University of PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository

University of Calgary Press University of Calgary Press Open Access Books

2016-09 The Frontier of Patriotism: and the First World War

Davies, Adriana A.; Keshen, Jeff

University of Calgary Press

Davies, A.A & Keshen, J. (2016). "The Frontier of Patriotism: Alberta and the First World War." Beyond boundaries: Canadian defence and strategic studies series; no. 7. University of Calgary Press, Calgary, Alberta. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/51593 book http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Attribution Non-Commercial No Derivatives 4.0 International Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca THE FRONTIER OF PATRIOTISM: Alberta and the First World War Edited by Adriana A. Davies and Jeff Keshen

ISBN 978-1-55238-835-8

THIS BOOK IS AN OPEN ACCESS E-BOOK. It is an electronic version of a book that can be purchased in physical form through any bookseller or on-line retailer, or from our distributors. Please support this open access publication by requesting that your university purchase a print copy of this book, or by purchasing a copy yourself. If you have any questions, please contact us at [email protected]

Cover Art: The artwork on the cover of this book is not open access and falls under traditional copyright provisions; it cannot be reproduced in any way without written permission of the artists and their agents. The cover can be displayed as a complete cover image for the purposes of publicizing this work, but the artwork cannot be extracted from the context of the cover of this specific work without breaching the artist’s copyright.

COPYRIGHT NOTICE: This open-access work is published under a Creative Commons licence. This means that you are free to copy, distribute, display or perform the work as long as you clearly attribute the work to its authors and publisher, that you do not use this work for any commercial gain in any form, and that you in no way alter, transform, or build on the work outside of its use in normal academic scholarship without our express permission. If you want to reuse or distribute the work, you must inform its new audience of the licence terms of this work. For more information, see details of the Creative Commons licence at: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/

UNDER THE CREATIVE UNDER THE CREATIVE COMMONS LICENCE YOU COMMONS LICENCE YOU MAY NOT: MAY: • gain financially from the work in any way; • read and store this • sell the work or seek monies in relation to the distribution document free of charge; of the work; • distribute it for personal • use the work in any commercial activity of any kind; use free of charge; • profit a third party indirectly via use or distribution of • print sections of the work the work; for personal use; • distribute in or through a commercial body (with • read or perform parts of the exception of academic usage within educational the work in a context where institutions such as schools and universities); no financial transactions • reproduce, distribute, or store the cover image outside take place. of its function as a cover of this work; • alter or build on the work outside of normal academic scholarship.

Acknowledgement: We acknowledge the wording around open access used by Australian publisher, re.press, and thank them for giving us permission to adapt their wording to our policy http://www.re-press.org SECTION FOUR Aftermath

The men and women who came home from the Front returned to a country and prov- ince that had changed dramatically over four years. The war had empowered some; for example, women had been granted the vote on 19 April 1916. They had participated in the 1917 provincial election as voters and also as candidates for the Legislative Assem- bly of Alberta. Other changes would prove less popular; for example, patriotic fervour spurred Prohibitionists, who believed that returning soldiers should come back to a “dry” homeland that would somehow be thereby rid of all social ills. They were instru- mental in the passage of prohibition legislation in 1916. Returning soldiers suffered from loss of limbs and other unseen symptoms com- prising “shell shock,” or what is today known as Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. Mea- sures to help them to adjust were not always adequate. Many returning veterans had to be hospitalized. Medical historian J. Robert Lampard notes that, in the early 1920s, treatment of veterans was centralized in a number of key facilities. In 1922, the federal government built an 84-bed annex at the Strathcona Hospital in to house soldiers, and also funded the building of the second wing on the Royal Alexandra Hos- pital. In Calgary, the Colonel Belcher Hospital opened in 1919 and received the remain- ing Calgary vets. In 1920, the Keith Sanatorium opened west of Calgary with 185 beds.1 According to Lampard, by 1921, there were 650 veterans left in Alberta hospitals.2 Venereal disease also presented challenges since the rate of infection was so high; an estimated 66,000 Canadian soldiers were infected during the war. An Albertan, Dr. Harold Orr, played an important role in its treatment. A medical officer with the 3rd 484 The Frontier of Patriotism shows hasinvolved nearly all Alberta museums. of which hasbeenthehonouringof local servicemen, anexercise thatRory Cory have arranged commemorations of the war experience, aprincipalcomponent of theFirst World War, offers amore positive message. Communities across tions thatproduced ahighfailure rate and alegacy of bitterness. complaints aboutunderfunding,mismanagement,anduncompromising regula Peace River region. However, thisprogram, like mostothersfor veterans, sparked (9,883) settled in Alberta, with thefederal government directing themto theremote and seed.Of the31,670 veterans who participated intheprogram, almostone-third program providing subsidized loans to veterans to acquire farmland, machinery, Allan Rowe examinesthefederal Soldier Settlement scheme,amuch-trumpetted aimed to stimulate thepostwar economy andprovide better shelter to veterans. the federal government’s 1919 Housing Act. Though inadequately funded,the Act modern housingstyles emphasizinghealthier livingconditions, namely through with community hospitals.Donald Wetherell linksthe war to theemergence of public health reforms, suchasreplacing in Alberta, detailingitsdevastating results, butalsoitsrole inprompting significant Humphries covers theimpactof theSpanish influenzapandemic of 1918 and 1919 on theFront (4,308compared to 6,140killed inaction). 1918–19. Thus, deathsfrom influenzain Albertaequalled over two-thirds of deaths extremely high: 3,259 people died in 1918 and an additional 1,049 in the winter of the real number was probably atleast three timeshigher. The mortality rate was also than 31,000 Albertans were officially listed as having theailment;hesuggeststhat front and infected their communities. According to Mark Humphries, in 1918, more cumbed to theso-called Spanishinfluenza, which returned withthemfrom the cial Divisionof Venereal DiseaseControl. Act of Alberta, thefirstinCanada.In 1923, he was appointed director of theprovin uate studiesfocusing onsyphilis and,in1920, wrote the Venereal DiseaseControl infection equipmentto deal with thescourge of body lice. He undertook postgrad Canadian Mounted Rifles inthefield hygiene section, Orr developed importantdis The final essay in this section, which deals with the centenary of the outbreak Four: Aftermath Section Having survived thehorrors of battle, veterans were amongthose who suc explores short-andlong-term impactsof the war. Mark 3 pest houses , where people went to die, - - - - - 3 2 1 Notes Donald R. Wilson andPaul Donald R. 346–47.Ibid., J. RobertLampard, History in Lampard, in theProvinceof Alberta,” Venereal Disease Program Rentiers, “Evolutionof the Deer: 2008),293. Lusty, andFull ofLife” Medical History:“Young and , 92–96. Alberta’s Medical Alberta’s (Red War, Public Health, and the 1918 “Spanish” Influenza Pandemic in Alberta

MARK OSBORNE HUMPHRIES

Andrew Robert W. was born along the Ottawa River in for his medical examination, and near Aylwin, Quebec, on 23 June 1893. His Scot- when he passed he was ordered to report for duty at tish father, John, was then a farmhand struggling the end of July in Calgary.6 to support a family of five children on an income of While Albertans like W. may have felt that death $150 a year and, as was the case for many Canadian and the horror of war were a world away, that fall a families, emigration to the West promised an escape new disease—the so-called “Spanish” influenza— from poverty.1 When the Edson Trail opened in 1911, appeared in Canada. The flu would kill more people John W. moved to Alberta, clearing a homestead at worldwide than the Great War, and nearly as many Bear Lake near Grande Prairie.2 When war came in Canadians as died overseas.7 When it appeared in 1914, Albertans flocked to the colours to escape a Calgary in early October, Andrew W. was training in deepening recession, but the conflict seemed very the foothills of the Rockies. For weeks the epidemic remote from northern Alberta, where the prewar raged and death seemed to be lurking around every boom continued unabated.3 At that time, the railway corner: more than 4,000 Albertans would eventually was slowly pushing toward the Peace River country, die that fall.8 When the Armistice was announced the town of Grande Prairie was flourishing, and the on November 11 and a masked (to avoid contagion) family’s fortunes were on the rise. By 1916 Andrew but joyful population rejoiced in the streets, W. must had set up his own tinsmith operation and was have thought that he would soon be on his way home, beginning to move into gas engineering.4 Neither he back to Grande Prairie, having escaped the fate of so nor his two younger brothers were eager to join the many Canadians on the Western Front. But demo- army. But the Canadian government required more bilization came slowly, as those who were the last to soldiers to fill the ranks of its expeditionary force join were also the last sent home. Weeks passed, and fighting in Europe; and with volunteerism failing, at then he too began to cough.9 the end of 1917 conscription was imposed, requir- On the morning of December 19, W. paraded for ing all young able-bodied men to serve.5 In March duty as usual at Victoria Park Barracks.10 He looked 1918, 25-year-old Andrew went to the depot office unwell, so much so that his commanding officer sent 486 Aftermath to managethelargesthealthcare crisisinmodern whenitinevitablydid, communities, andthen, firstto preventthediseasefromenteringtheir gled, W. April 1919.Many died asquicklyandinexplicably 50,000 CanadiansbetweenSeptember1918and with thesnifflesonparade. pneumonia—less than36hoursaftercomingdown At9:00thatnighthediedfromacute and laboured. past 104°ashisbreathingbecameshallow, wet, spite hisbestefforts, W.’s temperature kept rising de But, ordered oxygentobegivenasrequired. containingoxytocinandvasopressin) extract including strychnine,brandy, andpituitrin(an breathe. Nyblett pushedafullarrayof stimulants, W.beginning intheleft. wasnowstrugglingto consolidated; hecouldheartelltalerales(rattling) ized thatW.’s rightlunghadalmostbeencompletely side thentheotherandbackagain—thedoctorreal stethoscope pressedagainstW.’s chest—firsttoone Withthat duringthenightpneumonia hadsetin. a ing, whenNyblett madehisrounds,hediscovered morn he waslefttosleepfor Thenext thenight. that wastobeexpected;nothingseemedamissand but examined thatevening,hiscoughhadworsened, the patientandreducingsymptoms.Whenhewas rest—all standardtreatmentsaimedatcomforting (a combinationof ipecacandopium) tohelphim adoseofAspirin, quinine,andDover’s powder heart soundsandhislungswereclear. W. wasgiven a briefphysicalexaminationshowednoabnormal therewerenosignsofOn admission, pneumonia; anhourlater,and, W. wasinSarceeCamphospital. Macleod, recordedhistemperatureat102° Alberta, H.G. anEnglish-bornsurgeonfromFort Nyblett, him onsickparade.Thebattalion’s doctor, Major 13 The 1918influenzapandemickilled35,000to Across Canada, publichealthofficials AcrossCanada, strug 12 - - - - 11

been China, themidwesternUnitedbeen China, States,oreven know wherethevirusfirstappeared—itmayhave demobilized inthewinterof 1918–19. war wascomingtoanend;andthethirdastroops and springof 1918;thesecondinfalljustas globe inthreesuccessivewaves:thefirstwinter history. The1918influenzapandemiccircledthe that thevirusprovoked a“cytokine storm,” causing of hours.Themostlikelya matter explanationis or howitcouldprogressfrom infection todeathin sure whatmadetheflusodeadly for youngpeople, appeared tobeintheprimeof life. Scientistsarenot adults—like PrivateAndrewW.—who otherwise itkilledyoung,healthy carved adifferent pattern: derly. The deadlyfallwaveof so-called“Spanish” flu systems, underlyinghealthconditions,ortheel pneumonia inthosewithcompromisedimmune healthy victimsfor afew days,onlyprogressingto cases of influenzatendtoincapacitateotherwise as many100millionpeopleworldwide. flu returnedinthespringbutwasfarlessdeadly. drafts of thegrowingAmericanarmy. Athirdwaveof or emptytroopshipsarrivingtopickupthenext continent; andwesttoBostonwithmerchantvessels east toBrestandthearmiesof Europefightingonthe to AfricaonaBritishshipdestinedfor SierraLeone; outward fromEnglandalongthesinewsof war:south far moredeadlydisease.Thefallwaveof fluspread July withnewgeneticcharacteristicsthatmadeita emerging latein in Europethatthevirusmutated, enduring moniker. Few, It actuallydied. though, was who gavethediseaseitsinaccuratebutnevertheless globe becamesick—includingtheKingof Spain, duringthefirstwave,manypeople across the that, public healthreports,andhospitalrecordsshows in Europe. The secondandthirdwavesof flumayhavekilled 15 Evidencegatheredfromnewspapers, 14 We donot 17 Seasonal - 16 War, Public Health, and the 1918 “Spanish” Influenza Pandemic in Alberta 487 - -

22 Historians once believed that the flu’s primary once believed that the flu’s Historians of German submarines marauding off the Atlantic marauding off German submarines of Seaboard, soldiers were not returning home injured was widening rather fact, the war effort that fall. In Prime Minis than waning. Earlier in the summer, ter Robert Borden had agreed to create a Canadian to go to Vladivostok,military force Russia, where it in their loyal to the deposed Tsar would assist forces Ontario, and to barracks in Montreal and Quebec Ontario, and to barracks in Montreal troopships as they made their way toward waiting Scotia, sick Nova Sydney, In Europe. bound for from an in American soldiers also disembarked Jersey en route from New American freighter fected hospitals to England and were treated in Canadian there and in Halifax. the war effort vector was returning veterans, but with new threat actually ramping up in Europe and the

19 reported

18 Edmonton Bulletin According to Canadian military records, According to Canadian military records, The next day, the paper said that there The next day, 21 20 -2685-49. NA Albertans were first alerted to Spanish influenza Albertans were first alerted to Spanish York State. York American soldiers from those barracks then carried army camp the disease across the border to a Polish run by the Canadian army at Niagara-on-the-Lake, the deaths of 70 people in Boston from a strange new 70 people the deaths of grippe which was said to have shut down the of form in nearby harbour and even all the shoe factories Brockton. “Spanish influenza” cases of were more than 3,000 England and upper New New in the army camps of this scenario, it was the intensity of the cascading this scenario, it was the intensity of have killed immune response that ultimately may youngest victims. the flu’s many of States. when it arrived in the northeastern United On September 18, the the body’s immune system to go into overdrive; in immune system to go the body’s epidemic in 1918. epidemic in 1918. The Hungerbuhlers from immigrants were Glenbow Switzerland. Archives, near Vulcan, Alberta, Vulcan, near Susie; right: to Left 1910. Mrs. Hungerbuhler; Jimmie; Alice. and Susie, Jimmie, twin to died in the influenza Mrs. Herman Mrs. Herman and Hungerbuhler poultry, feeding children, 488 Aftermath Chester Fish McGuffin, wiredthe director general of Military DistrictNo. 13(Alberta),LieutenantColonel Hospital. Theassistant director, medicalservicesfor ranks wereremovedandsent totheCalgaryIsolation downtown Calgary, whereoneofficer and11other the morningof October2,theflutrainpulledinto and Reginainthedeadof night. were secretlyremovedtohospitalsinWinnipeg 337 rumbled onwardacrossthecountry, sick soldiers barracks alreadyinfected withflu. took onseveralnewdraftsof soldiersfromalocal be removedtoahospitalinthecity. sickandhadto some soldierswerealreadygetting Sydney. BythetimecarslurchedintoMontreal, plies totheover-stretchedmilitaryhospitalatNorth sup camp amongsoldierswhohadbroughtextra morning, thefirstcases of fluwerereportedinthe gers atSussexCamp,New Brunswick. rian Troop Train 337tookonitsfirstload of passen Halifax toVictoria. hospitals inallthemajorpopulationcentresfrom of days,seedingcrowdedbarracksand in amatter the country, thespeedyandorganizedmobilizationof home tocommunitiesbigandsmallacrossthe astheyreturned dispersed fluinarandompattern tor. Whereasdemobilizingveteranswouldhave crowdedincuba theyenteredawarm, with men, soldiers climbedintosealedtrainspacked totheroof boarded trainsdestinedfor Vancouver. Whensick New Quebec,andOntario.Soonthey Brunswick, Canadian troopswereassemblinginNova Scotia, Just asinfluenzawasbeginningtocrosstheborder, tionary Force ( mobilization of thisnewlycreatedSiberianExpedi fight againstthenewBolshevikgovernment. On themorningof September27, SpecialSibe SEF ensuredthatthediseasecrossedcountry SEF ) spreadfluacrossthecountry. 25 29 At 4:00 a.m. on At4:00a.m. 28 27 AsSpecialNo. Thetrainalso 26 Thatsame 23 The - - 24 - - -

Chief PressCensorinOttawa. movements hadbeenbannedbytheOffice ofthe asthepublicationoflargely insecret, trooptrain forthcoming. new suggestionsregardingtreatment.” medical services,GuyCarletonJones, askingfor “any ancient practicesof quarantine andisolationmight explained andpublishedwidely andatonce.” preventative measures,these shouldbeofficially . precautionary measureswhichmaybeemployed of andthe thedisease,conditionswhichfavorit, a totallackof information astothecauseandnature invader. Sofaras thepublicareconcernedthereis this isthetimetomobilizeforces toresistthe “on thancure theprinciplethatpreventionisbetter where itwasexpectedtodothesame. border, andwouldeventuallyreachwesternCanada the fluwaskillingthousandseverydaysouth of the Frankcalm. Oliver’s don’t get‘scared.’” cold; keep as much as possible in thesunshine; [and] mild antiseptic,ifonlysaltandwater;don’t neglecta sneezers; gargleyourthroatthreetimesadaywith protect yournoseandmouthinthepresenceof readers “keep feet andclothingdry;avoidcrowds; fatal.” properly taken careof ithas,inmanycases,proved readers thatitwas“of aserioustypeandwhennot both easternCanadaandtheUnited States.It warned Spanish fluwasprevalentinmanymilitarycamps Calgary. OnOctober3, the was alreadysimmeringinthemilitaryhospitalsof the diseasewouldinevitablyspreadwest—evenasit reports fromtheeastcontinuedtostoke fears that . . If thereisanywayof combatingthediseaseby The mobilizationof the Doctors hadfew weaponsat theirdisposal.The 33 When flu arrived, thepapersuggestedthat Whenfluarrived, 31 34 Butitwasdifficulttoremain Edmonton Bulletin Redcliff Review SEF 32 wasaccomplished Nevertheless, dire 35 notedthat 30 He argued, None were notedthat 36 War, Public Health, and the 1918 “Spanish” Influenza Pandemic in Alberta 489 ------As 46 The main weap 45

