20 Century Libertarianism
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Is the Family a Spontaneous Order?
Is the Family a Spontaneous Order? Steven Horwitz Department of Economics St. Lawrence University Canton, NY 13617 TEL (315) 229 5731 FAX (315) 229 5819 Email [email protected] Version 1.0 September 2007 Prepared for the Atlas Foundation “Emergent Orders” conference in Portsmouth, NH, October 27-30, 2007 This paper is part of a larger book project tentatively titled Two Worlds at Once: A Classical Liberal Approach to the Evolution of the Modern Family. I thank Jan Narveson for an email exchange that prompted my thinking about many of the ideas herein. Work on this paper was done while a visiting scholar at the Social Philosophy and Policy Center at Bowling Green State University and I thank the Center for its support. 1 The thirty or so years since F. A. Hayek was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economic Science has seen a steady growth in what might best be termed “Hayek Studies.” His ideas have been critically assessed and our understanding of them has been deepened and extended in numerous ways. At the center of Hayek’s work, especially since the 1950s, was the concept of “spontaneous order.” Spontaneous order (which would be more accurately rendered as “unplanned” or “undesigned” or “emergent” order) refers, at least in the social world, to those human practices, norms, and institutions that are, in the words of Adam Ferguson, “products of human action, but not human design.” For Hayek, this concept was central to his critique of “scientism,” or the belief that human beings could control and manipulate the social world with the (supposed) methods of the natural sciences. -
9780748678662.Pdf
PREHISTORIC MYTHS IN MODERN POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 55200_Widerquist.indd200_Widerquist.indd i 225/11/165/11/16 110:320:32 AAMM 55200_Widerquist.indd200_Widerquist.indd iiii 225/11/165/11/16 110:320:32 AAMM PREHISTORIC MYTHS IN MODERN POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY Karl Widerquist and Grant S. McCall 55200_Widerquist.indd200_Widerquist.indd iiiiii 225/11/165/11/16 110:320:32 AAMM Edinburgh University Press is one of the leading university presses in the UK. We publish academic books and journals in our selected subject areas across the humanities and social sciences, combining cutting-edge scholarship with high editorial and production values to produce academic works of lasting importance. For more information visit our website: edinburghuniversitypress.com © Karl Widerquist and Grant S. McCall, 2017 Edinburgh University Press Ltd The Tun – Holyrood Road, 12(2f) Jackson’s Entry, Edinburgh EH8 8PJ Typeset in 11/13 Adobe Sabon by IDSUK (DataConnection) Ltd, and printed and bound in Great Britain by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon CR0 4YY A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 0 7486 7866 2 (hardback) ISBN 978 0 7486 7867 9 (webready PDF) ISBN 978 0 7486 7869 3 (epub) The right of Karl Widerquist and Grant S. McCall to be identifi ed as the authors of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, and the Copyright and Related Rights Regulations 2003 (SI No. 2498). 55200_Widerquist.indd200_Widerquist.indd iivv 225/11/165/11/16 110:320:32 AAMM CONTENTS Preface vii Acknowledgments -
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
Liberty, Property and Rationality
Liberty, Property and Rationality Concept of Freedom in Murray Rothbard’s Anarcho-capitalism Master’s Thesis Hannu Hästbacka 13.11.2018 University of Helsinki Faculty of Arts General History Tiedekunta/Osasto – Fakultet/Sektion – Faculty Laitos – Institution – Department Humanistinen tiedekunta Filosofian, historian, kulttuurin ja taiteiden tutkimuksen laitos Tekijä – Författare – Author Hannu Hästbacka Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title Liberty, Property and Rationality. Concept of Freedom in Murray Rothbard’s Anarcho-capitalism Oppiaine – Läroämne – Subject Yleinen historia Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Month and Sivumäärä– Sidoantal – Number of pages Pro gradu -tutkielma year 100 13.11.2018 Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract Murray Rothbard (1926–1995) on yksi keskeisimmistä modernin libertarismin taustalla olevista ajattelijoista. Rothbard pitää yksilöllistä vapautta keskeisimpänä periaatteenaan, ja yhdistää filosofiassaan klassisen liberalismin perinnettä itävaltalaiseen taloustieteeseen, teleologiseen luonnonoikeusajatteluun sekä individualistiseen anarkismiin. Hänen tavoitteenaan on kehittää puhtaaseen järkeen pohjautuva oikeusoppi, jonka pohjalta voidaan perustaa vapaiden markkinoiden ihanneyhteiskunta. Valtiota ei täten Rothbardin ihanneyhteiskunnassa ole, vaan vastuu yksilöllisten luonnonoikeuksien toteutumisesta on kokonaan yksilöllä itsellään. Tutkin työssäni vapauden käsitettä Rothbardin anarko-kapitalistisessa filosofiassa. Selvitän ja analysoin Rothbardin ajattelun keskeisimpiä elementtejä niiden filosofisissa, -
If Not Left-Libertarianism, Then What?
