DOCSLIB.ORG

Adam Smith, the Wealth of Nations (1776): on China1

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Adam Smith, the Wealth of Nations (1776): on China1 1 Primary Source 5.7 ADAM SMITH, THE WEALTH OF NATIONS (1776): ON CHINA1 Adam Smith (1723–90) was a Scottish author, philosopher, economist, and political thinker educated at the Universities of Glasgow and Oxford. His first major work, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759), propounded the idea that our moral sentiments emerge from feelings of sympathy toward others. A close friend of David Hume (1711–76), he became acquainted with many French intellectuals during a lengthy stay in France. His masterwork, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776), revolutionized economic theory. With vast erudition, historical detail, practical examples, and personal observations, Smith divides economic output into three contributing elements: labor, rent from land, and profits on stock (or excess wealth unnecessary for subsistence) and analyzes each of these elements. As populations grow denser, he observes, producers of goods and commodities begin to exchange with others, gradually focusing on what they can produce most efficiently and profitably. Thus commerce begins with human civilization. As people specialize more, they produce more wealth, raising the standards of living of themselves and of their societies. Social elites often restrict economic activity, from fear of social change or seeking personal benefits. Since all members of society pursuing their self-interest will generally advance the common good, however, it is best for governments to leave economic activity to follow its natural course—via laissez-faire (“let it alone”) policies— concentrating instead on defending society from external attack and from domestic criminality and by providing necessary social services. In the passages below, Smith describes China as less economically developed than the leading European countries, in part because of government regulations and cultural prejudices hindering foreign trade. As the same time, China (as well as India), he asserts, enjoyed such excellent agricultural conditions that food cost much less than anywhere in Europe as therefore did labor. Low labor costs, coupled with cheaper transportation costs— thanks to more extensive inland waterways—kept the price of manufactured goods low and that of precious metals high. For the full text online, click here. For freely accessible audio recordings, click here (for Book I) and here (for Book IV). BOOK I. OF THE CAUSES OF IMPROVEMENT IN THE PRODUCTIVE POWERS OF LABOUR CHAPTER VIII. OF THE WAGES OF LABOR . .China has been long one of the richest, that is, one of the most fertile, best cultivated, most industrious, and most populous countries in the world. It seems, however, 1 Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of Wealth of Nations (London: T. Nelson and Sons, 1852), 30, 80, 86–87, 282–83. 2 to have been long stationary. Marco Polo, who visited it more than five hundred years ago, describes its cultivation, industry, and populousness, almost in the same terms in which they are described by travellers in the present times. It had perhaps, even long before his time, acquired that full complement of riches which the nature of its laws and institutions permits it to acquire. The accounts of all travellers, inconsistent in many other respects, agree in the low wages of labour, and in the difficulty which a labourer finds in bringing up a family in China. If by digging the ground a whole day he can get what will purchase a small quantity of rice in the evening, he is contented. The condition of artificers2 is, if possible, still worse. Instead of waiting indolently in their work-houses, for the calls of their customers, as in Europe, they are continually running about the streets with the tools of their respective trades, offering their service, and as it were begging employment. The poverty of the lower ranks of people in China far surpasses that of the most beggarly nations in Europe. In the neighbourhood of Canton many hundred, it is commonly said, many thousand families have no habitation on the land, but live constantly in little fishing boats upon the rivers and canals. The subsistence which they find there is so scanty that they are eager to fish up the nastiest garbage thrown overboard from any European ship. Any carrion, the carcase of a dead dog or cat, for example, though half putrid and stinking, is as welcome to them as the most wholesome food to the people of other countries. Marriage is encouraged in China, not by the profitableness of children, but by the liberty of destroying them. In all great towns several are every night exposed in the street, or drowned like puppies in the water. The performance of this horrid office is even said to be the avowed business by which some people earn their subsistence. China, however, though it may perhaps stand still, does not seem to go backwards. Its towns are no-where deserted by their inhabitants. The lands which had once been cultivated are no-where neglected. The same or very nearly the same annual labour must therefore continue to be performed, and the funds destined for maintaining it must not, consequently, be sensibly diminished. The lowest class of labourers, therefore, notwithstanding their scanty subsistence, must some way or another make shift to continue their race so far as to keep up their usual numbers. CHAPTER XI. OF THE RENT OF LAND. China is a much richer country than any part of Europe, and the difference between the price of subsistence in China and in Europe is very great. Rice in China is much cheaper than wheat is any-where in Europe. England is a much richer country than Scotland; but the difference between the money-price of corn3 in those two countries is much smaller, and is but just perceptible. In proportion to the quantity or measure, Scotch corn generally appears to be a good deal cheaper than English; but in proportion to its quality, it is certainly somewhat dearer. Scotland receives almost every year very large supplies from England, and every commodity must commonly be somewhat dearer in the country to which it is brought than in that from which it comes. English corn, therefore, 2 That is, artisans and tradesmen. 