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The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments
A Compliant Court: The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments Lauren Paige Joyce Judson Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of: Master of Arts In Political Science Jason P. Kelly, Chair Wayne D. Moore Karen M. Hult August 7, 2014 Blacksburg, Virginia Keywords: Judicial Politics, Electoral Realignment, Alteration to the Supreme Court Copyright 2014, Lauren J. Judson A Compliant Court: The Political Effects of the Addition of Judgeships to the United States Supreme Court Following Electoral Realignments Lauren J. Judson ABSTRACT During periods of turmoil when ideological preferences between the federal branches of government fail to align, the relationship between the three quickly turns tumultuous. Electoral realignments especially have the potential to increase tension between the branches. When a new party replaces the “old order” in both the legislature and the executive branches, the possibility for conflict emerges with the Court. Justices who make decisions based on old regime preferences of the party that had appointed them to the bench will likely clash with the new ideological preferences of the incoming party. In these circumstances, the president or Congress may seek to weaken the influence of the Court through court-curbing methods. One example Congress may utilize is changing the actual size of the Supreme The size of the Supreme Court has increased four times in United States history, and three out of the four alterations happened after an electoral realignment. Through analysis of Supreme Court cases, this thesis seeks to determine if, after an electoral realignment, holdings of the Court on issues of policy were more congruent with the new party in power after the change in composition as well to examine any change in individual vote tallies of the justices driven by the voting behavior of the newly appointed justice(s). -
16-1423 Ortiz V. United States (06/22/2018)
Summary 6/25/2018 1:41:01 PM Differences exist between documents. New Document: Old Document: 16-1423_new 16-1423 71 pages (394 KB) 71 pages (394 KB) 6/25/2018 1:40:53 PM 6/25/2018 1:40:53 PM Used to display results. Get started: first change is on page 43. No pages were deleted How to read this report Highlight indicates a change. Deleted indicates deleted content. indicates pages were changed. indicates pages were moved. file://NoURLProvided[6/25/2018 1:41:22 PM] (Slip Opinion) OCTOBER TERM, 2017 1 Syllabus NOTE: Where it is feasible, a syllabus (headnote) will be released, as is being done in connection with this case, at the time the opinion is issued. The syllabus constitutes no part of the opinion of the Court but has been prepared by the Reporter of Decisions for the convenience of the reader. See United States v. Detroit Timber & Lumber Co., 200 U. S. 321, 337. SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES Syllabus ORTIZ v. UNITED STATES CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE ARMED FORCES No. 16–1423. Argued January 16, 2018—Decided June 22, 2018 Congress has long provided for specialized military courts to adjudicate charges against service members. Today, courts-martial hear cases involving crimes unconnected with military service. They are also subject to several tiers of appellate review, and thus are part of an in- tegrated “court-martial system” that resembles civilian structures of justice. That system begins with the court-martial itself, a tribunal that determines guilt or innocence and levies punishment, up to life- time imprisonment or execution. -
Conservative Progressivism in Immigrant Habeas Court: Why Boumediene V
CONSERVATIVE PROGRESSIVISM IN IMMIGRANT HABEAS COURT: WHY BOUMEDIENE V. BUSH IS THE BASELINE CONSTITUTIONAL MINIMUM JOSHUA J. SCHROEDER ∞ ABSTRACT This article opens with a presentation of the six baseline holdings of Boumediene v. Bush as an expression of the basic constitutional minimum required under the Suspension Clause for all habeas cases. Then it describes the Circuit split that gave rise to DHS v. Thuraissigiam, which distinguished Boumediene according to the Court’s Conservative Progressive ideology. In Thuraissigiam, this ideology was symbolized by Landon v. Plasencia that favored Mathews v. Eldridge post- racial balancing tests to real justice. Then this article exposes the reasons why Thuraissigiam should be distinguished in all future cases, as Justice Sotomayor contended, according to its highly individualized, narrow set of circumstances. For as Sotomayor wrote in dissent, Thuraissigiam is “nothing short of a self-imposed injury to the Judiciary, to the separation of powers, and to the values embodied in the promise of the Great Writ.” As such, its rationale should not be followed or repeated, as it may soon fall into the same kind of disrepute as cases like Korematsu, Plessy, and Buck v. Bell. In an unrelated matter USAID v. Alliance For Open Society, the Court attempted to rewrite the holdings of Boumediene as the opposite of what they were sub silentio. The Court should not be allowed to apply Boumediene as if it held the opposite of what it actually held. So fundamental is the holding of Boumediene to basic liberty in America that if the Court fails to rediscover the baseline holdings of Boumediene for whatever reason, it is possible the nation could founder. -
