cumulative provocation, the defendant’s reaction may arise from a combination of anger, fear, frustration, and a sense of desperation that has gradually built up, rather than the prompt reaction to provocation which is equated with anger, rather than despair or frustration. The defendant may reach a stage at which s/he decides that s/he cannot take it anymore and kills the victim with no apparent final provoking act or a relatively trivial triggering act.375

Therefore, in this instance, men are the perceived victims, and women, the offenders. It is this sense of desperation and overwhelming belief that they (the perpetrators) are provoked into committing violence and murder in order to alleviate the strain that shame causes. Enduring strain caused by feelings of shame provokes the need to react and act in order to restore the perceived loss of honour within the community.

The general strain theory (GST), developed by Robert Agnew, is based upon the notion that stress can arouse various emotions leading to criminal behaviour as a means of reducing or eliminating that stress.376

Agnew defines ‘strains,’ and notes that the failure to achieve positively valued goals is only one of several types of strain. Strains also involve the loss of valued possessions and negative or aversive treatment by others…the reasons why certain strains increase the likelihood of crime. As Agnew states, strains lead to crime primarily because they increase negative emotions, such as anger and frustration, which create pressure for corrective action.377

375 Doğan, Recep. "Did the Coroners and Justice Act 2009 Get It Right? Are All Honour Killings Revenge Killings?" 493. 376 Agnew, Robert., Pressured into Crime: General Strain Theory. In, Cullen, Francis T., and Robert Agnew. Criminological Theory: Past to Present: Essential Readings. Los Angeles, CA: Roxbury. (2006) 202. 377 Ibid., 201 108

According to Agnew, there are four different types of strain: objective, subjective, vicarious and anticipatory that lead to crime.378 Objective strain is strain caused by events or conditions that are generally and collectively considered negative in nature, which usually refers to natural disasters or war.379 However, the impact and reaction(s) to objective strain is subjective and based upon an individual’s characteristics and experiences when dealing with that type of stress.380 Subjective strain is a particular event or condition that is experienced by a particular person or group, which could refer to a death in the family.381 Vicarious strain is strain experienced by surrounding people and an individual’s emotional reaction to their strain.382 This type of strain, such as witnessing the strain of a family member or a friends’ experience (such as assault), will increase chances of retaliatory crime occurring on the assault victim’s behalf.383 The last form of strain proposed by Agnew, is anticipatory strain, which is expected strain based on existing and continuous strains in an individual’s life.384 Each of these types of strains are applicable in application to cases of HBV, especially because each type of strain confirms the repercussions of communal pressure. This communal pressure is also symptomatic of tribal thinking.

The entire community upholds and enforces tribal-religious-ethnic concepts of shame and honor. No family can risk "dishonor" without incurring economic and social disaster. The respective society dictates that if an allegedly deviant daughter is not eliminated, then the family will be shamed and shunned; no one will marry its daughters or sons; it will be condemned to poverty and ostracism.385

378 Polizzi, David. "Agnew’s General Strain Theory Reconsidered: A Phenomenological Perspective." 1054. 379 Ibid. 380 Agnew, Robert., Pressured into Crime: General Strain Theory. 202 381 Ibid., 203 382 Polizzi, David. "Agnew’s General Strain Theory Reconsidered: A Phenomenological Perspective." 1055. 383 Agnew, Robert., Pressured into Crime: General Strain Theory. 203 384 Ibid. 385 Chesler, Phyllis. "When Women Commit Honor Killings." Middle East quarterly 22, no. 4 (2015). https://ucalgary- primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1p0s7n7/TN_cdi_gale_infotracacademiconefile_A496645073

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In honour societies, it can be assumed that the besmirching of a dishonorable act, especially in cases where heteronormativity has been challenged, is both an objective and subjective strain.

Not only is it a situation that all members of society dread altogether, but it is also a personal crisis when it occurs to an individual family. What is perhaps most distinctive about HBV is that vicarious strain is a cemented feature of this type of violence. This occurs because of the tribal thinking and belief system that suggests shame is experienced collectively. This means that if an independent family experiences this type of shame, other members of the community, including extended family members, neighbours, friends, and the like also feel the effect, and will therefore encourage or participate in the restoration of lost honour. The final strain, anticipatory strain, is also consistent with HBV because the family and the rest of the community are cognizant that once shame has been exposed to the public, the resulting ostracization will be inevitable.

However, just because a person experiences strain does not automatically mean that they will commit a crime. It is only when the strain(s) creates intense negative emotions that compel an individual to respond, which in many cases becomes criminal in nature.386 There are four contributing factors to examine in order to determine if the strain experienced will result in criminal behaviour. First, is the severity of the strain, based on the magnitude, frequency or duration of the particular strain.387 In particular, a strain is also considered severe, if “[It] threatens the core goals, needs, values, activities, and/or identities of the individual”.388

Challenge to these core goals and identities is so detrimental to the perpetrator’s sense of self that it necessitates a means of neutralizing the situation by sacrificing their relationship with the

386 Agnew, Robert., Pressured into Crime: General Strain Theory. 204 387Agnew, R. "Reflection on "a Revised Strain Theory of Delinquency"." Social forces 91, no. 1 (2012): 35. https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/sos117. 388 Agnew, Robert., Pressured into Crime: General Strain Theory. 204 110 victim in order to appease higher loyalties. In his interviews with the prisoners in Turkey, Dogan explains:

[To] neutralize and justify his conduct, there is an obvious incentive on the perpetrator to deny the existence of the victim by transforming her into a person deserving of injury… a common way of neutralizing the killing, apart from denying the existence of the victim, was an appeal to higher loyalties that refers to the perpetrator’s cultural norms. For the perpetrator a person’s honour is believed to be a sacred value.389

For the perpetrator, the emphasis is on the cultural norms that dictate what the appropriate response should be for violations. This is primarily the case when the strain is caused by challenges to heteronormative beliefs and practices. Consistent with tribal thinking, there are the social determinants that the perpetrators Dogan interviews allude to when they made statements such as: ‘I had no choice’, ‘there was no other remedy’, to justify the murder of their female relatives.390

The second factor is in regard to the perceived unfairness of the strain.391 The implication here is that the offended party, the perpetrator, family, and the surrounding community, feel that the woman in question made a conscious choice to act against set gender norms and practices. It is this indictment that provides validation that the perpetrator and the rest of the family and community, who in this instance are the victims, and the female in question is the perpetrator.

The third factor is a lack of social control.392 This factor is usually in regard to an individual’s bond and investments in particular relationships and set rules that prevent them from committing crimes. The stronger the bonds, the less likely an individual is to commit a crime, and vice versa, similar to the social bond theory.393 For women, the bond between her family and the rest of the

389 Doğan, Recep. "The Dynamics of Honor Killings and the Perpetrators’ Experiences." 62. 390 Ibid. Pg. 62 391 Agnew, Robert., Pressured into Crime: General Strain Theory. 204 392 Ibid., Pg. 205 393 Ibid. 111 community is weakened when her honour is called into question, either by her own actions or presumptions based on rumours and suspicion. In this instance, for men, his bond with the family and community can be either weakened or strengthened based on his reaction to those accusations. Depending on the attachment and investment an individual has with their community in large part determines the severity of the retribution a woman may face when her honour is called into question.

The last factor is the pressure or motivation to alleviate the strain394. The strain of being rejected and condemned by the community, especially in tribal thinking communities, is extreme to the point that the only means of coping is by engaging in criminal behaviour.395 The overwhelming pressure of communal thought and identity is so imbedded within tribal communities, that individualization or separation from communal influence is considered implausible. If it impacts one, it impacts all. This type of thinking also denotes that “[C]ertain strains are associated with exposure to others who model crime, reinforce crime, or otherwise try to pressure or entice the individual into crime [that] foster the belief that crime is an appropriate way to deal with one’s problems”.396 This is true in many honour communities where honour- based violence is more prevalent. Members of the community will often directly or indirectly encourage and pressure the perpetrator to alleviate the source of shame and dishonour.397

[T]he provocation is the result of a combination of the victim’s conduct, the defendant’s emotional stress and in many cases explicit or implicit pressure from the community or extended family members over a long period of time which caused the defendant to reach the point where s/he decides that s/he can take no more and kills the victim, with or without a final triggering event.398

394 Ibid. 395 Ibid. 396 Ibid. 397 Doğan, Recep. "The Dynamics of Honor Killings and the Perpetrators’ Experiences." 64. 398 Doğan, Recep. "Did the Coroners and Justice Act 2009 Get It Right? Are All Honour Killings Revenge Killings?". 498.

112

In Dogan’s interviews, he noted that the community acted as the gauge or indicator of what is considered acceptable behaviour or not. In several of the cases Dogan refers to, he mentions that the perpetrators would express their cognizance of the community’s censure, stating that the community would react to shameful female transgressions with anger and criticism.399 If a man failed to re-establish his honour, then he, and by extension the rest of his family, would be shunned from the rest of the community. The fear of log kya kahenge is evidence of the influence and consequence tribal thinking has on this type of violence against women. Social prestige and reputation are such that any challenge to it provokes perpetrators to act criminally in its defense.

[S]train theory argues that crime is socially induced. Thus, a ‘criminal’ or ‘deviant’ is a product of a specific kind of social disorder. In essence, wider societal forces and factors determine the activities, and values of the offender has few conscious choices regarding his or her available social options.400

The combination of communal identity and the fear of ostracization from the group is rooted in the belief that without community acceptance and approval, there is little else that provides a sense of honour.401 It is this last factor, the pressure or motivation to alleviate the strain, that is particularly significant, as it is the preceding emotion that leads to the eventual violence and murder against women who have dishonoured the family and by extension the community.

The strain theory is applicable to the discussion of HBV as its focus is on the pressure society places upon an individual to subsume heteronormative attitudes and behaviours. As

Agnew explains, “Strain theory focuses on negative relationships with others; that is relationships in which others do not treat the individual as he or she would like to be treated.”402

399 Doğan, Recep. "The Dynamics of Honor Killings and the Perpetrators’ Experiences." 64. 400 White, Rob., Haines, Fiona., Eisler, Lauren. Crime and Criminology: An Introduction. Oxford University Press. Canada. (2009) 59 401 Doğan, Recep. "Different Cultural Understandings of Honor That Inspire Killing: An Inquiry into the Defendant’s Perspective." 373. 402 Polizzi, David. "Agnew’s General Strain Theory Reconsidered: A Phenomenological Perspective." 1054.

113

The lived experience of an individual, in relation to their identity within the community is intrinsically tied to their emotions and understanding of self.403 Though strains may generally be linked to the inability to achieve specific goals, “the threat of losing something of value, as well as the threat of experiencing some unwanted negative situation or consequence”, can also cause intolerable suffering.404 This is especially true when gender, or more specifically heteronormative practices and behaviours are ignored and challenged.