3 This term formerly mean “grain” in general, including wheat, rye, oats, etc. 3 must be dearer in Scotland than in England, and yet in proportion to its quality, or to the quantity and goodness of the flour or meal which can be made from it, it cannot commonly be sold higher there than the Scotch corn which comes to market in competition with it. The difference between the money price of labour in China and in Europe, is still greater than that between the money price of subsistence; because the real recompence of labour is higher in Europe than in China, the greater part of Europe being in an improving state, while China seems to be standing still. The money price of labour is lower in Scotland than in England, because the real recompence of labour is much lower; Scotland, though advancing to greater wealth, advances much more slowly than England. The frequency of emigration from Scotland, and the rarity of it from England, sufficiently prove that the demand for labour is very different in the two countries. The proportion between the real recompence of labour in different countries, it must be remembered, is naturally regulated, not by their actual wealth or poverty, but by their advancing, stationary, or declining condition. But in the East Indies, particularly in China and Indostan,4 the value of the precious metals, when the Europeans first began to trade to those countries, was much higher than in Europe; and it still continues to be so. In rice countries, which generally yield two, sometimes three crops in the year, each of them more plentiful than any common crop of corn, the abundance of food must be much greater than in any corn country of equal extent. Such countries are accordingly much more populous. In them too the rich, having a greater super-abundance of food to dispose of beyond what they themselves can consume, have the means of purchasing a much greater quantity of the labour of other people. The retinue of a grandee in China or Indostan accordingly is, by all accounts, much more numerous and splendid than that of the richest subjects in Europe. The same super-abundance of food, of which they have the disposal, enables them to give a greater quantity of it for all those singular and rare productions which nature furnishes but in very small quantities; such as the precious metals and the precious stones, the great objects of the competition of the rich. Though the mines, therefore, which supplied the Indian market had been as abundant as those which supplied the European, such commodities would naturally exchange for a greater quantity of food in India than in Europe. But the mines which supplied the Indian market with the precious metals seem to have been a good deal less abundant, and those which supplied it with the precious stones a good deal more so, than the mines which supplied the European. The precious metals, therefore, would naturally exchange in India for somewhat a greater quantity of the precious stones, and for a much greater quantity of food than in Europe. The money price of diamonds, the greatest of all superfluities, would be somewhat lower, and that of food, the first of all necessaries, a great deal lower in the one country than in the other. But the real price of labour, the real quantity of the necessaries of life which is given to the labourer, it has already been observed, is lower both in China and Indostan, the two great markets of India, than it is through the greater part of Europe.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith
    an INQUIRY into the Nature and Causes of the — Books I, II, III, IV and V — Wealth of Nations Adam Smith p q xΜεταLibriy Copyright © 2007 ΜεταLibri this digital edition ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this digital edition may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form, or by any means, eletronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior consent of the copyright holder. ΜεταLibri http://metalibri.incubadora.fapesp.br Amsterdam • Lausanne • Melbourne Milan • New York • São Paulo 29th May 2007 IN this edition references are made to corresponding pages of the best mod- ern edition of the WealthEditorial of Nations: the Note second volume of The Glasgow Edition of the Works and Correspondence of Adam Smith [1]. These refer- ences are printed as margin notes. For example, ‘G.ed.p26’ means ‘page 26 of the Glasgow Edition’. Smith’s own footnotes are marked with ‘[Smith]’ in bold face just before the footnote. Paragraph number are printed inside brackets on the left margin and the numbering restarts at the beginning of every section. References to this edition can be made in this way: Smith, Adam. An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. Edited by S. M. Soares. MetaLibri Digital Library, 29th May 2007. SÁLVIO MARCELO SOARES Lausanne, 29th May 2007 [email protected] CONTENTS Editorial Note iii Advertisement to the Third Edition 2 Advertisement to the Fourth Edition 3 Introduction and Plan of the Work 4 BOOK I Of The Causes of Improvement in the Productive Powers
