A Kick in the Right Direction: an Examination of Usa Today

Home , 2011 World Cup (snooker), Hedvig Lindahl, USA Today

A KICK IN THE RIGHT DIRECTION:

AN EXAMINATION OF USA TODAY COVERAGE OF THE

U.S. WOMEN’S WORLD CUP TEAM

AIMEE MARGARET RUSSO

(Under the Direction of Billy Hawkins)

ABSTRACT

The purpose of this study was to examine the media coverage of the United States Women’s

World Cup team and how they were portrayed during the tournament in USA Today. Many female athletes and their achievements are marginalized in the mainstream sports media.

Through a content analysis of articles from each of the past four World Cup tournaments, the researcher found that as opposed to a focus on beauty or the femininity of the athletes, the players were given overwhelming recognition for their athletic performance and accomplishments in the game of soccer.

INDEX WORDS: Female Athletes, FIFA Women’s World Cup, Women and Sport, Sport Media, Portrayal of Gender

A KICK IN THE RIGHT DIRECTION:

AN EXAMINATION OF USA TODAY COVERAGE OF THE

U.S. WOMEN’S WORLD CUP TEAM

AIMEE MARGARET RUSSO

A.A., Gainesville State College, 2007

A.B.J., University of Georgia, 2009

A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

MASTER OF SCIENCE

ATEHNS, GEORGIA

2012

Aimee Margaret Russo

A KICK IN THE RIGHT DIRECTION:

AN EXAMINATION OF USA TODAY COVERAGE OF THE

U.S. WOMEN’S WORLD CUP TEAM

AIMEE MARGARET RUSSO

Major Professor: Billy Hawkins

Committee: Jepkorir Rose Chepyator-Thomson Lee Becker

Electronic Version Approved:

Maureen Grasso Dean of the Graduate School The University of Georgia May 2012 iv

DEDICATION

To all of those who inspire me to follow my heart, accomplish my goals and never cease

evolving.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to sincerely thank everyone who helped me throughout my educational endeavors and those who assisted me in the completion of this project. This thesis was important to me in earning my graduate degree and to achieve in the amount of time that I set out was near impossible. However, with the help and support of many, my dream came true.

To my parents who never let me feel that anything was out of reach. To my father, who passed on his love of writing to me and has helped cultivate and shape my skills throughout the process. To my mother, who always encourages me to be the best I can and never let go of my confidence. To my sister, who constantly inspires me with her will to succeed and courage to take on the world.

To Dr. Billy Hawkins, thank you for seeing this process through with me, as inconceivable as it may have seemed. I am grateful to you for trusting in me and helping accomplish this goal.

To Dr. Jepkorir Rose Chepyator-Thomson, thank you for your motivation and the inspiration I received through your insight and your teaching.

To Dr. Lee Becker, thank you for serving on my committee and your support of aiding me throughout the process. vi

To James, thank you for your understanding and persistence to push me when I need it most and for always keeping me grounded. To many more years of happiness and potential publications in the future as Mr. and Mrs. Dulebohn.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………………………….v

LIST OF APPENDICES………………………………………………………………………….ix

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION TO THE PROBLEM…………………………………………1

Statement of purpose…………………………………………………...…3

Significance of the study…………………………………………...... 3

Delimitations……………………………………………………...... 5

Limitations…………………………………………………...... 5

Assumptions……………………………………………………...... 6

Research Questions…………………………………………………...... 6

Definition of terms…………………………………………………….....7

2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE…..…………………………………………..…....8

Theoretical Perspective……………………………………………..…....8

Social construction of gender……………………………………...……..9

Sport and the mass media………………………………………………..12

Gender construction in the media…………………………….….……...13

Female athletes in the mass media……………………………….…..…15

Summary………………………………………………………….…….20

viii

4 METHODS..…………………………………………………………….……….22

Theoretical Framework……………....…………………………………..22

Study design……………………………………………………..………22

Sampling,………………………………….…………………………...... 24

Data Collection……………………….……………………………..…...24

5 RESULTS...…………………………………………………………………..…26

1999 Article Breakdown………….……………………………………..28

2003 Article Breakdown………………………….……………………..30

2007 Article Breakdown……………………………………….………..32

2011 Article Breakdown……………………………………….………..33

Summary……………………………………………………….………..35

6 DISCUSSION.…………………………………………………………….…….36

1999 U.S. Women’s World Cup Team Coverage.………………….…..36

2003 U.S. Women’s World Cup Team Coverage.…………….………..37

2007 U.S. Women’s World Cup Team Coverage.………………….…..37

2011 U.S. Women’s World Cup Team Coverage.………………….…..37

Overall Themes…………………………………………………………38

7 CONCLUSIONS………………………………………………………………..40

Suggestions for future research…………………………………………42

REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………………43

LIST OF APPENDICES

APPENDIX A 1999 Article References………………………………………..50

APPENDIX B 2003 Article References………………………………………..54

APPENDIX C 2007 Article References………………………………………..56

APPENDIX D 2011 Article References………………………………………..58

APPENDIX E Sample Coding Sheet…………………………………………..61

APPENDIX F Coding Instructions…………………………………………….62 1

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION TO THE PROBLEM

“How good does a female athlete have to be before we just call her an athlete?”

- Anonymous

Of all segments of American society, sport has the ability to permeate through all demographics. Although women have participated in sports competitively for centuries, there still exist major barriers to the progression and acceptance of female athletes in American culture.

One main impediment is the framing of female athletes by the mass media. There is no debate over the fact that male athletes are covered more predominantly by the media and in a different fashion than female athletes (Bishop, 2003; Duncan & Messner, 2000). Beyond simply numbers, the differential language used by the media to describe the male and female athletes supports the system of hegemonic masculinity promoted through the male dominated coverage (Sabo and

Curry Jansen, 1992).

Though women have made great strides through their participation in sports with the enactment of Title IX in 1972, female athletes have yet to be recognized more for their athletic abilities than their aesthetic qualities, as Mean & Kassing (2008) note that, "greater presence does not always result in greater acceptance and/or equivalence, and the positioning of women in sport remains contested and problematic” (p. 126). The question is whether that same progress is reflected in how they are portrayed through media messages. Marginal increases in coverage, though a small victory, have yet to reflect the accomplishments of women in sport. The media’s reporting is “laced with diminutives and talk of emotional fragility instead of physical strength 2

(Bishop, 2003, p.185). While this commentary is commonplace, it is easier for audiences to dissect the information as general knowledge (Rada & Wulfemeyer, 2005).

The mass media send messages through television, radio, newspapers, magazines, and

Internet (Christopherson et al., 2002). Those in the public then interpret those messages to formulate their own perceptions. Furthermore, there exists an assumption within the realm of media studies that suggests how members of society view themselves and how others perceive and treat them is related to how they are portrayed in the mass media (Dyer, 1993; Bernstein,

2002). Therefore, it is important to closely examine the message regarding female athletes because of the reality that the mass media constructs for its audiences.

The media plays a major role in popular culture, acting the part of arbiters in determining what is important and what is not. Even though women’s sports and their athletes have been very successful, the way the media frames the players, teams and events has inhibited the overall ability for them to achieve mainstream popularity. The media has marginalized and made insignificant the accomplishments of female athletes through not only their absence in coverage, but by placating their strengths and focusing on their emotions and appearance. While this is generally not the focus of male sports coverage, it is commonplace for female athletes to be covered in a way in which there exists a balance between referencing beauty and brawn.

Whether it is the reinforcement of existing beliefs, the media has the power to promote or hinder the success of various women’s sports organizations, such as the Women’s National

Basketball Association and Ladies Professional Golf Association. The overall lack of coverage, as Duncan & Messner (1998) suggest, has restricted women’s sports from building and sustaining an avid audience. The United States Women’s National Team, although more successful in international play than its male counterparts, is not only underrepresented in the 3 media, but it is also framed in a way that does not adequately portray the players’ athletic abilities. With their recent World Cup Tournament run to the final championship game in 2011 came increased media attention similar to that of their 1999 World Cup winning predecessors.

Although these teams who competed in the 1999 World Cup and in the 2011 World Cup experienced more media coverage during the event; however the pure numbers may not be the most important measurement criteria.

Statement of Purpose

This study looks to examine the content of articles about the female athletes on the

United States Women’s National team during the 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011 FIFA World Cup to look for any difference over the twelve-year span in how women’s athletics, soccer in particular, are covered in the media. The researcher will seek to examine the way in which female athletes are represented in print media coverage and categorize them based on the language used. This research aims to identify whether themes emerge in the content of the media coverage throughout the twelve-year time span between the 1999 and 2011 Women’s World Cup.

The content analysis of the media coverage will provide a platform for a comparison of how the U.S. Women’s National Soccer Team is covered within the context of the World Cup.

With a surge in media coverage and attention on women’s soccer after the triumphant 1999

World Cup, the purpose of this research is to investigate the salience of the success of the team through an examination of the media coverage from the 2003, 2007 and 2011 World Cup.

Significance of Study

It’s true that both the 1999 and 2011 Women’s World Cup events elevated the game of soccer on the international scale as well as in the United States. However, that period of success has been fleeting in the past and what is left behind is the media coverage that may have broken 4 the barriers of the standard gender construction. It is important to note, as Billings & Hundley

(2010) state, that it is “difficult to separate media influence from the core communication messages employed by these same sports media” (pg. 3). The U.S. Women’s National Team is a more talented team and has been more successful than its male counterparts. This should help the players carry over their success to the women’s professional soccer league.

Due to the strength and influence of the media, a vast audience can be exposed to new perceptions and ideas about female athletes. The hope is that these media consumers reformulate their ideas about certain groups, and as it pertains to this research, specifically towards female athletes. Women in the sports industry can possibly utilize the media to highlight the ways in which they are pushing social norms with new opportunities and lifestyles that were not previously shown to the mainstream public.