47 42 “We in the west find that the in the west “We 43 Although there was little evidence to 44 Initially, advice had to be appropriated Initially, 48 Few public health officials had experience health officials public Few While these community problems were not community problems While these one historian has argued, an episodic, reactionary approach to public health and disease management prevailed across the country. influenza, as the last pan managing outbreaks of demic had been in 1889–90; it had also been much milder. fever, or diphtheria. fever, from for not into that country, immigrants coming but frequently from the older eign countries alone, disease,” a convalescent stage of provinces, arrive in editorial. “Theyread a typical prewar will go among west and will say nothing about their friends in the with disease, and the local having been afflicted What the matter. knowledge of authorities have no friends is the result? These people go among their and among children who attend in the schools, and a short time an epidemic breaks out. of The number in our west deaths from diphtheria and scarlet fever this kind, is absolutely due to causes of ern country, appalling.” immi support such claims, the association between attitudesgration and disease gave underlying nativist of outsiders in fears legitimizing a scientific veneer, period of a province undergoing an unprecedented growth and demographic change. ons against disease in Alberta, and Canada more had been a robust immigrant border inspec widely, tion, procedures, and disinfection strict quarantine when communicable disease was discovered. privies and ensuring that “nuisances” were removed, “nuisances” that and ensuring privies milk, especially supply, that the food while seeing from infection. was secure pop growing immigrant neglected, province’s the “importing” commu blamed for often ulation was as smallpox,nicable diseases such typhoid, scarlet ------Restric 37 In 1918 public health in the In 39 38 Staffing was limited and, in 1918, the 40 In the years before the First World War, War, World the First the years before In 41 Unlike many Canadian provinces that had little many Canadian Unlike oratory. almost exclu provincial and local boards focused growing sively on improving sanitation in Alberta’s towns and cities, which amounted to inspecting pit Public Health Act of 1907; the provincial board, in Act of Public Health turn, regional health boards across the controlled province. a provincial medical provincial board consisted of and a bacte of health, a sanitary engineer, officer Lab riologist who in turn oversaw the Provincial in the way of a formal public health infrastruc a formal in the way of a robust ture, Alberta was well situated to organize response to the crisis. Provincial province was centrally managed by the which had been created by the Health, Board of tine, and bans on public gatherings before the flu’s the flu’s tine, and bans on public gatherings before if However, arrival had lower overall mortality. only non-pharmaceutical measures were employed they had littleafter the disease was already epidemic, on death rates. effect mission rate, thus reducing strain on public health mission rate, thus reducing States and Canada, United resources. Across the interventions were employed non-pharmaceutical Epidemiological success. of with varying degrees that cities that were able to studies have shown quaran implement case reporting procedures, behaviours, and socio-economic activities, which activities, which and socio-economic behaviours, the disease once it transmission of might limit these now know that reached a city or town. We interventions could not non-pharmaceutical to officials prevent influenza, but would enable by slowing down the trans control the epidemic be used to reduce or eliminate person-to-person person-to-person or eliminate to reduce be used erecting barriers the disease by of transmission and healthy populations. between sick movements, people’s also be placed on tions could 490 Aftermath epidemic, Alberta, 1918. Glenbow1918. epidemic, Alberta, Archives, Poster issuedby theProvincial Board of Health abouttheinfluenza place themselvesundercareof aphysician.” There “affected individualsgohome andtobedatonce, herecommendedthat andthroat, nose, mouth, bysecretionsfromthe Because fluwastransmitted itthenprogressedtopneumonia. cases, hewarned, herpesonlips,andprostration.”throat, perature, painsinvariouspartsof thebody, sore with a“sudden chill,headache,elevationof tem for Calgary, toldcitizensthatinfluenzabeganrapidly October 1,CecilMahood, medicalofficer ofhealth epicentre of theoutbreakoneastcoast. from BritishandAmericansourcesclosertothe NA -4548-5. 50 In many 49 On - in public places. Again, Albertanswereimplored: in publicplaces.Again, local newspapersacrosstheprovinceandposted few days“influenzawarnings” werepublishedin October 4andissuedsimilaradvice. board mettodiscussthecrisisfor thefirsttimeon lest pneumonia develop. subsided, untilthesymptoms inbed, they weretoremain, announced a“sweeping program” designedto MacKay,October 13, theministerof A.G. health, After ameetingof theprovincial boardof healthon to manageanepidemicthatwas alreadyunderway. than ondevelopingtheinfrastructure necessary focused rather onpreventionthroughexclusion, province. Efforts tocontrolthediseaselikewise implyingthatithadyettoreachthe the abstract, public healthofficials werestilldiscussingfluin 10 daysafterthefirstcases of fluarrivedinCalgary— minimize panic. quarantinable ratherthanareportabledisease,to its regulations,butdecidedthatflushouldbea October 14,theAlbertahealthboardfinallyamended and officials inCalgarysupportedhisactions. violated theAlbertaHealth mostphysicians Act, ered. isolated andquarantinedimmediatelyifdiscov and wouldbegintoorderinfected individualstobe Calgary, Mahood announcedthathewouldnotwait those afflictedwiththecondition. give himthepowertoenforce quarantinesagainst should declarefluareportabledisease,whichwould suggestedthattheprovincialboardofton, health Whitelaw, themedicalofficer forhealthinEdmon OnOctober9, T.H.on quarantineandisolation. forts of publichealthofficials—centred exclusively “Don’t Get‘Scared.’” As lateastheendof thesecondweekof October— the At first, official response—thatis,theef 55 AsJanice although this Dickinpointsout, 57

53 54 51 The next dayin Thenext 52 Alberta’s health Over the next Overthenext 56 - - On -

War, Public Health, and the 1918 “Spanish” Influenza Pandemic in Alberta 491 - - - - Winni 65 The provincial 63 64 ] of the disease into the community the disease into ] of However, public health officials, public health officials, However, sic 66 bridge, coal miners returning from the night miners returning bridge, coal Bans on public gatherings and institutional Bans on public gatherings and institutional while Toronto outlawed meetings until the middle while Toronto November. of still con worried about restricting commerce or to the eastern vinced that flu was primarily confined remained reluctant to do so in the country, parts of in both British Columbia Alberta long after officials similar steps. “Thereand had taken to leave despite the pressing needs of the harvest, pressing needs of to leave despite the their livestock, and their families. 48 hours of course. Within board soon reversed being imposed, lifted, the quarantines were and, to inspect were dispatched in their place, officials flu. But while passengers for incoming and outgoing about being complained the citizens of quarantined, actually imposed their some towns roughly Irma, isolation. The town of of own forms its own instituted Wainwright, 30 kilometres west of steps to prevent quarantine on October 25 “to take the induction [ both by from outside points by stopping travellers restricting train and car from alighting here and in pos people in the community as far as the mixing of sible without stopping business.” the most commonly imple closures were some of across mented non-pharmaceutical interventions example, the newspapers Canada. On October 10, for theatres had reported that all schools, churches, and Brunswick. been ordered closed in New later, peg banned all public gatherings two days municipalities. Yet this drastic step soon proved step soon drastic this Yet municipalities. example, at or maintain. For to enforce impossible Leth­ to get home and themselves unable shift found and ranchers, return to work.unable to Farmers, the city overnight who had been in businessmen imposed were similarly unable when quarantine was

- - 61 - - - -

) 59 RNWMP , the movement of , the movement of . “No one may enter . “No CPR

58 Guards were also hired by 60 . From the date of the order which the date of . From . Lethbridge Herald 62 The Alberta Board of Health was the only public Health The Alberta Board of Oyen, Alberta, a small town about 150 kilome Oyen, Alberta, a small town about 150 ilarly quarantined in the south, as was Legal, north Edmonton. of health authority in Canada to quarantine entire into Lethbridge and not unlocked until the train is into Lethbridge and not unlocked the city limits.” out of ( Police Mounted the Royal North-West blocking all to guard the road entrances to the city, of the city. out vehicular and carriage traffic into or were sim and Taber Macleod, , Fort ment Takes Unexpected and Drastic Action,” read the read Drastic Action,” and Unexpected Takes ment headline in the or leave the city . was first communicated to the trains pass passengers was prohibited and doors on coming before ing through Lethbridge are locked broader quarantine with the board prohibiting the broader quarantine with the board prohibiting any person to, or ingress from, Oyen and of “egress exists.” other nearby places in which influenza Lethbridge too was the entire city of On October 17, Depart placed under quarantine. “Provincial Health tres north of near the Saskatchewan near Hat Medicine tres north of place to be quarantined. was the first When border, provincial board immediately flu erupted there, the churches, schools, and busi ordered all theatres, nesses closed. The town was also placed under a Those whom inspectors determined to be sick were to be sick were inspectors determined Those whom while denied entry, into isolation or to be placed trains were to be quaran those on through-bound flu was detected in If journey. tined throughout their a town, to be isolated and cordoned that location was from the outside world. off prevent flu from reaching the province. Medical the province. reaching flu from prevent at every road or were hired and placed inspectors borders, and charged point along Alberta’s rail entry entry into the province. travellers on with inspecting 492 Aftermath two weeksafterthefirstcases arrivedinthecity—to ton andCalgarywaiteduntilOctober 18—morethan than theaveragebusinesshouse.” healthiest placeinthecityas aresult—farhealthier Calgarians thatthecity’s “theatresareprobablythe as inCalgarytheatres.” Mahood assuring agreed, in thecityof Calgarywhereonemayfeel asimmune to take anychances,” isnotahome “There hesaid. complain of thecarbolicodor, butwearenotgoing “Someofcontemporary operatingroom. ourpatrons carbolic acideverynightasonemighthavecleaneda thismeantwashingthepremiseswith reported, Oral Cloakney, themanagerof theAllentheatre, Mahood toldthenewspapersinmid-October. As eastern Canadasolongas. of theSpanishInfluenza epidemicwhichisraging in is noneedof closingthetheatresinCalgarybecause . . precautionsaretaken,” 67 BothEdmon - our danger. Make thefamilyaltarto betheplace family becometheworshipunit duringthetimeof Wereligious interest. wouldlike tosuggestthatthe flock viathelocalpaper.“This includesadeeper their lotinthemoderncivilization,” hetold his given moreresponsibilitythancommonlyfallsto are theparentsandinatimeof pestilencetheyare firstteachers of life“The andtruthineveryfamily responsibility for religiousobservanceonthefamily. necessitated closingthechurches,whichplaced acknowledged thattheseverityof thefluoutbreak terrified communities. In Irma, Pastor C.G. Hockin teraction butalsotothespirituallivesof Alberta’s of socialin to notonlycommerceandpatterns poolrooms toclose. order theatres,dancehalls,publiclibraries,and Public closurescausedsignificantdisruption 68 The hillinbackground influenza epidemic. the masks worn during 1918. The imageshows Alberta, 11November Victory parade, Calgary, NC GlenbowHill. Archives, is thoughtto beNorth -20-2. - War, Public Health, and the 1918 “Spanish” Influenza Pandemic in Alberta 493 - - Red “These 71 Many refused to wear them. refused to Many 72 Besides being unpopular, the Besides being unpopular, 73 , “sixteen by eight inches, which are twice by eight , “sixteen cliff Review until they are finally eight by doubled alternatively the nose inches in size, and are then tied over four and mouth with cord.” has noted, Dickin complained to the some As Janice were grotesque, depressing, newspapers that they and even dangerous. During the first to enforce. regulation was difficult failed, the Alberta Board of Health sought to con sought to Health failed, Board of Alberta the all disease by ordering the spread of trol the further mouths and noses wear masks over their citizens to instructions left their homes, providing when they his or her own might manufacture on how each supplies. readily available version from the reported cheese cloth,” masks are made of - 70 Families were not only left to worship were not only Families 69 By the time churches were shut,By the time churches had quarantine -10-655. EA Edmonton in spite of the of in spite Edmonton flu epidemic but some masks. wore people City McDermid Studio. Archives, of Edmonton The Armistice Day The Armistice Day on 11 November Parade, on place took 1918, in Avenue Jasper the house, he is asked what he is doing, his answer is what the house, he is asked dead, who was dead,that he is burying the his asked brother and sister.” mother, answer is, father, advance. Once it flu’s the tide of clearly failed to stem together but also to bury their dead. In isolated com dead. also to bury their together but In family units dissolved across the province, munities because disease and further suffered in the face of rural community supports normal, the absence of of Athabasca, it was the district of the survivors. In for is seen digging behind fifteen lad of reported that “a where all are found at the hour when public worship worship public hour when at the all are found where in our Word God’s and let us hear would be called unto the our requests with boldness make homes and Almighty.” 494 Aftermath Archivesof Alberta, “How to make [an]influenzamask.” 21October 1918. Provincial to partake intheprecautions.The to buyhimone.” “that ifthecitywantedhimtowearoneitwouldhave to buythenecessarymaterials;onemantoldajudge whileotherssaidthattheyhadnomoney ing amask, some claimedthattheycouldnotsmoke whilewear to comply. monses wereissuedtoEdmontonmenwhorefused few dayswhentheorderwasineffect, 30sum 74 Whenpressedtoexplaintheiractions, A 75 13187. Evensomephysiciansrefused Bulletin reported - - degree of immunityonhealthypeople. a weakened form of thebacteria toconfer atleasta the possibilitythataserum couldbe developedusing the previouspandemicof 1889–90. research conductedinGerman laboratoriesduring by Pfeiffer’s bacillus—basedlargelyonerroneous medical professionals believed thatitwascaused that influenzaisaviralinfection, butin1918most rabies, andahostof otherdiseases.We nowknow ashadbeendoneagainstsmallpox, tality fromflu, a vaccinethatwouldreducemorbidityandmor medicine. could actuallybecured;preventionwasthusthebest bullet” antibioticswouldlaterprovide,few diseases illness. the laboratorytoinoculatevulnerableagainst vaccine in1885,medicalresearchershadlooked to strated theeffectiveness of hisartificialrabies tific medicine.EversinceLouis Pasteur demon seemed toberelicsfromanothereraof lessscien ultimately escapedwithawarning. selves asproscribedbytheprovince.Most offenders judges—were notactuallywearingthemasksthem that thosepresenttohearthecases—including before itwasfrequentlypointedout thelocalcourt, Even when“offenders” werearrestedandbrought himself refusedtoenforce theprovincialregulation be wearingtheirmasksasrequired. only about20percentof thepopulationseemedto visited Calgary, hetoocomplainedtoMahood that not needanyanddroveon.” told the[medical]officer [of health]thathedid that “one doctorwhowasgoingaboutmaskless[ implementing otherforms of protectivemeasures. insisting thathiseffortsfocused on werebetter because hefelt thatitwasa“fruitlessendeavour,” For manyphysicians,quarantines andmasks 80 Afterall,intheabsenceof the“magic 81 In 1918,manydoctorshopedtodevelop 76 When A.G. MacKay WhenA.G. 79 82 77 Thispresented ButMahood 83

- - sic - - ] 78

War, Public Health, and the 1918 “Spanish” Influenza Pandemic in Alberta 495 - - - - 89 Case reports immedi 88 As public health officials came to grasp the As public health officials By the end of October, Albertans were dying by Albertans were October, By the end of progressed to broncho-pneumonia. response shifted the official the crisis, enormity of from prevention to treatment. At first, flu victims had been encouraged to remain at home in bed. But by those such directives were most easily followed from the middle and upper classes, who could afford address for any case of influenza, or pneumonia, as any case of address for deaths. well as report on any in from across towns and cities. ately began to pour cases were the most tragic of the hundreds. Some alone and far conscripted soldiers, who died those of M. Private Joseph from home. Thirty-three-year-old British Columbia, was drafted in June Nanaimo, of was admit training. He 1918 and sent to Calgary for on 23 October ted to the Edmonton isolation hospital a cough, from pain in the chest,1918 suffering The next day, headache, constipation, and low fever. his symptoms his temperature had risen to 104° and worsened.the 27th, By his doctor reported evidence broncho-pneumonia, and the nextof day his fever 30 and October died on the night of was 105°. M. Pleasant was buried far from his family in Mount could usually anticipate death Caregivers Cemetery. of a pecu flu by the appearance Spanish in cases of liar heliotrope cyanosis, a brief dip and then spike pulse and of in temperature, and the quickening there was almost nothing respiration. Unfortunately, the disease that could be done to save victims when was still limited in scope. The public seemed to be seemed The public in scope. limited was still board suspected The provincial losing confidence. procedures was with the suggested that compliance still influenza cases was the reporting of low because re was thus made a October 25, the flu On voluntary. all physicians across This required portable disease. name, sex, age, and the patient’s the province to give

84 -

- Edmonton Bulletin However, the first 1,000 the However, 86 In Alberta, too, Dr. Heber Heber Alberta, too, Dr. In 85 87 The development and distribution of dubious The development and distribution of During the fall of 1918, vaccines were prepared prepared vaccines were 1918, of the fall During severe epidemic at , where two-thirds severe epidemic at Drumheller, the population were said to be sick; death notices of officially Yet of local papers. began to fill the pages suggested that the epidemic published numbers vaccines spoke to the provincial health board’s provincial health board’s to the vaccines spoke the desperation. By the middle of growing sense of it was becoming clear that October, third week of far more people were getting case sick than official lost control reports suggested; the authorities had the situation. swirled that there was a Rumours of be guaranteed to protect against the disease itself. be guaranteed to protect against the disease enduring what we know as to the lack of From protection after an attack, it might in any case be more than that no vaccine could protect for assumed a short period.” about the usefulness of vaccines against flu. “Since about the usefulness of influenza,” the primary cause of we are uncertain of Physicians read a dispatch from the Royal College of in London, printed in the and inoculation can of form on 12 December 1918, “no doses were not ready until November 1, when the until November doses were not ready reaching its height.epidemic was already Even so, it would have had little may actually have effect—and it was designed to inocu been harmful—because rather than a viral infection. late against a bacterial skeptical Even at the time, many physicians were In Manitoba and Ontario, thousands of doses of of doses thousands of and Ontario, Manitoba In issued.vaccine were bacteriologist and head the provincial Jamieson, the Provincial Laboratory in Edmonton, devel of first an American vaccine of oped his own version York. prepared in New across North America containing a potpourri of dead of a potpourri America containing across North the virus— of probably live copies bacteria—and flu sufferers. of the noses and throats drawn from 496 Aftermath little effect. Themostusefultreatments consisted little might prescribestimulantsor sedatives,thesehad theycoulddototreat flu. little profession volunteeredtheir expertise,therewas Althoughmembersofthe background. themedical theroleoftion totreatment, physicians fadedinto bedding for thoseunabletocarefor themselves. with volunteerswhoransoupkitchensandchanged usuallystaffedprovince weresimilarlyappropriated, beds for 150 patients. Alberta’s Pembina Hall asafluhospital,providing In WhitelawtookovertheUniversity Edmonton, of deer publicbuildingstocreatemakeshift fluwards. victims. Publichealthofficials looked tocomman wards inEdmontonandCalgarywerecrowdedwith care intheprovince’s hospitals. soldiers, andthepoorhadfew optionsbuttoseek all butafew Albertans. were, thus,idealremediesthatwereunrealisticfor the cities.Prescriptionsfor bedrestandisolation themselves tobedrestthancouldwageworkers in farm familieswhobecameillcouldnomoreconfine chores stillhadtobeperformed andmembersof household Evenifthewheatcropwasin, harvest. the epidemiccoincidedwithfinalweeks of the following thehealthboard’s advice.The onsetof Farming familieswouldalsohavehadadifficulttime risk of dismissalandincreasedfinancialhardship. Failure too,carriedasignificant work, toattend fordable, andisolationprivacynotpossible. or Calgary, medicalassistancewas usuallyunaf in crowdedconditionstheslums of Edmonton fuel for thefire. extra For theworkingclass,living aswell of takingavoluntaryhiatusfromwork, a privatedoctorornurse,nottomentiontheluxury As publichealthefforts shiftedfrompreven itbecameclearthattravellers, though, Soon, 92 90 Halls andschoolsacrossthe 94 91 Whilephysicians By the 25th, the Bythe25th, - - 93 - antine efforts. OnOctober15,theGraduate Nurses long before publichealthofficials abandonedquar preparing toministertheneedsof thecommunity of homeandcommunity. Nurses been infact, had, took theleadroleinmanagingcrisisatlevel professional female nursesandvolunteersnow of bedrestandnursingcare.In both thisrespect, would beresponsiblefor managing caseswithin by theprovince.Theseprofessionally trainedsisters under thesupervisionof agraduate nurseappointed management of care. facilitate would bedividedintodistricts tobetter community ratherthanindividualfamilies. ployers toallowprivatenursesservicetheentire fair,” andannouncedplanstorequireem hesaid, of thosewhohadnot” themeans topay. “It wasnot employing theirownprivatenurses“totheexclusion ment,” inpartbecausemanywealthyfamilieswere nursing talentwasbecomingaseriousembarrass Heber Jamieson toldthe missions. close thecity’s onlyisolationhospitaltonewad the midstof anursingshortage,forcing Whitelawto by October19thecityof Edmontonwasalreadyin to gooverseasby1918.Despiteearlypreparations, trained nursesinAlberta—manyhadalsochosen residences, therewererelativelyfew professionally times. looked roleintheprovisionof careeveninnormal on theirservices. nurses werepreparedshouldtheneedarisetocall be doneunderthecircumstance.” the maladyifnecessaryandtodobestthatcould meetings to“devise waysandmeansof copingwith Association heldthefirst of severalemergency On October25,Whitelawannouncedthatthecity Nurses hadplayedanimportantbutoften over 96 Usually confinedtohospitalsorprivate 97 The next day, Thenext provincialbacteriologist 99 Eachdistrictwouldbeplaced Bulletin thatthe“scarcity of 95 Listsof trained 98