    [Show full text]
  • 240 Years of the Wealth of Nations 240 Anos De a Riqueza Das Nações
    DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0103-6351/3743 240 years of The Wealth of Nations 240 anos de A Riqueza das Nações Maria Pia Paganelli Trinity University Abstract Resumo Why should we read a book printed 240 Por que deveríamos ler um livro publicado há years ago? The book is old. Our circum- 240 anos? Trata-se de um livro antigo. Nossas stances and institutions are different. Its ex- circunstâncias e instituições são diferentes. Seus amples are dated. Its policies are irrelevant exemplos são datados. Suas recomendações de today. Its economic theories are full of mis- política são irrelevantes hoje. Suas teorias econô- takes. Even its political ideology is ambigu- micas estão repletas de erros. Mesmo a sua ideo- ous. So, why bother reading this old book? logia política é ambígua. Então, por que se dar ao trabalho de ler este velho livro? Keywords Palavras-chave Adam Smith; Wealth of Nations; wealth; Adam Smith; A Riqueza das Nações; riqueza; growth; justice. crescimento; justiça. JEL Codes B12; O10. Códigos JEL B12; O10. v.27 n.2 p.7-19 2017 Nova Economia� 7 Paganelli “Convictions are more dangerous enemies of truth than lies” Friedrich Nietzsche Why would anybody care to read a book that is almost two and a half centuries old? Better (or worse), why would anybody refer to – and yet not read – a book that is well over two centuries old? Or maybe I should ask: why should anybody read a book that is well over two centuries old? Age aside, the Wealth of Nations is also in many ways a dated book.
    [Show full text]
  • Private Property Rights, Economic Freedom, and Well Being
    Working Paper 19 Private Property Rights, Economic Freedom, and Well Being * BENJAMIN POWELL * Benjamin Powell is a PhD Student at George Mason University and a Social Change Research Fellow with the Mercatus Center in Arlington, VA. He was an AIER Summer Fellow in 2002. The ideas presented in this research are the author’s and do not represent official positions of the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. Private Property Rights, Economic Freedom, and Well Being The question of why some countries are rich, and others are poor, is a question that has plagued economists at least since 1776, when Adam Smith wrote An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. Some countries that have a wealth of human and natural resources remain in poverty (in Sub-Saharan Africa for example) while other countries with few natural resources (like Hong Kong) flourish. An understanding of how private property and economic freedom allow people to coordinate their activities while engaging in trades that make them both people better off, gives us an indication of the institutional environment that is necessary for prosperity. Observation of the countries around the world also indicates that those countries with an institutional environment of secure property rights and highPAPER degrees of economic freedom have achieved higher levels of the various measures of human well being. Property Rights and Voluntary Interaction The freedom to exchange allows individuals to make trades that both parties believe will make them better off. Private property provides the incentives for individuals to economize on resource use because the user bears the costs of their actions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Missing Wealth of Nations: Are Europe and the U.S
    THE MISSING WEALTH OF NATIONS: ARE EUROPE AND THE U.S. NET DEBTORS OR NET CREDITORS?* Gabriel Zucman This article shows that official statistics substantially underestimate the net foreign asset positions of rich countries because they fail to capture most of the assets held by households in offshore tax havens. Drawing on a unique Swiss data set and exploiting systematic anomalies in countries’ portfolio investment positions, I find that around 8% of the global financial wealth of households is held in tax havens, three-quarters of which goes unrecorded. On the basis of plausible assumptions, accounting for unrecorded assets turns the eurozone, officially the world’s second largest net debtor, into a net creditor. It Downloaded from also reduces the U.S. net debt significantly. The results shed new light on global imbalances and challenge the widespread view that after a decade of poor-to-rich capital flows, external assets are now in poor countries and debts in rich countries. I provide concrete proposals to improve international statis- tics. JEL Codes: F32, H26, H87. http://qje.oxfordjournals.org/ I. Introduction There are two puzzles in international investment statistics. The first is a set of statistical anomalies. At the global level, liabilities tend to exceed assets: the world as a whole is a net debtor (Lane and Milesi-Ferretti 2007). Similarly, the global bal- ance of payments shows that more investment income is paid than received each year. Since the problem was identified in by guest on July 6, 2013 the 1970s, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has commis- sioned a number of reports to investigate its causes, and national statistical agencies have put considerable resources into improv- ing their data.