COSMOS + TAXIS If Not Left-Libertarianism, then What? A Fourth Way out of the Dilemma Facing Libertarianism LAURENT DOBUZINSKIS Department of Political Science Simon Fraser University 8888 University Drive Burnaby, B.C. Canada V5A 1S6 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.sfu.ca/politics/faculty/full-time/laurent_dobuzinskis.html Bio-Sketch: Laurent Dobuzinskis’ research is focused on the history of economic and political thought, with special emphasis on French political economy, the philosophy of the social sciences, and public policy analysis. Abstract: Can the theories and approaches that fall under the more or less overlapping labels “classical liberalism” or “libertarianism” be saved from themselves? By adhering too dogmatically to their principles, libertarians may have painted themselves into a corner. They have generally failed to generate broad political or even intellectual support. Some of the reasons for this isolation include their reluctance to recognize the multiplicity of ways order emerges in different contexts and, more 31 significantly, their unshakable faith in the virtues of free markets renders them somewhat blind to economic inequalities; their strict construction of property rights and profound distrust of state institutions leave them unable to recommend public policies that could alleviate such problems. The doctrine advanced by “left-libertarians” and market socialists address these substantive weaknesses in ways that are examined in detail in this paper. But I argue that these “third way” movements do not stand any better chance than libertari- + TAXIS COSMOS anism tout court to become a viable and powerful political force. The deeply paradoxical character of their ideas would make it very difficult for any party or leader to gain political traction by building an election platform on them. -
Critical Notice of GA Cohen's Self-Ownership, Freedom
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Missouri: MOspace “Critical Notice of G.A. Cohen’s Self-Ownership, Freedom, and Equality ”, Canadian Journal of Philosophy 28 (1998): 609-626. Peter Vallentyne SELF-OWNERSHIP FOR EGALITARIANS G.A. Cohen’s book brings together and elaborates on articles that he has written on self- ownership, on Marx’s theory of exploitation, and on the future of socialism. Although seven of the eleven chapters have been previously published (1977-1992), this is not merely a collection of articles. There is a superb introduction that gives an overview of how the chapters fit together and of their historical relation to each other. Most chapters have a new introduction and often a postscript or addendum that connect them with other chapters. And the four new chapters (on justice and market transactions, exploitation in Marx, the concept of self-ownership, and the plausibility of the thesis of self-ownership) are important contributions that round out and bring closure to many of the central issues. As always with Cohen, the writing is crystal clear, and full of compelling examples, deep insights, and powerful arguments. Cohen has long been recognized as one of the most important exponents of analytic Marxism. His innovative, rigorous, and exciting interpretations of Marx’s theories of history and of exploitation have had a major impact on Marxist scholarship. Starting in the mid-1970s he has increasingly turned his attention to normative political philosophy. As Cohen describes it, he was awakened from his “dogmatic socialist slumbers” by Nozick’s famous Wilt Chamberlain example in which people starting from a position of equality (or other favored patterned distribution) freely choose to pay to watch Wilt Chamberlain play, and the net result is inequality (or other unfavored pattern). -
From Smith to Menger to Hayek Liberalism in the Spontaneous-Order Tradition
SUBSCRIBE NOW AND RECEIVE CRISIS AND LEVIATHAN* FREE! “The Independent Review does not accept “The Independent Review is pronouncements of government officials nor the excellent.” conventional wisdom at face value.” —GARY BECKER, Noble Laureate —JOHN R. MACARTHUR, Publisher, Harper’s in Economic Sciences Subscribe to The Independent Review and receive a free book of your choice* such as the 25th Anniversary Edition of Crisis and Leviathan: Critical Episodes in the Growth of American Government, by Founding Editor Robert Higgs. This quarterly journal, guided by co-editors Christopher J. Coyne, and Michael C. Munger, and Robert M. Whaples offers leading-edge insights on today’s most critical issues in economics, healthcare, education, law, history, political science, philosophy, and sociology. Thought-provoking and educational, The Independent Review is blazing the way toward informed debate! Student? Educator? Journalist? Business or civic leader? Engaged citizen? This journal is for YOU! *Order today for more