Just Because John Marshall Said It, Doesn't Make It So: Ex Parte
Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship 2000 Just Because John Marshall Said it, Doesn't Make it So: Ex Parte Bollman and the Illusory Prohibition on the Federal Writ of Habeas Corpus for State Prisoners in the Judiciary Act of 1789 Eric M. Freedman Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship Recommended Citation Eric M. Freedman, Just Because John Marshall Said it, Doesn't Make it So: Ex Parte Bollman and the Illusory Prohibition on the Federal Writ of Habeas Corpus for State Prisoners in the Judiciary Act of 1789, 51 Ala. L. Rev. 531 (2000) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship/53 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MILESTONES IN HABEAS CORPUS: PART I JUST BECAUSE JOHN MARSHALL SAID IT, DOESN'T MAKE IT So: Ex PARTE BoLLMAN AND THE ILLUSORY PROHIBITION ON THE FEDERAL WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS FOR STATE PRISONERS IN THE JUDIcIARY ACT OF 1789 Eric M. Freedman* * Professor of Law, Hofstra University School of Law ([email protected]). BA 1975, Yale University;, MA 1977, Victoria University of Wellington (New Zea- land); J.D. 1979, Yale University. This work is copyrighted by the author, who retains all rights thereto. -
Celebrating the 200Th Anniversary of the Federal Courts of the District of Columbia
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2002 Celebrating the 200th Anniversary of the Federal Courts of the District of Columbia Susan Low Bloch Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1516 90 Geo. L.J. 549-605 (2002) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Courts Commons, and the Legal History Commons Celebrating the 200th Anniversary of the Federal Courts of the District of Columbia SUSAN Low BLOCH* AND RUTH BADER GINSBURG** INTRODUCTION February 27, 2001 marked the 200th anniversary of the federal courts of the District of Columbia, the courts we know today as the United States District Court for the District of Columbia and the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. The history of these courts is complex, and sometimes enigmatic. Their names changed no fewer than six times since their creation; for some thirty years, from 1863 until 1893, the two courts existed as one umbrella tribunal, named the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia.' The courts' location in the nation's capital and their dual jurisdiction as both federal and local forums rendered the District of Columbia courts unique tribunals destined to make substantial contributions to American jurisprudence. This Essay describes the evolution of these courts from a three-judge circuit court with both trial and appellate jurisdiction to the two courts whose 200th anniversary we celebrated this past year.2 It then examines two main themes characteristic of these unique tribunals. -
The Aaron Burr Trial Claudia Bell
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Honors Theses Student Research Winter 1967 The Aaron Burr Trial Claudia Bell Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/honors-theses Recommended Citation Bell, Claudia, "The Aaron Burr Trial" (1967). Honors Theses. Paper 398. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND LIBRARIES 1111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111 3 3082 00688 8159 THE AARON BURR TRIAL by Claudia Bell typed by Susie Johnston Honors Paper December 19, 1967 PREFACE The Aaron Burr trial was one of the most interesting cases in American history. Not only was the testimony at the inquiry significant but all events leading to the trial were important. Only those occurrences in Burr 1 s life which led to his tria 1 a re des.crihe.d;-. since perronal situations have no bearing on the case. The trial itself has been clone with as nm.ch detail as possible in order to make the outcome of the inquest understandable. TABLE OF CDNTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. BACKGROUND • . • • • • • . • • . 1 II. INDICTMElIT B2FORE TP..E GR.Ai'JD JURY • . .13 III. TRIAL BUJRE THE PEI'IT JURY. • . .22 IV. SUhMARY. • . .33 FOOTNOTES. • . .37 BIBLIOGRAPHY • .43 CP.AP'I'ER 1 BAGKGROillm One of the most iT!T_!)Ortant events of 1807 was the .Aaron Burr trial. by the final day of the inquest a dispute between the judicial and exec- utive branches of the federal government had been brought to a head and the consr,ructive definition of treason had been negated. -
The Political Career of Stephen W