- - - - - War, Public Health, and the 1918 “Spanish” Influenza Pandemic in Alberta 497 - - reported, Ms. Fred reported, Ms. It may have been hazardous work, may have It Edmonton Bulletin 103 104 While graduate nurses such as Frederickson While graduate nurses such as Frederickson ] than to carry through life the uneasy feeling that the uneasy feeling ] than to carry through life sic overseas service; yet that did not hinder enlisting to overseas service; yet that did not hinder any large extent. would be betterIt ’flu to have the [ you allowed some other woman by your indifference to die.” organized and managed treatment networks across dangerous. In Edmonton, Christina Frederickson Edmonton, Christina Frederickson dangerous. In of many to die in the pan nurses the first was one of demic. As the the of erickson had “volunteered when the soldiers from a troop train some taken were Siberian forces from the influenza and placed days since suffering them,in the isolation hospital to assist in nursing littleand she had been steadily at work with respite with infected up to the time that she herself became the disease.” As but that did not tend to discourage volunteers. So is is dangerous—undoubtedly. one nurse said, “It Voluntary Voluntary 102 service provided VAD

101 The decision to organize care by 100 -1422-7. NA ) nurses would be trained to provide home ) nurses would be trained to provide home As Linda Quiney argues, VAD women with a “unique opportunity for an active part women with a “unique opportunity for women through any not available to in the war effort, voluntary patriotic work.” of other form service during the pandemic was also extremely tasks of hospital organization and administration. hospital organization tasks of to go into the homes of only were nurses asked Not directly the sick but also to manage care, reporting health, bypassing local to the provincial board of medical professionals. where volunteers and Volunteer Aid Detachment where volunteers and Volunteer ( the sick.care for professional district around the nucleus provided by on these nurses rather than physicians also called on the traditionally male women to take professional their ward, visiting families in need and arranging Each graduate nurse would assistance as necessary. the purpose commandeered for a school work out of Saskatchewan. Nurses Saskatchewan. acting and teachers nurses as volunteer during influenza pictured Glenbow epidemic, 1918. Archives, Nurses at the Nurses at the Isolation Hospital, Alberta and , 498 Aftermath working classfor thefirsttime inameaningfulway contact withthesufferings anddailyhardships of the of middle-classfemale volunteers, whocameinto tothework can beattributed this shiftinattitude importance of communitycooperation. emphasizedthe instead, ethnic minoritiesand, ness of prophylacticinterventionsaimedatspecific and immigrants,the1918fluprovedineffective outbreaks of illnessthatwereblamedonoutsiders through acooperativeeffort. a communitydiseasethatcouldonlybecontained peg’s responsetothepandemic,flu wastruly doctors theymustgivewhatassistancecan.” and undertheinstructiondirectionof thelocal nurses; thatthelocalmenandwomenmustorganize ize thattheycannotdependuponreceivingtrained MacKay toldruralAlbertansthatthey“must real neither graduatenursesnordoctorstoorganizecare. in theruralpartsof theprovincewheretherewere work for everybody.” Playthegame,boys. There’sand woodtobegotin. stoves havetobelooked after—ashestaken coal out, sickness—an opportunityfor girls.Thefurnacesand after babiesandchildreninhomeswherethereis the wanted togiveahandincertainhomes,” implored thus indesperateneedof assistance.“Volunteers are Sickfamiliesacrosstheprovincewere and prepared. distance fromthehouse.Fresh food hadtobebought sometimesfromanoutdoorwellagood pumped, beyond theabilityof thestricken. Water hadtobe water requiredasignificantamount of effort, often and providing basicnecessitiessuchasfood, heat, administering tothesickonadailybasis. teenagers andyoungadults—wereresponsiblefor the province,female volunteers—manyof them As EsylltJones found inherstudyof Winni Edmonton Bulletin 106 . They“are neededtolook Thesituationwasmostacute 108 Unlike previous 109 105 In part, In 1918, - - 107 - be socompletethatpatientswerenoteventoleave were tobegivenatregularintervals.Bedrestwas elements of care,whilenourishingfood andwater that freshairandbedrestwerethemostimportant sick andtheirnurses.Caregiverswereinstructed a closeandsustainedperiodof contactbetweenthe during thepandemic.Careinstructionsnecessitated give than leave the sick to die unattended. Ifgive thanleavethesicktodie unattended. there who wouldbegladtolearnwhat aidtheycouldrather left outsideof ouroverworked nursesandvolunteers . disgrace toourcityauthorities andboardof health reported inthissadmanner. If so,itisaneverlasting in suchawretchedstatethatfatalcaseshavetobe the this heart-wrenchingstory, oneAlbertanwroteto could notwake uptheirmother. the streettosaythattheyneededhelpbecause victim of fluwhentwosmallgirlsapproachedherin reported thatshehadonlydiscoveredanotherfatal mother andherinfantchilddied. the familyhadtosleepinsamebedwhere one windowandadoor. to havebeenlivingina10×12–foot shackwithonly tions inthecity’s slums. Onefamilyof sixwassaid door, theyfound familieslivinginsqualidcondi epidemic. WhenEdmontonvolunteerswentdoorto members of societywhosuffered mostduringthe between membersof different socialworlds. or more,createdanunheard-of levelof intimacy thisroutine,whichmightlast aweek has argued, but few otherinterventionswerepossible.AsJones and theirbedclotheshadtobechangedwashed, be givenanantisepticmouthwasheveryfew hours, Patientsuse bedpansthathadtobeemptied. might their bedstogothebathroombutwereinstead . . surelythereareenoughChristian-spirited people In aselsewhere,itwasthe poorest Alberta, Bulletin : “Surelyourhealthorganizationisnot 111 Throughoutthecrisis, 113 112 In responseto One VAD nurse 110 - War, Public Health, and the 1918 “Spanish” Influenza Pandemic in Alberta 499 . . ] sic . I - A . 120 RNWMP RNWMP 122 Over the next months, few 121 investigation revealed that the ] say they would be quarantine sic RNWMP ] not report it themselves, and as far as I ] not report it themselves, and as far as sic Whereas previous epidemics had devastated “In fact in many cases I found as many as eight or cases I found fact in many “In a one roomed shack which in nine adults living in . ventilation devoid of all cases were absolutely were without in many cases, that the families found in the hope and had gone to relatives or friends food getting many cases, also, I was of nourishment. In the condition Agent of [Indian] the to inform asked food.” the people with regard to the lack of of subsequent with infected agent had been placing families Indian to feed smallpox in quarantine and then refusing the victims to secretly visit friends and them, forcing eat.family at night to obtain something to “There is report, “that Fyffe’s read Staff Sergeant no question,” present time the Official[s] on the Reserve at the Indians of have no idea whatever as to the number from smallpox, and apparently very littlesuffering has been done by them to find out, if the indian [ dose [ accusing the Department of Indian Affairs of ne Affairs Indian of the Department accusing on the Hobbema the people health of glecting the hearing that many gone there after had Fish agency. from were suffering people in the agency the Cree of and smallpox.both influenza that the “I might say the are not of on the Reserve housing conditions filed with the he wrote in an affidavit best,” medicine were eventually brought in by the medicine were eventually brought in by smallpox and flu the combination of At Hobbema, 120 per drove the death rate from flu alone above percent of 1,000, meaning that it killed roughly 12 Hobbema. the population of Aboriginal groups but had little on the effect could learn the Indians hide the fact that they have hide the fact could learn the Indians smallpox, [ as the and would get no food.” the situation improved little, and although food

- - - 119 - - . it . When 118 In the Treaty the Treaty In inspectors 117 In Alberta the In RNWMP 116 A Department of Indian Affairs Indian A Department of headquarters in Edmonton 114 115 RNWMP Division, requesting permission to take medi Division, permission to take requesting On 1 December 1918, a University of Alberta of On 1 December 1918, a University As with the working class in Alberta’s slums, Ab slums, working class in Alberta’s As with the N Treaty 8 territory alone succumbed to the disease. territory alone succumbed 8 Treaty filed a Fish student named Frank Public Health report with cines to “fight the Spanish Influenza” to the people Influenza” cines to “fight the Spanish as he feared Great , living in the vicinity of most of that “if it should get amongst the Natives, from pulmonary disease . whom are suffering will commit wide and general destruction.” of the Aboriginal population in flu came, 11 percent tion—made victims more susceptible. Alberta, northern 8 territory of flu began to trickle reports of the worst when feared River De the Peace in to the north. Anderson of K.F. tachment wrote to R. the commanding officer Field, of tions on many reserves—where Aboriginal people tions on many reserves—where Aboriginal inadequate housing provided into had been forced Affairs, where many Indian by the Department of from malnutrition, and where tuberculosis suffered circula and other diseases were already in wide suggesting an influenza mortality rate of 34.85 per mortality rate suggesting an influenza five times the national average thousand—more than Canadians. non-Aboriginal for groups was flu among Aboriginal mortality rate for per national average, at 53.8 much higher than the condi 1,000 (see table below). The squalid living original groups suffered a disproportionately higher higher a disproportionately suffered original groups from flu, mortality and both in the province level of across the country. 1919 puts the death toll among report compiled in living on reserves in Canada at Aboriginal peoples about 106,000, a total population of out of 3,694 are not such we had better such we are not doors and our church lock continue to live and and at Christianity, stop playing heathen.” die as the 500 Aftermath and 1,049deaths. 1918. Thatwinter, there wereafurther7,185 cases Atotal ofhigh. 3,259 peoplediedof thediseasein the realnumber wasprobablyatleastthreetimesas Albertans hadofficially been listedassick—although rolled backthroughDecember, morethan31,000 wave of flufinallycrestedinlate Novemberand Whenthesecond necessitated collectiveaction. policies. The1918fluwasacommunitydiseasethat tionately duetothelegaciesof Canada’s colonial though Aboriginalgroupsstillsuffered dispropor pandemic struckacrossethnicboundaries—even the1918 influenza population, European settler file 851-4- for the Year EndedMarch 311918 Source: Population statistics are basedonannualtreaty payment figures from * This figure only represents deaths recorded asdue to influenza Canada Alberta TOTAL Treaty 8 Stoney Sarcee Saddle Lake Peigan Hobbema Fort SimpsonandFort Smith Edmonton Blood Blackfoot INDIAN AFFAIRS AGENCY Mortality rate from influenza by reserve for theperiodOctober 1918 to February 1919

D 96, Part 1, LAC 123 . (Ottawa: Departmentof Indian Affairs, 1919), 111–12;“InfluenzaEpidemic,” 28 May 1919, (31 MARCH1918) POPULATION 8,100,000 50,000 495,351 4,308 10,013 2,544 1,941 1,112 669 883 414 182 831 710 727 - Dominion of Canada, Annual Report of theDepartmentof Indian Affairs realistic andpragmaticsteps like schoolclosures precipitously proposedandadopted whilemore able measuressuchasmunicipal quarantinewere disease intotheprovince.Strong butunenforce long asoutsiderswereprevented frombringingthe ning of themonthof October, flucouldbehaltedso the appearanceof afew militarycasesatthebegin reflectingastubbornbeliefthatdespite isolation, flu of quarantineand followed establishedpatterns taken bypublichealthauthoritiestoguardagainst and lurching.Theinitialprophylacticmeasures to theSpanishfluepidemicwasbothparadoxical To summarize, theofficial responseinAlberta DEATHS FROMFLU (1918–19) 100 120.34 539 53.83 216 40 49 67.40 29 26.08 25 35.21 55 82.21 10 24.15 8* 7 38.46 RG 29, vol. 2970, MORTALITY RATE

(PER K) 111.28 45.30 8.70 6.17 3.14

- -

War, Public Health, and the 1918 “Spanish” Influenza Pandemic in Alberta 501

- - - 150, 150, RG . LAC -6549, District T 31, Reel ). According to Eric Sager’s ). According to Eric Sager’s RG LAC The Canadian Prairies: A History , Division 1, Family 7, 1, Library 7, , Division 1, Family C (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, Toronto of University (Toronto: The Harvests of War: The Prairie West, The Prairie West, of War: The Harvests (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1978). McClelland (Toronto: Particulars of a Recruit Drafted Under Military Service Military a Recruit Drafted Under of Particulars Herd see John West, war in the On perceptions of 1901 Census of Canada, 1901 Census of Act, 1917, Personnel File Andrew Robert W., Andrew Robert W., File Personnel Act, 1917, 57, file vol. 10433, Accession 1992–93, Thompson, 1914–1918 On enlistment in the province, see C.A. Sharpe, “Enlistment in the Canadian Expeditionary Force, 200, Sub district and Archives Canada ( the lowest 20 in W. research, this would place John “The National Sager, wage earners. Eric percent of Source Canada: A New of the 1901 Census Sample of unpublished Class,” the Working the Study of for Confer paper presented at the Social Science History 1998, web.uvic.ca/hrd/cfp/publi ence, 16–19 March retrieved 2 October cations/Eric%20W.%20Sager.pdf, 2013; Gerald Friesen, 250–55. Press, 1987), Toronto of University (Toronto: 2 3 tenet of modern public health policy: health can only modern public health policy: health tenet of the cooperation and with the be protected through the community. all members of consent of Notes as new research a combination of This paper is based on Osborne Humphries, well as research published in Mark Politics of Public The Last Plague: Spanish Influenza and the in Canada Health 2013). 1 treatment efforts, the entire community was, for was, community the entire efforts, treatment responsibility take called upon to the first time, assisting the less public health by protecting for Alber the pandemic that was during It fortunate. began to see health Canadians in general, tans, and individual concern. rather than an as a community central this recognition of lasting legacy was the Flu’s

- - - 124 - - 125 - - - . Cer . Edmonton . “The have sole Dominion government tainly there is no excuse for the Government tainly there is no excuse for having made no attempt it whatever to keep no account in Canada? of life human out. Is boundary, and subjected them to the incon boundary, three days in quarantine, two or venience of there is every reason to suppose that the disease could not have got past the borders; certainly it could not have attained the pro epidemic . a nation-wide portions of had the Dominion authorities through the had the Dominion authorities through all arrivals charge of war railway board, taken at ocean ports and entry ports along the In part, reflected the lingering this approach In that, so long as the seeds of disease found fertile soil fertile disease found that, the seeds of so long as among the poor and colonized, epidemics would be unstoppable. As prophylaxis failed and the atten public health authorities turned to managing tion of But the ultimate lesson of the pandemic was that But the ultimate lesson of and quarantine alone was not sufficient protection menace appeared,” he wrote, menace appeared,” Frank Oliver on the editorial page of the Oliver on the editorial page of Frank Bulletin did not estab quarantine. They authority to enforce the fact that took no notice of lish quarantine. They spreading over the world.” there was an epidemic another editorial, Oliver elaborated. “WhenIn the been used to guard Canadians from disease since the from disease since to guard Canadians been used a scape for cholera. looked When Albertans age of goat to blame, though, was not immi this time it who but public health officials grants or outsiders is a commu “Flu safety. of had made false promises argued quarantinable disease,” nicable and therefore were avoided until well after the disease was already was the disease well after avoided until were in wide circulation. had practices that the old quarantine of dominance 502 Aftermath 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 1918–19 Influenza Pandemic,” Shadow of 1918:Trends intheHistoriography of the 496–505; andHoward Re-Appearing Phillips,“The Great Flu,” “Out intheColdandBack:New-Found Interest inthe 1992–93, vol.10433, file57, Personnel File AndrewRobert W., vol. 10433, file57, File AndrewRobertW., a Courtof Inquiry, Statementsof Evidence,Personnel sion 1992–93/166, box7390,file40, 1992–93, vol.10433, file57, 1992-93, vol.10433, file57, Personnel File AndrewRobertW., Press, 2013),106. Health inCanada Last Plague:SpanishInfluenzaandthe Politics ofPublic province in1918–19.Mark OsborneHumphries, 148, no.11(1993):2036–40. Lives Claimed,” 150, Accession1992–93, vol.10433, file57, (September 1972):289–320. Ontario, 1917–19,” RuralDe-Population,scription, andtheFarmers of farmer’s responsesinOntario,seeW.R. Young, “Con University Press,1977),75–77. For anexaminationof inCanada History ofConscription Family 212,Line2, RG Studies 1914–1918: ARegionalAnalysis,” For anoverviewof thehistoriography, seeGuyBeiner, Records of aCourt of Inquiry, Statementsof Evidence, Personnel File of Major H.G. Nyblett, Report reDeathof #[redacted], Records of aCourtof Inquiry, Statementsof Evidence, There wereapproximately3,300 excessdeathsinthe Peter Wiliton, “SpanishFluOutdid PersonnelService Card, File AndrewRobertW., J.L. GranatsteinandJ.M. Hitsman, 1916 Censusof Manitoba, andAlberta, Saskatchewan, 31,Reel 18,no.3(1983):15–29,esp.20–22. Cultural andSocialHistory T -21951, Alberta, EdmontonWest,-21951, Alberta, 25,15, Canadian Medical AssociationJournal (Toronto: University of Toronto LAC Canadian Historical Review Canadian Historical LAC . . RG 150, Accession1992–93, LAC LAC LAC Canadian Bulletin (Oxford, . RG . . Journal ofCanadian RG RG Broken Promises:A 150, Accession WWI 3, no.4(2006): LAC 150, Accession 150, Accession RG inNumber of 150, Acces ; Recordsof UK LAC : Oxford 53, no.3 . RG The

-

- 19 18 17 16 15 14 Humphries, Press, 1981),471–83;Janice P. DickinMcGinnis, “The (Montreal andKingston:McGill-Queen’s University PerspectivesSociety: Historical 1918–1919,”enza: Canada, in Dickin McGinnis,Impact “The of EpidemicInflu see Humphries, general introductiontothepandemicinCanada, of Medical History 1993); Maureen K. Lux, “‘The Bitter Flats’: Bitter The 1918 “‘The Lux, 1993); Maureen K. October 1918”( An Analysisof theSpreadof Influenza inKitchener, Johnson, “Pandemic Influenza:2006); Niall P.A.S. 1918 Influenzain Hamilton also AnnHerring, ed., peg inWinni andStruggle 1918:Disease,Death, Influenza, http://mmbr.asm.org/content/76/1/16.full. Molecular BiologyReviews “Into theEyeof theCytokineStorm,” Tisoncikto cytokinestorms,seeJennifer etal., R. 18 (5May 2005):1839–42;for abroaderintroduction demic,” 76 (2002):105–15. Influenza Pandemic,” Accounts: GlobalMortality of the1918–1920‘Spanish’ 1989), 37–39. enza of1918 Pandemic,” First World War andtheOriginsof the1918Influenza of thecrisis. 1983) isstilluseful,especiallyfor firsthandaccounts Flu of1918 Eileen Pettigrew’s Papers Impact of EpidemicInfluenza, 1918–19,” The mostcompleteregionalstudyisEsylltJones, Michael T. “Preparing for Osterholm, theNextPan Johnson andJuergenNiall Mueller, P.A.S. “Updating Alfred Crosby, Mark OsborneHumphries, “Paths of Infection: The (Toronto: University of Toronto Press,2007).See (1977): 120–41. Although somewhat dated, (1977):120–41.Althoughsomewhatdated, The New EnglandJournal ofMedicine (Regina:Western ProducerPrairieBooks, (New York: CambridgeUniversity Press, War inHistory The LastPlague America’s Forgotten Pandemic: TheInflu MA The LastPlague; 21,no.1(2004):121–34.For a Silent Enemy:CanadaandtheDeadly thesis,Wilfrid Laurier University, Bulletin oftheHistoryMedicine Anatomy ofaPandemic: The 77, no.3(September2013), 21,no.2(2014):55–81. (Hamilton: Allegra Press, , 3–4. , editedbyS.E.D. Shortt Medicine inCanadian aswellJanice P. Microbiology and Historical Historical 352,no. - - - -