[A young Palestinian who murdered his sister who had been sexually assaulted stated that] Before the incident, I drank tea and it tasted bitter because my honor was violated. After the killing I felt much better… I don’t wish anybody the mental state I was in. I was under tremendous pressure.405

The pressure to not only conform to ambivalent sexism but also defend it when challenged is deeply imbedded within communities where honour-based violence prevails. The strain that is experienced then requires an individual to take whatever action is deemed necessary to restore and reaffirm their values, actions that the family, and in turn, the rest of the community support and encourage. Thus, the ensuing violence and in many cases murder, is considered an appropriate response to the strain experienced.406 This means that for the individual, their motive for abusing and murdering women who fail to maintain heteronormative ideals, is synonymous with the pressure felt to align themselves with community expectations. The culmination of these stressors provides an understanding of how particular failures and the inability to achieve and maintain certain values, can facilitate the pressure to act and retaliate against the cause of stress. The importance of community opinion is based upon the individual’s desire for

403 Ibid. 404 Ibid. 405 Feldner, Yotam. ""Honor" Murders--Why the Perps Get Off Easy." Middle East quarterly 7, no. 4 (2000): 43. https://ucalgary- primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/1p0s7n7/TN_cdi_gale_infotracacademiconefile_A69066033 406 Polizzi, David. "Agnew’s General Strain Theory Reconsidered: A Phenomenological Perspective." 1052.

114 acceptance and prestige, which is tied intimately to their perception of identity. The fear of log kya kahenge is an effective means of preserving a particular purpose in life, cementing both the individual and collective identity, so that when challenged requires forceful action to rectify and redeem.

The Mirrored Selves

The last theme to be examined in this chapter is the perpetrator’s contemplation and consequent violence against women, responsible for any consequential shame. This process often, though not always, ends in the murder of the individuals who caused the dishonourment of the family.

The time leading to this eventuality is significant as it determines the urgency and severity of the response. It is important to acknowledge the reaction and fear that the male perpetrators and the rest of the family feel, as this type of violence is subjectively based upon the pressure, imagined or real, from their surrounding community to restore any possible damage to their reputation, culminating in taking violent measures to do so.

Three particular theories focus on this particular self-consciousness, centered on the anxiety of both self-based and community scrutiny and censure. The looking-glass self-theory, the labelling theory and the differential reinforcement theory, all consider the impact of how this type of philosophy effects an individual’s perception of themselves as it relates back to the crimes they choose to commit. Each of these theories also provides a more critical examination of the surrounding community and how its influence and interference in familial affairs effects the severity of the abuse committed. The intense pressure that this type of strain causes on the perpetrator’s assessment of their own identity and self-worth is the first ordeal needed to be addressed, beginning with the looking-glass-self theory. 115

Charles Cooley’s looking-glass-self theory (LGS) examines how an individual perceives themselves, based upon their perception of how others view them.407 As Cooley explains it, “the self is both social and emotional”408 :

A self-idea of this sort seems to have three principal elements: the imagination of our appearance to the other person; the imagination of his judgment of that appearance, and some sort of self-feeling, such as pride or mortification. The comparison with a looking glass hardly suggests the second element, the imagined judgment, which is quite essential. The thing that moves us to pride or shame is not the mere mechanical reflection of ourselves, but an imputed sentiment, the imagined effect of this reflection upon another's mind. This is evident from the fact that the character and weight of that other, in whose mind we see ourselves, makes all the difference with our feeling.409

The looking-glass-self theory suggests that the perception of others is so significant that it alters attitudes and behaviours. The self is essentially a social product, and as such, the self requires the approval, acknowledgment and inclusion from others, especially from a particular group, class, community, etc.410 According to Cooley, the level of importance that an individual places on the opinion on people from whom they want recognition and accolades, determines their reaction to social opinions.411 It is this understanding of self that indicates the value placed on social determinants, such as reputation and credibility, to provide morale. This type of self- imposed speculation contributes to a sense of paranoia that encourages constant vigilance and adherence to societal norms and values. This is based upon verbal and nonverbal responses from the surrounding community.412 Therefore, any judgement, imagined or not, is so palpable, it can

407 Cooley, Charles Horton. Human Nature and the Social Order. New York, NY. Scribner's sons, (1922). https://ucalgary-primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/13e4ecq/01UCALG_ALMA51671901520004336 408 Scheff, Thomas, G. Reginald Daniel, and Joseph Sterphone. "Shame and a Theory of War and Violence." Aggression and violent behavior 39 (2018): 110. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2018.02.006. 409 Cooley, Charles, Horton. Human Nature and the Social Order. 410 Yeung, K. T., and J. L. Martin. "The Looking Glass Self: An Empirical Test and Elaboration." Social Forces 81, no. 3 (2003): 843. https://doi.org/10.1353/sof.2003.0048. 411 Cooley, Charles, Horton. Human Nature and the Social Order. 412 Hensley, Wayne E. "A Theory of the Valenced Other: The Intersection of the Looking-Glass-Self and Social Penetration." Social behavior and personality 24, no. 3 (1996): 295. https://doi.org/10.2224/sbp.1996.24.3.293.

116 drive an individual to retaliate against the cause of incurring attention, rather than those who are responsible for rumours and condemnation.