FREE book options Perfect for students or anyone on the go! The Independent Review is available on mobile devices or tablets: iOS devices, Amazon Kindle Fire, or Android through Magzter. INDEPENDENT INSTITUTE, 100 SWAN WAY, OAKLAND, CA 94621 • 800-927-8733 • [email protected] PROMO CODE IRA1703 From Smith to Menger to Hayek Liberalism in the Spontaneous-Order Tradition —————— ✦ —————— STEVEN HORWITZ ately, thinkers from both the political left and the political right have increas- ingly been making critical comments about the Enlightenment and the politi- Lcal liberalism normally associated with it. Many of these criticisms center around the concern that the tradition of Enlightenment liberalism portrays human beings as hyperrational or extremely atomized. -
Beyond Individualism and Spontaneity: Comments on Peter Boettke and Christopher Coyneଝ Michael D
Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization Vol. 57 (2005) 167–172 Beyond individualism and spontaneity: Comments on Peter Boettke and Christopher Coyneଝ Michael D. McGinnis ∗ Department of Political Science, Woodburn Hall 210, 1100 E. 7th Street, Indiana University, Bloomington, IN 47405-6001, USA Received 30 January 2004; received in revised form 1 May 2004; accepted 7 June 2004 Available online 26 February 2005 Abstract This paper builds on the work of Boettke and Coyne that locates the research of Elinor and Vincent Ostrom and their Workshop colleagues within a broad intellectual tradition of long duration. It is argued that the Ostroms and the rest of the Workshop have made rather substantial departures beyond these intellectual forebears than may be evident from Boettke and Coyne’s overview. Specific focus is placed on two of the major points that they discuss: methodological individualism and spontaneous order. © 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. JEL classification: B4 Keywords: Elinor Ostrom; Vincent Ostrom; Methodological individualism; Spontaneous order I want to thank Peter Boettke and Christopher Coyne for writing this excellent back- ground paper locating the research of Elinor and Vincent Ostrom and their Workshop colleagues within a broad intellectual tradition of long duration. I have been associated with the Workshop for a little over ten years now, and it is reassuring to realize that I am ଝ Prepared for presentation at the Academic Conference in Honor of the Work of Elinor and Vincent Ostrom, George Mason University Law School, November 7, 2003. ∗ Tel.: +1 812 855 8784/0441; fax: +1 812 855 2027. E-mail address: [email protected]. -
Argumentation Ethics and the Question of Self- Ownership*
The Journal of Private Enterprise 30(3), 2015, 79–88 Argumentation Ethics and the Question of Self- Ownership* Andrew T. Young West Virginia University ______________________________________________________ Abstract The anarcho-capitalist philosopher, Hans-Hermann Hoppe (1993; 2004), claims that self-ownership is the only ethical solution to the problem of social order. He claims that any denial of self-ownership represents a performative contradiction: that actively arguing against self-ownership presupposes one’s self-ownership. I examine Hoppe’s ethics and argue that, within that framework, self-ownership is a (not the) permissible ethic. There are strong empirical and theoretical cases to be made for libertarianism. Catching nonlibertarians in performative contradictions (gotcha!) is not one of them. __________________________________________________________ JEL Codes: P10, D63 Keywords: ethics, private property, self-ownership, categorical imperatives, universalist critique, argumentation, rationality, libertarianism I. Introduction Do humans have rights? If so, why? Some argue that individual rights are ethically prior to the consequences that follow from them. Ayn Rand and Murray Rothbard provide arguments along these lines. This perspective is also, broadly, that of natural rights theorists such as John Locke. For other libertarians, the ethical proof of the rights- based pudding is in the eating. Economists such as Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich Hayek advocate the provision of individual rights because they lead to a more prosperous society. Individual rights—in particular, well-defined and enforced rights to one’s person and property—facilitate social cooperation. They are ethically desirable *I am in great debt to Frank van Dun for his extensive comments on this paper. I also thank Walter Block and Stephan Kinsella for comments on a previous draft. -
Government, Money, and International Politics
