Do Support Parties Extract More Policy
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
A Policy Trajectory Analysis of the National Strategy for Higher Education to 2030 in Ireland - an Institutes of Technology Perspective
A Policy Trajectory Analysis of the National Strategy for Higher Education to 2030 in Ireland - An Institutes of Technology Perspective Ciarán P. Ó hAnnracháin A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Education School of Education University of Sheffield January 2018 Abstract The National Strategy for Higher Education to 2030 was commissioned by the Higher Education Authority and was published in 2011 under the chair of Colin Hunt. The National Strategy, along with policy implementation and review documents, makes some radical proposals for the reconfiguration of the HE landscape in Ireland with much of the focus on the restructuring of the non- university sector, particularly the fourteen Institutes of Technology (IoTs), while maintaining a “binary divide”. The reform agenda has provided many challenges to the Institutes of Technology sector, and a policy trajectory approach to policy analysis is adopted to investigate the proposed changes to the Institutes of Technology sector. The tensions and shift in power dynamics are key elements to the process of reform in what is a contested space. These tensions are explored from the perspective of the Institutes of Technology sector through a process of critical discourse analysis conducted in the policy document and semi-structured interviews with key policy stakeholders. A historical policy review of the evolution of the non-university sector in Ireland, alternative models in the European Higher Education Area and alternative proposals to the Hunt Report are used as counterpoints to frame the analysis. The analysis revealed that while the Report was initially broadly welcomed, the proposals and their implementation are far more complex and contentious, and there is less cohesion, particularly in the Institutes of Technology, on how the sector can ensure parity of esteem with, and a distinctive mission from, the traditional university sector. -
The Totality of UK-Irish Relations Is at Risk Because of Brexit Page 1 of 4
LSE Brexit: The totality of UK-Irish relations is at risk because of Brexit Page 1 of 4 The totality of UK-Irish relations is at risk because of Brexit The European Union was a crucial element of the totality of UK-Irish relationships that would allow for the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, writes Darren Litter (Queen’s University Belfast). The UK and Ireland’s historic achievement of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement (GFA) is most synonymous with the inter-prime ministerial partnership of Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern. More than any of their predecessors, Blair and Ahern got on together, shared a common understanding of the ‘Northern Ireland problem’, and were determined to approach this issue in the fully intergovernmental spirit envisaged originally by the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement (AIA). However – while indispensable to the efficiency and effectiveness with which the GFA was achieved – this emphasis on the Blair-Ahern partnership serves to take away from the importance of the wider totality of UK-Irish relationships – principally in the EU context – that was no longer a matter of rhetoric by the mid-1990s. This, as we shall see, contrasts with the post-Brexit state of play, where the totality of UK-Irish relations has again taken on the much less resonant meaning from when it was first introduced into the Anglo-Irish discourse at the height of the Northern Ireland conflict. Date originally posted: 2021-04-13 Permalink: https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/brexit/2021/04/13/the-totality-of-uk-irish-relations/ Blog homepage: https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/brexit/ LSE Brexit: The totality of UK-Irish relations is at risk because of Brexit Page 2 of 4 Image by Philip Storry (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0). -
And Now This… Brexit: an Overview of the Challenges and Conundrums of Leaving the European Union
And now this… Brexit: An overview of the Challenges and Conundrums of leaving the European Union The last few days have been highly significant in the the Labour MP who voted most often against the ongoing saga of the United Kingdom’s effort to leave party whip. the European Union. Prime Minister Theresa May The only mainstream party who announced on Friday that she are solidly Remain are the would resign on June 7th as Liberal Democrats. They are leader of the Conservative simply too small a party to have Party. There will be a a realistic shot of forming a leadership contest within the government on their own. party to decide a new leader. Friday’s news doesn’t seem to There is no guarantee the new move events in a positive leader of the Conservatives will direction. Does it end up become Prime Minister. The breaking the deadlock? There Conservatives do not have an are no obvious positive overall majority in the House of outcomes. Commons (313/650) and are only in power by virtue of a The British elections for seats in ‘confidence and supply’ agreement with the DUP the European Parliament on Thursday only add further (Democratic Unionist Party - 10 seats) and the refusal complexity. The irony of this is, of course, that of Sinn Féin to take their 7 seats. England’s representatives to the European Parliament will only serve until or if Brexit is executed. The new The new party leader would have to agree to continue far right Brexit Party led by longtime anti-EU that arrangement with the DUP. -