The LGS theory relates this particular sense of self back to the impact that feelings of shame has on an individual, as it is a fundamental emotion that incites other emotional reactions, such as self-consciousness, depression, and anger.413 The defining feature of shame is based upon the fear of being ridiculed and rejected by others, which is threatening, but also dependent upon the bonds an individual has with their surrounding community.414

[Shame]functions as a temporary disrupter of action that sharply reminds individuals of a threat to their relations with other members of the human race and community. Their sense of belonging is brought into focus and into question. Sometimes, it might point toward a possibly important breach in relations with other…reactive shame is an important way of reminding people of their connections to others and to society and getting them to assess their behavior and expectations so that they do not lose significant bonds and connections.415

The underlying theme here is the understanding that shame is both an individual and social emotion.416 In much the same fashion, pride is correlated with strong bonds that are associated with the achievement of shared goals and values.417 Cooley’s three principal elements of self, highlights the parallels between both pride and shame, suggesting that these two particular emotions are not only a means of self-characterization, but also the means of gaging or speculating what the opinion of others may be.418 Thus Cooley links both pride and shame as a universal measure that governs all social interactions.419 Because it is an unwanted and generally

413 Jewett, Robert., et al. The Shame Factor: How Shame Shapes Society. 11 414 Scheff, Thomas J. “Same as the Master Emotion: Examples from Popular Songs” In, Jewett, Robert., Alloway Jr, Wayne., Lacey, John G. The Shame Factor: How Shame Shapes Society. Eugene, Oregon. Cascade Books. (2011) 32 415 Jewett, Robert., et al. The Shame Factor: How Shame Shapes Society. 11-12 416 Scheff, Thomas J. “Same as the Master Emotion: Examples from Popular Songs” 32 417 Ibid. 418 Ibid., 33 419 Ibid. 117 negative emotion, shame in particular, is an effective means of ensuring particular behaviours and attitudes. In an effort to control the impression that other members of the community may have, it is the avoidance of shame that is always the primary anxiety present in all interactions.420

As such, “much of our life is spent anticipating, experiencing, and/or managing shame. That would mean that genuine pride, the signal of connection with the other, would be fairly rare”.421

Therefore, the LGS theory is a means of recognizing the inherent interdependence an individual has with their community and how important escaping the emotion of shame, or even the impression of it, by any means necessary, is for them. Unfortunately, the most common method of combating feelings of shame, especially in cases of HBV, is violence, and in many instances murder. As psychiatrist James Gilligan puts it:

The emotion of shame is the primary or ultimate cause of all violence... Anger is a necessary but not a sufficient cause of violence... The different forms of violence, whether toward individuals or entire populations, are motivated (caused) by shame.422

Gilligan posits that there are three, potentially four, conditions that dictate the use of violence as the most effective means of avoiding shame.423 The first, is that the source of shame is a secret, therefore the fear of its exposure is acute enough that it can be equated with the feeling of being in immediate danger.424 The second condition that needs to be considered is the individual must feel that there is no other means (besides violence), of avoiding or responding to the shame being endured.425 Third, is the inability to control the impulse to act violently as an immediate response to shame, rather than other forms of coping, such as the feelings of guilt and love.426 This is

420 Ibid. 421 Ibid. 422 Scheff, Thomas, G. et al. "Shame and a Theory of War and Violence." 110. 423 Ibid. 424 Ibid. 425 Ibid. 426 Ibid. 118 especially true in cases of HBV, as violence and murder is the most common response to shame and dishonourment. It is also imperative to stress that for families and communities that regard honour as an integral part of their identity, feelings of love and commitment for the victim(s) are not considered as deep-seated as honour. The fourth and very possible condition to Gilligan’s premise is that men, as opposed to women, are more likely to use violence as a means of dealing with the shame.427 This is also true in principle within cases of HBV, as the majority of perpetrators have been men. However, as previously mentioned, women have also been involved and committed murder in the name of honour as well, with the motivation being the same.

Another factor to consider in relation to Cooley’s LGS theory is the immediate fear of ridicule and ostracization from the community. There is a compelling correlation between the feeling of isolation and shame/anger with violence and murder.428 In a comparable fashion to

HBV, perpetrators of school shootings have implied that one of the instigating factors that contributed to their decision to murder their classmates was the feeling of alienation and humiliation.429 Though not all individuals who undergo these particular feelings will respond with violence, those who do, have a “[D]estructive management of shame”.430 They are essentially unable to cope with the rejection that, to these individuals, is synonymous with the shame they experience.431 For example:

An Egyptian who strangled his unmarried pregnant daughter to death and then cut her corpse in eight pieces and threw them in the toilet: ‘Shame kept following me wherever I went [before the murder]. The village’s people had no mercy on me. They were making jokes and mocking me. I couldn’t bear it and decided to put an end to this shame.’432

427 James Gilligan notes that this condition is only possible because his research was driven based upon his work with male inmates only and did not include any female reactions to shame. For further readings, please refer to: Ibid. 428 Ibid. 429 Ibid. 430 Ibid. 431 Ibid. 432 Feldner, Yotam. ""Honor" Murders--Why the Perps Get Off Easy." 43. 119

This case is parallel to most cases of HBV, as shame has repeatedly been perceived as the primary justification for their crimes. For many perpetrators, “[T]here might be explicit or implicit pressure on the perpetrator from the community, or extended family members, to restore family honor”.433 The looking-glass-self theory is essentially an examination of the fear of shame and ostracization that is felt by an individual, compelling them to act in a retaliatory fashion with either violence or murder, trumping any knowledge that the preceding actions are illegal.