    [Show full text]
  • Changes in the Wealth of Nations (P
    Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Spring 1993 Changes in the Wealth of Nations (p. 3) Stephen L. Parente Edward C. Prescott Early Progress on the "Problem of Economic Development" (p. 17) James A. Schmitz, Jr. Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Quarterly Review Vol. 17, No. 2 ISSN 0271-5287 This publication primarily presents economic research aimed at improving policymaking by the Federal Reserve System and other governmental authorities. Any views expressed herein are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis or the Federal Reserve System. Editor: Arthur J. Rolnick Associate Editors: S. Rao Aiyagari, John H. Boyd, Warren E. Weber Economic Advisory Board: R. Anton Braun, John Geweke, Edward J. Green, Ellen R. McGrattan, James A. Schmitz, Jr. Managing Editor: Kathleen S. Rolfe Article Editor/Writers: Kathleen S. Rolfe, Martha L. Starr Designer: Phil Swenson Associate Designer: Beth Leigh Grorud Typesetters: Jody Fahland, Correan M. Hanover Editorial Assistant: Diane M. Sanborn Circulation Assistant: Cheryl Vukelich The Quarterly Review is published by the Research Department Direct all comments and questions to of the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis. Subscriptions are available free of charge. Quarterly Review Research Department Articles may be reprinted if the reprint fully credits the source— Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis the Minneapolis Federal Reserve Bank as well as the Quarterly P.O. Box 291 Review. Please include with the reprinted article some version of Minneapolis, Minnesota 55480-0291 the standard Federal Reserve disclaimer and send the Minneapo- (612-340-2341 / FAX 612-340-2366). lis Fed Research Department a copy of the reprint.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Economy in the Carolinas
    POLITICAL ECONOMY IN THE CAROLINAS ere is a basic truth in the affairs of IS CAPITALISM men: there are pivotal people at pivotal Htimes. The great F. A. Hayek played SUSTAINABLE? that role when he wrote The Road to Serfdom, and of course Adam Smith played that role Michael Munger when he authored The Wealth of Nations, as Great Barrington, MA: American Institute for did John Maynard Keynes with The General Economic Research, 2019. Pp Theory and John Kenneth Galbraith with The 422. $18.00, hardcover. Af uent Society. In the late 1970s on TV and in the best-selling book Free to Choose, Milton Book Review by: Friedman emerged as the strongest voice Peter Boettke George Mason University for economic liberalism in his generation. Friedman had great charm on camera and felicity with the pen. He was also in possession of razor-sharp mind and quick wit. If there ever was a pivotal person at a pivotal time for economic liberalism, Friedman was that person in the economics profession and in the general intellectual culture from 1980 until his death in 2006. Since that time, a common question has been: who will be the next Milton Friedman? There are several contenders, but Michael Munger of Duke University would be on any list one could imagine. For the past thirty years, Munger has consistently explored the topics in this volume in academic and popular writing and in podcasts and video presentations. These topics include analyses of the market process,the political process, and the interaction between the political and market sectors.