However, despite extensive research, the marginalization of women in the male dominated world of sports has been pronounced and consistent. It is important to not only examine the quantitative aspect of the media coverage of female athletes, but also the qualitative nature of the media’s portrayal (Fink et al., 2010). By looking at the World Cup, an event that both male and female athletes compete in, the researcher can use such a common venue as a reference point to find patterns in media coverage to determine if there is any progress in the way in which female athletes are described and the language used in the media coverage. Further, it is possible that emerging themes can be highlighted for future discourse. The FIFA Women’s

World Cup serves as an ideal site for examining the social construction of gender as well as the structure and contradiction surrounding women’s role in sport and society (Christopherson,

Janning & McConnell, 2002). 5

If sport has the power to enact social change, this event has the potential to act as a catalyst for a change in the way female athletes are discussed in the media. It is important to critically examine the way in which female athletes are represented in the media due to the fact that it can possibly hinder potential growth for women’s sport participation and success as a whole.

Delimitations

The researcher decided to focus on the U.S. Women’s World Cup team because of the fact that soccer is a team sport that is also played by men on the international stage, therefore the

World Cup is a common denominator. In addition, the World Cup is a major international sporting event garnering an extensive amount of coverage with which to analyze. The researcher also chose to use USA Today as the source of articles due to the fact that it is the most widely read nationally circulated daily newspaper in the United States. The analysis was conducted for each of the past four FIFA Women’s World Cup years beginning with 1999, 2003, 2007 and ending in 2011. The researcher dissected content within articles that discussed the U.S. Women’s national team players only, i.e. not articles that talked about merely the World Cup tournament, the fans, or the opposing teams that they played against. The coding would consist of the language used to describe the U.S. Women’s World Cup team for each of the selected tournaments.

Limitations

Due to time constraints, the researcher was not able to compare the language used to describe the male athletes to that of the female athletes. In addition, the researcher was unable to examine multiple forms of print and electronic media for comparison. Due to the fact that the 6 analysis was of the language used, the researcher did not use the accompanied photographs as a category for analysis.

Assumptions

The researcher anticipated that coverage in USA Today of the U.S. Women’s World Cup team would be at its highest two weeks prior to the start of the tournament through one week after the final match. Additionally, the researcher assumed that USA Today, being the most highly circulated daily newspaper in the country, would offer a fair and balanced portrayal of the

World Cup tournament.

Research Questions

1. With the success of the U.S. National Team in the World Cup tournaments finishing in the top three in the past six years, including their championship win in 1999, does the media portray this success in the content of the articles, or do they marginalize or make insignificant the accomplishments of the athletes?

2. Has the way in which the media portrays the members of the U.S. Women’s National

Team in 2011 stayed the same as the 1999 team?

3. Additionally, does the success of the team in the World Cup tournament have an effect on the coverage they receive in the media as time has progressed?

Definition of Terms

1. Athletic Descriptors – words or phrases commonly used to describe athletic

performance, both male and female, in a sporting event.

2. Feminine Descriptors –words or phrases commonly used to describe the female

gender and feminine characteristics. 7

3. FIFA Women’s World Cup – referring to the 32-team tournament, excluding the

qualifying stages.

CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

The media plays a significant role in shaping American culture. Sociologists call this a mediated culture in which the media reflects and recreates the culture it covers. The messages that the media transmits to its audiences promote values and beliefs and judgment on what is important or not. Furthermore, the sports media provides commentary on much more than merely the athletic performances they cover.

Theoretical Perspective

For the purpose of this research, theory of media framing will be used to guide the direction of the study of media coverage. The way the media frames a story determines how that subject will be perceived and understood by its audience. As Scheufele (1999) explains, “mass media actively set the frames of reference that readers or viewers use to interpret and discuss public events” (p. 105). Media frames can be conceptually defined as “a central organizing idea or story line that provides meaning to an unfolding strip of events,” (Gamson & Modigliani,

1987, p. 143). Furthermore, research suggests that frames are reproduced through the choice of words and phrases, the use of sources, as well as the repetition of the themes that present and structure relationships within our society (Kian & Hardin, 2009). Due to the overwhelming power of the mass media, the way in which a story is framed can affect how audiences understand and interpret events. Eastman and Billings (1999) note that the frames used by the media not only tell the audience what to think about, but how to think about it. Further, the media communicate a message to the audience by what is covered, as well as a meaning by what does not receive coverage (Adams & Tuggle, 2004). Gatekeepers within media organizations 9 use the process of mediation to place importance on who and what should be covered and direct how it will be covered. Although a crucial aspect of journalism is to remain objective, there are a number of reasons why the media uses these frames in the coverage. For instance, Entman

(1993) suggests that journalists “select some aspect of a perceived reality and make them more salient in communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommended for the item described" (p.

53). In terms of sports media, Adams and Tuggle (2004) conclude that framing theory explains how certain standardized practices for representing gender are done so through reinforcing socially accepted stereotypes.

Social Construction of Gender

The views that society has of gender are a result of the hegemonic concepts that are reproduced through the social and cultural institutions of a patriarchal system that exists in the

United States. The concept of gender is rooted in the basis that “society is constructed into two predominant categories: women and men” (Chepyator-Thomson & Ennis, 1997, p. 89). Although it is such a naturalized aspect of everyday life that many do not recognize, there exist certain terms and descriptors that researchers suggest as gender-specific. In fact, gender is considered one of the most socially constructed and dichotomous stereotypes that manifest throughout society (Burn et al., 1996; Knight & Giuliano, 2001). Based on the gender schema theory, people are socialized beginning at birth (e.g. through parents, teachers, friends, toys, and the media) to believe that there are significant gender differences that are accepted as the norm (Bem, 1981,

1983). Further, Whitting (1979) stresses that by definition, gender "is one's prescribed status based on behaviors unrelated to reproduction, but which are, nevertheless, evaluated within a given society as being more appropriate for members of one sex than another” (p. 22). 10

Society’s shared constructs of gender stem from a variety of sources. Historically, terms used to highlight gender differences were, as Jones (2004) notes, “based on misconceptions that women were physically and emotionally more delicate but less competitive and aggressive than men, and their relationship with men was one of dependence” (p. 134). Emanating from

Victorian England, Chepyator-Thomson and Ennis (1997) point to Boutilier and SanGiovanni

(1983) who recount that definitions of femininity consist of “nurturance, dependence, cooperations, intuition, and passivity” while masculinity is depicted by “aggression, independence, rationality, activity, and competition” (p. 153).

Under the premise that “gender is a phenomenon which helps shape our society”,

(Kenway & Modra, 1992, p. 139), it is thus important to understand how society has socially constructed views of gender. In fact, Connell (1987) argues that in Western societies, a major form of masculine identity is derived from participation in competitive sports. Thus, gender can be easily seen in sport performance, as Mariah Nelson (1994) points out,

We learned . . . that batting, catching, throwing, and jumping are not neutral, human

activities, but somehow more naturally a male domain. Insidiously, our culture’s

reverence for men’s professional sports and its silence about women’s athletic

accomplishments shaped, defined, and limited how we felt about ourselves as women and

men (2).

The realm of sports offers a “microcosmic representation of society, reflecting contradictory and paradoxical messages” about gender roles in our society (Christopherson et al,

2002, p. 170). Although gender role expectations exist, sport participation, a predominantly masculine arena, is quickly becoming a contested terrain for female athletes. Carty suggests that sport offers a valuable opportunity for women in that, “sport is one avenue that may allow girls 11 to take on more masculine qualities to reach their full potential and to compete on an equal basis with men” (p. 149). Take for example women’s basketball; although it is the same exact sport as played by males, there is something inherently different. Basketball enthusiasts contend that women’s basketball represents a “purer” form of the sport, more reliant on teamwork, as compared to the acrobatic performances often found on the men’s teams. But the theatrics are what draws the fans, thus the cash flow in order to sustain it (Stosell, 2001).

Although a vehicle to contest traditional gender stereotypes, those who challenge socially accepted schemas, such as female bodybuilders and male dancers, are generally more negatively perceived by society than those who are schema-consistent (Knight & Giuliano, 2001). In addition to many other facets of American society, it has also been suggested that, “sport also assists in upholding antiquated definitions of gender and negative stereotypes of women who do not conform to traditional notions of femininity” (Kian et al., 2009, p. 478).

The gender roles in sport are not limited to just the United States. However, it is of interest to this study, to elaborate on the international perspective of women soccer players. For example, according to English player and coach Sue Lopez who wrote Women on the Ball (1997), in the 1920s, soccer as we know it was “considered to be an unsuitable game for women; it offended middle-class propriety and gave concern to some of the medical profession, who felt it would damage reproductive organs.” Furthermore, in Brazil, where masculinity is inherent in the sport of soccer, the word for “ball” in Portuguese bola, is also used to describe a female’s breasts

(Stossel, 2011).

However, Williamson (1993) contends that gender stereotypes are self-fulfilling prophecies (Cheypator-Thomson et al., 2000). By that logic, if women and men are treated 12 differently in their athletic performance, the expectations will be that they are in fact different and thus deserve different recognition.

Sport and the mass media

Sport functions as a unique aspect of American society that impacts every major industry and encompasses all demographics. Because sport is such a permeable facet of the American life, it would seem as though it would act as a reflection of societal views and beliefs. As Rowe

(1999) explains, “if culture is the ‘stuff’ of everyday life – the frame through which we experience, interpret, mold, and represent everything that surrounds us – then sport occupies an uncommonly prominent position within it” (p. 23).

However, Schell and Rodriquez (2000) argue that male hegemony, legitimized by the media, is the driving force presiding over the institution of sport in capitalist society. Defined as the overall acceptance of masculinity as the dominant characteristic of our society that holds women as inferior to men (Connell, 2005), hegemonic masculinity can be seen in many aspects of sporting society. By representing male sport as the measure of sporting value and performance, the mass media constructs sport as a male-dominated domain (Wensing & Bruce, 2003).

Exemplified by what Stossell (2001) notes as, “bikini-clad ring girls at boxing matches, inanely grinning cheerleaders at football and basketball games, victory circle girls at auto races” (p. 89), the male-dominated sporting culture is fresh with voyeurism. Furthermore, as Fink et al. (2010) note that, “evidence suggests that the institution of sport continues in the early 21st century to be a strong mechanism for molding and sustaining the ideology of male superiority” (p. 199).