War, Public Health, and the 1918 “Spanish” Influenza Pandemic in Alberta 503 - -

- on - 4, no. HQ , Bulletin Journal Journal . On 62, no. 1 (Edmon LAC in 2003,” in 2003,” Chinook Advance SARS , 3 October 1918, 2. Edmonton Bulletin 24, vol. 1992, file 24, vol. 1992, 1029-6-24, , 109–11. Cities during the 1918–1919 RG NSC 65, no. 1 (2006): 1–26. US Journal of the American Medical American of the Journal Medical Health Units of Alberta Health . Redcliff Review The Last Plague -5863, file -5863, LAC C 298 (2007): 644–54; S. Zhang, P. Yan, B. Yan, 298 (2007): 644–54; S. Zhang, P. 13 to Director General, Medical Services General, Medical 13 to Director Influenza and Other Respiratory Viruses ), 2 October 1918, ), 2 October MD

6, Reel DGMS Adelaide Schartner, Adelaide Schartner, Ibid., 22. Ibid. Identical notices, likely derived from American derived from American likely notices, Ibid. Identical Precautions,” “Time to Take Department in Health “Toronto’s MacDougall, Heather Interven al., “Non-Pharmaceutical et Markel Howard Humphries, “The Horror at Home,” 253–54. at Home,” “The Horror Humphries, a similar picture, paints McGinnis Dickin P. Janice Spread of the 1918–19 Flu in Central Canada,” 1918–19 Flu in Central Canada,” the Spread of Biology of Mathematical Alberta/Co-Op Press, Association of Unit ton: Health 1982), 22–24. Epidemic,” 1. Epidemic,” RG Keshen, general, see Jeff wartime censorship in Great War duringPropaganda and Censorship Canada’s Athabasca Press, 1996), of (Edmonton: University to 6. especially chapters 3 in the wire services, were printed the same day. 3 October 1918, 7. in 1918 and Action: Influenza and Allied Sciences of the History of Medicine (2007): 89. by tions Implemented Pandemic,” Influenza Association the 1918 of “Transmissibility Wang, and J. Winchester, of Winnipeg and Montreal in Influenza Pandemic Canada,” Ann 2010): 27–31; Lisa Sattenspiel and D. 1 (January of Quarantine on the “Simulating the Effect Herring, ADMS ( 762-11-15, soldiers were return suggests that these although she they were reported as such in the ing veterans because an City Faces “A McGinnis, local papers. See Dickin Humphries, 39 Humphries, 40 41 32 33 “Precautions,” 34 35 36 Ibid. 37 38 29 30 31 -

7,

- 7 to MD

MD 9, vol. 5061, 9, vol. 5061, , DRO Alberta History Saskatche RG Edmonton DRO . 4 to edited by Donald 24, vol. 4574, file 24, vol. 4574, RG MD From Victoria to From LAC thesis, University thesis, University , ) 7, 28 September 1918, ) 7, ), I 41, no. 1 (1994): 73–105. MA MD DRO Army Camps,” Army Camps,” US . . , 18 September 1918, 2. , 18 September 1918, Press, 2010). : Études supérieures en histoire, Uni : Études supérieures en Ethnohistory LAC 4, 29 September 1918, LAC ), Assistant Director, Medical Services Medical ), Assistant Director, , QC I UBC MD (Spring 1997): 3–13; Maureen K. 3–13; Maureen (Spring 1997): Lux, WD , see Benjamin Isitt, , 7, 27 November 1918, 27 November 7, Journal of the Canadian Historical of the Journal Association , 19 September 1918, 6. , 19 September 1918, SEF ), Military District ( ), Military MD

ADMS , 9, vol. 5063, file 978, Part file 978, 9, vol. 5063, ADMS Humphries, “The Horror at Home,” 248–53. at Home,” “The Horror Humphries, Diary ( War District Records Officer ( On the Epidemic of “The Impact See Dickin McGinnis, “Influenza Takes Heavy Toll in New England,” England,” New Toll in Heavy Takes “Influenza “Epidemic in Three The at Home: “The Horror Osborne Humphries, Mark ADMS vol. 1, 3-9-47, WD Part file 976, 420–22. ( RG 1918 and Memorandum 7 November McGinnis, “A City Faces an Epidemic,” an Epidemic,” City Faces “A McGinnis, is David 24, no. 4 (1976): 1–11; a more recent example in Extraordinary of Difficulty,” Bright, “1919: A Year Alberta Alberta Formed, Transformed, Payne Catherine Cavanaugh, and Michael Wetherell, Alberta Press, 2005), of (Edmonton: University of 1918,” 1918,” of 16 (2005): 241–47. Siberian Expedition, 1917–19 Vladivostok: Canada’s (Vancouver: P. Dickin Janice 120–41; 1918–19,” Influenza, Edmonton Bulletin Bulletin Pandemic Influenza and the ‘Great’ Canadian Military espagnole à Sherbrooke et dans les Cantons de l’Est” et dans les Cantons à Sherbrooke espagnole (Sherbrooke, “‘There Ann Herring, 1993); D. versité de Sherbrooke, Babies Dying and and Old People People Young Were at Pandemic The 1918–1919 Influenza Every Week’: House,” Norway Influenza Epidemic in Saskatchewan,” Saskatchewan,” Epidemic in Influenza wan History in Pandemic Spanish Influenza the of “The Impact ( Saskatchewan, 1918–1919” Saskatchewan, Denise Rioux, 1989); of “La grippe 28 25 26 27 23 24 20 21 22 504 Aftermath 51 50 49 48 47 46 45 44 43 42 1918, 12. Reached theProvince,” of Mahood’stim text release,see“Spanish’FluHas Calgary Herald Ontario, 1919). vincial BoardofHealth, 1918 1918 Flats,” Bitter “The 1977): 30;Lux, 9; Jones, in Vancouver, 1918–1919,” W. Andrews,“Epidemicand PublicHealth: Influenza Manitoba,Saskatchewan, andOntario.SeeMargaret Humphries, overview of theCanadian experienceisprovidedin History ofMedicine Influenza inthe 1889–1893,”United Kingdom, Psychological Impacts andResponsestothe‘Russian’ Mark GreatDread:Culturaland Honigsbaum, “The Social HistoryofMedicine sian Influenza inthe 1889–1894,”United Kingdom, (2007): 322–26. demic,” Public Health Movement andthe1918Influenza Epi tine, seeHumphries, 24 February 1908,4.Onthedevelopmentof quaran University Press,1994),5–7. “Immigrant Menace” Cities,” 28 May 1908,4;“Immigrants ShouldNot Stayin 1910, 1;“SmallpoxontheIncrease,” from 24 February 1908,4.For examples,see“Immigrants “Spanish ’FluHas ReachedtheProvince,” 12. “Fifteen SpanishInfluenza CasesCometoCalgary,” A similarstruggletookplaceinBritishColumbia, On theearlierpandemic,seeF.B. Rus “The Smith, Jane E.Jenkins, “Baptismof Fire: New Brunswick’s “Dominion Boardof Health,” Alan M. Kraut, “Dominion Boardof Health,” 23–24. Ibid., 22–23.Ibid., , 43;Provinceof Ontario, US Edmonton Bulletin SpreadSmallpox,” Canadian BulletinofMedical History The LastPlague , 2October1918,10;for theverba Silent Travelers: Genes,andthe Germs, 23, no.2(2010):299–319.Abrief (Baltimore, The LastPlague Edmonton Bulletin 8,no.1(1995):55–73;and , 4April1914,6. BC (Toronto: Governmentof , 58–67. Edmonton Capital Studies Edmonton Bulletin Edmonton Bulletin The Report ofthe Pro The Report MD : Johns Hopkins . Taber Free Press 34(Summer , 4October Influenza, Influenza, 24,no.2 , 5August Social , , - - - , - - 54 53 52 69 68 67 66 65 64 63 62 Ibid. 61 Ibid. 60 59 58 57 56 55 Edmonton Bulletin Review Review-Advertiser see “Information onSpanishInfluenza,” Bulletin Rooms Closed,” Review-Advertiser 1918, 11. Banned for Month,” Bulletin Edmonton Bulletin Times Daily Herald Daily Herald 1918, 1. Bulletin Keeping ’FluEpidemicfromProvince,” Edmonton Bulletin University of CalgaryPress,2004),47. edited byAnthonyRasporichandMax Foran (Calgary: 1918–19,” in ing Calgary’s Experienceof theSpanishInfluenza, Calgary Herald “Wants Influenza tobeDeclaredReportable Now,” For example,see“Influenza Warning,” “Health BoardMeets toCombatDisease,” “Church Notice,” “City Theatres,DanceHalls, LibrariesandPublic “Dr. Mahood SaysNo Need toClose Theatres,” “Suspend PublicGatheringsinWinnipeg,” “New BrunswickSchools,Churches,TheatresClosed,” “Steps Taken toProtectTown Against’Flu,” Lift’FluBanonCityThisAfternoon,”“Will “Lethbridge Is Now Under Quarantine,” “Spanish FluVisits Oyen,” “Sweeping Programof Train Inspection Adoptedfor “Spanish Influenza Subjectto Modified Quarantine,” Janice “Pale Dickin, Horse/Pale History? Revisit “Health ActDoesNot QuarantineInfluenza Cases,” , 25October1918,1. , 11October1918,1. , 5October1918,3. For thefullverbatimtext, , 12October1918,1;“Toronto Conventions , 16October1918,1. , 19October1918,1,4. , 18October1918,1. Harm’s Way: DisastersinWestern Canada , 10October1918,9. Calgary Herald , 11October1918,1. Irma Times Irma , 9October1918,3. , 10October1918,1. , 14October1918,3. Edmonton Bulletin Oyen News , 18October1918,8. , 25October1918,8. , 18October1918,1. , 16October , 12October Edmonton Lethbridge Lethbridge Claresholm Edmonton Edmonton Irma Irma Lethbridge Lethbridge - , War, Public Health, and the 1918 “Spanish” Influenza Pandemic in Alberta 505 - - - - - ,

- Edmon Edmonton Edmonton Canadian Medi ; Common 150, Accession 150, , retrieved LAC The Impact of the RG Edmonton Bulletin JOSEPH , 12 December 1918, 3. For a For , 12 December 1918, 3. , 16 October 1918, 4. Canadian Medical Association Canadian Medical , 19–20; John W.S. McCullough, McCullough, W.S. John , 19–20; esearch/1918SpanishFlu.pdf. esearch/1918SpanishFlu.pdf. 8, no. 12 (1918): 1085. 8, no. 12 (1918): , 139. On the effects of flu on , 139. On the effects ,%20 (Saskatoon: Saskatchewan Western (Saskatoon: Saskatchewan Western , 18 November 1918, 3. , 18 November , 1 November 1918, 1. , 1 November WDMR , 28 October 1918, 3. Silent Enemy Silent MILBURN , 25 October 1918, 1. , 25 October 1918, 1. Edmonton Bulletin 9, no. 3 (1919): 226–27. Influenza, 1918 Edmonton Bulletin Bedside Matters: The Transformation of Canadian The Transformation Bedside Matters: “Graduate Nurses Make Plans for Coping with Spanish Plans for Make “Graduate Nurses nurses in Canadian professional On the role of “Health Authorities Look for Rapid Spread of Disease of Rapid Spread Look for Authorities “Health M., Case Sheet, Joseph Medical 6. an Epidemic,” Faces City “A Dickin McGinnis, ’Flu Hospital,” for Secured Hall “Pembina Fought at Queen Alexandra School,” is Influenza “How ’Flu Hospital,” for Secured Hall “Pembina “Peak Not Yet Reached Says Hon. A.G. MacKay,” A.G. Reached Says Hon. MacKay,” Yet Not “Peak of Physi from College and After; Advice “Influenza Bulletin ’Flu,” hospitals and private homes, see Kathryn McPher son, enza and Vaccination,” enza and Vaccination,” Journal Precautions,” More and Urge 25 October 1918, 3. file 22, vol. 6163, 1992–93/166, Graves Commission Burial Record, wealth War http://www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/ 2765430/ 3 October 2013. Champ, farm families, see Joan Farm Spanish Influenza Epidemic on Saskatchewan 1918–1919 Families, 2003), http://wdm.ca/Development Museum, skteacherguide/ in rural care the problems of a description of For Dead at Drumheller,” Alberta, see “Nineteen ton Bulletin Bulletin Edmonton Bulletin Pettigrew, Pettigrew, in Ontario,” “The Influenza Control of Journal cal Association Edmonton Bulletin cians,” “Influ Heagerty, similar reaction in Canada, see J.J. 95 96 88 89 90 Jones, 91 92 93 94 86 87 - - , 43; , 28 , Press, Edmonton Redcliff NYU 21, no. 3 (March 21, no. 3 (March Essays in Honour Essays in Honour : Greenwood, Influenza, 1918 CT edited by E.A. Edmonton Bulletin Edmonton Bulletin Edmonton (New York: York: (New I , 9 November 1918, 1. 1918, , 9 November : Oxford University Press, University : Oxford Canadian Medical Association Canadian Medical , 20–21. (Westport, (Westport, UK Fever of War: The Influenza Epidemic in of War: Fever The Treatment of Disease: The Address in The Treatment Epidemic and Peace 1918: America’s Dead America’s 1918: and Peace Epidemic (London, L’union médicale du Canada L’union Silent Enemy Edmonton Bulletin , 24 October 1918, 1. , 24 October 9, no. 6 (1919): 519; Jones, 9, no. 6 (1919): 519; Jones, , 24 October 1918, 1. , 24 October Army during World War War Army during World US F.T. Cadham, “The Use of a Vaccine in the Recent a Vaccine Cadham, “The of Use F.T. Carol R. Byerly, William Osler, Osler, William Alfred Crosby, Dickin McGinnis, “A City Faces an Epidemic,” 4–6. an Epidemic,” City Faces “A Dickin McGinnis, Be Commenced Ibid.; Will see also “Prosecutions labo the new medicine by the On the development of Dickin McGinnis, “A City Faces an Epidemic,” 4–6. an Epidemic,” City Faces “A Dickin McGinnis, Influenza,” of Abatement “No “Found Boy Digging Graves,” Graves,” Boy Digging “Found Obligatory,” Masks Day Before “One More When Travelling,” Now Mask Wear “Must 2005), 163–64. Influenza,” Epidemic of Journal 1976), 264–72. For a discussion of how Canadian a discussion of 1976), 264–72. For see “Le bacilli de physicians interpreted his discovery, la grippe,” 1892): 158–59. the Medicine Before the Ontario Medical Association, Toronto, Association, Toronto, Before the Ontario Medical Medicine June 3, 1909 1909), 5–7. liest Influenza Epidemic ratory in Canada, see Christopher Rutty, “Personality, “Personality, ratory in Canada, see Christopher Rutty, The Origins and Canadian Public Health: Politics, Research Laboratories, the Connaught Medical of in 1888–1917,” Toronto, of University the Social, of Michael Bliss: Figuring (Toronto: Shelley McKellar Alison Li, and Heaman, Press, 2008), 278–79. Toronto of University in City Today for Violations of Order for Wearing of of Wearing for Order of Violations for in City Today Masks,” Review October 1918, 1. 14 November 1918, 3. 14 November Bulletin 85 Pettigrew, 83 Pettigrew, 84 81 82 77 78 Ibid. 79 80 73 74 75 Ibid. 76 Ibid. 70 71 72 506 Aftermath 110 109 108 107 106 105 104 103 102 101 100 99 98 97 29 October1918,1. enza AfterCaringfor Soldiers,” 21 October1918,1. City AuthoritiesSinceFriday Last,” Present,” Press, 1996). Nursing, 1900–1990 “Brave Nursing SisterDiesatherPost fromInflu “Over 100Casesof SpanishInfluenza Reportedbythe “Forty-One Casesof SpanishInfluenza inCityat Review Care of SickPersons,” asprintedinthe “EpidemicInfluenza:ment, Instructions Regarding for careguidelinesseeProvincialHealth Depart Association Canadian Historical peg’s Influenza Epidemic1918–1919,” Urban SpaceandSocialInteraction duringWinni no. 1(2005):57–82. Winnipeg,” Vectors inthe1918–1919Influenza Pandemic in Endeavour’: QuarantineandImmigrant Disease Edmonton Bulletin 1918, 3. Against Epidemic,” Us,’” Medical History Influenza Epidemic of 1918,” untary Nurses, the1917Halifax andthe Explosion, School.” Edmonton Bulletin 28 October1918,1. Esyllt Jones, “ContactacrossaDiseasedBoundary: 77–78. Ibid., Esyllt Jones, “‘Co-operationinAllHuman MacKay“Hon. Tells A.G. of Fight Against Flu,” “City DividedintoDistricts,” 4. See advertisement“Urgent Callfor Assistanceinfight VolunteerAnon. the’FluisDoingto Nurse, “What Linda J. Quiney, “‘Filling theGaps’: CanadianVol “How Influenza is Fought atQueenAlexandra “District Nursing SystemtoCarefor ’FluCases,” “City DividedintoDistricts,” Edmonton Bulletin , 8November 1918.For asimilarcasestudy of Edmonton Bulletin Canadian BulletinofMedical History 19,no.2(2002):367. , 29October1918,3. , 26October1918,1. (Oxford, Edmonton Bulletin , 2November 1918,4. , 19October1918,3. UK Canadian Bulletinof Edmonton Bulletin 13(2002):119–39; : Oxford University Edmonton Bulletin Edmonton Bulletin , 29October Journal ofthe Drumheller Drumheller 22, , - - , - - , 113 112 Ibid. 111 121 120 119 118 117 116 115 114 Ibid. Edmonton Bulletin no. 1(2004):68–71. 1918–1920,” les femmes etlavilleentempsd’épidémie, Montréal, Montreal, seeMagda Fahrni, “‘Ellessontpartout. 1918, no.160, 2December1918, sion, vol. 1928,file LAC 28 May 1919, Indian Affairs,1919),111–12;“Influenza Epidemic,” Year EndedMarch Departmentof 311918(Ottawa: Report of theDepartment of Indian Affairs for the payment figuresfromDominion Annual of Canada, vol. 1003, file“Spanish 1919,”Influenza, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press,2001),189ff. and CanadianPlainsNative People, 1880–1940 and OldPeople andBabiesDyingEveryWeek.” by Herring. SeeHerring,Were “There Young People two whichwererecordedaftertheperiodexamined The Indian Affairsstatisticslist190deaths,including people diedatNorway House duringthepandemic. AnnHerringpendent research. calculatedthat188 Affairs, butthenumbers areconfirmedbyinde issue whendealingwithstatisticscompiledbyIndian Part 1,vol.2970, Native StudiesReview “Prairie Indians andthe1918Influenza Epidemic,” BC Nations andtheInfluenza Pandemic of 1918–1919,” Bulletin Letter totheEditor,Epidemic,”Letter “The A.W. Coone,“LivingConditionsinParts of ThisCity,” Staff Sergeant Fyffe toCommanding Officer, Affidavit by FrankC. Fisg,1December1918, Population statisticsarebasedonannualtreaty Field, 20December1918, K.F. AndersontoR. Maureen Lux, “Influenza Epidemic,” 28 May 1919,file851-4- See Mary-Ellen “BritishColumbia First Kelm, Studies . , 16November 1918,7. 122(1999):23–47;andMaureen Lux, Revue d’histoire del’Amérique française RG RCMP Medicine ThatWalks: Disease,Medicine, LAC 29,vol.2970,file851-4- RG , 26November 1918,7. . 29, 1918,no.160, 8,no.1(1992):23–33. RG LAC 18,vol.1928,file . Accuracyisalwaysan LAC Edmonton . LAC D 96, Part 1,

RG RCMP G . RG Divi D - 18, 96 18, 58, .