Similar to the looking-glass-self theory, the labelling theory focuses on how an individual is affected by societies attitudes towards particular designations. The labelling theory, developed by sociologists such as Frank Tannenbaum, focuses on how an individual identifies themselves based upon language and terms used by others or society to define them.434 Essentially:

The labelling theory suggested that if labels are applied to individuals, they start to behave like their labels. The creation of the ‘other’ is at the core of self- affirmation and identity. The views of society (especially of those who have the economic and political power) dictate the creation of the ‘other’ or the deviant identity.435

The dichotomy of ‘us’ versus ‘them’ is a persuasive means of enforcing particular identities that ascertain how those who are ‘othered’ should be, by their very existence, condemned and rejected. Association with particular terminology can affect not only an individual’s perception of themselves but also how they are treated by the rest of society. Neutral labels or titles, such as police officer, mother, teacher and priest, affect an individual based on the perceived status of that title. A teacher may be favored more than a mother, but less than a police officer. More positive labels such as hero, valedictorian and Harvard graduate, provide an individual with

433 Doğan, Recep. "The Dynamics of Honor Killings and the Perpetrators’ Experiences." 64 434 Cullen, Francis T., and Robert Agnew. Criminological Theory: Past to Present: Essential Readings.264-65 435 Bhugra, Dinesh. "Broken Britain – Prophecy or Fantasy? Riots and Labelling Theory." Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine. 105, no. 2 (2012): 53-53. https://doi.org/10.1258/jrsm.2011.110306. 120 feelings of pride and self-respect, and others treat them with admiration and deference. It is the negative labels however, that contribute to the overwhelming desperation to disassociate from any stigma of shame that leads to the increased likelihood that an individual will engage in criminal activity.436

Generally based upon stereotypes and prejudice, these labels promote the perception that there is validity and justification for animosity and rejection of individuals who perpetuate shameful attitudes and behaviour from the group. The most compelling example for this theory is the treatment of convicted felons within society.437 After being released, they are generally treated with both fear and contempt. These individuals are not welcomed back into society and have continued difficulty finding a home and work. This is because, “A person’s public identity as a ‘criminal’ becomes his master status, which leads others to treat him ‘as though he were generally, rather than speciﬁcally deviant’”.438 As a consequence of the label, ‘convicted felon’, ex-offenders struggle and are often unable to overcome the social barrier that their label/crime, regardless of its severity, creates.

Traditional labeling theory explains the potential ‘escalating’ consequences of a criminal or delinquent labelling experience in two ways. The first consequence involves a transformation of identity, and the second emphasizes the structural impediments to conventional life that result from a labelling event.439

The label challenges and imposes a conversion of identity that ultimately changes an individual’s perception of self. Negative circumstance(s) becomes an innate trait of an individual, rather than

436 Cullen, Francis T., and Robert Agnew. Criminological Theory: Past to Present: Essential Readings. 269 437 Chiricos, T. E. D., Kelle Barrick, William Bales, and Stephanie Bontrager. "The Labeling of Convicted Felons and Its Consequences for Recidivism." Criminology (Beverly Hills) 45, no. 3 (2007): 553. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9125.2007.00089.x. 438 Denver, Megan, Justin T. Pickett, and Shawn D. Bushway. "The Language of Stigmatization and the Mark of Violence: Experimental Evidence on the Social Construction and Use of Criminal Record Stigma." Criminology (Beverly Hills) 55, no. 3 (2017): 666. https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9125.12145. 439 Chiricos, T. E. D., et al. "The Labeling of Convicted Felons and Its Consequences for Recidivism." 547-48.

121 a separate matter of contention. The imposition of this forced adaptation to their identity, thus becomes integral to how they are addressed and subsequently treated by their surrounding community. Unlike positive traits, these negative attributes identify an individual as someone who is immediately distrustful and potentially dangerous to the community. Consequently, the individual is then condemned and ostracized from the community. The emphasis is essentially on the “shift from the definition of the specific acts as evil to a definition of the individual as evil”.440 The cyclic nature of labels thus ensures that the community’s actions against the individual becomes a representation or intrinsic characteristic of their own self-identity rather than a trait imposed upon then.441 It can then be argued, that the labelling experience is such that it alters the behaviour and attitude of the individual, increasing feelings of anxiety and attributing to the impulse, either to conform or rebel, against the label given to them by the community. The desire to take action based upon the perceived and attributed label is generally based upon the level of shame they experience. Actions that are taken often lead to recidivism, especially for convicted felons succumbing to the pressure their label places upon them, which essentially becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy.442 Similar to the looking-glass-self theory, the labelling theory does not excuse the actions of the perpetrator, but rather examines the influence societal reactions have on an individual’s self-identity, and their desire to either assume it, reclaim their previous identity, or retaliate.

In similar fashion, the label of shame and dishonour is so palpable for individuals living in honour communities that it becomes inconceivable to remain impassive against the perceived onslaught of condemnation, ridicule, and discrimination. Shame, as a label, differs from other

440Denver, Megan., "The Language of Stigmatization and the Mark of Violence: Experimental Evidence on the Social Construction and Use of Criminal Record Stigma." 666. 441 Ibid., 667 442 Atchison, Andrew J., Heide, Kathleen M. "Charles Manson and the Family." 780. 122 labels such as convict, as it permeates not only the individual’s reputation and self- worth/identity, but that of their family, and, like a plague, the rest of the community. One of the perpetrators Dogan spoke to said:

In my childhood, I grew up with the idea of honor, respect and reputation. My family used to say ‘if somebody tries to steal your bread, or points a finger at your honor, kill him.’ I was brought up like that. Therefore, for me, suffering from a wound caused by being labeled as dishonorable is more painful than a gunshot wound. (Male, age 43)443

After being labelled as such, individual(s) become increasingly paranoid about their status within society. This is because there is an overwhelming certainty in these communities that the eventuality of being branded will ultimately result in their immediate rejection from the group.