    [Show full text]
  • The Real Wealth of Nations: Creating a Caring Economics
    an excerpt from The Real Wealth of Nations: Creating a Caring Economics by Riane Eisler Published by Berrett-Koehler Publishers Contents INTRODUCTION Reasons to Care 1 CHAPTER ONE We Need a New Economics 7 CHAPTER TWO Economics Through a Wider Lens 27 CHAPTER THREE It Pays to Care—in Dollars and Cents 47 CHAPTER FOUR The Economic Double Standard 69 CHAPTER FIVE Connecting the Dots 93 CHAPTER SIX The Economics of Domination 117 CHAPTER SEVEN The Economics of Partnership 139 CHAPTER EIGHT Technology, Work, and the Postindustrial Era 165 CHAPTER NINE Who We Are and Where We Are 187 CHAPTER TEN The Caring Revolution 213 NOTES 237 BIBLIOGRAPHY 277 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 293 INDEX 295 ABOUT THE AUTHOR 315 ABOUT THE CENTER FOR PARTNERSHIP STUDIES 317 vii INTRODUCTION Reasons to Care Much of my life has been a quest. This quest started in my w childhood, when my parents and I fled my native Vienna from the Nazis. It continued in the slums of Havana, where we found refuge, and later in the United States, where I grew up. It was a quest for answers to a basic question: Why, when we humans have such a great capacity for caring, consciousness, and creativity, has our world seen so much cruelty, insensitivity, and destructiveness? In the course of my quest I looked for answers in many areas, from psychology, history, and anthropology to education, economics, and politics. And again and again I came back to economics because I saw that we have to change present economic systems if we, our children, and future generations are to survive and thrive.
    [Show full text]
  • Policy Paper on Tax Reform (Pdf)
    CSI Policy Study Civil Society Institute • Santa Clara University 500 El Camino Real • Santa Clara, CA 95053 • [email protected] • 408/554-6931 January 2006 The Ultimate Tax Reform: Public Revenue from Land Rent by Fred E. Foldvary** The U.S. tax system is widely perceived as too complex, too intrusive, and too demanding of workers’ paychecks. Taxes today claim a greater share of the average family’s budget than food, clothing, housing, and transportation combined.1 In 2005, the average American had to work 107 days just to pay taxes, compared to 44 days in 1930.2 Tax reform proposals, not surprisingly, are popular among voters and the politicians who If land value is taxed, the land will not represent them. President George W. Bush flee, shrink, or hide. A tax on land created an advisory panel on tax reform. value has no deadweight loss. Some economists and institutes have proposed reforms to flatten and simplify the income tax, or to replace it entirely with a national sales or consumption tax or value-added tax. These would be an improvement, but if we seek to reform taxes, we should consider all the possibilities and choose, as Milton Friedman puts it, the “least bad” tax. Even a relatively flat income tax imposes what economists call a “deadweight loss” or “excess burden” on society. Taxes on productive activity increase the price of labor or goods beyond economic costs, and so reduce the quantity provided. This reduction in production, income, and * Fred Foldvary received his Ph.D. in economics from George Mason University in Virginia.
    [Show full text]
  • An Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations
    An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations Adam Smith 1776 Copyright © Jonathan Bennett 2017. All rights reserved [Brackets] enclose editorial explanations. Small ·dots· enclose material that has been added, but can be read as though it were part of the original text. Occasional •bullets, and also indenting of passages that are not quotations, are meant as aids to grasping the structure of a sentence or a thought. Every four-point ellipsis . indicates the omission of a brief passage that seems to present more difficulty than it is worth. Longer omissions are reported between brackets in normal-sized type. Cross-headings in SMALL CAPITALS that are not in the original are marked by small ·dots·. Each of them announces the start of a new topic; there is often no mark of where that topic ends. First launched: July 2016 The Wealth of Nations Adam Smith Contents Introduction and plan of the work..................................................1 Book I. The causes of improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the order according to which its product is naturally distributed among the different ranks of people3 Chapter 1. The division of labour..................................................3 Chapter 2. The principle that gives rise to the division of labour................................6 Chapter 3. The division of labour is limited by the extent of the market...........................8 Chapter 4. The origin and use of money.............................................. 10 Chapter 5. Commodities’ real price (in labour) and their nominal price (in money)..................... 12 Chapter 6. The component parts of the price of commodities.................................. 18 Chapter7. Commodities’ natural and market prices......................................