. ’: - War, Public Health, and the 1918 “Spanish” Influenza Pandemic in Alberta 507

Social : Oxford : Oxford Press, . Toronto: . Toronto: War in History in War UK UBC Ethnohistory 58, no. 1 (2004): 58, no. 1 (2004): : Allegra Press, 24, no. 2 (2007): . ’: les femmes et et femmes . ’: les ON Broken Promises: A . . Oxford, . Oxford, . Vancouver: . Vancouver: . Toronto: University of of University . Toronto: . Hamilton, . Hamilton, 23, no. 2 (2010): 299–319. 23, Anatomy of a Pandemic: The 1918 Anatomy of a Pandemic: The Canadian Prairies:The Canadian A History From Victoria to Vladivostok: Canada’s Victoria to Vladivostok: Canada’s From Journal of the Canadian Historical of the Journal Association thesis, Wilfrid Laurier University, 1993. Laurier University, thesis, Wilfrid The Last Plague: Spanish Influenza and the Politics The Last Plague: Spanish Influenza and the Health Movement and the 1918 Influenza Epidemic.” Epidemic.” and the 1918 Influenza Movement Health History Canadian Bulletin of Medical 317–42. 1918.” October in Kitchener, Influenza the Spread of MA University Press, 1977. Press, University Hamilton Influenza in 2006. The 1918–1919 Dying Every Week’: and Babies People House.” Norway Pandemic at Influenza 41, no. 1 (1994): 73–105. and Responses to the ‘Russian’ Impacts Psychological United Kingdom, 1889–1893.” in the Influenza History of Medicine Pandemic Influenza and the ‘Great’ Canadian Military 1918.” of 16 (2005): 231–65. in Canada of Public Health Press, 2013. Toronto Pandemic.” Influenza 1918 the of Origins 21, no. 1 (2014): 55–81. Siberian Expedition, 1917–19 2010. la ville en temps d’épidémie, Montréal, 1918–1920.” 1918–1920.” Montréal, d’épidémie, la ville en temps française de l’Amérique Revue d’histoire 67–85. Press, 1987. Toronto of University History of Conscription in Canada Johnson, Niall P.A.S.of Niall An Analysis Johnson, Influenza: “Pandemic Herring, Ann, ed. Herring, and Old People Young Ann. ‘“There D. Were Herring, “The Mark. and Great Dread: Cultural Honigsbaum, The Osborne. “The at Home: Horror Mark Humphries, ———. and the War World The First Infection: of “Paths ———. Isitt, Benjamin. Public Brunswick’s New Fire: E. “Baptism of Jane Jenkins, Fahrni, Magda. “‘Elles sont partout . sont partout “‘Elles Magda. Fahrni, Gerald. Friesen, Hitsman. J.M. and Granatstein, J.L.,

, US , 3, 34 , 17 October 29, vol. 2970, 29, vol. Press, 2005. Studies , edited by RG BC Edmonton Bulletin NYU . Cultural and Social History LAC Edmonton Bulletin . New York: York: . New : Greenwood Press, 1976. I CT (1977): 120–41. Medicine in Canadian Society: Historical Medicine 24, no. 4 (1976): 1–11. 96, Part 1, 96, Part Harm’s Way: Disasters in Western Canada in Western Disasters Way: Harm’s Fever of War: The Influenza Epidemic in the of War: Fever D America’s Forgotten Pandemic: The Influenza Pandemic: Forgotten America’s , edited by S.E.D. Short. Montreal and Short. Montreal , edited by S.E.D. . Westport, . Westport, . New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989. Cambridge University York: . New Alberta Alberta Formed, Transformed Epidemic and Peace 1918: America’s Deadliest Influenza 1918: America’s Epidemic and Peace “Union Government and the Flu,” Flu,” Government and the “Union “Why the Epidemic?,” “Influenza Epidemic,” 28 May 1919, May 1919, 28 Epidemic,” “Influenza 11, an Epidemic,” City Faces “A Dickin McGinnis, 25 October 1918, 7. 25 October 1918, 7. file 851-4- 5. notes 4 and 1918–1919.” In In 1918–1919.” Perspectives Press, 1981. University Kingston: McGill-Queen’s 1918–19.” In In 1918–19.” Calgary: Foran. edited by Anthony Rasporich and Max Calgary Press, 2004. of University Alberta History Historical Papers of 1918 Epidemic the Spanish Influenza, Experience of Calgary’s no. 4 (2006): 496–505. In Catherine Cavanaugh, and Michael Donald Wetherell, Alberta Press, 2005. of Edmonton: University Payne. War Army during World Influenza in Vancouver, 1918–1919.” 1918–1919.” Vancouver, in Influenza 1977): 21–44. (Summer Flu.” in the Great Interest ———. “The Impact of Epidemic Influenza: Canada, Epidemic Influenza: of “The Impact ———. Dickin McGinnis, Janice P. “A City Faces an Epidemic.” an Epidemic.” City Faces “A P. Janice Dickin McGinnis, 1918–19.” Epidemic Influenza, of “The Impact ———. Crosby, Alfred. Crosby, ———. Revisiting History? Horse/Pale “Pale Dickin, Janice. Bright, David. “1919: A Year of Extraordinary Difficulty.” Extraordinary of Difficulty.” Bright, David. “1919: A Year Carol R.Byerly, Andrews, Margaret W. “Epidemic and Public Health: “Epidemic and Public Health: W. Andrews, Margaret “Out in the Cold and Back: New-Found Guy. Beiner, 124 125 Cited Works 122 123 508 Aftermath Osterholm, MichaelOsterholm, T. “Preparingfor theNextPandemic.” Osler, William. McPherson, Kathryn. Markel, Howard, etal.“Non-Pharmaceutical Interventions MacDougall, Heather. “Toronto’s Health Departmentin ———. “PrairieIndians andthe1918Influenza Epidemic.” ———. ———. Impact “The of theSpanishInfluenza Pandemic in Flats’: Bitter The1918Influenza “‘The MaureenLux, K. AlanM.Kraut, ———. Jones, “ContactacrossaDiseasedBoundary:Urban Esyllt. andJuergen Mueller.Johnson, Niall P.A.S., “Updating 2005): 1839–42. The New EnglandJournal ofMedicine 1909. June 3,1909 Medicine Medical Beforethe Ontario Toronto, Association, University Press,1996. of CanadianNursing,1900–1990 Association Influenza Pandemic.” Implemented by (2007): 56–89. of theHistoryMedicine andAlliedSciences Action: Influenza in1918and Native StudiesReview Toronto Press,2001. Plains Native People, 1880–1940 1989. Saskatchewan, 1918–1919.”Saskatchewan, (Spring 1997):3–13. Epidemic inSaskatchewan.” University Press,1994. “Immigrant Menace.” Winnipeg Association Canadian Historical Influenza Epidemic1918–1919.” Space andSocialInteraction duringWinnipeg’s 76 (2002):105–15. Influenza Pandemic.” Accounts: GlobalMortality of the1918–1920‘Spanish’ Medicine ThatWalks: Disease,Medicine, andCanadian in andStruggle 1918:Disease,Death, Influenza, . Toronto: University of Toronto Press,2007. 298(2007):644–54. Silent Travelers: Genes,andthe Germs, . London, . London, The Treatment ofDisease:TheAddressin US Bedside Matters: TheTransformation Citiesduringthe1918–1919 8,no.1(1992):23–33. Baltimore, UK Journal of the American MedicalJournal oftheAmerican Bulletin oftheHistoryMedicine : Oxford University Press, MA Saskatchewan History SARS . Toronto: University of 13(2002):119–39. thesis,University of . Oxford, MD Journal ofthe 352,no.18(5May in2003.” : Johns Hopkins UK 62,no.1 : Oxford Journal

Quiney, LindaJ. “‘Filling theGaps’: CanadianVoluntary Re-AppearingPhillips, Howard. “The Shadowof 1918: Pettigrew, Eileen. Zhang, S.,P. Yan, B.Winchester, and J. Wang. Wiliton, Peter. “SpanishFluOutdid etal.“IntoTisoncik, Jennifer theEye of the R., JohnThompson, Herd. F.B.Smith, RussianInfluenza “The inthe United Schartner, Adelaide. andD. Lisa, AnnHerring.Sattenspiel, “Simulatingthe Rutty, Christopher. “Personality, Politics, andCanadian Denise.“LagrippeespagnoleàSherbrookeRioux, et Nurses, the1917Halifax andtheInfluenza Explosion, 1 (2004):121–34. Pandemic.” Trends intheHistoriography of the1918–19Influenza of 1918 Other Respiratory Viruses Montreal andWinnipeg of Canada.” “Transmissibility of the1918Pandemic Influenza in 148, no.11(1993):2036–40. Lives Claimed.” http://mmbr.asm.org/content/76/1/16.full. Biology Reviews Cytokine Storm.” 1914–1918 no. 1(1995):55–73. 1889–1894.”Kingdom, Health Unit Associationof Alberta/Co-OpPress,1982. no. 1(2006):1–26. in CentralCanada.” Effect of QuarantineontheSpread of the1918–19Flu McKellar. Toronto: University of Toronto Press,2008. Social 1917.” In Research Laboratories,University of Toronto, 1888– Public Health: TheOriginsof theConnaughtMedical 1993. supérieures enhistoire,Université deSherbrooke, dans lesCantonsdel’Est 19, no.2(2002):351–74. Epidemic of 1918.” , edited by E.A. Heaman, AlisonLi,andShelley , editedbyE.A. . Regina:Western ProducerPrairieBooks,1983. Essays inHonour ofMichaelBliss:Figuring the . Toronto: McClelland 1978. andStewart, Canadian BulletinofMedical History Silent Enemy:CanadaandtheDeadlyFlu 77, no.3(September2013). Canadian Medical AssociationJournal Health UnitsofAlberta Microbiology andMolecular Canadian BulletinofMedical History The Harvests ofWar: West, ThePrairie Bulletin ofMathematical Biology 4,no.1(January 2010):27–31. Social HistoryofMedicine .” Sherbrooke, WWI Influenza and inNumber of . Edmonton: QC : Études URL 21,no. : 8, 65,

Applying Modernity: Local Government and the 1919 Federal Housing Scheme in Alberta

DONALD G. WETHERELL

The outbreak of war in 1914 was accompanied in “Modernity” was not a style in domestic archi- Alberta by calls to defend the nation and the empire tecture but rather a loose set of concepts that posited and protect home and family life. These calls were a healthier, more rational future through science, broad and emotive. “Home” was a familiar term, but rational design, and technology. By the outbreak of one laden with varied notions about social conti- the First World War, advances in scientific knowl- nuity, tradition, gender, personal comfort, safety, edge postulating that germs were a major cause of and belonging. The “house,” as the physical space contagious disease had been broadly accepted. It that sheltered the home, was of more than passing was also understood that germs could be killed or, at importance in the expression of these values. And least, their impact mitigated by cleanliness, sunlight, by 1914 the ideal house could be defined by citing openness, and fresh air.1 The application of this objective criteria that had recently coalesced into knowledge in house design necessitated the replace- a definition of the “modern house.” These criteria ment of nineteenth-century closed-in rooms—which drew upon relatively new scientific knowledge about were dark, had poor air circulation, and were hard health and the cause of disease and theories about to keep clean—with open plans in which rooms how physical space affected social relationships. connected one into the other and had plenty of This knowledge also guided how houses should best windows that could open. The public was cautioned be arranged on lots, and how neighbourhoods should that every room had to have at least one window. be laid out to create social efficiency, healthful Logically, living areas in basements were, thus, surroundings, and, if it could be had, a beautiful en- considered to be unhealthy and depressing. Sanitary vironment in which to live and raise families. When standards were further enhanced by smooth walls the federal government created a housing scheme for that would shed dust and hard floor surfaces that postwar reconstruction in 1919, it drew directly on were easy to clean. This justified the replacement of these understandings about modernity and domes- lath-and-plaster walls covered with wallpaper with tic architecture. ones finished with smooth plaster or panelling, or 510 Aftermath in Canada: “The housingdifficulties oflowincome in Canada:“The noted in1939hissurveyof thehistoryof housing Grauer AsA.E. because of itsrecentsettlement. All of theseproblemswere intensified inAlberta was investedinproductionratherthanhousing. and jobsecuritywasrare;whileonfarms,capital Mortgages weredifficulttoobtain;wages low houses withoutadequatesanitationorheating. small,poorlyconstructed people livedincrowded, atthestartofimplement them;and, the war, many class andafew wealthierfarmerscouldafford to or publicagencies.Moreover, onlytheurban middle dards of housing,theywerenotcodifiedbythestate break of thewarasthoseneededfor decentstan house werebroadlyacceptedbythetimeof theout town planning.” of goodhousingistocontrolalllanddevelopmentby firstnecessity Thomas Adamsadvisedin1916:“The life couldbefocused. AstheCanadiantownplanner provision of publicopenspaceswherecommunity tion of incompatiblelandusenearhousing,andthe land-use principlesalsodemandedtheprohibi air couldeasilyreachintothebuildings.Sound pletely fillthem)toensurethatsunlightandfresh needed tobeplacedwithinlots(ratherthancom was essentialfor buthousesalso publicsanitation, Connectiontomunicipalsewersystems significant. tionship of thehousetoitscommunitywasequally and apositiveoutlook. also contributedtosoundmentalandspiritualhealth people together, andfreshair whileopenness,light, were conducivetofamilylife becausetheybrought supported broadersocialvaluesaswell.Openplans such designprinciplescouldhelppreventdisease,it with variouswall-boardproducts.Whileemploying Although theelementsthatdefinedmodern 3 2 For urbanhouses,therela - - - - - through mortgagesorotherprograms. housing role inhelpingpeoplegainaccesstobetter planning.” activity, andinflux of poorimmigrantsandlack of inflatedrealestatevalues,speculative rapid growth, cated byconditionspeculiartoayoungcountry— groups commontoallcountrieshavebeencompli As amethodof thesingle fundinglocal government, government hadimposedthis systemacrossAlberta. Inimprovements, wastaxed. 1912 theprovincial not adopted asingle-taxsystemin whichonlyland, because somecitiesintheprovincehadearlier of landvaluesonlocalgovernmentswasexacerbated for nonpaymentof taxes.Theimpactof thecollapse andmuchofdisappeared, itwassoonbeingforfeited this, aswellothersubdividedbutunservicedland, theprospectsforcollapsed, rapiddevelopment of Whentheeconomy imminent privatedevelopment. ture inpreparationfor whatwasbelievedwouldbe sewage, electrical,andtransportationinfrastruc surveyed andservicedbylocalgovernmentswith substantial amountsof vacantlandthathadbeen , speculativefever wasoverfor atime. activity inCalgary1914afterthediscoveryof oilat half decade.Althoughtherewasabriefrevivalof driven bytheoptimismandgreedof theprevious highlevelsbecauseof speculation reached extremely was arapiddropinthepriceof whichhad land, in 1912–13. ThemosttellingconsequenceinAlberta butthisboomhadcollapsed suddenly speculation, year periodof increasinglyfranticgrowthandland was alsofragile.It hadrecentlyexperienced afive- most peoplecouldafford. Theprovince’s economy what contributedtogoodhousingthatexceeded This collapseleftmanytownsandcitieswith Alberta thusenteredthewarwithidealsabout 4 Nor didthestateseeitselfashavinga - - 5 Local Government and the 1919 Federal Housing Scheme in Alberta 511 - - - - 9 As part of this land settlement this land As part of program, the fed To grapple with current and impending hous with current and grapple To “make a wind tight job.” The interior was finished job.” a wind tight “make with wall board. The houses ranged from a two- about 22 square metres to shack of room, gable-roof a small, six-room, two-storey house with a simple All were designed so that they could be gable roof. easily enlarged in the future. Soldier settlers could two separate policies to deal with rural and urban two separate policies urban housing needs were differ housing. Rural and especially approaches, ent and required different further aimed to promote since rural programs land settlement stimulus at the to create economic government passed federal the 1917, end. In war’s the Soldier Settlement Act, which enabled soldiers 20-year term to homestead,to obtain loans on a to or to build a farm house. farming, purchase land for this settlement Alberta, most of the took place in In north and east River country and in the areas Peace 1920, almost 20,000 Edmonton. By the end of of soldier settlers up land in Canada, of 5,785 taken had them in Alberta. eral Soldier Settlement Board also issued architec different four and for outbuildings tural drawings for that could be built easily and modest houses types of quickly by soldier settlers. The plans were developed double with prairie conditions in mind and included of building floors, storm windows, “liberal use and an exteriorof asphalt and wall finish paper,” of which would “flint coated ready roofing”—all question pointed to the dual housing problem faced problem dual housing to the pointed question taking care of postwar adjustment: of at the time the already-pressing and meeting returned soldiers population. the civilian of housing needs unrest social of and the likelihood ing shortages, developed government it,the federal because of

- - - - Adams’s Adams’s 8

6 7 The war slowed house construction dramatically, The war slowed house construction dramatically, For local governments, problems became worse local governments, problems For sion of Conservation observed in 1918: “If there is a observed in 1918: “If Conservation sion of be the conditions when sev what will shortage now, eral thousand men return from Europe?” constructed in the province between 1914 and 1918. constructed in the province between 1914 serious This meant that there would be even more the war than there housing shortages at the end of hous had been at its beginning. Thus, providing postwar for ing was widely recognized as a priority the Commis adjustment and, as Thomas Adams of the difficulties resulting from the short-sighted the difficulties resulting from the short-sighted years and the added problems the boom policies of the 1930s. of the house-building industry and the near collapse of in Alberta ensured that very little new housing was forced to pay higher and higher property taxes. In an and higher property taxes. In to pay higher forced attempt its finances, Edmonton, of to gain control in a civic income tax from 1918 example, brought for and its rate until 1920; but it was too late. The city the nextpayers struggled for 25 years to overcome of industrialization, the war probably had a negative of impact on the prairies. for land of falling tax revenues, forfeiture because of growth. taxes, and slow economic As nonpayment of it,a result,were who could ill afford homeowners, heavily on local governments. Although war-related Although war-related local governments. heavily on on the prairies, production was minimal industrial enlistment the low because of unemployment was employable and men and a boom in agricultural of the resulting most of However, resource industries. wartime inflation and,gains disappeared in in terms tax had many problems, but the most obvious one obvious but the most many problems, tax had evaporated. as land values revenue fell was that tax tax incentives that had places, generous some In to attract also now weighed industry been offered 512 Aftermath datory, wereconsideredthe“minimum standards whilenotman for which, designandconstruction, The federal governmentdrew uprecommendations serviced siteclosetoamenities andemployment. ideallyaspartofhouses wouldbebuilt, asingle, to developahousingplanaccordingwhichthe improvements. Aswell,eachprovincewasrequired cent of thetotalcostof the houseexclusiveof local land wasexpectedtorepresentonlyabout10per if necessary, The inordertoeliminatespeculation. byexpropriation required toprovidelandatcost, stituted thevastmajority. Localgovernmentswere incomes of lessthan$3,000 peryear, whichcon provide housinginindustrialareasfor peoplewith amortizedover20years.Theplanaimedto percent, insteadofowners at5percent, thecurrentrateof 8 housing fieldlay. Loansweremadetoprospective lent thistomunicipalitieswherejurisdictioninthe Theprovinces,inturn, according topopulation. at 5percentinteresttotheprovinces,distributed this scheme,thefederal governmentlent$25million part of thestate’s responsibilityfor housing. quality hadtobeapproachedsystematically, andas and othercivicimprovementsrelevanttohousing town planningschemes,publicsanitationservices, lack of cooperationgavenewvitalitytodemandsthat and a greed, the warhadbeencausedbymaterialism, ognize housingasasocial-reform issue.Abeliefthat The schemealsoreflectedtentativestirringstorec low-income urbanpeoplefor affordable housing. the economybymeetingobviousdemandfrom It, too,aimedtocreateemploymentandstimulate adjustment housingschemewasintroducedin1919. purchased fromEaton’s andmanylumber yards. plete packagesof thematerialsrequiredcouldbe buy buildingmaterialsatreducedprices,andcom To meettheneedsof urbanpeople,apostwar 11 Under - 10 - - - - human health;andtherelationshipbetweenurban and ventilation, sanitation, nection betweenlight, wood-frame house. cost couldnotexceed$3,500 for aseven-room, attain.”difficult to Undertheschemebuilding for healthandcomfort, andnotasideals thatare basic standardsfor comfort andfamilylife, and edge abouthealthanddisease. Theyalsoasserted tantly, thesestandardsdrewuponscientific knowl that couldbeappliedacrossthe country. Impor before thewarwerenowseen asbaselinestandards Clearly, whathadbeentheidealsof moderndesign newspapers andinCanadianbuildingjournals. recommendations receivedwidecoverageinAlberta fications, bytheOntario whose Housing Committee, federal governmentbutalso,withsomeslightmodi cover nolessthantwo-thirdsof thefloorarea. andwereto metreshigh, floor weretobeatleast2.4 for rooms;furthermore,allceilingsonthesecond minimum sizes air werefurtherpromotedbysetting used aslivingspace.Ventilation andaccesstofresh Basementswerenot tobe good cross-ventilation. a windowplacedsothatitwouldprovidelightand wastohave includingthebathroom, and eachroom, be locatedonthesecondfloor of atwo-storeyhouse, ample plumbed-in cleanwater. Thebathroomwasto expected tohavepropersewagedisposalsystemsand occupy morethan50 percentof Houses thelot. were To thehousecouldnot ensurelightandventilation, to playgrounds,parks,andotherpublicservices. andbeaccessible oralargecourtyard, onto astreet, part of Thehousewastoface ageneralurbanplan. character.” Thismeantthateachhousehadtobe built underthis1919schemeweretobeof “modern planning andthequalityof housing,thehouses Reflecting ideasaboutopenplans;thecon These standardswerepromotednotonlybythe 12 - 13 -