The fear of this rejection, rather than its actuality, is enough pressure for an individual to react, leading to recidivism. Recidivism, in cases of HBV, however, should not be understood in the same capacity as it is for convicts. For perpetrators of HBV, recidivism should instead be regarded as a means of reiteration or reaffirmation of the specific heteronormative attitudes and behaviours. Inclusion within the community is so vital to the perpetrator, ensuring that “stakes in conformity” remains high, and reinforces tribal thinking that aligns with heteronormative traditions and ideologies.444

It is necessary to address a particular criticism of the labelling theory as it relates to the implications that conformity acts as a deterrent, contradicting the effects of the labelling theory.445 The inference here is that conformity is synonymous with pre-emption, in order to ensure the perpetuation of social relationships. This is especially true for women, and for honour

443 Doğan, Recep. "Different Cultural Understandings of Honor That Inspire Killing: An Inquiry into the Defendant’s Perspective." 373. 444 Chiricos, T. E. D., et al. "The Labeling of Convicted Felons and Its Consequences for Recidivism." 547-581.

445 Ibid., 550-551 123 communities, as this criticism suggests that they are “[S]ocialized to feel more responsible for social relationships than men and have a ‘greater investment in conformity’ than is true for men”.446 The logic behind this statement suggests that individuals with ‘greater investment in conformity’, in this example, women, is in and of it itself a deterrent, and therefore automatically diminishes the impact of the aftereffect of being labelled. However, this is more specifically true for first-time offenders, rather than repeat offenders.447 This is because increasing the subjugation of a label upon the individual does not mean the label itself has changed, requiring additional rejection and ostracization from the community.448 Instead, as Chiricos et al. explains,

“[T]he antithesis to labelling, deterrence…anticipates that official sanctions will reduce rather than amplify criminal involvement”449 Though this particular criticism is valid, it does not negate the impact the label itself has on an individual’s community driven identity. Instead, it works in conjunction with the differential reinforcement theory (DR), which focuses on the efficacy of rewards and punishments as a means of both deterrence and redemption within honour communities.

The differential reinforcement theory (DR) focuses on cause and effect or rather, rewards and punishments as an effective means of ensuring and maintaining social norms. This means that actions are based upon what an individual perceives will be rewarded. Either the action itself or the support they receive is considered a reward enough to encourage repetition of the same actions, which is an underlying motif for the way honour-based violence is accepted and

446 Ibid. 447 Ibid., 551 448 Ibid. 449 Ibid., 550 124 condoned. .450 When applied to cases of honour-based violence, rewards and punishments each serve two purposes that ensure traditional gender norms are abided by.

Rewards in this capacity, serve the purpose of maintaining existing values, and then as commendation, once honour is restored. In the case of the former, maintaining honour within the community is considered a source of pride and is a fundamental part of daily life. As the perpetrators Dogan interviewed implied:

A person lives for his honor and his dignity. Honor is something that holds the family and people together. It enables people to have a decent life and you live for your honor. (Male, age 26)451

Honour is a person’s pride and praise. It means everything for a person. Without it nothing can happen, nothing has meaning. It would be better for a person to die rather than being dishonored. Without honor death would be better than life. Other people may think differently. But this is what I think about honor. (Male, age 47)452

Both of these examples emphasize the extreme value placed upon the pre-established prestige and reputation that an individual and their family have within the community. Therefore, preserving and protecting honour is rewarded by the family’s continued acceptance within the community. The second type of reward is the recognition and praise received by the community once honour has been recovered, either through the abuse or murder of the ‘culprits’ responsible for its loss. Before honour is restored, the perpetrator is left in a vulnerable position and subjected to animosity and ridicule from their peers. A male prisoner related:

After my sister eloped, my father could not go out. He even could not go to his own brother’s house. If you are involved in something dishonorable, in my community people stare at you in anger. Once, I even heard that without mentioning my name, but implying me, they said ‘There are so many dishonourable people who live in this world. Could you imagine? Their girl

450 Akers, Ronald., Jensen, Gary. Social Learning Theory and the Explanation of Crime. 114 451 Doğan, Recep. "Different Cultural Understandings of Honor That Inspire Killing: An Inquiry into the Defendant’s Perspective." 372. 452 Ibid., 372 125

runs away to a man, involves in a dishonorable conduct and when she comes back, they do not do anything for this bitch.’ (Interviewee 17, age 20)453

The perpetrator’s sensitivity to the community’s comments and involvement is integral to their desire to eradicate the cause of offense. Loss of honour is only possible because the community dictates morality and immorality, despite their own culpability in its destruction.

The paradox here is that it is the same community that is, on one hand, so willing to spread rumors about the next door’s daughter but, on the other hand, so reluctant to intervene in what will eventually happen to the next door’s daughter.454

It is this paradox that not only proves but also condemns the community for their culpability in cases of honour-based violence. The community itself is responsible for not only the shame and dishonour experienced by the family, but also for encouraging them to avenge themselves against the supposed ‘culprit’. They do all this while taking no responsibility for the actual violence and murders that continue to take place in the name of honour. And despite the pride that is experienced through their relationship and membership within the community, the fragility of honour is such that any impression of impropriety is intolerable, illustrating why an individual living in a honour community will fear public scrutiny. Consequently, the only way to redeem their reputation and respect within the community is by punishing the ‘culprit’. One offender describes his experience:

After the offense, many people started to visit me and send me money. Families who used to say to their children, ‘keep away from him, he is a trouble maker; started to suggest to their children should follow my example. Why? Because, I cleansed my family honor. When they visited me, almost all my relatives and friends said ‘well done you did the right thing, you cleansed your honor.’ (Interviewee 28, age 30)455

453 Doğan, Recep. "The Dynamics of Honor Killings and the Perpetrators’ Experiences." 64. 454 Ibid., 65-66 455 Ibid. Pg. 126

For the perpetrators, the reward is the restored acclamation and reacceptance by their community. Though neither of these rewards offer any valid justification for the violence and murder of women committed in the name of honour, they do provide unmistakable evidence of the community’s involvement and accountability for the abuse.