Sports media provides commentary on much more than merely the athletic performances they cover. Due to the powerful nature that the media industry has in shaping the attitudes and beliefs of our culture, it plays an integral role in the how certain groups are viewed by audiences. 13

Billings and Hundley state that, “sport and media inscribe numerous implicit and explicit ideologies that saturate our culture” as well as examine “how the intersection of sport and media construct, reinforce, and/or perpetuate perceptions of human identities” (p.3). Seeing as how most spectators experience sports through the eyes of the media (Bernstein, 2002), there exists a deep-rooted and agenda-driven symbiotic relationship between both industries.

There are major events within sport that shape our national perception, specifically those on the international stage. The FIFA World Cup is what some scholars refer to as a “megasport,” one that becomes so salient within American popular culture that it is woven into the national fabric (Billings & Hundley, 2010). In fact, Billings & Hundley (2010) state that, “scholars have devoted considerable attention and scrutiny to the exploration of identity, particularly interrogating how mediasport enacts and portrays social divides and underprivileged groups.”

However, the authors note that varying conclusions have arisen, from that the sports media contributes and exaggerates the divisions within sports to arguments that claim sport can have the potential to be catalyst for social change that would advance these underrepresented and underprivileged groups. Just as sport shapes society and vice versa, the sporting elite is often resistant to change and progressive thinking about these issues (Billings & Hundley, 2010).

Gender construction in the sports media

Although often overlooked, the descriptors used to classify male and female athletes are a major source of gender difference in the sports media. Previous research has found that the performances of female athletes are described in the media often reflect the dominant ideologies about gender within the society they cover (McHugh et al., 1978; Theberge, 1991; Jones et al.,

1999). For example, research conducted by Duncan et al. (1999) found that male athletes were often described as active subjects while female athletes were characterized as reactive subjects. 14

As men were framed in terms of their physical strength and power, women were covered using gender stereotype that focused on appearance. Jones (2004) suggests that, “the media see appearance, relationships and emotions as relevant in descriptions of female athletes, while biased explanations for success or failure and linguistic sexism present women’s sport and sportswomen as anomalies” (p. 135). The media continuously marginalizes or places less importance on the athletic performance of females due to long-standing stereotypes and gender roles. For example, Nelson (1998) argues that women in sports must adhere to two sets of principles; “they must be competitive as well as “kind, nurturing, accommodating, nonthreatening, placating, pretty, and small” (p. 147). Jones (2004) found that when examining the web pages of ABC news coverage of the 2000 Olympics, the women were portrayed as emotionally unstable and dependent, while the men were less likely to have commentary describing their emotions.

Further, Jones et al. (1999) used three categories when coding the depiction of gender in their content analysis of a 1996 newspaper sample that included the New York Times, Boston

Globe and USA Today, among others. Stereotypic female words and descriptions were used to denote if they described the athlete’s performance in reference to female characteristics such as beauty, subservience to coach or passivity, for example, “The slender 6-foot 5 inch center…”

Stereotypic male words and descriptions were used when writers used male characteristics such as determination or physicality, for instance, “The courage she portrayed is unfathomable.”

Finally, the male comparison code was used when articles referred to a male equivalent to describe the athlete, such as, “She is the Shaquille O’Neal of women’s basketball.”

As Carty (2005) notes, “media coverage in general reflect a society in flux regarding gender roles and notions of femininity and feminism” (132). Thus, the question is whether 15 construction of gender is shaped by society or by the media. Or is it because society does not see gender roles being challenged in the media, those who are challenging them are not accepted by society.

Female athletes and the media

The overall coverage of female athletes in the mass media has significantly declined since its climax with the 1999 World Cup in which the U.S. Women’s National Team claimed the title at home in Los Angeles. In addition, it is apparent by the utter lack of women’s sports coverage that there is an inherent bias in the mass media. Tuchman (1978) assert rather boldy that the mass media “symbolically annihilate” female athletes by diminishing their athletic accomplishments as seen by the absence of their coverage. Researchers suggest that this “creates a false impression of women’s athleticism by denying the reality of the modern female athlete”

(Kane and Greendorfer, 1994, p. 35). Though it may not be widely recognized, the implications of not seeing women in mainstream media can be damaging, not only to the sports organizations themselves, but also to future generations of athletes.

The media traditionally focuses its attention on covering what researchers call gender

“appropriate” sports, or “those which depict females in aesthetically pleasing motions and poses, emphasizing the erotic physicality rather than the strength of the female body” (Daddario, 1992, p. 51). Examples of such sports include gymnastics and figure skating, in which the female participants are judged on their beauty and poise in order to be successful (Nelson, 1998).

However, this ‘sex-typing’ of sport is believed to be reproduced in how female athletes are described in the mass media (Jones, 2004). Further, Theberge (1997) suggests that though women who compete and are successful in traditionally male-appropriate sports challenge the 16 historical conception of gender, the threat to the status quo is weakened by the fact that society constantly makes comparisons to the male equivalent of the sport that “really counts.”

Referred to by the media as “the year of women’s sports,” the 1996 Olympics proved to be a major turning point in the fight for equal coverage for male and female athletes (Eastman &

Billings, 1999). Gardner (1996) even went so far as to say that if the Olympics were a test of the perception of women athletes, they “did not merely pass the test; they aced it” (p. 1). However, the female athletes that were given increased coverage were those representing individual and socially accepted women’s sports. For example, Tuggle and Owen (1999) found that although female athletes received an equal amount of coverage as the male athletes in the 1996 Olympic games, 61 percent of the coverage was of swimming, diving and gymnastics. The fact that the

1996 U.S. Gymnastics team took home the gold medal could have played a part in why they received 34 percent of the media coverage of female athletes. However, the authors also concluded that, “the number of fans in the stands and the extensive presence of other media at women’s soccer, basketball, and softball games indicated a high level of interest that was not reflected in the network coverage of those events.” (Tuggle and Owen, 1999, p. 178).

Many scholars use the 1999 Women’s World Cup as a benchmark for examining media coverage for women. Receiving unprecedented media attention, the 1999 U.S. Women’s World

Cup winning team reaped the rewards and recognition that resulted, including over 40 million

U.S. television viewers, the highest for any women’s sporting event to date (Longman, 1999;

Penner, 1999). Members of the team, who paved the way for the professional women’s soccer league in the United States, were pursued by major corporations for endorsement deals and still exist as household names. These contracts, in turn, result in more media coverage. However, the image that garnered the most media attention and therefore was the most salient memory from 17 the entire tournament was Brandi Chastain ripping her jersey off to reveal a sports bra. Although the triumph of kicking the game-winning goal that won the cup title for the U.S., the bare mid- riffed image of Chastain outlasts the true victory she celebrated. It didn’t help that she had recently posed nude, except for soccer cleats and a strategically placed soccer ball in Gear magazine; however in her words the photo was a “statement of athleticism and strength” (Carty,

2005, 138). Also considered a “male appropriate sport” due to its emphasis on aggression, individuality and physical contact (Matteo, 1986), the game of soccer is played exactly the same by men and women on an international scale, thus providing a valuable site to analyze it’s resulting media coverage.

It is crucial, however, not to just examine the media coverage on the surface. Bernstein

(2002) probes a critical question, “Does size matter?’ Does more coverage necessarily bring about a truly equal representation of women in sport? Or are we simply getting more of the same?” (p. 419). Often referred to as ‘girls’ or ‘young ladies’, many of us fail to notice the infantilizing language that the media uses to describe female athletes. This framing technique used by the media also is used when journalists refer to female athletes by their first name, as opposed to the male athletes who are referred to by their last names (Duncan et al., 1990; Elueze and Jones, 1998; Wensing & Bruce, 2003). Women in sports are typically framed in a way that reproduces gender stereotypes (Tuggle et al., 2002), whether it is focused on the femininity or lack thereof and significantly upon the aesthetic appeal rather than athletic ability. Knight and

Giuliano (2001) concluded the following,

…writers often allude or explicitly refer to a female athlete's attractiveness, emotionality,

femininity, and heterosexuality (all of which effectively convey to the audience that her 18

stereotypical gender role is more salient than her athletic role), yet male athletes are

depicted as powerful, independent, dominating, and valued (p. 219).

Based on what is generally captured in the print media, "on average, women athletes are significantly more likely than male athletes to be portrayed in the media as off the court, out of uniform, and in sexy poses,” says Mary Jo Kane, director of the Tucker Center for Research on

Girls and Women in Sport. Although the female athletes receive media attention because of their athletic talents, the media utilizes frames in the coverage to highlight femininity over athleticism.

By focusing on “non-sport-related aspects” of a female athletes’ identity, such as her family or personal life, and her personality, the media is able to make it seem as though her sporting performance is secondary to her role as a feminine being (Wensing & Bruce, 2003). These

“sexualized” and “hyperfeminized” frames, although resulting in increased coverage and attention to female athletes, undermine the true skill of women in sports and reproduce the gender differences in which they portray (Lamb, 2000).

The mass media utilizes gender constructs as a means of articulating its messages to the public. In addition to referring to females dating habits or marital status, the media often use language to emphasize emotional weakness (Eastman & Billings, 2000; George et al., 2001).

Referred to as “compulsory heterosexuality”, the media utilizes this framing technique to represent female athletes in their traditional gender roles such as mother/wife/girlfriend of a male

(Daddario, 1994; Wensing & Bruce, 2003). By being dependent on the male-dominant social order, the female athletes do not pose a threat. Wensing & Bruce (2003) also propose that the media applies a technique in which journalists utilize the following frame: 19

…emphasize appropriate femininity focus on traditionally feminine physical and

emotional characteristics or behaviours (e.g. small, weak, beautiful, graceful, emotionally

unstable, dependent, self-sacrificing and concerned for others) p. 388.

The fact that the media’s focus on the physical beauty of female athletes (Bridge, 1994) over their physical talent trivializes and marginalizes their accomplishments and reinforces the fundamental gender stereotypes that reign through all media outlets (Kian et al., 2009).