- - Local Government and the 1919 Federal Housing Scheme in Alberta 513 - - 17 In these conditions, it was not surprising that not surprising that conditions, it was these In . with building and construction work,” and and work,” and construction building . with . lay in the jurisdiction of local government. Most local government. Most lay in the jurisdiction of it worried that bankrupt municipalities importantly, would never repay the loans extended by the to them Alberta’s calls for province. Thus, despite numerous a involvement in the program, the premier informed mayors in 1920 that it had decided not delegation of to borrowing money from the to participate, and, “as Premier Charles Stewart estimated that Alberta Premier Charles Stewart in loans, about $1.6 million would be eligible for each. This houses at $3,000 or enough to build 530 promote urban renewal and new construction would in conditions” “slum of prevent the development it would Further, and Calgary. downtown Edmonton in mining communities help to improve housing where housing was extremely such as Drumheller, the plan observed that payments on a Critics of poor. house, even at 5 percent, be about $33 would $3,000 and taxes, which was per month including upkeep could afford. workingman” more than the “average to reconsider The provincial government also began its support. provincial treasurer argued that a The repair of program that encouraged renovation and one directed houses in industrial areas, rather than at new-house construction, would be more bene federal the ficial. The province also contended that a grant,government should give it the money as not as a loan. was As well, the provincial government the mini concerned about how it would enforce construction and urban planning standards mum these mattersrequired by the scheme, since both of . employment, housing and house need for given the social postwar of would solve a number construction problems. at first enthusiastic government was the provincial housing scheme. government’s about the federal - 15 . interest to . interest . editorialized, At the same 16 Calgary Herald Surprisingly, there were few ob there were few Surprisingly, 14 The federal housing scheme was introduced in housing scheme was introduced The federal in Edmonton lobbied the city and the provincial in Edmonton lobbied the city and the provincial government to initiate building projects to create employment. As the those who “went to the front were connected most of saving grace was that land was cheap. Lots that had saving grace was that land was cheap. Lots the war for cost $2,000 in 1912 could be had after had caused the increase in labour Inflation $500. labour were unrealistic in cheaper costs; calls for wartime hyper-inflation. light of 1919 carpenters time, unemployment was high. In over the previous year. Most of these increases were of Most over the previous year. housing and to the capital for due to a shortage of labour that by 1920 had risen materials and cost of Thus, a by between 70 and 80 percent since 1914. $6,000 in house that had cost between $4,000 and The only and $9,500. 1914 now cost between $6,500 owned two-thirds of the land within its boundaries owned two-thirds of the same reason. this land glut, Despite for there was 1919 rent In a housing shortage that pushed up costs. over in Edmonton and Calgary was up 25 percent percent 50 the past 12 months, and even as high as Alberta against the background of troubled local troubled background of Alberta against the shortages, rising costs, and governments, housing high urban unemployment. Between 1918 and 1920, building lots 70,000 of Edmonton took possession tax arrears; by 1919, Calgary almost all for in the city, a national status.” a national field that had the state into a the entry of jections to enterprise. private the hands of so far been wholly in and the the scheme as a model The importance of outweighed for workers housing affordable need for free competition.” virtues of its challenge to “the social amenities. This was one of the most important important the most one of This was amenities. social and, the scheme in as was observed of consequences this legislation,1919, “by has lifted the study Canada a local . her people from of the homes of 514 Aftermath the programhadanumber of drawbacks.Indeed, solely witha“faint-hearted” provincialgovernment, Alberta’s failuretoparticipateinthe schemelay Despite chargesbytheprovincial oppositionthat ewan hadreceivedadvancesunder theprogram. andallexceptAlbertaSaskatch the program, except Albertahadpassedhousinglegislationunder theprograminAlberta. stances, scuttled justifiable reluctancetotake anyriskinthecircum view, alongwiththeprovincialgovernment’s which, cities. However, nourbangovernmenttookthis some revenuewouldhavebeengeneratedfor the and would havebeenbuiltonvacantservicedland, neededhouses holdings wouldhavebeenreduced, theirland governments participatedintheprogram, reach of theintendedmarket. Ofcourse,hadlocal houses builtundertheschemeevenfurtheroutof land costs.In practicalterms,thiswouldputthe wanted tochargeborrowersfulladministrativeand land fromtheirrapidlygrowingholdings,andall Moreover, urbangovernmentsrefusedtoprovide landlords, tobuildwhatandhowtheywanted. Hat wantedtomake loanstoanyone,including moving housesontoservicedlots,whileMedicine be madeavailablefor renovating,repairing,and forton, example,arguedthatthemoneyshould on auniform setof goalsfor Edmon theprogram. issuing debentures.Nor couldAlbertacitiesagree to assume responsibilityfor loanrepaymentsby andrefused the schemewouldaddtoitscivicdebt, Calgarywasconcerned that pate intheprogram. borrowing powers.” its wellupto,orpast, province wasalreadypretty was inclinedtothinkthateverymunicipalityinthe Dominion governmentonmunicipalsecurities,he By 1921, when it was repealed, everyprovince By 1921,whenitwasrepealed, Local governmentswerenoteagertopartici 18 - - - - assisting ruralhomeowners,provinceswithlarge provincial one.Becauseitmadenoprovisionfor on localconcernstomake theprogramworkasa andtoonarrowlyfixated too poorandinefficient, was itsrelianceonlocalgovernments,whichwere country exceptinWinnipeg. Onebasicproblem it wasnotparticularlysuccessfulanywhereinthe and itscontradictions.Ashistorian John Saywell change thenatureof theCanadian housingmarket for the1919schemedidnot the future.And, certain, ofwould, necessity, havetoleadsuchprogramsin andthat provincialand field, federal governments be relieduponfor suchprogramsinthehousing wasthatlocalgovernmentcouldnot this respect, in what thedisappointingresultsactuallyproved, ment inthehousingsectorwasunrealistic,but Certainly, criticsclaimedthatgovernmentinvolve assisted homeconstruction” for overadecade. failure helped“todiscredittheideaof government housing. Somescholarshavecontendedthatits despitetheevidentneedforbuilt underit, new scheme wasafailure.In nohouseswere Alberta, civic governments. already-burdened difficulties byover-extending incertainrespects,promisedtobring further and, housing schemedidnothingtosolvetheseproblems andthe 1919 speculation andover-expansion, housing problemswerethelegacyof prewarland was understandable.Moreover, Alberta’s urban concern for renovationandnotnewconstruction throughout urbanareas.In theprovince’s thislight, of small,poor-quality, prewarhousesscattered in someotherpartsof butalargenumber Canada, major urbanproblemswerenotslums, astheywere In werealsodisadvantaged. wan, Alberta’s addition, rural populations,suchasAlbertaandSaskatche By thismeasure,the1919postwarhousing 19 20

- - Local Government and the 1919 Federal Housing Scheme in Alberta 515 - Farm and and Farm (Ottawa, Homes in Homes (Edmonton: Farm and Farm , 155–56. , 156. , 99–100. , 106–7. (1919) (a copy of (1919) (a copy of (Edmonton: Uni 15 (1916): 50. (Ottawa: Economic The Harvests of War: The Prairie of War: The Harvests Town Life: Main Street and the Street and Life: Main Town Homes in Alberta Homes in Alberta Homes Homes in Alberta Homes in Alberta Homes American City , January 1919, 1. , January , 23 October 1911, and , 23 October (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, and McClelland (Toronto: The Economic Development of Western of Western The Economic Development , 24 May 1919. , 24 May Housing: A Study Prepared for the Royal A Study Housing: , 1 June 1919. , 1 June , 21 April 1919. , 20 October 1909. , 20 October 6 (1981): 37–40. 374, 192.4/298. 374, PC Calgary Herald Provincial Archives of Saskatchewan, Regina,Provincial Archives of “Report Kmet, and Wetherell Kmet, and Wetherell Thomas Adams, “Planning for Civic Betterment for Thomas Adams, “Planning in A.E. Grauer, Doug Owram, Thompson, Herd John and Kmet, Wetherell “Soldier Settlement McDonald, and Depression John and Kmet, Wetherell Ibid., 154. For examples of such concepts in popular thinking, in popular thinking, such concepts examples of For R.A. Irene and Wetherell Donald G. Kmet, of the Committee of the Privy Council, February 20, the Committee the Privy Council, February of of 1919,” Social Welfare Conservation of Life Calgary Herald versity of Alberta Press, 1991), 45–53, 87–93. Alberta Press, 1991), 45–53, versity of Country,” and Town Relations Commission on Dominion-Provincial 1939), 33. Canada: An Historical Overview 219, 1982), 14–15. No. Canada, Paper Council of 1914–1918 West, 1978), 45. On the single tax, see Donald G. Wetherell R.A.and Irene Kmet, Alberta, 1880–1947 Evolution of Small Town Alberta Press, 1995), 47–48. of University Saskatchewan,” of Fringe Settlement in the Forest Prairie Forum Buildings and Equipment Farm Eaton’s this soldier land settlement can be scheme catalogue Alberta, 66); of in Provincial Archives found Ranch Review see Ranch Review and Design Alberta: Building Trends 13 14 15 16 17 18 3 4 5 6 7 8 Ibid.,153. 9 10 11 12 to thank Wetherell and Kmet and the University of Alberta Alberta of the University Kmet and and Wetherell to thank to use this material. permission Press for 1 2 - - (Edmonton: 21 These standards owed a strong debt These standards owed a strong debt 22 Yet in other ways, the 1919 scheme had an had an in other ways, the 1919 scheme Yet This paper, while written by Donald G. Wetherell, relies while written by Donald G. Wetherell, This paper, R.A. and Irene heavily on Donald G. Wetherell Kmet, in Alberta. and Design Homes Building Trends Alberta Press, 1991), but reworks the content of University this book would like in some respects. The co-editors of to grapple with the legacy of the war. to grapple with the legacy of Notes with decency,” while amenities set out those things while amenities set out those things with decency,” satisfactory environmental necessary to “provide standards conditions which Canadian customs and demand.” housing quality that had been to the measures of its attemptdevised in the 1919 housing scheme in and clearing house for the Canadian construction the Canadian construction and clearing house for housing standards of drew up minimum industry, amenities. under two broad categories: health and those dan Substandard houses were defined as health or “incompatible gerous to the occupants’ baseline to measure adequacy of housing. This drew This drew housing. adequacy of baseline to measure house. the modern of upon the prewar idealization that emerged in 1919 would While the standards would shape Canadian housing evolve, their outline in 1934 Indeed, the nextpolicy for half century. a lobby group Construction Council, the National costs or interfere with market-driven incomes. As incomes. with market-driven costs or interfere were recurring the consequences Saywell concludes, housing crises in Canada. the first time, systematic For inadvertent legacy. had been devised as a national national standards argues, although the state increasingly accepted re accepted increasingly the state although argues, housing, of and sanitation the safety for sponsibility “legally adequate of increased the costs and thereby to control land it simultaneously refused housing,” 516 Aftermath Social Welfare Saywell, John. Doug. Owram, McDonald, and Depression John. “SoldierSettlement Grauer, A.E. Conservation ofLife Bacher, John. “CanadianHousing ‘Policy’ inPerspective.” inTownAdams, Thomas.“Planningfor CivicBetterment SECONDARY SOURCES ReportofProvincial Archivesof Regina. Saskatchewan, Provincial Archivesof Edmonton. Alberta, Farm andRanchReview Calgary Herald PRIMARY SOURCES Works Cited 22 21 20 19 Canada, PaperCanada, No. 24,1975, 4. in Canada Construction Council of Paper Canada, No. 219,1982,14–15. Overview Canada: AnHistorical ForumPrairie intheForestSettlement Fringe of Saskatchewan.” 1939. Commission onDominion-Provincial Relations Urban HistoryReview and Country.” (P.C. 374), 192.4/298. of thePrivyCouncil,20Februarythe Committee 1919 Buildings andEquipment PaperCanada, No. 24,1975),4. inCanada Construction tive,” Wetherell andKmet, John Saywell, John Bacher, “CanadianHousing ‘Policy’ inPerspec 157.Ibid., Urban HistoryReview , 1June 1919. Housing: AStudyPreparedfortheRoyal Housing Canadians: EssaysonResidential The EconomicDevelopmentofWestern 6(1981):37–40. Housing Canadians:EssaysonResidential American City American , January 1919,1. 15(1986):5. Homes inAlberta . Ottawa: EconomicCouncilof . Ottawa: EconomicCouncilof (Ottawa: , 1919. 15(1986):5. 15(1916):50. . Ottawa: Economic . Ottawa: , 106–7. Eaton’s Farm . Ottawa, . Ottawa, - ———. ———. Kmet. Wetherell, DonaldG.,andIrene R.A. JohnThompson, Herd. Press, 1995. 1880–1947 Alberta, University of AlbertaPress,1991. BuildingTrendsin Alberta: andDesign 1914–1918 Town Life:Main StreetandtheEvolutionofSmallTown . Toronto: McClelland 1978. andStewart, . Edmonton:University of Alberta The Harvests ofWar: West, The Prairie . Edmonton: Homes Soldier Settlement in Alberta, 1917–1931

ALLAN ROWE

“Alberta is far in advance of the other provinces in than Alberta: of the 31,670 veterans who took ad- respect to the number of soldiers settled on the land” vantage of the program, almost one-third (9,883) boasted the Farm and Ranch Review in June 1920. The settled in Alberta.2 Calgary-based publication noted with satisfaction The optimistic tone of the Review, however, that 4,428 soldiers had taken land in Alberta under obscured a more sober reality. While the program the federal government’s postwar soldier settlement certainly helped many ex-servicemen transition plan, with thousands more eligible to participate in back to civilian life, soldier settlement was far from the coming years. The article quoted Red Deer MP an unmitigated success. From the outset, the scheme Michael Clark, who explicitly linked “Alberta’s lead was plagued by significant problems, including in recruiting” during the war and its lead “in soldier economic depression and excessive bureaucracy. settlement on the land in peace.” “Compared with Perhaps most significant, however, was the gov- the results from the whole Dominion,” concluded ernment’s unrealistic expectation that soldier the Review, “this is a most satisfactory position settlement would help return Canada to an idealized for Alberta.”1 notion of rural, agrarian ideals—in the face of grow- The program that drew such praise from the ing industrialization, class conflict, and regional Review was governed by the Soldier Settlement discontent—by bolstering loyal, steady citizenship. Act. Passed in 1917, and amended in 1919, the act These hopes were compromised by their unrealistic offered assistance to veterans who wanted to take up scope, as well as by contradictory anxieties about the agriculture after the Great War. Successful appli- suitability of ex-servicemen (and their wives) for cants were eligible for land grants and financial aid. such crucial, nation-building responsibilities. The While soldier settlement was a national program, result was a program that could never live up to the the trend of especially high participation in Alberta, high expectations placed on it. noted by the Review in 1920, continued for the rest of The scheme, launched in 1917, was rooted in the decade. No province attracted more participants a long tradition of soldier settlement in Canadian Dominion land and loans of up to $2,500 for stock or equipment. The program was administered by the Soldier Settlement Board, which reserved all “undisposed” federal land within 25 kilometres of railway lines in the Prairie West for soldier settle- ment.4 The goal of the plan, according to Minister of the Interior W.J. Roche, was “to assist the returned soldier and increase agricultural production.”5 The unspoken objective, however, was to fill unclaimed Dominion land—soldier settlement would help complete prairie agricultural settlement by directing veterans to regions where significant homestead land was still available. One such region, prominent in the government’s early vision of soldier settlement, was Alberta’s Peace River District. Shortly after the act was passed, Ottawa dispatched survey teams to the region to subdivide land specifically for returning veterans. Critics were sceptical—Liberal MP William Pugsley scornfully predicted “not one man in a thousand would be attracted by an invitation to settle on land in the Peace River Country.”6 The surveyors dis- agreed, reporting that “a considerable number of This political cartoon from the Grain Grower’s Guide, 6 March quarter sections” were suitable for cultivation.7 By 1918, shows how obstacles were put in the way of potential early 1919, 800 veterans had taken up homesteads soldier settlers. in Peace River, and surveyors were having trouble keeping pace with demand.8 Despite this promising start, the government’s history. Both the French and British colonial regimes determination to direct settlement to unclaimed had offered soldiers incentives to settle in North Dominion land was widely criticized. In January America prior to 1867, while the Dominion govern- 1918, both Alberta Premier Charles Stewart and the ment had granted land to Canadian soldiers after the Alberta branch of the Great War Veterans Association North West Rebellion (1885) and the South African (GWVA) urged Ottawa to make more land available War (1899–1902).3 The scope of the Soldier Set- for soldier settlement.9 In March 1918, the Grain tlement Act (1917), however, eclipsed these earlier Grower’s Guide condemned the scheme for grant- military-colonization experiments. The legisla- ing isolated land to veterans while leaving the best tion offered veterans 160-acre “soldier grants” of available prairie land in the hands of speculators.10