The consequence of dishonour and shame is both the potential and actual loss of identity and belonging. For the community, there is an immediate demand for retaliation. This implies that any threat to pre-existing traditions and values is removed. But also, there is an expectation that deviant behaviours should be corrected. Thus, pre-existing heteronormative values and practices would be restored. The backlash that is suffered, even the fear of it, necessitates a reaction from the male ‘victim’ and their families, resulting in the punishment of any wrongdoers. Such punishments reinforce and encourage societal norms that perpetuate a particular communal mindset. It basically guarantees submission and conformation to the status quo.

In cases of honour-based violence, punishments, like rewards, serve two purposes. First, punishments ensure culpability.

If a woman refused to comply with the rules set down by her cultural community, her ‘immoral behaviour’ contaminated the whole family. If other strategies to make the women comply failed, the only remedy was for her male relatives to kill her in order to protect the family honour. Thus, the murders were culturally sanctioned and designed to uphold a specific moral order.456

Women who choose to disobey the social norms need to be punished in the same capacity as a murderer or pedophile would be, signifying how heinous their actions are deemed. This extreme reaction to female impropriety is indicative of the severity by which challenges to

456 Doğan, Recep. "Different Cultural Understandings of Honor That Inspire Killing: An Inquiry into the Defendant’s Perspective." 365.

127 heteronormativity are considered. For many of these cases, abuse is not enough, and the only means by which honour can be redeemed is through the murder of the transgressors. The only solution is essentially “washing shame with blood:”457 One offender stated:

I did not kill her, but rather helped her to commit suicide and to carry out the death penalty she sentenced herself to. I did it to wash with her blood the family honor that was violated because of her and in response to the will of society that would not have had any mercy on me if I didn’t… Society taught us from childhood that blood is the only solution to wash the honour.458

The idea of washing away the shame with murder implies that every effort is directed toward removing any and all evidence of besmirchment upon the family and extended to the honour of the community as a whole. It also indicates that the family is willing do whatever is necessary to ensure their honour is returned, proving that they too consider honour more precious than life.

Second, punishments also act as a warning to other women who dare to consider engaging in any behaviour and action that would put their family’s honour in danger. Not only do illicit actions demean the honour of the family, but they also risk the honour of the other women in the family. The logic is that, if one woman is capable of bringing shame, then the other woman, who shares her blood and is close to her, is also fallible. Subsequently, women who are shamed, are not only shunned by the community, but by their female friends and families. One young girl describes this fear of contamination by association:

You see there are bad girls around, they dress up all the time and they give us a bad name. The boys hanging around also tend to think we are bad and they used often say to me, ‘Jai bi [will you come with me]?’459

457 Feldner, Yotam. ""Honor" Murders--Why the Perps Get Off Easy." 43. 458 Ibid., 43 459 Rashid, Sabina Faiz, and Stephanie Michaud. "Female Adolescents and Their Sexuality: Notions of Honour, Shame, Purity and Pollution During the Floods." 65.

128

Any willingness to associate with shamed women implies that they too (other women) are also shameful and should be shunned as well. Doing so, also further tarnishes the family’s honour and consequently affects their chances of marriage, livelihood and so forth.460 There is also the fear that they too will be murdered for engaging in similar actions. One family that suffered this experience:

Shafilea Ahmed was a 17-year-old Pakistani-Muslim-British girl. Her parents carried out her slow suffocation murder in front of their other young children, warning them that they ‘would be killed if they ever revealed the truth.’ Almost a decade later, perhaps fearing for her own life, Shafilea's sister Alesha approached the police. She said their mother began the attack with the words ‘Just finish it here.' During the murder, the mother said to one of her younger daughters, ‘You will be next’ and ‘Shut up, or you are dead.’461

The severity of the punishment is such, that most women choose to acquiesce rather than attempt to challenge and change the status quo, even going so far as to monitor, vilify and participate in the shaming and condemnation of other women. The rewards and punishments of the

‘differential reinforcement theory’ affirm the value and commitment individuals and families have to their community. They also ensure that heteronormativity is maintained and abided by.

This means that particular gender norms are enforced which confirm the undeniable responsibility and culpability that the community has regarding the continuation of HBV.

