A Study of Thirty-One Homeless Men Residing at the Meurling Refuge Montreal

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A Study of Thirty-One Homeless Men Residing at the Meurling Refuge Montreal FACTORS COl'lTRlBUTING TO HO~\iEIESSNESS A Study of Thirty-one Homeless Men Residing at the Meurling Refuge Montreal. A Thesis Submitted te The Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research at McGill University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Hequirernents for The Master's Degree in Social Werk by Albert Abugov Montreal April 1954: ACRNOWLEDGEMENI' The writer wishes to express appreciation to Mr. G. A. Aubertin, Assistant Director, Department of Social Weltar e , for permission ta use the Meurling Refuge for the study. Appreciation i8 also extended to 1~. Robi t ai l l e , Superintendent of the Meurling Refuge, and to his staff for their cooperation and helpful comments. For their help in the stages of this project the writer is indebted to Mr. E. Choquette, of the Societe d'Orientation et de Rehabilitation Sociale; to Rev. S. Andrews, of the Andrews Home; to Major Joshua Monk, of the Salvation Army Metropole; to Rev, Fll.lford, of the Old Brewery Mission; to Mrs , A. M. Storey, of the Social Service Index; ta I~s. M B. McRae, of the Chil~ren's Service Centre; to Mrs. M. Dannelly, of the Catholic Welfare Bureau; to Mrs. G. L. Fulford, of the Departrrent of Veteran's Affaire; and to Hi ss E. Bar nat eaû , of the Family 'Nelfare Bur eau. Finally, the writer wishes to acknowledge the advice and assistance in the planning and writing of this project given by Mi s s Eva Younge end Dr. John J. O. Hoore, of the School of Social Vlork, McGill University. (ii) TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page No. No. LIST OF TABLES • .. v r INTRODJCTI ON •• . .. .. l Baokground Purpose of the Study Method of the Study II THE HOMELESS l'JAN IN THE COMvIDNITY. .. .. .... 15 Social Contacts • Activitiea III TEŒ MJt:x1RLING REl!UGE. .. .. .. 31 Background Establishment Polioy and Practica Attendanca The Influence of an Institution on the Homeless man IV FACTORS CONI'RIBUT IID TO HOMR:IESSNESS . 47 Education Home Environment Cultural Problems Employment Migration Illne ss Age Marital Status Alcohol1sm Persona11ty Problems v REHABI LITid'ION .AND THE HOMEIESS MAN. ... .. 86 General Consi de rati ons of Home lassnese Considerations in the Development of a Program of Rera bi litation A Rev iew of the Montreal Serviees and Reconmendations Conmunity Planning for the HoneIe ea Man ( Ui) Table of Contents (Continued) Page No. ~PENDIX I- 110 APPENDIX II • • • . 114 APPENDIX III. •• • 116 BIBLIOG?JœHY. • • 118 • • • • • • (iv) LIST OF TABLES Table No. Page No. l Relationships with Relatives and Friends of Thirty-one Homeless Men. ••••••••• • • 20 II Analysis of Intake at the Meurling Refuge, Montreal, for April and May, 1952••••• · . 41 III Extent of Formal Education of the Thirty-one Homele sa Men ••••••••••••••••• 50 IV Birthplace of the Thirty-one Homeless Men. • • 54 v Occupationa l Skills of The Thirty-one Home Lese Men ••••••••••••• . .. 59 VI Nwnber of Jobs IIeld by The Thirty-one Homeless Men During the March, 1951--March, 1952, period ••••••••••••••••• 60 VII Incane of the Thirty-one Homeless Men During the March, 1951--March, 1952, period ••••• 62 VIII Illness of 19 Homeless Men and the Extent of Self Support, Before and After Illness •••• 68 IX Age of the Thirty-one Homeless Men •• •• • • 71 X Marital status of the Thirty-One Hameless Men. • • • • • ..... .. .. ..... 74 (v) CHAPrER l INTRODUCTION Background This study is an analysie of thirty-one interviews held in 1952, with men who were residing at the Meurling Refuge, a municipal shelter in the city of Montreal. It is undertaken with a view to learn of the factors that mieht have sorne bearing on why these particular men have become dependent on an institution of th1s nature. In addi­ tion, the writer will survey other existing services available in Canada for the homeless and consider how these services meat the needs of these men. As described in this study, a "homeless man" will denote one who is not attached to a family group in the community in which he is residing, aven though members of his family might be living in the seme area. Seldom is he willing or able to sustain regular employment, with the result that he has either a marginal income or a complete lack of funds. He may be aresident or a tranaient, but in either ca se he seldom takee a responsible role in the community, and he i8 often dependent upon sorne form of service or assistance provided by this commun1ty. The problem of homelessness and vagrancy cannot be termed a situation peculiar to this century. Rather, it has transcended the years, its particular patterns evolving from the general conditions - 1 - - 2 - and mores of the different eras. In discussing the position of the homeless man in society, Solenberger states: "He is mentioned in earliest tradition and historYj he appears in the literature of every l race and nation." However, the 20th century with its emphasis on urbanization and industrializatlon has seen an intensification of thia problem. No longer are there romantic aspects attached to the wanderings and activities of these menj gone are the singers, fortune tellers and vagabonds of the Elizabethan periode Even the somewhat colourful hobos and tramps of the lats 19th and early 20th century settlement process in the United States and Canada are rapidly disappearing. The present day version of the homeless man can be seen in those areas of most large North American cities wrought with unhealthy influences, where men congregate ta form a sem1-detaahed society and where their pride and self-respect give way ta demoralization. Remedial Measures.