518 Soldier Settlement in Alberta, 1917–1931 519 - 18 - - - - A substantial A substantial 17 . than by making . 19 In Meighen’s view, soldier settle view, Meighen’s In 20 of the nation. of We believe that we cannot better believe that we this fortify We unrest and dis country against the waves of content that now assail us . the sol the greatest possible proportion of our country settlersdiers of upon our land. citizen is necessary Of course, every class of but the class to constitute the national life, most in the determina citizen that counts of a country against such of the stability tion of the basic class—the is undoubtedly forces agricultural class. That class is the mainstay The expansion of the program reflected the the program reflected The expansion of This speech, delivered a week after the Winnipeg This speech, delivered a week after the Winnipeg within in a deeply conservative fit General Strike, Canada that idealized the moral superiority vision of rural life. of smooth transition to ment would facilitate Canada’s government’s confidence that soldier settlement government’s transition. postwar Canada’s of could serve as a pillar country’s of the proud Canadians were justifiably sense but that Allied victory, contributions to the serious social, national achievement masked of fissures—class conflict,political, and economic tension,resurgent nativism, and re Anglo-French orderly threatened Canada’s gional discontent—that soldier of adjustment to peacetime. The capacity settlement this threat was articulated in to counter Arthur Meighen: Minister 1919 by then Interior June 2,000 men had participated in the program prior program in the participated men had 2,000 was receiving 600 the board to these amendments, 1919. per week by August applications participated (77 percent) who veterans majority of chose to buy after the amendments in the program free homesteads. rather than accept private land - Pres 11 Most crucially, crucially, Most Ottawa did not 14 15 The board was also 13 However, the amendments However, 16 12 kept up the pressure through the summer summer the through up the pressure kept GWVA In Alberta, the board acquired 7,300 hectares Alberta, the board acquired 7,300 In In 1919 the government amended the act and 1919 the government In settlement after 1919. on Dominion land and removed the narrow focus to settle. veterans greater choice on where offered The impact was dramatic and immediate. While only Bay Company land east of Rowley. Bay Company land east of privately applicants could use loans to purchase owned land and improved farms. abandon the hope that soldier settlement would were fill unclaimed homestead land—56 townships soldier for surveyed in northern Alberta explicitly authorized to acquire forest reserves, school lands, reserves, school lands, authorized to acquire forest significant and privately owned lands, opening up soldier settlement.new opportunities for Grazing from the Pope Drumheller land west of of Hudson’s hectares of Lease, and an additional 4,500 land and, were through the 1920s, 35,000 hectares soldier settlement,opened for including 2,700 Hobbema hectares from the Bobtail Reserve near Lake and more than 8,000 acres from the Saddle de Métis. Reserve near St. Paul greatly expanded the soldier settlementgreatly expanded the program. staff was increased to provide better of The number soldier settlers, for oversight and assistance while to borrow was tripled to $7,500. the money available reserve The board was authorized to acquire Indian sure on the government mounted and, government mounted sure on the in September Soldier Commission the Returned of 1918, the head that Ottawaconceded privately to be “forced would and expand the program because some action” take miles north up land 500 not take men will “returned Edmonton.” of The on Ottawa 1918, calling of from expropriate land to and to open up “idle” and speculators, enemy aliens settlement. soldier reserve land for Indian 520 Aftermath 1920. Canada.Deptof Minesand Technical Surveys/Library and Archives Canada, Returned soldier’s home,implements andsomeof hisstock assisted by theSoldier Settlement Board. Tp 74-3-6, Peace River district. Alberta, fiveyears. tlement astheprogramgrewovernext seeking tofoster socialandmoralimprovement. had longbeenviewedinutopiantermsbythose clearlypointedtothePrairieWest,settlement which the emphasisonsocialrenewalthroughagricultural whiletheprogramwasnationalinscope, roots. And, peacetime byreturningthecountrytoitsagrarian Alberta remainedattheforefront of soldierset 21 - representing 36percentof theDominiontotal. million hectaresof landinAlbertafrom1917to1924, sistance. Alberta onsoldierlandgrantswithoutfinancialas in In veteranshadsettled atleast2,400 addition, loans, withjustover7,000 inAlberta. settling By theendof 1924,24,148veteranshadreceived Embedded withinthesestatisticsarethousands PA -018311. 23 Overall, soldier settlers hadoccupied8.5 Overall,soldiersettlers 22 24

- Soldier Settlement in Alberta, 1917–1931 521 - - -

33 - At the same time, the 30 32 lobbied the government lobbied the for Bow River, called for sim called for Bow River, for GWVA This claim was extraordinary MP 31 Alberta veterans and politicians took took and politicians veterans Alberta 34 29 This essential contradiction manifested itself in This essential contradiction manifested Despite such pressure, the federal government government the federal Despite such pressure, . of the nation” and “the best of its manhood”—the its manhood”—the and “the best of the nation” . of . ness” would be accepted—qualities that one would would ness” manhood” to have in Canada’s expect the “best of abundance. suspicion that difficulties encoun the government’s tered by settlers rather their own making were of proved reluctant to seriously consider significant proved reluctant to impact of Rather than acknowledge the reforms. the government insisted the agricultural crisis, factor was that the “personal through the mid-1920s those who had failed failure”—that a major reason for obligations were likely to meet their repayment morally deficient. contradiction within and illustrated a fundamental the soldier settlement program. On one hand, the backbone government celebrated veterans as “the . return the ideal candidates to stabilize Canada and country to its agrarian roots. the possibility government was clearly anxious about or robbed that veterans would return home disabled accustomed to taking their personal initiative, of orders rather than making their own decisions. settlementThis concern was embedded within the process, de own preliminary screening board’s signed to disqualify anyone who was “indifferent,” a or otherwise represented “careless,” “thriftless,” “self- risk”; only applicants who exhibited “moral “initiative, competence and resourceful reliance,” in Canada. for soldier relief financial calling for the lead in settlers. The Alberta land, revalue veterans’ repayments and to ease loan Garland, while E.J. in parliament.ilar measures -

- A 28 By 25 27 26 The board characterized Lamoureux’s success Lamoureux’s The board characterized berta’s indebted soldier settlers made repayments on berta’s the total money their loans, and only 29 percent of due was collected—statistics that placed Alberta last Though this was a hardship common to all farmers, Though this was a hardship common to soldier settlers especially vulnerable, given were or one for that most had only been on their farms downturn hit. the By 1923 soldier two years before settlers were facing serious problems. In in Alberta Al percent of only 49.6 the 1922–23 collection year, in line with the national average of 77 percent. in line with the national average of the Alberta and the rest of 1921, however, the end of an agricultural prairie region were on the verge of $2.31 a from a peak of wheat fell crisis. The price of periodic bushel (1919) to a mere $0.77 (1922), while wheat crop. drought took a significant toll on the Statistical evidence provides some support for the for Statistical evidence provides some support soldier settlers made good claim that the province’s 72.6 example, 1920–21, for progress through 1921. In soldier settlers had received who Alberta’s percent of their repayments, roughly loans were able to make accepting a $2,500 loan from the board for stock stock board for loan from the accepting a $2,500 and equipment. early difficulties, Lamou Despite Mallaig in farm near profitable reux was running a 1920. by the end of east-central Alberta soldier settlersstory as “fairly typical” of in Alberta. was Adolphus Lamoureux,was Adolphus since who had lived there in 1883. as a child Saskatchewan Fort moving to Lamoureux enlisted in the 151st carpenter by trade, January in Battalion (Canadian Expeditionary Force) received a medical discharge and 1918, he 1916. In returned to Alberta, grant and claiming a soldier of individual and family narratives of success and success of narratives family and individual of and the transition and hardship, failure, happiness One example promoted to civilian life. from military veterans Alberta’s of as representative by the board 522 Aftermath of program, theexpansionof thesoldier settlement The branchwasestablishedacross Canadaaspart domestic spherethroughthe Home ServiceBranch. Weed wastoo“busy withtheirbusiness.” complained though heconcededthatsomesettlers taking “an almostfatherlyinterest inthesettlers,” businessman GeorgeLucaspraisedtheinspectorfor to provideacharacterreference for Weed, local (and unwelcome)levelsof When asked supervision. illustrateshowitcouldalsoresultinextreme letter rendered importantservicetomanyveterans,Weed’s showupaswellany.”to feel thatmysettlers as itisapleasure andagoodcleangarden, attractive, settlers’ houses;tryandhaveyourplaceasneat and few is wellpleasedwithmy thissummer andOttawa Itooka place thissummer andsendsometoOttawa. Weed wrote:“Iplantotake apictureof everysettler’s In perhapsthemostpaternalisticpartof theletter, ment toprovetheywerereadyfor theupcomingyear. a completeinventory, induplicate” of theirequip laying outthefarm.” a planfor thefuture,awellthoughtoutsystemin tohave“awanted moresoldiersettlers definitegoal, for theupcomingyear. Theinspectornotedthat he detailinghisinstructionsandexpectations letter control. if somewhatpaternalistic” processof oversightand notes, itcouldevolveintoan“extremely intricate, asJ.M. but, provide supporttosoldiersettlers Powell spector systemwasoriginallyputinplace1919to intrusive systemof Thefarmin micromanagement. suspicion couldturntheboard’s bureaucracyintoan illustrateshowthis sub-district insouthernAlberta, ple of Henry Weed, farminspectorfor theMonitor than theresultof largereconomicforces. Theexam This paternalism also extended intothe This paternalismalsoextended While thefarminspectorsystemundoubtedly 35 In early1921,Weed sentoutaremarkable 36 He instructedfarmersto“take 38 37 - - - mandate of thebranchwastoassistwivesof soldier with theCanadaFood Board duringthewar. before servingasthedirectorof householdeconomy in Albertaasprincipalof RedDeerLadies’ College led byJean Muldrew, whohadspentseveralyears August 1919)andCalgary(January 1920). and includedoffices inEdmonton(opened and “rendered him incapable of repaying”hisloan. her physicalcondition” undercutherspouse’s efforts wife coulddotoafarmifher “mental and attitude was “impossibletoestimatethe financialinjury”a or unthriftyandindolent.” It bluntlywarned thatit they were“discontented, notinterestedinfarmlife, warned thatwivescouldbea“serious handicap” if wives couldbea“great help” butalso toafarm, Theboardconcededthatgood assigned tothem. could notbetrustedwiththeresponsibilities namely, thatthoseinvolvedinsoldiersettlement manifested itselfinthefarminspectorsystem— was ultimatelyguidedbythesameapproachthat homesteads. care andarrangingfor nursevisitstoremote providing information onpre-andpost-natal the branchservedasanimportanthealthresource, and isolatedareas.” Respondingtothisproblem, visits revealedthe“lackof maternalcareinrural to rurallife. Perhaps mostsignificantly, thehome the Women’s Institute, whichhelpedeasetransition including theUnited Farm Women of Alberta and connected wivestootherwomen’s organizations, Lethbridge, GrandePrairie,andPeace River. Calgary,held shortcoursesinEdmonton, RedDeer, in Albertamademorethan1,500 homevisitsand economics. Throughtheendof 1921,thebranch publications, homevisits,andshortcoursesin (particularlynewlyarrivedbrides)through settlers Despite thesevaluablecontributions,thebranch 42 39 It was 40 41 The It also Soldier Settlement in Alberta, 1917–1931 523 - -

. The Farm and Ranch and Farm Quarterly of Economics Journal : Monash University, Department of Department of University, : Monash Soldier Settlement in Canada, 1915–1930 AU 16, no. 12 (21 June 1920): 35. 16, no. 12 (21 June Murchison may have been rationalizing may have been rationalizing Murchison 46 “Alberta Leads in Soldier Settlement,” Leads in Soldier Settlement,” “Alberta Powell, J.M. Review (Clayton, 1979), 27. Geography, A different perspective, however, is offered offered is perspective, however, A different Notes 1 2 director of Canadian soldier settlement,director of who argued sol to measure the success of that it was misguided figures dier settlement “cold the basis of strictly on Murchison Rather, an orthodox balance sheet.” of program had allowed veterans contended that the systems” their out of “to get their war experiences suggested that moving on with their lives. He before many soldier settlers to farm had never intended as permanently but rather had used the program they were a springboard to other ventures where Canadian main integrated” back into the “soundly stream. success, but his analysis raised lack of the program’s settlementa very important point: judging soldier many men successfully farmed how on the basis of that they all shared through the early 1930s assumes up farming as a permanent the same ambition to take vocation.program may not have achieved all that The suggests, it the government hoped, but as Murchison veterans successfully may have helped thousands of including those who had transition to civilian life, already quit farming by 1931. province. Statistically, the program certainly appears certainly appears program the Statistically, province. Alberta’s of a failure, with two-thirds to have been soldier settlers farming by 1931. giving up on article in a 1944 Hyson Black and Charles by John in the published authors quote a letter from Charles Murchison, - - 43 - In 1931 In 45 The recovery, however, was short-lived, however, The recovery, 44 In the end, judging the success or failure of the end, of judging the success or failure In The federal government finally agreed, in 1927, agreed, government finally in 1927, The federal movement (and particularly the United Farmers of of Farmers movement (and particularly the United cause against Alberta) championed the veterans’ Ottawa, an additional irritant the program was likely relationship with the government’s in the federal lofty goals set by the federal government. Soldier federal goals set by the lofty settlement rural revitalization, a catalyst for was not Canada) continued to as Alberta (and the rest of The pro urbanize throughout the interwar years. to national gram did not contribute meaningfully unity—indeed, given the extent to which the farmers’ the Soldier Settlement Board was dissolved and the colonization experiment in postwar government’s was over. soldier settlement in Alberta is a highly subjective to achieve the exercise. The program certainly failed the province’s remaining soldier settlers. The vast the province’s veterans were unable to make Alberta’s majority of their loan payments after 1930 and, by the end of orig the province’s (34 percent) of 1931, only 3,371 inal soldier settlers remained on the land. to pay back 72 percent of the money they owed, the of to pay back 72 percent repayments; for first in Canada ranking the district District paid back 66 percent,veterans in the Calgary 63 the national average of which was slightly above percent. blow to as the Great Depression dealt a massive to revalue downward soldier settlement downward soldier to revalue land, thus to veterans by low some economic relief providing the agricultural ering debt. however, By that time, soldier settlers and Alberta’s economy had recovered 1927–28 indebted In were on a stronger footing. soldier settlers managed in the Edmonton District Women were thus viewed at once as an asset and a and a as an asset at once thus viewed were Women soldier settlement; of threat to the success potential careful oversight. they required the farmers, like 524 Aftermath 19 18 Fedorowich, 17 16 Larmour, 15 Fedorowich, 14 13 12 11 Fedorowich, 10 9 Fedorowich, 8 7 Canada, 6 5 4 3 Canada SSB of Canada 1925, 8; of theSoldierSettlementBoardCanada inspector innorthernAlberta. a landsurveyorin1918,andlaterservedasfarm 1918. Elliswasrecruitedtobepartof theschemeas M Winning theSecondBattle (1999): 14. afterWorldSettlement War “An Infamous Proposal:PrairieIndians andSoldier Grain Growers’ Guide 1920, 19. 177–78. Surveying inAlberta Larmour, Topographical 1920,19.SeealsoJudy SurveyBoard, 63. (Manchester, and SoldierSettlementintheEmpirebetweenWars 1921, 25. of theSoldierSettlementBoardCanada Press, 1987),10. Civilian Life,1915–1930 Second Battle:CanadianVeterans to andtheReturn As quotedinPowell, Morton andWright, Carter, “An Infamous Proposal,” 9; Glenbow Museum andArchives,GarnetEllisFond, ReportofCanada, theTopographical SurveyBoard, 64. Ibid., Kent Fedorowich, Board(hereafter Soldier Settlement Desmond Morton andGlennWright, 363: letter fromEllistohismother, 363: letter 6September , Fourth oftheSoldierSettlementBoard Report , 8–9. SSB Sessional Paper , 31December1927, 7. Laying DowntheLines Laying DowntheLines:AHistoryofLand , Unfit for Heroes Unfit for Heroes Unfit for Heroes Unfit for Heroes Sixth Report of theSoldierSettlementBoard Sixth Report UK : Manchester University Press,1995), Unfit for Heroes: Reconstruction (Calgary:BrindleandGlass,2005), , 6March 1918;SarahCarter, Winning theSecondBattle Soldier Settlement inCanada (Toronto: University of Toronto No. Reportof 25a, the , 103–4. , 80. , 77. , 74; Morton andWright, , 107. I ,” ,” Manitoba History , 180. SSB SSB Winning the , 31December , 31March , Fourth Report ), First Report First Report , 145. 37 , 10.

21 20 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 22 in 1985): 29–43. Myth aftertheFirst World War,” Fry, andtheAustralianAgrarian “SoldierSettlement disorder wasverypopularinAustraliaaswell.SeeKen bulwark againsttheforces of classconflictandurban Canada SSB History early OctobertoAugust. expected tomake repaymentsontheirloans,ran from were whenindebtedsoldiersettlers western Canada, Canada SSB index-e.html, retrieved15November 2013. http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/databases/cef/ website, papers, availableontheLibraryandArchivesCanada 1993),565–66;andLamoureux’smittee, attestation 1906–1992 Therian, Precious Memories =mémoiresprécieuses:Mallaig – Board ofCanada taken from Canada SSB Canada SSB ment of theprogram’s successisunclear. to skew numbers toimprovethestatisticalmeasure or (asPowell suggests)adeliberateeffort bytheboard Whether thisreflectedproblemswithrecordkeeping year talliesof thisgroupintheboard’s annualreports. 27–28), therearesignificantvariancesintheyear-to- Canada SSB of CalgaryPress,2007),x–xii. Douglas Francis andChrisKitzan(Calgary:University R. DouglasFrancis “Introduction,” andChrisKitzan, R. wouldactasa The ideathatpostwarsoldiersettlement Howard Palmer andTamara Palmer, Biographical information onAdolphusLamoureux As notedbyPowell ( The Prairie WestThe Prairie asPromisedLand , , , , , Second Report oftheSoldierSettlementBoard Second Report oftheSolderSettlementBoard Second Report oftheSoldierSettlementBoard First Report oftheSoldierSettlementBoard Third Report oftheSoldierSettlementBoard Third Report (Edmonton:Hurtig, 1990),198. , 30. , 31March 1923, 28.Thecollection yearin , 161–62. , 15. , 31December1924,13. Soldiers oftheFirst World War – SSB , , 161–62;Mallaig History Committee, First Report oftheSoldierSettlement First Report (Mallaig, Soldier SettlementinCanada AB : Mallaig History Com Labour History , edited by R. , editedbyR. Alberta: ANewAlberta: CEF , URL 48(May : ,

- - Soldier Settlement in Alberta, 1917–1931 525 . 59, 59, Report of the , 1921–31. , ix–xxiv. Calgary: , ix–xxiv. 59, no. 1 (November no. 1 (November 59, , 1920–21. , 1919. Annual Reports 37 (November 1999): 9–23. 37 (November , edited by Diane Dodd and Deborah Debates : Manchester University Press, 1995. University : Manchester Unfit for Heroes: Reconstruction and Unfit for The Quarterly of Economics Journal UK Manitoba History Manitoba The Prairie West as Promised Land The Prairie West .” Gorham, 135–62. Ottawa: University of OttawaGorham, of Press, 135–62. Ottawa: University 1994. Soldier Settlement in the Empire between the Wars Manchester, In Calgary Press, 2007. of University Fonds. Fonds. Survey Board Topographical Fonds. Settlement.” 1944): 1–35. no. 1 (November War Reserve Land and Soldier Settlement World after I In Canadian Pioneer Women.” Services for Maternity and Caring and Curing: on Women Historical Perspectives in Canada Healing Quarterly of Economics Journal 1944): 7. Fedorowich, Kent. Fedorowich, R.Francis, Kitzan, Douglas, and Chris eds. “Introduction.” Edmonton Bulletin and Ranch Review Farm Guide Grain Growers’ Red Deer News Garnet Ellis and Archives, Calgary. Glenbow Museum Commons, of House 25a, Commons, Sessional Paper of House Blair Alberta, Edmonton.Provincial Archives of W.J. Soldier Settlement Board, SOURCES SECONDARY Soldier “Postwar Hyson. Charles D. and D., Black, John Proposal’: Prairie Indian Infamous Sarah. “‘An Carter, and Midwifery Popular MacMurchy: Dodd, Diane. “Helen Works Cited Works SOURCES PRIMARY - -