37? N &/J /V z 7 PORTRAIT OF AN AGE: THE POLITICAL CAREER OF STEPHEN W. DORSEY, 1868-1889 DISSERTATION Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By Sharon K. Lowry, M.A. Denton, Texas May, 19 80 @ Copyright by Sharon K. Lowry 1980 Lowry, Sharon K., Portrait of an Age: The Political Career of Stephen W. Dorsey, 1868-1889. Doctor of Philosophy (History), May, 1980, 447 pp., 6 tables, 1 map, bibliography, 194 titles. The political career of Stephen Dorsey provides a focus for much of the Gilded Age. Dorsey was involved in many significant events of the period. He was a carpetbagger during Reconstruction and played a major role in the Compromise of 1877. He was a leader of the Stalwart wing of the Republican party, and he managed Garfield's 1880 presidential campaign. The Star Route Frauds was one of the greatest scandals of a scandal-ridden era, and Dorsey was a central figure in these frauds. Dorsey tried to revive his political career in New Mexico after his acquittal in the Star Route Frauds, but his reputation never recovered from the notoriety he received at the hands of the star route prosecutors. Like many of his contemporaries in Gilded Age politics, Dorsey left no personal papers which might have assisted a biographer. Sources for this study included manuscripts in the Library of Congress and the New Mexico State Records Center and Archives in Santa Fe; this study also made use of newspapers, records in the National Archives, congressional investigations of Dorsey printed in the reports and documents of the House and Senate, and the transcripts of the star route trials. -
Federalist Politics and William Marbury's Appointment As Justice of the Peace
Catholic University Law Review Volume 45 Issue 2 Winter 1996 Article 2 1996 Marbury's Travail: Federalist Politics and William Marbury's Appointment as Justice of the Peace. David F. Forte Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview Recommended Citation David F. Forte, Marbury's Travail: Federalist Politics and William Marbury's Appointment as Justice of the Peace., 45 Cath. U. L. Rev. 349 (1996). Available at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview/vol45/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Catholic University Law Review by an authorized editor of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLES MARBURY'S TRAVAIL: FEDERALIST POLITICS AND WILLIAM MARBURY'S APPOINTMENT AS JUSTICE OF THE PEACE* David F. Forte** * The author certifies that, to the best of his ability and belief, each citation to unpublished manuscript sources accurately reflects the information or proposition asserted in the text. ** Professor of Law, Cleveland State University. A.B., Harvard University; M.A., Manchester University; Ph.D., University of Toronto; J.D., Columbia University. After four years of research in research libraries throughout the northeast and middle Atlantic states, it is difficult for me to thank the dozens of people who personally took an interest in this work and gave so much of their expertise to its completion. I apologize for the inevita- ble omissions that follow. My thanks to those who reviewed the text and gave me the benefits of their comments and advice: the late George Haskins, Forrest McDonald, Victor Rosenblum, William van Alstyne, Richard Aynes, Ronald Rotunda, James O'Fallon, Deborah Klein, Patricia Mc- Coy, and Steven Gottlieb. -
The Administration of Justice in the Counties of Fairfax and Alexandria
The Administration ofJustice in the Counties of Fairfax and Alexandria (Arlington) and the City of Alexandria Part I By RoBERT NELSON ANDERSON* * * * * NoTE: The purpose of this article is to point out the courts of law that would have been available to a person residing in the area now known as Arlington County at any period of time from Colonial days to the present. Hence the narra tive stops as far as Fairfax County is concerned when jurisdiction was taken by the Federal Government over the Virginia portion of the District of Columbia in r8or and as far as Alexandria City is concerned when a court house was erected in Alex andria County (now Arlington) in r89i, thereby locating the County's judicial center within its own borders. Other than the courts that existed in the Virginia portion of the District of Columbia, this article is not intended to cover the Federal courts. * * * * In the year 1634, twenty-seven yea rs after the landing of the English colo nists at Jamestown, the various settlements that had been made over the new territory were by an act of the General Assembly of the province organized into eight distinct shires, or counties, as follows: The Isle of Wight, west of t)i.e James River; Henrico, Warwick, Elizabeth City, James City, and Charles City, between the James and Rappahannock Rivers; York; and Northampton on the eastern shore of the Chesapeake Bay. In 1648, the isolated settlements that had been made at Chicacoan,1 on the shores of the lower Potomac, were organized into another county, named Northumberland,2 the boundaries of which were defined as embracing all that territory lying between the Potomac and Rappahannock Rivers and extending from the Chesapeake Bay to the headwaters of such rivers high up in the Allegheny Mountains. -
Robert Purdy, 3Rd WV Inf/6Th WV Cav & Potomac