Additionally, the emphasis on female athlete’s appearance and attractiveness discounts their athletic legitimacy, which aids in the reinforcing of hegemonic masculinity (Bernstein, 2002).

Furthermore, the mainstream media’s unequal attention to individual female athletes, more so than teams as a whole, speaks to the notion that team sports are male dominated. The inherent nature of team sports, whereby the camaraderie of the team and the aggression and physicality of its members is used to outmatch the opponent, is masculine in its portrayal of power. Thus, there exists what some call “the girl version” of a particular sport, such as softball or field hockey (Shugart, 2003). A technique called “gender marking”, is often used by the media to refer to an event as a women’s event, and others as a men’s events, thereby denoting that the women’s sport is somehow different or inferior to the men’s sport (Duncan et al., 1990; Weiller and Higgs, 1999; Wensing & Bruce, 2003). In addition, the coverage of women’s team sports is crucial because “it helps break stereotypes of women holding ancillary positions by showing them in active leadership and decision-making roles” (Higgs and Weiller, 1994, p. 2).

These findings have real implications in the public perception of female athletes. Knight

& Giuliano (2001) conducted research addressing the effects of media framing of female athletes on the views of audiences and found that the sports media actively shape public opinion based on they way they depict women in sports. As Kinnick (1998) addresses, “the absence of women 20 from the sports media is not inconsequential. The implicit message…is that female athletes either do not exist, or have no achievements that are newsworthy” (p. 215). Furthermore, the underrepresentation by the media results in a continuous cycle where sponsorships are scarce to their denial of adequate coverage (Bernstein, 2002). In addition, Mary Jo Kane further extends her argument to contend that they way in which female athletes are represented is nothing short of intentional, stating the following in an interview with Lynette Lamb in 2000:

There's a great deal at stake in sports participation, and the group that has monopolized

sports knows that the best way to maintain control is to perceive the challenger as a

second-class citizen. The best way to discredit women athletes is to trivialize or

marginalize their accomplishments-to focus on them as sexy or as moms, rather than as

great athletes. After all, if females are great athletes, then it's harder to say as a society

that they shouldn't get press coverage, money, and scholarships. But if they are portrayed

as a freak show, as people who do sports in their spare time, or as merely pretty girls, it's

much easier to deny them access and to maintain the status quo (p. 14).

Whether there is an inherent bias in the media or lack of interest is debatable; however, the apparent visible absence of women in the sports media is in plain sight of society and thus directly inhibits the success of women sports organizations.

Summary

The way in which society constructs gender can largely be seen in the sporting arena.

With the establishment of Title IX, measures have been taken to make equal the opportunities available to both men and women. However, the accepted norms within our society of gender roles have yet to make such equality, due in part to the fact that most sports are viewed through a mediated lens. 21

The quality more so than the quantity of coverage of the media plays a major role in the views that society has towards female athletes. In such a male-dominated industry, both in sports and in the media, it is difficult to make such strides as to provide an equal playing field for both genders to progress.

CHAPTER THREE

METHODS

Theoretical Framework

The methods for this study will be directed by the grounded theory to examine emerging themes and patterns in the data collected through a content analysis. With the understanding that all research is “grounded” in data, the goal of grounded theory is to derive meaning through an inductive process of analyzing data based on certain concepts and content categories (Glaser &

Strauss, 1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Although it may seem to be in inconsistent with the widely accepted scientific method, the process is a systematic method of discovery. Through qualitative data analysis, the researcher seeks to explore the data collected with an unbiased and objective lens.

Developed by researchers Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss, the use of a constant comparison approach to data became known as the grounded theory. As Glaser & Strauss (1967) note, the purpose is not to force meaning, but for the theory to emerge from the data itself. Using the text of an article to uncover the latent meaning within the media coverage, the grounded theory will be used in order to conceptualize the emergence of patterns.

Study Design

This research consists of a content analysis of the media coverage of the 1999 World cup through the 2011 World Cup to look at various constructs and categories. Content analysis is predominantly used in nearly every form of communication because of the fact that is not only unobtrusive, but it is a systematic form of coding a predetermined narrative. It is the goal of content analysis to dissect and describe certain characteristics of the mass media’s messages. By 23 utilizing the grounded theory, the content analysis will allow the researcher to break down the extensive amount of data into content categories for further understanding.

Due to the fact that differing interpretations can arise from examining articles, the researcher used multiple coders to analyze sample articles in order to insure intercoder reliability.

In order to ensure that the researcher came to the same conclusions as would independent coders, a male and female coder analyzed the same article to guarantee consistency of measurement.

In addition, the researcher will employ a critical discourse analysis of the data in order to explore how the language used in the articles can represent social identities with the American culture. By examining how interactions of power and inequality can be seen through the choice of words used by the author, the critical analysis will provide an extensive amount of data.

Through a grounded theoretical approach, themes can emerge from the data to accurately portray the latent meaning behind the text.

Communication is essential to the construction of reality, as Fink (2010) states that,

“reality is inseparable from language use, that reality is constructed through language” (p. 200).

As advised by Berelson (1952), it is important to examine both the substance (what is said) and manifest (how it is said) content. Through an in-depth examination of the language used to describe female athletes in print media coverage, the researcher will be able to look at a variety of data to identify and understand the media’s construction of gender ideologies. Describing the way in which female athletes are represented in the media may allow for a new interpretation of the media message and a more knowledgeable media consumer. The content analysis of descriptors, as noted by Billings et al. (2002), are operationally defined as the adjective or adverb words or phrases used by the authors. By coding these descriptors using a process 24 of assigning labels to categorize and apply meaning, the researcher can interpret the data to uncover overall themes (Lofland & Lofland, 1995).

Sampling

The sampling used for this study consisted of a purposive sampling of the daily issues of

USA Today from one week prior to the start of the World Cup tournament to one week after the conclusion of the final championship match in 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011. As previously mentioned, the USA Today daily newspaper was chosen due to the fact that it is the number one in total daily print circulation (ABC FAS-FAX, March 2011). The complete census used for data collection were the articles from the issues of USA Today between a 40-day time period from each year, including two weeks before and one week after the tournament took place. The articles that were examined discussed the U.S. Women’s National Team or it’s members.

Articles that focused on other teams in the tournament or on the World Cup in general were not examined. The total census of data for all four years of tournament play was 154 articles that were examined for content.

Data Collection

The census of data consisted of the articles from the issues of USA Today that discussed the U.S. Women’s National Team or it’s members, including game previews and recaps, notebooks and commentary, as well as feature stories. Each article was read and coded using a content analysis to highlight various content categories within the text of the articles. The overall frequency of articles per year was highlighted. The total word count for each article and the section in which the article was located, including the page number of the section was examined.

The gender of the author of the article as determined by the byline, as well as what type of article was documented, for example, if it was a feature story or if it was a general article about the 25 game itself. The overall tone of the article was also noted, whether it was generally positive coverage of the players or negative and critical of the team.

Based on the 1999 Jones et al. study of the 1996 Olympics, the use of male comparisons was highlighted. From the same study, the focus of the article was determined to be task-relevant or not, that is whether it focused on the game of soccer, or something outside off the field. The use of athletic descriptors was documented as well as feminine descriptors. Also noted was any reference to the player’s being parents or their husbands being mentioned in the article. The depiction of gender was based again based on Jones study, specifically whether there were more feminine descriptors, which would be coded as stereotypical female or more athletic descriptors, which would be coded as stereotypical male. Related to categories used by Kian (2007), studies indicate that articles tend to describe female athletes by referring to their “physical appearance/attire, family role/personal relationships, athletic weaknesses/limitations, negative skill level/failures, psychological/emotional weakness, or by adding humor” while male athletes are referred to by their “athletic prowess/strength, positive skill level/accomplishments, and psychological/emotional strength” (Billings et al., 2002; Elueze & Jones, 1998; Harris & Clayton,

2002; Messner et al., 2003; Messner et al., 1996; Vincent, 2004; Vincent et al., 2007).

Two trained individuals, one male and one female, were utilized to determine intercoder agreement. The researcher chose a male and female coder in order to reduce any gender bias within the coding process. The researcher chose the article for coding and gave each coder a set of instructions with examples based on the coding processes the researcher used and identified.

The two coders examined the same article for the content categories other than word count and placement. In both manifest content (gender of author and article type) as well as latent content, there was a 75 % agreement among the coders and the researcher. 26

CHAPTER FOUR

RESULTS

The purpose of this study was to analyze and categorize the representation of the members of the 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011 FIFA Women’s World Cup in the print media coverage of USA Today. The 120 issues of USA Today that were examined yielded 154 articles that mentioned the U.S. Women’s National team to be used for analysis. Table 1 shows the content categories that were analyzed within the text of the articles, while Tables 2 through 9 highlight the descriptors used for each year.

Table 1 – Article breakdown Year 1999 2003 2007 2011 Number of Articles 66 27 21 40

Word Count Total 38,892 16,358 12,931 23,672 Average words/article 580 605 615 591

Section Sports 56 27 21 39 Other (i.e. News, Editorial) 7 0 0 1

Page Number Page 1 (Cover story of section) 14 3 1 13 Page 2 – 6 12 8 4 7 Page 7 – 11 7 9 5 20 Page 12 – 16 21 7 8 0 Page 17 – 21 1 0 2 0 Page 21 – 26 5 0 0 0

Article Type Recap 13 7 7 9 Preview 12 6 9 11 Feature 9 6 0 3 Other (i.e. notes, general release) 31 8 5 27 27

Table 1 – Article breakdown Year 1999 2003 2007 2011 Gender of Author Male 52 5 20 27 Female 11 22 3 11 Unknown 4 2 0 3

Article Focus Task-relevant 54 21 17 35 Non Task-relevant 11 3 4 8

Article Tone Positive 60 18 13 36 Negative 8 5 5 14 Neither 3 4 3 1

Male Comparison Number of references 29 8 6 6

Depiction of Gender Stereotypic Male 49 17 13 24 Stereotypic Female 15 4 2 9 Neither 11 6 6 15

As seen in Table 1, the frequency of articles were higher for 1999 and 2011, which were the years in which the U.S. Women’s National Team either won the entire World Cup tournament, or went to the final match. The number of articles in 1999, 66 total number of mentions, consisted of 42.8 percent of the total number of articles examined, while 2003 and

2007 represented only 17.5 and 13.6 respectively. The 40 articles that were found to have mentioned the team in 2011 represented 25.9 percent of the total articles.