- Until the latter part of the 19th century, the English Poor Law was used in an attempt to desl with the existing numbers of homeless and vagrant men. This was basad on the balief that the increase of homelessness was due to the Iaak of rigid enforceroent of the criminal and civil law. Sutherland and Locke refer to the measures adopted in England and Ister in the United States: During most of the 19th century each riaing tlde of vagrancy was met with repressive legislation aimed at making more severe the conditions of movew~nt and of relief for the destitute homeless. 2. 1. Alice Solenberger, One Thousand Homelees Men, New York; Russell Sage Foundation, 1914, p. 1. 2. Edwin H. Sutherland and Harvey J. Locke, Twenty Thousand Hane­ less Men, Chicago: J. B. Lipincott Co., 1936, p. 168. - 3 - W1th the gradual realization by religious and secular groups in Great Britain and the United states, that these measures of deterrence were not affecti ng the fundamental problem, there was the advent of a more humanitarian outlook in the latter part of the century. Religious groups and socially m1nded people be gan to fo.cus some attention on the material needs of the homeless and transient men; and many sincere efforts, though often m1sdirected, were made to sssiet tuese men with food and shelter. The Salvation Army and other religious groups were the first to develop this material aid for homeless men. The giving of such aid wes part of a program which was intended to help redeem the men through religious salvation. The results, in spite of earnest efforts, were negligible. Towards the close of the century the erection of municipal lodging houses and shelters was begun, when the city governments began to take a greater concern in the problem. In reviewing the progress of the latter part of the 19th century towards the welfare of homeless men, Nels Anderson states: The religious and humanitarian movement was sympathetic to the vagrant, but lacked understanding of causative factors and devices for gu1d1ng and controlling rehabilitation. 1. It wes not until the world-wide depress10n of the 1930's when the total numbar of the homeless was swollen by the masses of the unemployed, that the general public in Great Britain and North America 1. Nels Anderson, WVagrancy", Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. XV, p. 206. - 4 - became concerned. The social order, basad on the moral strength of individualism and free enterprise, seemingly faltered and it became apparent that government measures would have to be imp1emented to off­ set the condition that had arisen. With this in mind, social workers and interested persons in the United States, sought for and finally achieved legislation which took the form of Federal Work Projects, Farm Hostels, Youth Training programs, increased she1ter facilities and other attempts at prevention and rehabilitation. In Canada 1egis1ation was of a more limited nature. Public relief for non-resident homeless persons and transients was availab1e on1y for several days on an emergency basis. By 1932 the situation had reached such proportions that the Federal Government established a system of work camps where transients and homeless men cou1d work in return for lodging, clothing and medical services, plus 20 centa a day. The operation of these camps proved unsatisfactory and they were dis­ continued in 193ô. A more auceessfu1 program wes the placement by the Federal Government of these men on ferms in Western Canada. At present, society 1s attempting to mset the physical needs of the home1ess man by the expansion of shelter facilities. It S8eInS to the writer, that in its present form, the shelter might serve several purposes--from the fulfil~ent of the homeless man's immediate require­ ments for food and shelter, to serving as a part of a totel, rehabilita­ tlve process. However, Sutherland and Locke, in their study, "Twenty Thousand Homeless Men", question the effect of "shelterizetlon" on these men. The authors deflne the concept "she1terizatlon" as an - 5 - adjustment to the shelter by the men, which involves a change in their emotional attitudes, as they identify with the ahelter group.l This expression by Sutherland and Locke raises questions as te the adequacy the shelter in meeting the needs of homeless men.
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