Article the Empire Strikes Back: Brexit, the Irish Peace Process, and The
ARTICLE THE EMPIRE STRIKES BACK: BREXIT, THE IRISH PEACE PROCESS, AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW Kieran McEvoy, Anna Bryson, & Amanda Kramer* I. INTRODUCTION ..........................................................610 II. BREXIT, EMPIRE NOSTALGIA, AND THE PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................615 III. ANGLO-IRISH RELATIONS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION ...........................................................................624 IV. THE EU AND THE NORTHERN IRELAND PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................633 V. BREXIT, POLITICAL RELATIONSHIPS AND IDENTITY POLITICS IN NORTHERN IRELAND ....637 VI. BREXIT AND THE “MAINSTREAMING” OF IRISH REUNIFICATION .........................................................643 VII. BREXIT, POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND THE GOVERNANCE OF SECURITY ..................................646 VIII. CONCLUSION: BREXIT AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW ...............................................................................657 * The Authors are respectively Professor of Law and Transitional Justice, Senior Lecturer and Lecturer in Law, Queens University Belfast. We would like to acknowledge the comments and advice of a number of colleagues including Colin Harvey, Brian Gormally, Daniel Holder, Rory O’Connell, Gordon Anthony, John Morison, and Chris McCrudden. We would like to thank Alina Utrata, Kevin Hearty, Ashleigh McFeeters, and Órlaith McEvoy for their research assistance. As is detailed below, we would also like to thank the Economic -
The Ruling Trinity Transformed: Negotiating Power and Local Leadership in Ireland
Provided by the author(s) and NUI Galway in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite the published version when available. Title The ruling trinity transformed: negotiating power and local leadership in Ireland Author(s) Pritchard, Ruth Publication Date 2015-09-21 Item record http://hdl.handle.net/10379/5797 Downloaded 2021-09-28T01:24:42Z Some rights reserved. For more information, please see the item record link above. The Ruling Trinity Transformed: Negotiating Power and Local Leadership in Ireland Ruth Pritchard This thesis is presented to National University of Ireland, Galway for the degree of PhD in the College of Arts, Social Sciences and Celtic Studies 2015 School of Political Science & Sociology Head of School: Dr. Anne Byrne Supervisors: Prof. Chris Curtin and Dr. Tony Varley Table of Contents Page Declaration iii Abstract iv Acknowledgements v Abbreviations vi List of Tables ix List of Figures x Part I: The Ruling Trinity in Context Chapter One The Ruling Trinity Transformed: Negotiating Power and Local 1 Leadership in Ireland – An Overview Chapter Two 28 Locating a Changing Pattern of Local Leadership Part II: The Ruling Trinity in Decline? Chapter Three 73 An Economic Politics of Land and Labour Chapter Four 114 Catholic Culture and Moral Persuasion Chapter Five 158 Political Personalism and Impersonal Governance i Part III: The Ruling Trinity Transformed Chapter Six Negotiating Power and Civil Society Leadership 196 Chapter Seven Conclusions: The Ruling Trinity Transformed 229 Appendices Appendix I 252 Aerial image of O’Leary land holding Appendix II 253 Local Area Plan Map, Blessington Town (2010) Appendix III 254 Typology of Local Leadership Interviews Appendix IV 259 Blessington Town Views Bibliography 262 ii Declaration I declare that this thesis is my own work and has not been submitted in any form for another degree or diploma at any other university of institution of tertiary education. -
Seanad E´Ireann
Vol. 187 Wednesday, No. 22 28 November 2007 DI´OSPO´ IREACHTAI´ PARLAIMINTE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES SEANAD E´ IREANN TUAIRISC OIFIGIU´ IL—Neamhcheartaithe (OFFICIAL REPORT—Unrevised) Wednesday, 28 November 2007. Business of Seanad ………………………………1717 Order of Business …………………………………1718 Visit of Former Member ………………………………1727 Order of Business (resumed)……………………………1727 Third Programme of Law Reform: Motion ………………………1743 Realising Equality and the Traveller Community: Statements …………………1743 Report on Seanad Reform: Motion …………………………1764 Adjournment Matters Food Labelling ………………………………1801 School Facilities ………………………………1805 Schools Building Projects ……………………………1806 1717 1718 SEANAD E´ IREANN I have also received notice from Senator Brian O´ Domhnaill of the following matter: ———— The need for the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform to appoint a second De´ Ce´adaoin, 28 Samhain 2007. permanent District Court judge and the allo- Wednesday, 28 November 2007. cation of a second permanent judge in County Donegal to reduce the large backlog in the Cir- ———— cuit and District courts services. Chuaigh an Cathaoirleach i gceannas ar I have also received notice from Senator Paschal 2.30 p.m. Donohoe of the following matter: The need for the Minister for Justice, ———— Equality and Law Reform to clarify when the Civil Law (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2006 Paidir. will be presented before either House of the Prayer. Oireachtas and when it will be enacted. ———— I regard the matters raised by Senators Frances Fitzgerald, Maria Corrigan, Cecilia Keaveney, David Norris, Pearse Doherty and Brian O´ Business of Seanad. Domhnaill as suitable for discussion on the An Cathaoirleach: I have notice from Senator Adjournment. I have selected the matters raised Frances Fitzgerald that, on the motion for the by Senators Frances Fitzgerald, Maria Corrigan Adjournment of the House today, she proposes and Cecilia Keaveney and they will be taken at to raise the following matter: the conclusion of business. -