Male authors wrote the majority of the articles, the highest being in 1999 with 78 percent of the articles written by men, as compared to 81 percent of the articles in 2003 written by female authors. Articles that were listed under “unknown” were those that were taken from wire services. In addition, most of the articles that mentioned the team were focused on the task at hand, that is the Word Cup matches. However, 2011 saw an interesting breakdown in task- 28 relevant versus non task-relevant articles with the highest out of all years with 87.5 percent of the articles focusing on the game, while 20 percent of the articles did not.

The articles about the team were generally positive, more so in 1999 with an overwhelming 90 percent, while the highest rate of negative articles came in 2011 with 35 percent. Further, the depiction of gender in the language used found that most articles were stereotypic male, with the most being found in the 1999 coverage (74%) and the most stereotypic female found in 2011(22.5%).

1999 Article Breakdown

Table 2 - 1999 Athletic Descriptors (Total of 215 used) Descriptions Examples Total Percent Reference to athletic ‘physical’; ‘dominance’ 141 65.5 prowess and strength

Reference to skill level ‘quickness’; ‘veteran’ 35 16.3 and accomplishments

Reference to psychological ‘alert’; ‘focused’ 25 11.6 and emotional strength

Table 3 - 1999 Feminine Descriptors (Total of 148 used) Descriptions Examples Total Percent Reference to emotions ‘emotional’; ‘vulnerable’ 19 12.8

Reference to youth ‘girls’; ‘youngest 9 6

Reference to appearance ‘beautiful’; ‘attractive’ 25 16.9

Reference to spouse ‘wife of..’ 4 2

Reference to motherhood ‘mother of two’; 2 1

From the tables above, the athletic descriptors represented just over half, or 59 percent, of the total descriptors noted in 1999. The authors referenced the strength of the athletes in how they “dominated” their competition. The reporters used references such as “bullying” the 29 competition, “hard-hitting” and the game as a “physical war.” Although the majority of the descriptors focused on the athleticism, there was an even distribution of references to the female’s skill level and mental ability as well. For example, there were many references to the athlete’s speed, for instance, their “speed” and “acceleration.” In addition, there were mentions of the players as “alert” and “smart” style of play.

The use of feminine descriptors, at 40 percent of the total amount of descriptors used in

1999 was more than other years, but focused on the appearance of the athletes in commenting on their attractiveness and even being coined as “Babes” by the popular media. Similarly, there were more references in 1999 to the “beauty” of the athletes and their physical appearance, for instance, their “good looks” and referring to them as “babe-rrific.” There were consistent mentions of the youth of the team, calling them “girls” instead of women, and using terms such as “youngster” and “youngest.” The descriptors of the emotion of the athletes consisted of terms such as “tearful”, “vulnerable” and a reference to their “upbeat attitude.”

2003 Article Breakdown

Table 4 - 2003 Athletic Descriptors (Total of 100 used) Descriptions Examples Total Percent Reference to athletic ‘powerful’; ‘force’ 67 67 prowess and strength

Reference to skill level ‘consistently’; ‘talented’ 16 16 and accomplishments

Reference to psychological ‘confident’; ‘focused’ 14 14 and emotional strength

Table 5 - 2003 Feminine Descriptors (Total of 46 used) Descriptions Examples Total Percent Reference to emotions ‘emotion-unleashing’ 3 6

Reference to youth ‘little girl’; ‘youngest’ 7 15

Reference to appearance ‘petite’; ‘pretty’ 6 13

Reference to spouse ‘her husband’ 4 8

Reference to motherhood ‘ her family of three; 1 2

With the fewer amount of articles written about the team in 2003, as a result, there were fewer descriptors, both athletic and feminine used within the content. Similar to 1999, an increasing majority of the descriptors used, 68 percent of the total, were athletic descriptors. Of those, the focus again pertained to the performance and strength of the athletes. Among the 31 percent of feminine descriptors used in 2003, the most referred to the youth of the team at the time. Only five references were made to the outside relationships of the team as either a mother or spouse to a significant other.

The athletic descriptors used mainly focused on the experience of the players, referring o many of the athletes as “veterans” and noting their “versatility and depth.” Also seen throughout 31 the articles were mentions of the player’s perseverance, for example, terms such as “tireless”,

“relentless”, “willpower” and their overall “competitive spirit.” There were also many references to the mentality in terms of their style of play, with reporters stating that the athletes were

“strategic”, “tactical”, “measured and methodical” as well as an overall “brilliance.”

The 2003 articles showed a decrease in feminine descriptors, relative to the diminished amount of coverage. Again, the reporters mostly referred to the youth of the athletes, using terms like “little girl”, “kid” and “youngest.” There were also a good number of terms used to describe the drama of the game with theatrical references, for example, “razzle-dazzle” and “dance”.

However, 2003 saw stereotypical feminine descriptors of the team such as “caretakers” and the players going on a “retail therapy” shopping trip. There were many emotion descriptors used as well, for instance, the players referred to as “softies”, the reporters stating their “self-doubt” and that they were “beleaguered” and “struggling.”

2007 Article Breakdown

Table 6 - 2007 Athletic Descriptors (Total of 85 used) Descriptions Examples Total Percent Reference to athletic ‘toughness’; ‘world-class’ 57 67 prowess and strength

Reference to skill level ‘speed’; ‘technically sound’ 20 23 and accomplishments

Reference to psychological ‘brilliant’; ‘warrior 7 8 and emotional strength mentality’

Table 7 - 2007 Feminine Descriptors (Total of 18 used) Descriptions Examples Total Percent Reference to emotions ‘emotional’; 3 16

Reference to youth ‘youth’; ‘youngest’ 5 27

Reference to appearance ‘skinny’; ‘pretty’ 1 5

Reference to spouse ‘bride-to-be’; ‘wife of...’ 0 0

Reference to motherhood ‘after giving birth; 1 5

Analogous to the 2003 article findings, the majority of the content described the athletes in terms of their athleticism. The highest percentage to date, 82 percent of the descriptors used focused on the athletic performance of the players, while only 21 percent pertained to their feminine characteristics. 67 percent of the athletic descriptors again focused on the physicality of the athletes, while 27 percent of the feminine descriptors referred again to the adolescence of the players on the team. Further, there was only one reference made to the mother role of a player, the least accounted for so far.

Also similar to years before, the athletic descriptors observed the “veteran” players of the

2007 team. Even more so than years before, there were a consistent amount of references to the toughness of the team, for example, reporters stating the players as “tacklers”, “rammed”, 33

“crashing and bashing”, “hard-hitting”, “bruising”, “smothering”, “ferocious” and “stout.” The reporters highlighted the talent and skill of the players in several of the descriptors, noting their

“superiority”, that they were “faster and stronger”, “prolific”, “disciplined” and noted that they were “remarkably efficient” on the field.

The feminine descriptors that were used also mirrored those in the past tournaments.

There were similar references to the team being “young” or their “youth.” However, there were many descriptions of their “emotional” state, stating that moments on the field were “touching” or “dramatic.” In addition, stereotypical feminine characteristics were highlighted by terms used, such as “poised” and “delicate.”

2011 Article Breakdown

Table 8 - 2011 Athletic Descriptors (Total of 151 used) Descriptions Examples Total Percent Reference to athletic ‘lethal’; ‘demolition’ 105 69 prowess and strength

Reference to skill level ‘experienced’; ‘fast’ 28 18 and accomplishments

Reference to psychological ‘clever’; ‘never-say-die 15 9 and emotional strength mentality’

Table 9 - 2011 Feminine Descriptors (Total of 47 used) Descriptions Examples Total Percent Reference to emotions ‘emotional’; ‘laughed and cried’ 5 10

Reference to youth ‘girls’; ‘youngster’ 9 19

Reference to appearance ‘beauty’; ‘pretty’ 5 10

Reference to spouse ‘wife of.,,’ 2 4

Reference to motherhood ‘mother of two’; 2 4

There was a definite increase in both the amount of coverage and the use of descriptors in the content from 2011. However, coinciding with the findings from previous World Cup’s, the majority of 76 percent described the athletic performance of the players. Similarly, the athletic descriptors focus on the power and strength of the athletes on the team. On the other hand, the feminine descriptors, which made up 23 percent of the total used in 2011, focused primarily again on the youth of the team, while an equal share referred to the emotional characteristics and appearance of the athletes.

Throughout the 2011 articles, the athletic descriptors focused on the team’s ability to fight and overcome to earn a win. Along with many references to the “veteran” and “experienced”

2011 team, as mentioned in all of the World Cup articles examined in this research, there were many descriptions of the “confidence” of the team. In addition, the reporters used many masculine terms such as “dangerous” and “threat” as well as “lethal” and “demolition.” Similar to years past, there were several references to the physicality of the team, calling them

“aggressors” as well as noting their “industrial strength”, and stating that the team was

“physically dominant”, “imposing”, “powerful” and “raw.” There were also many references to the style of play of the athletes, for example, that the games exhibited “remarkable athletic achievement” and “breathtaking athleticism” and that the team was “organized”, “inspiring” and

“masterful.”

The feminine descriptors that were used in the 2011 articles exhibited mainly the emotion of the team, in that there were references to the fact that the team “screamed and hugged” and

“laughed and cried” in addition to being “emotional” and “heartbroken.” There was also many descriptions of the appearance of the athlete, with terms used such as “pretty”, “bleach blond” 35 and “beautiful.” Stereotypical feminine descriptors that were used included phrases such as

“Queen of midair”, “lasses” and “heroines.”

Summary

As noted above, the majority of the articles used athletic descriptors to portray the female athletes on the U.S. Women’s World Cup team. Several of the players were defined as “veterans” due to the fact that they had been on the team in one or more previous World Cup tournaments.