The inclusion of these particular examples and theories is purposeful, as it is intended to draw attention to both the failure, and the need for a more interdisciplinary approach to understanding the motivations and justifications for honour-based violence and murder. Existing research on the topic has by and large been focused on the victims of this heinous crime, i.e., women. However, it avoids addressing the actual issue and person(s), i.e., the perpetrators of the

460 Ibid., 61 461 Chesler, Phyllis. "When Women Commit Honor Killings."

129 abuse. This means examining the male responsibility to uphold their family’s honour, and the irrefutable influence of the community’s involvement. This is because:

There is, thus, an attempt to isolate honour killing from the patriarchal culture of the society that generates it. This is done by, among other things, reducing honour killing to a ‘practice;’ that is, an individual behaviour not rooted in patriarchy as a regime or system. Labelling the crime as a practice relieves the… burden of criticizing culture and religion.462

Each of these theories have so far only briefly exposed the influence of the community on the prevalence of honour-based violence. The significance of community involvement in this type of crime should not be ignored nor minimalized. It should instead be examined as an undeniable authoritarian force behind this inexcusable form of femicide. As such, the community needs to be held accountable for not only their involvement in the abuses experienced by women, but also for the humiliation and rejection suffered by the perpetrators. Though this does not excuse the perpetrator’s actions, it does emphasize the impact a stigma of dishonour has on an individual, leading to violence generally associated with regaining honour. The despicable fact is:

[A]s with the cultural violence commonly considered in relation to honour based violence, multi-perpetrator domestic violence emerges out of socioeconomic deprivation, and that the violence is a technique for a collective reaffirmation of masculine control.463

It is for this reason that more emphasis, critiques and condemnation should be placed on the community as a whole, as they are the enablers and validators of this type of crime. Without the fear of community judgement and ostracization, it is unlikely that honour-based violence would still exist in the same horrific capacity as it does today.

462 Shahrzad, Mojab. "The Politics of Culture, Racism, and Nationalism in Honour Killing." 123-124 463 Asquith, Nicole L. "Honour, Violence and Heteronormativity." 74.

130

Conclusion: Solutions to Mitigate Societal Pressures Supporting HBV

The community is a pervasive influence on the perpetrator, the victim, their family and the surrounding community. It is the community’s influence and involvement that is the most problematic and perhaps shocking aspect of honour-based violence. This means that: ‘human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings that the things have for them’.464 The meaning of any social phenomenon is derived from, or arises out of, the interactions that one has with one’s fellows. As a result of this interaction, with those for whom the loss of honor requires killing or violence in return, the individual… ‘depending on the frequency, duration and intensity’ of his/her association with these views, comes to accept and to learn that killing, though itself criminal, is the correct response.465

This particular logic confirms the community’s extensive authority over a perpetrator and their family. As this thesis has demonstrated, the current dialogue regarding HBV does not discuss society’s influence and encouragement of this crime. It focuses instead on the victims and the crime’s correlation with Islam. However, after examining the justifications for honour- based violence, it is apparent that greater attention needs to be given to the community itself in order to prevent this violence from occurring in the future. The instigation of this change requires challenging the current narrative surrounding HBV, so as to include more emphasis on community pressures by addressing several critical issues.

In order to proactively address HBV going forward, the influence of the community on the individual must be addressed. This involves putting institutional measures, including laws and governing policies, in place to prevent and criminalize this form of violence. These changes

464 Doğan, Recep. "Different Cultural Understandings of Honor That Inspire Killing: An Inquiry into the Defendant’s Perspective." 368 465 Ibid., 368.

131 are being made to some degree, in places such as Pakistan, where offenders who commit an honour killing could be pardoned for the crime if the victim’s own family forgives them. This law, known as the “forgiveness law” was the reason why many offenders of honour killings were not persecuted. It changed however, after the high-profile murder of a social media influencer,

Qandeel Baloch, who was murdered by her brother as an honour killing.466 He confessed to the crime, believing that he would be forgiven by his father for killing his sister.

Qandeel’s death however, created controversy and social outrage, forcing changes in the laws surrounding crimes committed in the name of honour, including the ‘forgiveness’ law. Her murder drew attention to several key components that helped to understand honour crimes. These include laws that support and condone them, the focus on family and the community at large and the role of religion and culture.

Though changes in law are crucial, the implementation and enforcement of these laws means that governing bodies and policy makers need the cooperation and support of the community leaders, such as jirgas and panchayats. They need to aid in changing the dialogue from condemning acts of so-called shame to condemning any acts of honour-based violence.

This means that local religious, together with spiritual and community leaders, must be a part of this process. The initial outreach must be further supported by other peer support groups as well as theological education that employs proper ijtihad applications. Doing so, will not only remove the stigma of shame, but it will also redefine the value of women and their contributions the

466 “'Honour Killings': Pakistan Closes Loophole Allowing Killers to Go Free.” BBC News. BBC, 2016. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-37578111.

132 families and communities. Another indirect consequence of these efforts would be removing any extremely orthodox or punitive views of a religious nature.

In order to successfully initiate change in these communities, it is imperative that any and all preventative actions to change the prevailing shame mindset must be thoughtful, respectful of culture where possible, and continuous. This is because any gaps or pauses to these approaches could have the opposite effect, and the results could be potentially dangerous and disastrous for many generations to come.

Another facet to this solution is the role that media plays in reporting and “glamourizing” these crimes, thus showing these communities as primitive, oppressive and backwards. In so doing, the media is creating a different version of the ‘other.’ In this case, the educated, smart viewers of their broadcasts versus the uneducated, i.e., poor members of these smaller communities.

The most significant impact to these communities would be establish educational access which would assist in proper economic growth and stability. This means that governments must invest in schools, infrastructure, and growth opportunities within these communities. In doing so, they will eliminate the local community’s distrust of outsiders, promote internal pride, which would drive leaders to be more accepting of changes to their cultural paradigms.

In closing, this thesis has shown that honour-based violence is more complex than the crime itself. Honour-based violence extends beyond the initial act of violence between the perpetrator and the victim, seeping into the community itself. In fact, it is the community that perpetuates and encourages these crimes to be committed in the first place. Understanding the complex and interdependent relationship between one’s self-worth in relation to their tightly knit communities is key in order to deter these crimes from occurring again. 133

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