Survey: English
The Economic and Social Research Institute 4 Burlington Road Dublin 4 Ph. 6671525 IRISH ELECTION SURVEY, SUMMER 2002 Interviewer’s Name ____________________ Interviewer’s Number Constituency Code Area Code Respondent Code Date of Interview: Day Month Time Interview Began (24hr clock) Introduction (Ask for named respondent) Good morning/afternoon/evening. I am from the Economic and Social Research Institute in Dublin. We have been commissioned by a team of researchers from Trinity College Dublin and University College Dublin to carry out a survey into the way people voted in the recent general election. You have been selected at random from the Electoral Register to participate in the survey. The interview will take about 60 minutes to complete and all information provided will be treated in the strictest confidence by the Economic and Social Research Institute. It will not be possible for anyone to identify your individual views or attitudes from the analysis undertaken on the data. __________________________________________________________________________________ SECTION A A1 First, I’d like to ask you a general question. What do you think has been the single most important issue facing Ireland over the last five years? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________ A2 How good or bad a job do you think the Fianna Fail/Progressive Democrat government did over the past five years in terms of _______________________ [the Main issue mentioned at A1 above]. Did they do a: Very Good Job......... 1 Good Job ......... 2 Bad Job ..... 3 Very Bad Job…… 4 Don’t know ..... 5 A3.1a Looking back on the recent general election campaign in May of this year, could you tell me if a candidate called to your home? Yes ...... -
The Deal Between the Democratic Unionist Party and the Conservative Party
Supplying confidence or trouble? The deal between the Democratic Unionist Party and the Conservative Party Jon Tonge University of Liverpool Introduction The surprise 2017 General Election result saw one party’s difficulty equate to another’s gain. The outcome produced a dream scenario for the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) in Northern Ireland. It offered the opportunity, as monopoly supplier of friends to the Conservatives, for the DUP to name its price for propping up a government stripped of its overall majority in the House of Commons. Support from the DUP’s ten MPs offered the Conservatives, on 318 seats, command of the Commons in key votes. Although 326 is the figure most often cited as the number of MPs required to command the 650-seat chamber, the actual figure for the current parliament is 321, when the non-voting status of ten members is taken into account; seven abstentionist Sinn Fein MPs, the Speaker and his two deputies. A deal between the Conservatives and the DUP was confirmed on 26th June, 18 days after the election. Improbably, within 48 hours of the contest, Downing Street had claimed a deal had been reached. This announcement was soon corrected as a ‘mistake’. The speed of that claimed agreement would have been at odds with all previous evidence regarding the DUP’s propensity to drive a hard bargain. When a genuine deal was finally reached, it was a ‘confidence and supply’ arrangement. Although there would be no formal coalition, the DUP agreed to support the Conservative government in key votes, such as the Queen’s Speech, Budget, Brexit and anti-terrorism legislation. -
Irish Business and Society: Governing, Participating and Transforming in the 21St Century
Technological University Dublin ARROW@TU Dublin Books/Book Chapters School of Marketing 2011-1 Irish Business and Society: Governing, Participating and Transforming in the 21st Century John Hogan Technological University Dublin, [email protected] Paul Donnelly Technological University Dublin, [email protected] Brendan O'Rourke Technological University Dublin, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://arrow.tudublin.ie/buschmarbk Part of the Business Commons, Law Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, J., Donnelly, P., O’Rourke, B. (eds) (2010) Irish Business and Society: Governing, Participating and Transforming in the 21st Century. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Marketing at ARROW@TU Dublin. It has been accepted for inclusion in Books/Book Chapters by an authorized administrator of ARROW@TU Dublin. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike 4.0 License Edited by John Hogan Paul F. Donnelly & Brendan K. O’Rourke Irish Business & Society Governing, Participating & Transforming in the 21st Century Irish Business and Society Governing, Participating and Transforming in the 21st Century Edited by JOHN HOGAN, PAUL F. DONNELLY AND BRENDAN K. O'ROURKE 'Irish Business and Societ), presents the best of Irish social science, neatly packaged around themes of governance, participation and transformation. Many of these original chapters are brilliantly crafted, and while they show an Ireland slipping off a time of rapid growth, themes of hope abound in enterprise, social and economic partnership, civil society, social inclusion and Europeanization. -