The depictions also focused on the consistency of the athletes and their experience, noting that they were “solid”, “technically strong” and “disciplined.” They also described many of their players’ skill, referencing their “speed” and “quickness” as well as being “physically tough.” The majority of the athletic descriptors referenced the players aggressive style of play, using references such as, “hard-nosed”, “enforcer”, “combativeness”; some authors even went so far as to use such masculine descriptions as “warrior” and “ dangerous weapon.”

Although not used as often, the researcher did acknowledge the use of feminine descriptors when focusing on the emotion or appearance of the players. Authors often times described the athletes emotions of excitement, stating that they were “giddy” and “spirited” and noted their moments of defeat with references such as, “teary-eyed” and “heartbroken.” The descriptions of appearance were noted through mentions of the athletes as “pretty” or “attractive.”

There was also an overwhelming focus on the youth of some of the players, in which the authors used descriptors like “youngster” and “girls.”

However, for all of the references, mainly in 1999, to the athletes as “babes” and the

“girls next door”; there were even more descriptions of the women as “tough”, “dominant” and

“dangerous.” Although the athletes on the women’s team are inherently feminine, the focus on their athleticism was more pronounced and prominent in the USA Today coverage. 36

CHAPTER FIVE

DISCUSSION

This study aimed to investigate the portrayal of the female athletes that represented the

United States in the 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011 FIFA World Cup tournaments in terms of the language used to depict them. Although the success of the teams in the tournament played a role in the amount of coverage and the way in which they were portrayed, the teams were well recognized for their efforts and the impact they made on women’s sports.

1999 U.S. Women’s World Cup Team Coverage

The dominant view of the media coverage of 1999 Women’s World Cup was the recognition that the event had encouraged the potential for change with regards to women’s sports as whole in the United States. A “success beyond imagination” according to ESPN soccer analyst Wendy Gebauer, the coverage also spawned the idea of a women’s professional soccer league after the 2000 Olympics. Continuously described as the most popular women’s-only sporting event in history, and with reason as seen by the TV ratings and number of fans in the stadium, the event forced the media to cover the event with a different perspective. The success of not only the U.S. Women’s World Cup Team, but also the tournament itself, spawned much excitement about the formation of the Women’s Professional Soccer Association in the United

States. Making its debut in April 2001, the seven city teams represented the best success story that could have resulted from the empowering event. Finally, individual investors and cable companies raised $40 million dollars; just enough to jump-start the league. 37

2003 U.S. Women’s World Cup Team Coverage

The dominant theme of the 2003 coverage was the team overcoming adversity. Whether it be personal issues or injuries, the team faced more hard ships than their previous world cup run, not to mention crushing looses in the Olympics, the world cup itself and the major loss of the women’s professional league. In addition, a major focus for the lack of coverage was highlighted by writers who saw that the time period that FIFA, the governing body had moved the World

Cup, was in major conflict with other popular U.S. sporting events i.e. college football, the NFL, major league baseball.

2007 U.S. Women’s World Cup Team Coverage

Similar to the 2003 World Cup, the amount of coverage was less in part due to the fact the time that the tournament was held coincided with baseball and football season in the United

States. Although the team was poised to win, the everlasting memory was the controversy of substituting consistent goalkeeper Hope Solo, for the undefeated World Cup veteran Briana

Scurry. The decision caused a riff between Solo and the team that lasted until the 2008 Olympics, in which Solo, with the help of newly hired head coach Pat Sundhage put the past aside to win the gold medal.

2011 U.S. Women’s World Cup Team Coverage

The 2011 Women’s World Cup tournament reflected much of what was reported in the

1999 season. Although it was highlighted that the team had not won a consistent amount of games leading up to the tournament, the articles focused on the “fight” of the team to overcome obstacles they had faced after the 2007 tournament and winning games against tough opponents even when they had been down a goal or more. The final match pulled a reported 13.5 million 38 viewers, the most-watched soccer telecast in cable history and sixth overall most viewed event

(Levin, 2011).

Overall Themes

Many of the article’s authors recognized the lack of coverage in certain years’, not because of the tournament being held in another country, but the time of year that FIFA had decided for it to take place. Although there were reasons behind the self-deprecating situation, among them being weather and a disease outbreak, this was thought to be a major cause in the lack of interest as compared to year’s past, i.e. the 1999 pandemonium.

Also, the quantity and placement of coverage in the years that the team was more successful, in 1999 and 2011, resulted in more front-page cover stories and increased number of articles. With the popularity of the team in 1999, it was found that there were more male comparison’s used, 29 total, possibly because of the fact that most reporters were not used to covering female sports at the time, as suggested by one writer. However, the use of male comparison decreased dramatically since 1999 in that there were only eight used documented in

2003 and six in both 2007 and 2011. There was also a steady decrease in the number of feminine descriptors used as the tournaments had progressed, from 40% of total descriptors in 1999 to

23% in 2011, giving way to the true recognition of the athleticism of the players on the teams that dominated the descriptions.

The overarching theme found in the articles was the focus on the pure athleticism of all of the World Cup teams. The athletic descriptors used over the years outnumbered those of the feminine descriptors, ranging from 60 to 83% of the total descriptors. This led the majority of the articles to be predominantly stereotypical male in their depiction of gender, with a similar range of 60 to 83% of the articles per year. 39

Further, the authors consistently commented on the speed and skill of the female players and their ability to overcome obstacles and fight as a team. Although dramatic instances were reported, including the 2007 controversy surrounding the final match’s goalkeeper change, the focus of the majority of the articles was the powerful nature of the athletes. This is highlighted by the fact that the majority of the athletic descriptors used were in reference to the physicality and strength of the athletes, ranging from 65-69% between 1999 and 2011.

Many of the female authors noted the major impact that the World Cup teams played in the interest of not only women’s sports in the United States, but the game of soccer in general.

The progress made since the enactment of Title IX was reported in the fact these women were not only allowed to play at such an elite level, they were among the best female athletes in the world and represented the tenacity of American society in their personalities and their form of play.

This research study was guide by the theory of media framing. Through the content analysis of the articles in USA Today during the 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011 World Cup tournaments, the researcher found the media frame accurately portrayed the athletic achievements of the players on the U.S. Women’s National Team. The teams were all among top-finishers in each tournament and were all given equal recognition of success and accomplishments through the majority of athletic descriptors used. The language of the descriptions of the athletes framed the players in a way that placed them equal to male athletes and focused on their athleticism rather than their feminine characteristics. Thus, the message that was delivered through the articles represented the women as genuine athletes who are among the top players in the world and compete at a level equivalent to their male counterparts. 40

CHAPTER SIX

CONCLUSIONS

Both the sports world as well as the media industry have long-standing reputations as being the quintessential “old-boy’s club.” Consequently, unless there exists the possibility of major profits, there is no reason to stray from the status quo, which is the systematic denial of the

‘clubhouse keys’ to female athletes. They can be used to sell products, but in terms of selling their athletic talents, it has yet to manifest itself due to their absence in the ever-powerful sports media.

In addition, though it may not always be the intention, using certain phrases emphasizes the gender differences over the athletic ability. Headlines such as “Divas in Sport” and labels like

“babe city” nullify recognition and stress feminine characteristics over the athletic abilities.

Furthermore, the use backhanded complements, for example that the women may be not be as athletic as the men, but they are just as skillful, is equally condescending.

In today’s generation of up-to-the-minute fan feedback via the Internet, it is oftentimes not the shear amount of coverage that should be the focus. This study centered on the language used in the articles to depict the women on the team. However, in the world of social media, where sometimes just the frequency of mentions sparks a world-wide phenomenon, numbers can take on an underlying meaning. For example, there were more tweets per second during the 2011

World Cup finals than any other event, including the infamous royal wedding (Dugan, 2011;

Lowe, 2011). As Lowe (2011) noted in the following excerpt:

These players elevated the game by making people care, a come-out-of-nowhere love

that finally eclipsed the one women's soccer image a nation can now let go of -- a sports 41

bra and bare midriff replaced with skill, heart and a tenacity that brought the tournament

to the wire (p.1).

The women on the 2011 U.S. World Cup team put women’s soccer back on the map; but will it last? The results of this research study shows that the articles examined adequately portrayed the female athletes as the capable and talented women that they are, as is the modern way of thinking.

Carty (2005) suggests there exists a current shift in the portrayal of women athletes to highlight

“new notions of femininity that include muscles, strength, fitness, and competitiveness. This is a move away from traditional depictions of vulnerability, fragility, dependence, and subservience”

(p. 137). Thus there is need for further examination into the issue.

Based on the previously stated research questions, the USA Today articles that were analyzed effectively represented the success of the U.S. Women’s National Team in each of the

World Cup tournaments. The 21% and 32% cover page article placement in 1999 and 2011, respectively, in addition to total word count was an accurate reflection of the team’s success and advancement to the tournament finals. In addition, the language within the articles communicated that success in the fact that the athletic descriptions made up the majority of the total descriptors used, ranging from 60-83% of the total count of both feminine and athletic descriptors. In addition, there was a considerable change in the coverage in that the use of male comparisons considerable decreased from 29 used in 1999 to merely six in 2011. There were consistently less feminine descriptors used, from 40% in 1999 to 17% 2007 with a slight increase to 23% in 2011. Inversely, there was a constant growth in athletic descriptors, from 60% in 1999 to a high of 83% 2007 with a minor decrease to 77% in 2011. The success of the team indeed had an affect on many of the content categories from article placement, the article focus and the depiction of gender in that the figures were the highest in 1999, the year that the team won the 42 tournament cup, fell in 2003 and 2007 when the team placed third, and rose again when the team competed in final match and finished second. However, this observance of the figures could have also been a reflection of the decrease of pages from newspapers that has occurred over the last decade.

Suggestions for Future Research

Future research should further investigate the impact of the gendered coverage on public perception, specifically whether the gender stereotypes affect the views the public holds towards female athletes. The overlying question that is difficult to focus on is the perennial ‘chicken or the egg’ scenario; as it pertains to this subject of research, it would be ideally to determine whether the public truly does not seek coverage of women athletes or is the public uninterested because there is a lack of coverage.