, The PR SSB , 152; , 8–9. , 8. Alberta History First ReportFirst of the First ReportFirst of the , , 8–9. , , 1919, 3863; , 1919, 3863; , 119, 124. , 123. SSB SSB , 103. , 99. The Veterans Charter and Post- The Veterans , edited by Diane Dodd and Winning the Second Battle the Second Winning , edited by Peter Neary and J.L. and J.L. Neary , edited by Peter , 13 July 1920; , 13 July First ReportFirst Settlement of the Soldier , 41, 119, 123. , , 19 January 1921; , 19 January Unfit for Heroes Unfit for Heroes Unfit for SSB Canada II .1984.407/206. The letter The .1984.407/206. is undated; how House of Commons Debates House Soldier Settlement in Canada , 31 December 1931, 16. , 38. ACC First ReportFirst of the Soldier Settlement Board Ninth Report Board of of the Soldier Settlement First ReportFirst Settlement Board of of the Soldier , , , Caring and Curing: Historical Perspectives on Women Caring and Curing: on Women Historical Perspectives Ibid., letter from George Lucas to W.J. Blair, Blair, Ibid., letter from George Lucas to W.J. Babies to Buttonholes: “From David C. Jones, Provincial Archives of Alberta, W.J. Blair Fonds, Blair Fonds, Alberta, W.J. Provincial Archives of Desmond Morton, “The Canadian Veterans’ Heritage Heritage “TheDesmond Morton, Veterans’ Canadian Morton and Wright, Wright, and Morton Ibid., 15. Black and D. letter quoted in John Murchison’s Diane Dodd, “Helen MacMurchy: Popular Midwifery Midwifery Popular MacMurchy: Diane Dodd, “Helen Women’s Work at Agricultural Fairs,” at Agricultural Fairs,” Work Women’s are taken from this letter. from are taken 1921. 12 May Edmonton Bulletin Soldier Settlement Board of Canada 1507, 1507, greetings, and the chrono Year’s New it offered ever, out in the file suggests that it was sent logical order of the quotes otherwise stated, all of 1921. Unless January from the Great War,” in from the Great War,” War World and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s Granatstein (Montreal 1998), 21. Press, University SSB Fedorowich, Fedorowich, ReportFirst Board the Soldier Settlement of SSB Canada Soldier Settlement,” “Postwar Hyson, Charles D. in in Canada and Healing Ottawa of Press, Deborah Gorham (Ottawa: University 1994), 143; Board of Canada SSB Canada 29, no. 4 (Autumn 1981): 28. 29, no. 4 (Autumn Red Deer News Soldier Settlement Board of Canada Canadian Pioneer Women,” Services for and Maternity 37 Ibid. 38 39 40 Powell, 35 Powell, 36 33 34 30 31 Fedorowich, 32 Canada, 44 45 46 43 41 42 526 Aftermath Powell, J.M. Palmer, Howard, andTamara Palmer. Morton, andGlennWright. Desmond, CanadianVeterans’Morton, “The Desmond. Heritage Mallaig History Committee. Larmour, Judy. Jones, DavidC.“From Women’s BabiestoButtonholes: Fry, andtheAustralianAgrarian “SoldierSettlement Ken. Geography, 1979. Clayton, History 1915–1930 Battle: CanadianVeterans toCivilianLife, andtheReturn Queen’s University Press,1998. 15–31.MontrealGranatstein, andKingston:McGill- World War from theGreatWar.” In Mallaig History 1996. Committee, précieuses: Mallaig 1906–1992 –Therian, Surveying inAlberta (Autumn 1981):26–32. Work atAgriculturalFairs.” (May 1985):29–43. Myth aftertheFirst World War.” . Edmonton:Hurtig Publishers,1990. Soldier Settlement in Canada, 1915–1930 Soldier SettlementinCanada, AU . Toronto: University of Toronto Press,1987. II Laying DowntheLines:AHistoryofLand Canada : Monash University, Departmentof . Calgary:BrindleandGlass,2005. , editedbyPeter Neary andJ.L. The Veterans andPost- Charter Precious Memories =mémoires Alberta History Alberta Labour History Alberta: ANewAlberta: Winning theSecond . Mallaig, 29,no.4 48 . AB : First World War Centennial Commemoration in Alberta Museums

RORY CORY

For the centennial of the First World War, museums Founders’ Gallery. The planning began in 2006 when across Canada are rallying to commemorate this im- it was slotted into the exhibit schedule. The original portant and formative event in our nation’s history. intention was to embrace a national perspective. What is often lacking in commemorative efforts is However, in the course of identifying artifacts and the material culture—the physical history. Viewing thematic areas, it quickly became apparent that a historical objects is the primary way in which many more focused approach was necessary to fit within people connect with history, and to reach this audi- the available space. Therefore, the geographic ence, museums must be key players in providing this scope was modified to centre on Alberta. Similarly, means of commemoration. To fulfill this public trust the thematic focus was narrowed to only military obligation, The Military Museums in Calgary are themes, again partly because of space constraints coordinating a consortium of western Canadian mu- and also in keeping with the museum’s mandate. seums that are presenting exhibits on the conflict, The core organizational structure of the exhibit on display from 2014 through to 2018. This coop- was focused on the Canadian Expeditionary Force erative effort has allowed joint advertising, but also (CEF) and the infantry battalions. This provided the coordination of access to resources such as artifacts. best way to present balanced coverage of military The following article provides a summary of exhibits service from across the province, since the battal- across Alberta that are part of this initiative. ions were raised on municipal or regional lines. Among the most significant commemorative Artifacts associated with these battalions were also events in the province was the exhibit developed and the easiest to identify. However, supporting units hosted by The Military Museums in Calgary (28 July such as the artillery and medical services also needed to 15 December 2014). The Wild Rose Overseas: to be discussed to give the most complete picture of Albertans in the Great War exhibit comprised 2,000 Alberta’s military commitment. Since The Military square feet and was one of the largest temporary Museums is a tri-service (navy, army, and air force) heritage-based exhibits mounted in the museum’s organization, it was necessary to represent all three. 528 Aftermath next looked totheprovince’snext seniormuseums: the sive searchfor thembegan in 2013. Theorganizers andaninten collections neededtobeacquired, tions. Someadditionalartifacts notinthemuseum’s organizers werealsoabletodraw onnewdona began longbefore exhibit theexhibitwasmounted, collections of TheMilitary Museums. Sinceplanning enance connectingitwithone. orhaveinterestingprov associated withabattalion was alsoimportantthattheartifacteitherbeclearly as thecoreorganizationalprincipleof it theexhibit, culture ingeneral.With thestoriesof thebattalions representationof Firstbetter World War material aswelltogive imum visualinterestandimpact, of different artifacttypeswasalsoneeded for max connected withpersonalstories.Abroadspectrum forms wereknowntohavelessappealthanitemsthat the public.Regimentalbadges,medals,anduni sary toselectrepresentativeitemsthatwouldengage and remembrance. ences, weaponry, demobilization, Germanmilitaria, war, includingtraining,prisoner-of-war experi to giveafullpictureof militaryserviceduringthe individual members.Otherthemeswereexplored in thembyunitsfromAlbertaandsomeof their andtheroleplayed necessary todiscusskey battles what Albertansdidduringthefighting,itwasalso for theoverseasexperienceand provide context had perpetuatedtheirmemoryafterthewar. To ultimately,and, thefocus cametobeonunitsthat shaped aroundeachone,groupingswererequired tohaveindividualthemes were toomanybattalions otherwise associatedwiththeprovince.Sincethere partiallyraisedinor an additionaleightbattalions with wereraisedinAlberta, A totalof 27battalions Artifacts for theexhibitcameprimarilyfrom itwas neces Once themeshadbeenidentified, ------with investigationsof archivalholdings.For several icine Hat. Searchesfor artifactswenthand-in-hand and theEsplanadeArtsHeritage CentreinMed from theGaltMuseum andArchivesinLethbridge museums wereobtainedtocovergaps;for example, Museum ( Glenbow Museum Alberta inCalgary andtheRoyal to enlist, having comeoutWestto enlist, withtheNorth-West such asFrederick AugustusBagley, oneof theoldest shrapnel. Many represented noteworthyindividuals being carriedbyanindividual killedbythesame ple abookthathadbeendamaged byshrapnelwhile forcompelling storiesassociatedwiththem, exam Many relianceonbadgesintheend. itemshad little andtherewasvery Alberta individualorbattalion, good provenanceconnectingthemtoaspecific to serveinPalestine duringthewar. Allhadvery officer’s swordcapturedbyone ofthe fewAlbertans ister usedbycarrierpigeonsandajewelledTurkish flags, andmore.Rareitemsincludedamessagecan pistols, trencharttocommemorativemedallions, culture items.Theserangedfromswaggersticksto and unitshadgoodrepresentationof material the publicandmoreresearchwasdone,allthemes badges. However, asmoredonationscameinfrom ions hadfew beyond artifactsassociatedwiththem, plete story. with componentsfor boththattogethertellacom inmanycases,anoriginaldonationcame when, holdings aretoooften heldcompletelyseparately sented asoriginals.Museum collectionsandarchival have muchstrongeremotionalimpactwhenpre visual appealandconveymuchinformation; letters display objects.For example, certificateshavegreat inlargemeasure,onarchivalmaterials as had relied, years, temporarydisplaysatTheMilitary Museums Initially thereweregaps,assomeof thebattal RAM ) in Edmonton. Items) inEdmonton. fromregional ------(left) Pigeon message canister. This particular canister was used by a signaller from the 187th Battalion from Alberta to send messages across the battlefield when the wires on field telephones were cut. Collection of the Army Museum of Alberta. Photo: Julie Vincent Photography; (right) Next of Kin Medallion issued for Thomas Ralph Shearer (pictured here), one of three brothers who enlisted at Medicine Hat. Two were killed, including Thomas Ralph, and one came home wounded. Next of Kin Medallions were minted by the British government and given to the families of all soldiers from the Empire who were killed. Thomas Ralph served in the Royal Naval Air Service and was killed in an airplane accident. Collection of the Naval Museum of Alberta. Photo: Julie Vincent Photography.

Mounted Police 40 years earlier; the three Shearer chased by Baron Manfred von Richthofen, “the Red brothers who enlisted at Medicine Hat but only one Baron,” on the day the Baron was shot down in 1918), of whom survived the war; and Harold McGill and Harold Riley (a former MLA and one of the founders Emma Griffis, whose love letters were presented of the Old Timers’ Association), and Sam Steele (who along with their uniforms. Well-known Alber- had fought in the 1885 North West Rebellion and the tans—such as Wop May (who was the last Allied pilot Boer War)—were also featured.

529 530 Aftermath panels, andawealthof themwereavailablefrom Museum, intheendthisprovedunnecessary. from nationalinstitutionssuchastheCanadianWar had beenmadetoacquirehighlydesirableobjects the highcostof Whileprovision borrowingthem. lack of provenance,limitedavailabilityfor and loan, andthesewereculledbasedonsuch criteriaas hibit, objects wereidentifiedthancouldbeusedintheex theme of In demobilization. manymore theend, items conveyedimportantinformation aboutthe Whilemundane, these work-reintegration project. disabled soldierwhileconvalescingaspartof a veterans intofarming;andthetablecreatedbya whichsoughttodirect Act, the SoldierSettlement wheelbarrow issuedtoareturningsoldieraspartof with themoregeneralthemes.Theseincludeda butrather jects werenotassociatedwithbattalions Photographs were needed to illustrate the text Photographs wereneededtoillustratethetext Some of themoreinterestingandunusualob - - Representations of training,frontlineservice,or photos. than justposedgroupcompanyorbattalion of rather visuallyinterestingsubjectswasdesired, the easiesttoaccess.Aswithartifacts,avariety tions posttheirholdingsonline,photoswere Sincebothinstitu Library andArchivesCanada. various archives,inparticulartheGlenbowand such oralhistoryresearchcouldnotbeconducted nents, atlisteningandprojectionstations.Because withbothvideoandaudio compo were thenplayed, history interviewswithveterans,portionsof which taining totheSecondWorld War byconductingoral Museums, for example,haveenrichedexhibitsper Founders’ Galleryexhibitssince2009.TheMilitary gagement waspreferred. Thishasbeenapracticein the “first-personvoice” for impactandaudienceen ally obtained. other “action” photoswerepreferred andgener With useof respecttomuseum interpretation, Vincent Photography. Photo:Julie of Alberta. of the Army Museum Collection Settlement Act. as partof theSoldier agricultural production help integrate himinto First Worldthe Warto 31st Battalionafter ofveterana Alberta’s Wheelbarrow issuedto - - - - - for Wild Rose Overseas, taped interviews were sought. the more general centennial of the start of the war. Some were found in the museum’s own collections The Fort Museum also concentrated on the sole unit and others were obtained from the Glenbow Ar- raised locally, the 191st Battalion. However, similar chives. This allowed the exhibit to include the “first to the Esplanade exhibit, it also sought to feature person” voice as well. An unexpected benefit of the individuals from the area who joined need to use these materials was that the museum was other units such as the 13th Canadian Mounted able to pay for the digitization of these analog mate- Rifles. There was also coverage of First Nations’ rials that would otherwise have continued to degrade soldiers, in particular the Mountain Horse brothers and eventually have been lost. A number of regional museums in the province have military content as part of their permanent Steel helmet, 31st Battalion Canadian Expeditionary Force. This exhibit galleries. These include the Esplanade Arts helmet was painted as a commemorative souvenir with the battle and Heritage Centre in Medicine Hat, the Crows- honours for all the battles that the 31st Battalion out of Calgary nest Museum in Coleman, the Fort Museum in Fort fought in. Collection of the Army Museum of Alberta. Photo: Julie Macleod, the Musée Héritage Museum in St. Albert, Vincent Photography. the Claresholm and District Museum in Clares­ holm, the Galt Museum and Archives in Lethbridge, the Museum of the Highwood in , and Lougheed House in Calgary. For their First World War centenaries, several museums chose to highlight specific units associated with their communities. The Esplanade focused on the 175th Battalion, 3rd Canadian Mounted Rifles, and 13th Canadian Mounted Rifles, which were specifically raised in and associated with Medicine Hat. As with Wild Rose Overseas, the Esplanade bor- rowed materials from a variety of collections across the province including the Glenbow, the RAM, and The Military Museums. In this sense, the centennial represented a real convergence and opportunity for collaboration among Alberta museums. The exhibit (titled Medicine Hat’s War 1914–1918) ran from August to November 2014. Similarly, the Crowsnest Museum chose to highlight the role of the 192nd Battalion, the only one raised in the Crowsnest Pass. The exhibit is timed to coincide with the centennial of the for- mation of the 192nd Battalion in 1916, rather than

531 532 Aftermath brother, Mike Mountain Horse, enlistedinthe191st but diedof overayearlater. pneumonia alittle His and servedintheCanadianArmy ServiceCorps, Horse enlistedsoon afterthebeginningof thewar from theBlood(Kainai)Reserve.AlbertMountain to October2014. collections. TheFort Museum’s displayranfromMay his overseasexploits,whichis heldintheEsplanade a wonderful“story” robeasapictographicrecordof butfought He inthe50thBattalion created Battalion. with theassistance of southwest Alberta, in (Blood) FirstNation Horse, from theKainai created by Mike Mountain War Deed—Story Robe Heritage Centre. the Esplanade Arts and Battalion. Collection of 50th with Alberta’s his overseas service to commemorate Ambrose TwoChiefs,

First World War Centennial Commemoration in Alberta Museums 533 , - - , Leth The . The exhibit, in part, The exhibit, in . For the Galt Museum and Archives’ exhibit and Archives’ the Galt Museum For The Claresholm and District Museum also told Museum and District The Claresholm riences of 18–21-year-olds serving in the war to the 18–21-year-olds serving in riences of and different that age group today, experiences of attitudes toward patriotism. The Claresholm exhibit the to December 2018, one of extends 2014 from May all the war years. to run through the centennial of few War—1914/1915 World Experiences in the First bridge’s most Lethbridge’s of was on the life the focus established the Motor Machine Gun Brigade during during Gun Brigade Machine Motor the established third exhibit, A his own money. the war with War St. Life in Albert Front: World duringHome the First to August. from June was also shown with the unique local individuals, but stories of the expe comparing and contrasting perspective of , - . Titled . Titled Joining Up! Our Men and Women in the First World War in the First World and Women Men Up! Our Joining focused focused . Courtesy of the Musée Héritage Museum. Musée Héritage the of . Courtesy CEF CEF Brigadier-General Raymond Other museums chose to tell the story of of the story to tell chose museums Other Summary panel for the Musée Héritage Museum exhibit the Musée Héritage for panel Summary as other well with those armies, as serve Alberta to and left France or who had been born in Belgium men local of on experiences focused in the who enlisted the area from Francophones filled half of the temporary gallery at the museum.of the temporary gallery at filled half A separate exhibit titled Gun Brigades Machine Brutinel and the Motor from the area the most notable soldiers on one of 2014. Brutinel to November and ran from September exhibit focused on experiences of local men who local experiences of on exhibit focused and left Alberta or France born in Belgium had been armies, as well as other Franco to serve with those who enlisted in the phones from the area War World in the First and Women Up! Our Men Joining 2014 and to November June the exhibit ran from noted individuals, rather than specific units. The specific units. The rather than noted individuals, unique topic—that had a Museum Héritage Musée the area. participation from The Francophone of Two commemorative exhibits at the Musée Héritage Museum, St. Albert, showcased home front history and artifacts and highlighted a local settler and entrepreneur, Raymond Brutinel, who established the Motor Machine Gun Brigades. Courtesy of the Musée Héritage Museum.

well-known soldier: General J.S. Stewart. In addi- individuals. Highlights included photos and artifacts tion, the exhibit explored the initial response and from the Lougheed House collection exploring the mobilization efforts, Lethbridge’s militia history, roles that Clarence and Edgar Lougheed played in the spread of patriotism, the rise of xenophobia, and the war, as well as objects provided by The Mili- recruitment. It ran from May to August 2014. tary Museums showing connections between the The Museum of the Highwood also had a small Lougheed family and several regiments that fought exhibit in 2014 on local individuals who served, in the war, namely Princess Patricia’s Canadian Light including the poignant story of its local champion- Infantry and Lord Strathcona’s Horse. Senator Sir ship polo team whose members enlisted together but James and Lady Isabella Lougheed’s work during and none of whom returned. This museum’s contribution after the war, including helping to establish what is to the centennial deserves special mention, in light now Veteran’s Affairs, was also explored. The display of the devastation of 80 percent of its collections as a comprised almost 1,000 square feet. Also, the City result of the June 2013 flood in . of Calgary Corporate Archives mounted a largely The exhibit set up at Lougheed House in Cal- photo-based exhibit in City Hall on the theme of gary from October 2014 to January 2015 offered an “Calgary in the First World War,” which ran from interesting mix focusing on specific units and local March to September 2014.

534 First World War Centennial Commemoration in Alberta Museums 535 - - - These efforts are just some of the highlights highlights of the some are just efforts These any significant community event is commemorated,any significant community setting places for up remem they are the “go-to” Alberta communities were brance projects. All and the fact that museum-based touched by the war, were so widespread is a centennial commemorations broad impact and pro testament to the conflict’s legacy to this day. found of First World War commemorations around the around commemorations War World First of the communities’ of as keepers Museums, province. role to have an important documents, artifacts and and inter activities. They collect,play in such study, are communities and relating to their pret material whenever This is why, memory.” “treasure-houses of - - - Finally, it is rare to see new war memorials cre memorials see new war is rare to it Finally, lays a wreath at the wreath a lays on ceremony dedication 2014. 23 May commemoration of the of commemoration the First of centenary Lieutenant War. World Moffat, (Ret’d) Colonel veteran, War a Korean The community of of The community constructed memorial in war a A companion publication told the story of each of each of told the story of A companion publication a on the memorial. In the 77 individuals represented St. Albert found community of parallel initiative, the War World during the First that three soldiers killed on its pre-existing cenotaph,had not been included to get their names added. and worked those who fought in the Second World War and other War World in the Second fought those who Fields” Flanders “In The complete poem conflicts. the circu of the circumference was sandblasted into mosaic work glass also features lar memorial, which was un and other motifs. It representing poppies 2014. in a ceremony on 23 May veiled and dedicated ated in any municipality, but the town of Blackfalds Blackfalds town of but the municipality, ated in any men who served from recognize the 22 built one to as well as War, World in the First the community