ROBERT PURDY, CIVIL WAR SOLDIER FROM MARSHALL COUNTY Written by Linda Cunningham Fluharty, May 21, 2012 Eric McFadden sent a file (which follows) about Civil War soldier, Robert C. Purdy, of Moundsville, Marshall County. Purdy had some connection to the President Lincoln Conspiracy-Assassination trials and Eric's records are from that proceeding. At first, it seemed that the Robert Purdy was the man in the 3rd West Virginia that subsequently became the 6th West Virginia Cavalry, but evidence now indicates that the Robert C. Purdy related to the Assassination Trial enlisted in the 2nd Maryland Cavalry and was transferred to Company "M" of the Maryland 1st Regiment Potomac Home Brigade. Since only one Robert C. Purdy has been found, perhaps the same man was in both organizations. Service Records of Robert C. Purdy exist for both regiments. Robert C. Purdy in Company "I" of the 3rd Infanty/6th Cavalry was 41 when he enlisted 11 Dec 1861 in the 3rd Infantry. He was born in West Chester, NY. He received a Medical Discharge 11 July 1863. This is his family in the 1860 Census of Marshall County: PURDY (551) Robt. C...39-wm...painter...NY Minerva...38-wf...OH William...20-wm...VA Mary E...18-wf...VA Henrietta M...16-wf...OH Martha N...12-wf...OH Robert C Purdy - "alias Ashley," according to the Service Record - in Company "M" of the 1st Regiment Potomac Home Brigade, Maryland was 23 years old (one page says 33), 5'10" tall, born in Marshall County, when he enlisted 9 Sep 1864 at Cumberland, MD to serve two years. -
John-Adams-3-Contents.Pdf
Contents TREATY COMMISSIONER AND MINISTER TO THE NETHERLANDS AND TO GREAT BRITAIN, 1784–1788 To Joseph Reed, February 11, 1784 Washington’s Character ....................... 3 To Charles Spener, March 24, 1784 “Three grand Objects” ........................ 4 To the Marquis de Lafayette, March 28, 1784 Chivalric Orders ............................ 5 To Samuel Adams, May 4, 1784 “Justice may not be done me” ................... 6 To John Quincy Adams, June 1784 “The Art of writing Letters”................... 8 From the Diary: June 22–July 10, 1784 ............. 9 To Abigail Adams, July 26, 1784 “The happiest Man upon Earth”................ 10 To Abigail Adams 2nd, July 27, 1784 Keeping a Journal .......................... 12 To James Warren, August 27, 1784 Diplomatic Salaries ......................... 13 To Benjamin Waterhouse, April 23, 1785 John Quincy’s Education ..................... 15 To Elbridge Gerry, May 2, 1785 “Kinds of Vanity” .......................... 16 From the Diary: May 3, 1785 ..................... 23 To John Jay, June 2, 1785 Meeting George III ......................... 24 To Samuel Adams, August 15, 1785 “The contagion of luxury” .................... 28 xi 9781598534665_Adams_Writings_791165.indb 11 12/10/15 8:38 AM xii CONteNtS To John Jebb, August 21, 1785 Salaries for Public Officers .................... 29 To John Jebb, September 10, 1785 “The first Step of Corruption”.................. 33 To Thomas Jefferson, February 17, 1786 The Ambassador from Tripoli .................. 38 To William White, February 28, 1786 Religious Liberty ........................... 41 To Matthew Robinson-Morris, March 4–20, 1786 Liberty and Commerce....................... 42 To Granville Sharp, March 8, 1786 The Slave Trade............................ 45 To Matthew Robinson-Morris, March 23, 1786 American Debt ............................ 46 From the Diary: March 30, 1786 .................. 49 Notes on a Tour of England with Thomas Jefferson, April 1786 ............................... -
Maryland Historical Magazine, 1942, Volume 37, Issue No. 3
G ^ MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE VOL. XXXVII SEPTEMBER, 1942 No. } BARBARA FRIETSCHIE By DOROTHY MACKAY QUYNN and WILLIAM ROGERS QUYNN In October, 1863, the Atlantic Monthly published Whittier's ballad, "' Barbara Frietchie." Almost immediately a controversy arose about the truth of the poet's version of the story. As the years passed, the controversy became more involved until every period and phase of the heroine's life were included. This paper attempts to separate fact from fiction, and to study the growth of the legend concerning the life of Mrs. John Casper Frietschie, nee Barbara Hauer, known to the world as Barbara Fritchie. I. THE HEROINE AND HER FAMILY On September 30, 1754, the ship Neptune arrived in Phila- delphia with its cargo of " 400 souls," among them Johann Niklaus Hauer. The immigrants, who came from the " Palatinate, Darmstad and Zweybrecht" 1 went to the Court House, where they took the oath of allegiance to the British Crown, Hauer being among those sufficiently literate to sign his name, instead of making his mark.2 Niklaus Hauer and his wife, Catherine, came from the Pala- tinate.3 The only source for his birthplace is the family Bible, in which it is noted that he was born on August 6, 1733, in " Germany in Nassau-Saarbriicken, Dildendorf." 4 This probably 1 Hesse-Darmstadt, and Zweibriicken in the Rhenish Palatinate. 2 Ralph Beaver Strassburger, Pennsylvania German Pioneers (Morristown, Penna.), I (1934), 620, 622, 625; Pennsylvania Colonial Records, IV (Harrisburg, 1851), 306-7; see Appendix I. 8 T. J. C, Williams and Folger McKinsey, History of Frederick County, Maryland (Hagerstown, Md., 1910), II, 1047.