Etica & Politica / Ethics & Politics, 2003, 2 http://www.units.it/etica/2003_2/HOPPE.htm Government, Money, and International Politics Hans-Hermann Hoppe Department of Economics University of Nevada ABSTRACT In this paper, the author deals with: (1) Definition of government; incentive structure under government: taxation, war and territorial expansion. (2) Origin of money; government and money; the devolution of money from commodity to fiat money. (3) International politics and monetary regimes; monetary imperialism and the drive toward a one-world central bank and fiat currency. 1. Government defined Let me begin with the definition of government: A government is a compulsory territorial monopolist of ultimate decision-making (jurisdiction) and, implied in this, a compulsory territorial monopolist of taxation. That is, a government is the ultimate arbiter, for the inhabitants of a given territory, regarding what is just and what is not, and it can determine unilaterally, i.e., without requiring the consent of those seeking justice or arbitration, the price that justice-seekers must pay to the government for providing this service. (1) Except for some so-called public choice economists such as James Buchanan, it is obvious that such an extraordinary institution cannot arise “naturally”, as the outcome of voluntary contractual agreements among individual property owners. (2) For no one would agree to a deal that entitled someone else, once and for all, to determine whether or not one was truly the owner of one’s own property, and no one would agree to a deal that entitled this monopoly judge with the power to impose taxes on oneself. -
The Fallacy of a Priori Statism
THE FALLACY OF A PRIORI STATISM Alan G. Futerman* & Walter E. Block** I. INTRODUCTION In this Article, we attempt to undermine the intellectual case for statism and defend anarchism. Part II addresses the fallacy of a priori statism, and Part III presents the justification for anarchism. The burden of Part IV is to deal with objections. We conclude in Part V. II. A PRIORI STATISM In the field of epistemology, the a priori, in Kant’s view,1 corresponds to that knowledge which is independent of experience2 and, according to John Stuart Mill, before experience.3 Statism may be defined as the doctrine holding the government as a solution to virtually every problem.4 Statists place the government * © Alan G. Futerman, University of the Latin American Educational Center, Rosario, Argentina, [email protected]. ** © Walter E. Block, Harold E. Wirth Endowed Chair and Professor of Economics, College of Business, Loyola University New Orleans, and senior fellow at the Mises Institute. Columbia University (Ph.D., Economics, 1972). 1. IMMANUEL KANT, CRITIQUE OF PURE REASON 127 (Paul Guyer & Allen W. Wood trans., Cambridge University Press 1998) (1781). 2. The a priori is knowledge that is absolutely “independent of all experience.” Id. at 136, quoted in Bruce Russell, A Priori Justification and Knowledge, STAN. ENCYCLOPEDIA PHIL. (May 19, 2014), https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/sum2017/entries/apriori/. 3. John Stuart Mill explains: We cannot acquire any genuine knowledge a priori, then. Mill holds that knowledge can be obtained only by empirical observation, and by reasoning which takes place on the ground of such observations. -
Eugene Heath, Spontaneous Social Order and Liberalism
SPONTANEOUS SOCIAL ORDER AND LIBERALISM Eugene Heath* Abstract Focusing on the ideas of order and social order, this essay offers an analysis of how Hayek’s social theory of spontaneous order may relate to his political theory of liberalism. It is suggested that a moral justification of liberalism may flow from the qualities or virtues that are inextricably connected with a spontaneous social order. This justification is Hayekian, though it is not Hayek’s. Introduction The thought of Friedrich A. Hayek spans several decades and incorporates interrelated theories of economics, society, law, and politics. Hayek is vague, how- ever, on a specific and important question: How does his theory of society, under- stood as a theory of spontaneous social order, relate to his political liberalism? To pose this question is to consider whether Hayek’s social theory plays a role in justi- fying his political theory. Even as one recognizes the features of both theories, it is unclear how the social theory provides the grounds for the political. Hayek seeks to combat a view of society, typically labeled “rationalist constructivist,” that posits that beneficial social patterns must arise from some rational intention, purposeful agreement, or design. Against this outlook, Hayek counters with his theory of spontaneous order, and in so doing he also delineates a liberal theory of politics. Are there any properties of spontaneous order that would provide a nor- mative and theoretical justification of Hayek’s liberal rule of law? A positive re- sponse requires focus on a much neglected question: How ought we to conceive of * Eugene Heath is Associate Professor of Philosophy at the State University of New York at New Paltz.