In examining the root of the issue, much research has been conducted to investigate the gendered sports newsroom. However, it would be beneficial to look at the language used through a comparison of a female author to a male author of a sports report. In addition, another area to explore would be whether certain newsrooms have a set “script” used for news writing that writers of both genders must adhere to. To maintain consistency and objectivity, this may or may not allow for a difference in coverage between genders. Furthermore, although this research study has found that there does not exist as much gendered coverage of female athletes as was hypothesized. However, when examining other areas of the mass media, it would be valuable to assess the way in which female athletes are portrayed, for example, in advertising. 43

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APPENDIX A

1999 Article References

Brewington, P. (1999, June 7). USA Tested by Canada, wins 4-2. USA Today (AI). p. 7C.

Brewington, P. (1999, June 8). Women gather energy for World Cup quest. USA Today (AI). p. 9C.

Grady, S. (1999, June 14). Move over guys, female athletes are muscling in. USA Today (AI). p. 19A.

Brewington, P. (1999, June 15). U.S. women see Nigeria's victory as wake-up call. USA Today (AI). p. 12C.

Mihoces, G. (1999, June 16). USA will be on alert for Denmark's air attack. USA Today (AI). p. 3C.

Lieber, J. (1999, June 21). Changing face of sports. (cover story). USA Today (Front Page). p. 1A.

Brewington, P. (1999, June 21). Grading out the USA. USA Today (A1), p. 15C.

Brewington, P. (1999, June 21). USA, Brazil show strength in first game. USA Today (AI). p. 15C.

Brewington, P. (1999, June 21). Hamm quiets critics with a hard shot USA overcomes physical play, looks ahead to Nigeria game. USA Today (A1). p. 14C.

Brewington, P. (1999, June 22). USA gets look at Nigeria, expects a physical battle. USA Today (AI). p. 6C.

Brewington, P. (1999, June 24). Game will feature USA's ball control against Nigeria's speed. USA Today (AI). p. 2C.

(1999, June 25). Weekend matchups. USA Today (AI). p. 26C.

Brewington, P. (1999, June 25). Grading out USA-Nigeria. USA Today (A1), p. 26C.

Brewington, P. & Mihoces, G. (1999, June 25). USA unleashes its offense, Scores 3 goals in 4 minutes during 7-1 rout of Nigeria. USA Today (A1), p. 26C. 51

Nash, T. (1999, June 25). Parlow ready to be next great player, She finds niche in U.S. offensive line. USA Today (A1), p. 26C. Brewington, P. (1999, June 25). U.S. women blitz Nigeria 7-1. USA Today (Front Page). p. 1C.

Brewington, P. (1999, June 28). USA is on a roll, but it's far from over. USA Today (AI). p. 6C.

Brewington, P. (1999, June 28). Second-half surge lifts USA 3-0. USA Today (Front Page). p. 1C.

Brewington, P. (1999, June 29). USA sticks to routine for game vs. Germany. USA Today (AI). p. 12C.

Mihoces, G. (1999, June 30). Fun-loving USA thrives on do-or-die. USA Today (AI). p. 13C.

Brewington, P. (1999, July 1). USA vs. Germany. USA Today (AI). p. 2C.

Brewington, P. (1999, July). Expecting close one, USA practices penalty kicks. USA Today (AI). p. 2C.

Brewington, P. (1999, July). High stakes for USA tonight. USA Today (Front Page). p. 1C.

Lieber, J. (1999, July). Foudy has appetite for life. (cover story). USA Today (Front Page). p. 1C.

Brewington,, P. (1999, July 2). USA vs. Brazil. USA Today (AI). p. 13C.

Brewington,, P. (1999, July 2). Grading out USA-Germany. USA Today (AI). p. 11C.

Brady, E. (1999, July 2). Chastain redeems herself with goal for USA in 2nd half. USA Today (AI). p. 11C.

Brewington,, P. (1999, July 2). USA knows semifinal vs. Brazil might not be a walkover on 4th. USA Today (AI). p. 11C.

Brewington, P. (1999, July 2). USA rallies past Germany 3-2. USA Today (Front Page). p. 1C.

Arena, B. (1999, July 2). Women’s success great for all soccer. USA Today (AI). p. 3C.

Brewington, P. (1999, July 2). Miscommunication shocked USA, forced squad to regroup. USA Today (AI). p. 11C.

Mihoces, G. (1999, July 2). USA’s win turns groans into cheers ‘First family’ among 54,642 attending quarterfinal game. USA Today (AI). p. 11C.

Brewington, P. (1999, July 6). Momentum of China will have to be reduced Americans need offense, defense clicking together. USA Today (AI). p. 12C.

Moore, D. L. (1999, July 6). U.S. players say success worth the weight. USA Today (AI). p. 12C.

Moore, D. L. (1999, July 6). Scurry helps keep USA in front China planning plenty of shots on goal in final. USA Today (AI). p. 12C.

Brennan, C. (1999, July 6). U.S. women’s team rises to expectations. USA Today (A1), p. 2C.

Lieber, J. (1999, July 6). USA won't kick habit of believing. (cover story). USA Today (Front Page). p. 1C.

Robbins, A. (1999, July 7). Writers fluff `n' puff, not women in soccer. USA Today (AI). p. 13A.

Brewington, P. (1999, July 7). USA saving intensity for playing field. USA Today (AI). p. 11C.

Brennan, C. (1999, July 8). U.S. soccer `babes' aren't from Toyland. USA Today (AI). p. 3C.

Brewington, P. (1999, July 8). USA relaxed, ready to enjoy final. USA Today (AI). p. 14C.

Brewington, P. (1999, July 8). Chastain's talents work like a charm on and off the field. USA Today (AI). p. 14C.

Brewington, P. (1999, July 9). Who has the edge?. USA Today (AI). p. 13C.

Brady, E., Hiestand, M., & Mihoces, G. (1999, July 9). Will interest continue beyond game? (cover story). USA Today (Front Page). p. 1A.

(1999, July 9). USA vs. China. USA Today (A1), p. 13C.

Brewington, P. (1999, July 9). U.S. vets are poised to go out a winner. USA Today (AI). p. 13C.

Brennan, C. (1999, July 9). U.S. team's impact will reach far, wide. USA Today (AI). p. 3C.

Wells, M., Horovitz, B., Farrell, G., & Sparta, C. (1999, July 9). World Cup loses ad game. (cover story). USA Today (Front Page). p. 1B.

Martzke, R. (1999, July 9). ABC's soccer goal: Big buzz about World Cup. USA Today (AI). p. 2C.

Moore, D. (1999, July 9). Goalkeepers: Don't expect any handouts. (cover story). USA Today (Front Page). p. 1C.

Brewington, P. (1999, July 9). Final approach: Let it loose. USA Today (Front Page). p. 1C.

(1999, July 12). A defining moment for women's sports. USA Today (AI). p. 16A.

Brewington, P. (1999, July 12). Champions' work not done. USA Today (AI). p. 14C.

Brewington, P. (1999, July 12). One left foot becomes China's downfall. USA Today (AI). p. 12C.

Mihoces, G. (1999, July 12). World-class fete for USA. (cover story). USA Today (Front Page). p. 1A.

Brewington, P. (1999, July 12). Giving out final grades. USA Today (AI). p. 12C.

Moore, D. (1999, July 12). Nations has new set of soccer heroes. USA Today (AI). p. 12C.

Martzke, R. (1999, July 12). ABC: Ratings for Cup final `phenomenal.'. USA Today (AI). p. 2C.

Brennan, C. (1999, July 12). U.S. team ensures an endering legacy. USA Today (AI). p. 12C.

Lieber, J. (1999, July 12). Women's sports take giant leap. (cover story). USA Today (Front Page). p. 1C.

Brewington, P. (1999, July 12). USA's title brings $1 million bonus. USA Today (Front Page). p. 1C.

(1999, July 13). Women advance in all arenas today. USA Today (A1), p. 3C.

Carey, J., & Hiestand, M. (1999, July 13). World Cup champions keep up a dizzying pace. USA Today (Front Page). p. 1C.

Pedulla, T. (1999, July 14). U.S. women bask in fans' adulation. USA Today (AI). p. 6C.

APPENDIX B

2003 Article References

Whiteside, K. (2003, September 9). Conscience of a team. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

Michaelis, V. (2003, September 10). Milbrett accepts new team role as she recharges. USA Today (A1), p. 6C.

Michaelis, V. (2003, September 11). U.S. goalie Scurry says her comeback not quite complete. USA Today (A1), p. 12C.

Whiteside, K. (2003, September 18). Wambach tough, fearless. USA Today (A1), p. 10C.

Brennan, C. (2003, September 18). Dreams created, then taken away. USA Today (A1), p. 10C.

Whiteside, K. (2003, September 19). U.S. success may buoy WUSA. USA Today (A1), p. 12C.

Whiteside, K. (2003, September 22). WUSA’s impact clear as USA cruises in opener. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

Whiteside, K. (2003, September 22). USA focuses on task, cruises 3-1 in opener. USA Today (A1), p. 10C.

Gardiner, A., Whiteside, K., Patrick, D. & Hiestand, M. (2003, September 24). Scurry, Wagner to play it safe. USA Today (A1), p. 6C.

Brennan, C. (2003, September 25). She may not seek it, but Hamm center of women’s soccer. USA Today (A1), p. 7C.

Whiteside, K. (2003, September 30). Set plays carrying day for USA. USA Today (A1), p. 14C.

Gardiner, A. (2003, October 1). Norway-USA as big as it gets on grand stage. USA Today (A1), p. 12C.

Gardiner, A. (2003, October 2). No glitz, just glory in U.S. victory. USA Today (A1), p. 10C.

Brennan, C. (2003, October 2). Wambach bulls way to star role. USA Today (A1), p. 10C.

Hiestand, M. (2003, October 3). Ex-coach: Soccer play reflects culture. USA Today (A1), p. 3C. 55

Whiteside, K. & Gardiner, A. (2003, October 30). USA’s World Cup win against Norway boots rival out of 2004 Olympics. USA Today (A1), p. 6C.