Why Asia Matters for Ireland
INTRODUCTION focus on the western Anglophone world has served Ireland well Why Asia Matters to date but the new reality of change demands a paradigm shift in mindset. China alone is targeting $750 billion in outbound FDI by the conclusion of the current five year plan in 2020. In this context, for Ireland there is an urgent need for a heightened focus on opportunities in Asia, which accounts for 40% of global GDP and over 60% of global Alan Dukes, Chairman Asia Matters consumers who need top quality products and services. Ireland must seek increased opportunities to play an increasing role in this huge and diverse market. I would like to pay tribute to the late Dr. TK Whitaker, former Secretary General of the Department of Finance and Governor of the Central Bank, who recently passed away at the age of 100. From the late 1950s he played a pivotal role in the economic development of modern Ireland, not least by bringing about the kind of paradigm shift in economic and trade policy that we need By Alan Dukes to repeat today. Dr. Whitaker encouraged us to look beyond our shores for the economic prosperity we desired as a nation. Ireland has achieved enormous success in business partnership with the western Anglophone world. The challenge before us is to communicate the Ireland proposition and establish strong relationships in a new way that resonates as successfully within key Volatility in global markets is the new business markets in Asia. normal. With Asia likely to account for Why Asia Matters for Financial Services almost half the world’s economic output From Japanese global corporates seeking to invest cash reserves by 2025, Ireland’s engagement with Asia is prudently to Chinese enterprises rapidly scaling and globalizing, more important than ever before. -
The Impact of Multi-Party Government on Parliament-Executive Relations
Paper for ASPG Conference 2011 The Executive vs. Parliament, who wins? The impact of multi-party government on parliament-executive relations. Examples from abroad. Abstract: Following the 2010 federal election that did not produce a clear majority, Julia Gillard decided to govern with a minority of seats. This was to be supported by confidence and supply agreements with the Green‟s only delegate in the House of Representatives and three independent MPs. Media comments and the public debate precluding and following this decision showed the electorate‟s uneasiness with this model of government which is more common in continental Europe. This was evident in particular by the fear of handing over power to four kingmakers who effectively represent only a very small number of citizens. This paper deals with common concerns about multi-party and minority-governments, in particular that they are unstable, that there is no clear string of delegation, that they may facilitate a dictatorship of the smaller party, and that they limit the parliament‟s scope to take the executive to account. It addresses the effect multi-party government has on parliament-executive relations by looking at examples from the United Kingdom and Germany and takes account of the mechanisms used in these countries for setting up and maintaining multi-party government while analysing, how these impact on executive-parliament relations. In Britain with its Westminster influence, parliamentarians in the devolved assemblies in Scotland and Wales have grown slowly accustomed to coalition and minority government. In contrast, Britain‟s current coalition government on a national level has reignited public concerns about the unsuitability of multi-party government for Westminster systems. -
Ireland.Pdf 1 01/05/2014 10:17
IAYB_page01.indd 1 01/05/2014 14:29 Asia Business Week FP Ireland.pdf 1 01/05/2014 10:17 ASIABusiness Week Dublin UNLOCKING ASIA-IRELAND TRADE POTENTIAL 3-6 JUNE 2014 Round Room at the Mansion House JUNE 4TH 2014 - The Dublin Beijing Business Summit Dublin JUNE 5TH 2014 - The Asia Ireland Trade & Investment Summit - The Asia Matters Economic Innovation Award Dinner JUNE 6TH 2014 - The Fourth EU Asia Top Economist Round Table SPEAKERS INCLUDE The Lord Mayor of Dublin, Mr. Oisín Quinn, Mr. Richard Bruton, TD, Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation, H.E. Mr. Bui Thanh Son, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs, Vietnam, Mr. David O’Sullivan, Chief Operating Officer, European External Action Service, Mr. Du Deyin, Chairman of the Standing Committee of Beijing Municipal People’s Congress (BMPC), Beijing Delegate, Mr. Kevin Toland, Chief Executive, Dublin Airport Authority, Mr. Jun Arima, Director General, Japan External Trade Organisation (JETRO) - London. BOOKING NOW ON www.asiabusinessweek.ie IAYB_page02-03.indd 2 01/05/2014 17:45 Asia Business Week FP Ireland.pdf 1 01/05/2014 10:17 The Ireland Asia Business Yearbook is published by Asia Matters in association with Business and Leadership Ltd ©Asia Matters CONTENTS 4 FOREWORD 30 MANUFACTURING ASIABusiness Week Dublin An Taoiseach Enda Kenny TD What can Europe and Ireland learn Executive director: Martin Murray from Lean in Toyota? [email protected] 6 INTRODUCTION +353 87 2688805 Chairman of Asia Matters Alan Dukes 34 SECTORS: FOOD AND Asia specialists: Ronan Lenihan, director