    [Show full text]
  • Adam Smith and the Search for an Ideal Tax System*
    Adam Smith and the Search for an Ideal Tax System* “The middling and superior ranks of people, if they understood their own interest, ought always to oppose all taxes upon the necessaries of life, as well as all direct taxes upon the wages of labour” Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations ABSTRACT Increasing inequalities in income and wealth undermine the capitalist promise of universal prosperity and political liberty. To explore that growing tension, this article examines the key role of taxation in the original vision and extensive writings of Adam Smith -- the father of capitalism. Comparing that vision to the current United States tax system reveals many important inconsistencies, particularly the current penchant for simultaneously taxing wages and exempting (or delaying) taxes on wealth and wealth appreciation. The article proposes several ways in which the U.S. tax system could more closely align with Smith’s capitalist vision. These ways of more closely adhering to a capitalist ideal include exempting a portion of wages (equal to the earnings of almost half of the United States population) from all forms of taxation and introducing a wealth tax on amounts greater than needed for working people to enter the housing market. * Beverly I. Moran., Professor of Law and Sociology, Vanderbilt University, A.B. (Vassar), J.D. (Pennsylvania), LL.M. (New York University) Thanks to Bruce Ackerman, Anne L. Alstott, Mark E. Brandon, David A. Brennen, Rebecca L. Brown, Tony N. Brown, Robin L. Einhorn, Lee Harris, Hendrik Hartog, Joni Hersch, Owen D. Jones, Marjorie E.
    [Show full text]
  • Adam Smith, the Wealth of Nations (1776): on the American Colonies1
    1 Primary Source 10.4 ADAM SMITH, THE WEALTH OF NATIONS (1776): ON THE AMERICAN COLONIES1 Adam Smith (1723–90) was a Scottish author, philosopher, economist, and political thinker educated at the Universities of Glasgow and Oxford. His first major work, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759), propounded the idea that our moral sentiments emerge from feelings of sympathy toward others. A close friend of David Hume (1711–76), he became acquainted with many French intellectuals during a lengthy stay in France. His masterwork, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776), revolutionized economic theory. With vast erudition, historical detail, practical examples, and personal observations, Smith divides economic output into three contributing elements: labor, rent from land, and profits on stock (or excess wealth unnecessary for subsistence) and analyzes each of these elements. As populations grow denser, he observes, producers of goods and commodities begin to exchange with others, gradually focusing on what they can produce most efficiently and profitably. Thus commerce begins with human civilization. As people specialize more, they produce more wealth, raising the standards of living of themselves and of their societies. Social elites often restrict economic activity, from fear of social change or seeking personal benefits. Since all members of society pursuing their self-interest will generally advance the general good, however, it is best for governments to leave economic activity to follow its natural course—via laissez-faire (“let it alone”) policies— concentrating instead on defending society from external attack and from domestic criminality and by providing necessary social services.
    [Show full text]
  • Smith and Ricardo
    Title: Reconciling Ricardo’s Comparative Advantage with Smith’s Productivity Theory Author: Jorge Morales Meoqui1 Abstract There are three main claims in this paper: First, there is sufficient evidence for affirming that Ricardo adhered to Smith’s productivity theory; second, Ricardo’s original demonstration of the comparative-advantage proposition is indeed compatible and complementary with respect to the latter; and third, Ricardo agreed with Smith’s multifactorial explanation of the pattern of trade, which includes increasing returns and economies of scale. These results open the way for the reincorporation of Ricardo’s propositions into Smith’s multifactorial explanation of trade patterns. They also add a new perspective to the ongoing process of reassessment of Smith’s contributions to international trade theory, further strengthening the view that he was indeed a great international trade theorist.2 Keywords: comparative advantage, David Ricardo, Adam Smith, international trade theory, division of labor, free trade. JEL-Codes: B12; F10 1 Independent researcher. E-mail: [email protected]; homepage: http://wuvienna.academia.edu/JorgeMoralesMeoqui 2 I’m thankful for the valuable comments provided by Farhad Rassekh and Reinhard Schumacher on an earlier version of this paper. The remaining errors and inconsistencies though are all mine 1 Introduction The end of all commerce is to increase production. David Ricardo, Principles (1817) Throughout the 19th century economists relied mostly upon Adam Smith’s celebrated book An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations ([1776] 1976) for praising the benefits of specialization and free trade. For the most part of the 20th century, however, the perception prevailed that Smith was not an outstanding international trade theorist because he allegedly failed to discover the “law” of comparative advantage.3 Since the neoclassical theory of static comparative advantage was generally regarded as the high-point of free trade thinking (Viner, 1937, p.
    [Show full text]