Whiteside, K. (2003, October 6). USA’s World Cup run derails vs. Germany. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

Brennan, C. (2003, October 6). Loss to Germany bittersweet in end. USA Today (A1), p. 7C.

Whiteside, K. (2003, October 6). No pot of gold for USA’s ‘91ers this time. USA Today (A1), p. 7C.

Whiteside, K. (2003, October 7). U.S. players try to regroup after emotional shock. USA Today (A1), p. 8C.

Brennan, C. (2003, October 8). Loss is relative for Chastain. USA Today (A1), p. 6C.

Whiteside, K. (2003, October 8). Hamm jets in, sees fiance’s Red Sox make history. USA Today (A1), p. 3C.

Akers, M. (2003, October 9). List of reasons for USA’s lost to Germany is a long one. USA Today (A1), p. 2C.

Whiteside, K. (2003, October 10). Boxx, Fawcett named to Cup all-star team. USA Today (A1), p. 14C.

Whitehead, J. (2003, October 10). Canada-USA: ‘Grudge match’. USA Today (A1), p. 3C.

Whiteside, K. (2003, October 10). U.S. players ready to fulfill duty. USA Today (A1), p. 14C.

Whiteside, K. (2003, October 13). USA answers Canada’s talk with 3-1 win for third place. USA Today (A1), p. 16C.

Whiteside, K. (2003, October 13). World Cup shines despite stuggles. USA Today (A1), p. 16C.

APPENDIX C

2007 Article References

Whitehead, J. (2007, September 5). The U.S. Women's World Cup team. USA Today (A1), p. 3C.

Brennan, C. (2007, September 6). Cup timing does women a disservice. USA Today (A1), p. 2C.

Ruibal, S. (2007, September 6). Young USA calm for Cup. USA Today (A1), p. 18C.

Ruibal, S. (2007, September 10). Days of ‘quiet’ Women’s World Cup over: Host China faces big-time pressue. USA Today (A1), p. 20C.

Ruibal, S. (2007, September 12). Ties that bind: Group B gets knotty: USA, 3 others in hot water after soppy draws. USA Today (A1), p. 7C.

Whitehead, J. (2007, September 13). USA vs. Sweden. USA Today (A1), p. 10C.

Ruibal, S. (2007, September 13). Backs against Great Wall, USA’s path gets even bumpier. USA Today (A1), p. 10C.

Ruibal, S. (2007, September 14). Wambach’s toughness buoyed USA: Quick work by medical staff key. USA Today (A1), p. 13C.

Whitehead, J. (2007, September 17). USA vs. Nigeria. USA Today (A1), p. 12C.

Ruibal, S. (2007, September 14). Favored USA in tight group-play battle; Win vs. Nigeria needed Tuesday. USA Today (A1), p. 12C.

Ruibal, S. (2007, September 19). U.S. women top Nigeria, advance at World Cup; Chalupny’s first-minute goal puts USA into quarterfinals. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

Ruibal, S. (2007, September 20). England relishes return to nobility; USA’s quarterfinals foe had long climb after banishment. USA Today (A1), p. 12C.

Hiestand, M. (2007, September 21).Out of studios, Foudy hits road to China. USA Today (A1), p. 3C.

Ruibal, S. (2007, September 24). Power vs. finesse in USA-Brazil game; Americans must counter Brazilians’ speed in semifinal. USA Today (A1), p. 11C. 57

Ruibal, S. (2007, September 25). World Cup exacts a physical toll; Hard hitting had become crucial in women’s soccer. USA Today (A1), p. 14C.

Ruibal, S. (2007, September 26). Stopper for USA gets challenge; Osborne must cool off Brazil ace Marta. USA Today (A1), p. 6C.

Ruibal, S. (2007, September 27). USA changes goalkeeper in surprise move; Scurry steps in for unbeaten Solo against Brazil. USA Today (A1), p. 14C.

Lopresti, M. (2007, September 28). Ryan’s gamble could be legacy. USA Today (A1), p. 12C.

Ruibal, S. (2007, September 28). 4-0 loss means USA plays for third. USA Today (A1), p. 12C.

Whitehead, J. (2007, October 1). USA faces key questions before Olympics. USA Today (A1), p. 8C.

Ruibal, S. & Lieber Steeg, J. (2007, October 1). Solo’s outburst draws strong reaction; U.S. teammates shun goalkeeper. USA Today (A1), p. 8C.

APPENDIX D

2011 Article References

Scott, R. (2011, June 22). Women's World Cup set for kickoff; The USA was the last of 16 teams to qualify for this year's tournament in Germany. After winning Olympic gold in 2008, the Americans seek their first World Cup championship since 1999. USA TODAY's Roxanna Scott breaks down the four groups. USA Today (A1), p. 8C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, June 27). USA adjusting to attacking style; Sundhage wants more possession. USA Today (A1), p. 6C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, June 27). For USA, new World Cup order; Team wants own identity, but toughest field awaits. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

(2011, June 27). Rams' Feeley plans to watch USA play. USA Today (A1), p. 6C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, June 28). Coach: Losses strengthen USA; Women ready for Cup opener. USA Today (A1), p. 8C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, June 29). Team USA savors smooth start. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, June 29). Buehler in right place at right time to seal U.S. win; Halftime adjustment nets her second goal. USA Today (A1), p. 10C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, June 30). Wambach still goal-oriented; But her goal is world title, not scoring. USA Today (A1), p. 7C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 1). Krieger's at home in Germany; U.S. defender hopes to reach final for return trip to Frankfurt. USA Today (A1), p. 7C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 1). USA's goals: Score early, rest easy. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 5). USA seeks continuity, win against Sweden. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 5). Two key starters nursing injuries. USA Today (A1), p. 8C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 5). Midfielders serving USA well; Group nets four goals. USA Today (A1), p. 8C.

(2011, July 6). USA's Hope Solo vs. Sweden's Hedvig Lindahl. USA Today (A1), p. 6C. 59

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 6). USA looks to blend, mend in group finale. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

(2011, July 7). Lilly: USA unlucky, Sweden superb. USA Today (A1), p. 7C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 7). USA drops one, but confidence not lost; Coach predicts team will reach Cup final. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 7). Solo can't save scoreless streak; Keeper hadn't allowed goal in eight games. USA Today (A1), p. 7C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 8). Ex-rebel Solo shines in goal; Team, keeper move past 2007 blowup. USA Today (A1), p. 8C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 8). USA looking to outshine dazzling Marta. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 11). USA tips Brazil, makes semifinals; Solo play salves 2007 benching. USA Today (A1), p. 8C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 12). Team USA savoring tweet smell of success. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 12). Looking ahead to the USA-France semifinal match. USA Today (A1), p. 8C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 12). USA in semifinals but 'not satisfied at all'; France next foe in Cup title quest. USA Today (A1), p. 8C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 13). Reliving finest hour; Persistence paid off as USA played down for 59 stirring minutes. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 13). Buzz building like it's 1999; 12 years after title, U.S. women have 'em talking again. USA Today (A1), p. 10C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 14). USA's second-half shift swings outcome; Cheney paired with Rapinoe lifts midfield. USA Today (A1), p. 8C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 14). Unsinkable USA scores spot in final. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

Brennan, C. (2011, July 15). In this Cup, the play's the thing for USA. USA Today (A1), p. 6C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 15). USA's road to final had its ruts; Losses, benchings teach lessons as team evolves into title threat. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

James, C. (2011, July 15). Fans find U.S. players 'refreshing'. USA Today (A1), p. 6C. 60

(2011, July 15). Bend it like the USA women. USA Today (A1), p. 10A.

James, C. (2011, July 18). U.S. players return to WPS. USA Today (A1), p. 7C.

Brennan, C. (2011, July 18). Heartbreaker for USA, victory for women; Players must live with bitter defeat, but not all is lost. USA Today (A1), p. 7C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 18). Japan gets kicks, seizes Cup; USA sees title slip from grip, losing two leads, shootout. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

(2011, July 18). Abby Wambach's sister expects a 2015 encore; Right now, U.S. star is uncommitted. USA Today (A1), p. 7C.

Lopresti, M. (2011, July 19). USA finds Destiny has a dark side. USA Today (A1), p. 3C.

Berg, A. (2011, July 19). Home after loss, Team USA still wins hearts. USA Today (A1), p. 1C.

Leon Moore, D. (2011, July 19). U.S. women hope buzz continues for fans; Olympics are next quest. USA Today (A1), p. 8C.

Reid, C. & Weir, T. (2011, July 20). USA taking little flak for Cup defeat. USA Today (A1), p. 3C.

APPENDIX E Sample Coding Sheet

2011 USA Today Total # of Mentions

Article Name Date Word Count Section Page #

Depiction of Gender? Athletic Descriptors? Feminine Descriptors?

Male Comparison? Reference to motherhood? Reference to significant other?

Gender of Author? Article type? Article tone? Article focus?

APPENDIX F Coding Instructions

• Article Headline, Date, Word Count, Section and Page number provided in article

• Depiction of Gender: - Stereotypic male: more athletic descriptors, i.e. focus on aggression, athleticism, toughness, etc. - Stereotypic female: more feminine descriptors, i.e. focus on drama, emotions, role as a mother, etc. - Neither - Both

• Athletic Descriptors (list any): - Examples: veteran, dangerous, solid, confident, dynamic

• Female Descriptors (list any): - Examples: young, emotional, dramatic, queen

• Male Comparison (list any): - Examples: “She’s like a linebacker”

• Reference to motherhood (list any): - Example: “Mother of two daughters”

• Reference to significant other (list any): - Example: “Wife of NFL player …”

• Tone of Article (Overall): - Positive - Negative – i.e. critical - Neither - Both

• Type of Article - Example: preview, recap, commentary, feature, etc. 63

• Topic of Article: - Task-relevant – article focuses on the play of the athlete, the game, etc. - Non task-relevant – article focuses on something outside of the game, i.e. shopping, her family life, etc. - Neither - Both