The Wittenberg History Joumal Wittenberg University • Springfield, Ohio Volume XXIX Spring2000 On The Cover

The Wittenberg University History Department has been housed in four other buildings, prior to moving to Hollenbeck Hall in the winter of 1999. Pictured on the front cover are the five buildings in which the History Department has made its home.

Myers Hall (1845 86) - Myers was the original building of Wittenberg University. It housed classrooms and dormitories for students and faculty.

Recitation Hall (1886-1963) - Recitation Hall was built through money donated by residents of the city of Springfield; the University had outgrown Myers as its only structure.

Zimmerman Hall (1963-78) - Zimmerman became the stomping ground for history majors after the elimination of the home economics program, which was formerly housed here.

Ermarth Center for the Humanities (1978-99) - Synod and Learner Halls, which make up the Ermarth Center for the Humanities, became the home of the history department after the departure of the Hamma Divinity School from Wittenberg. The school is now located in Columbus, Ohio, in consolidation with Capital University.

Hollenbeck Hall (2000) - Wittenberg's first freestanding academic building in more than thirty years was dedicated January 28, 2000. The building houses the departments of history, philosophy, religion, political science, English, and foreign languages, as well as the East Asian and Russian Area studies programs. The Math and Writer's Workshops and the International Education office also make their home in Hollenbeck. From the Editors: The 2000 WittenbergUniversity History Journal contains a wide variety of papers in many styles and covering very different subject matters. These papers were the cream of the crop from an exemplary group of papers, and selecting these few was a strenuous decision for the editorial staff. The staff enjoyed reading the submitted papers; this Journalwould not be possible without such quality student submissions. Gratitude is extended to the members of the Department of History, with a special thanks to department secretary Margaret DeButy, for all of their support, advice, and guidance. We would especially like to thank our advisor, Dr. Tammy Proctor, for all of her assistance over the last few months. Finally, a resounding thank you to our editorial staff, who worked tirelessly to make this Journalthe fine piece of work we present to you. It is the dedication of aI] these individuals working together that allows the History Journal to become a reality every year. We hope you enjoy this year's Journal and appreciate the support we have received from the Wittenberg community.

Melinda Scott Sarah Lanzel

The Wittenberg University History Journal 1999-2000 Editorial Staff

Co-editors ...... Melinda Scott Sarah Lanzel

Editorial staff ...... Josh Guerrieri Kevin Hubbard Jeff Lewis Tim Nave Sky Schelle Jessie Zawacki

Adviser ...... Dr Tammy Proctor

The Hartie Papers The Martha and Robert G. Hartje Award is presented armually to a senior in the spring semester. The History Department determines the three finalists who write a 600-800 word narrative essay dealing with a historical event or figure. The finalists must have at least a 2.7 grade-point average and have completed at least six history courses. The winner is awarded $400 at a spring semester History Department colloquium and all three entries are included in the History Journal. Table of Contents

Context Under Pressure: The Henry Wirz Trial by Josh Guerrieri Wittenberg University Class of 2001 ...... 1

Defining the Peasantry in the Conflicts of 1857: Collective Identity or Collective Action? by Andrea Brunsvold Wittenberg University Class of 2000 ...... 8

The Politics of Misinformation: John F. Kennedy and Failure at the Bay of Pigs by Melinda Scott Wittenberg University Class of 200i ...... 14

HARTJEPAPERS The Japanese Success and its Roots in the Meiji Restoration by JohnBodin Wittenberg University Class of 2000 ...... 23

The Nazi-Soviet Pact: The Better of Two Deals by Andrea Brunsvold Wittenberg University Class of 2000 ...... 25

Surviving the Torrent: Victor Heiser and the Great Fiood of Johnstown, Pennsylavania by Sarah LanzeI Wittenberg University Class of 2000 ...... 27

Contributors .: ...... 30

Address correspondence to: Editor The Wittenberg University History Journal Department of History Wittenberg University Post Office 720 Springfield,Ohio 45501-720 Context Under Pressure: The Henry Wirz Trial • 4

Context Under Pressure: The Henry Wirz Trial

By Josh Guerrieri WittenbergClass of 2001

At 10:15 a.m. on 10 November 1865, the was so botched that the issue at hand, war doors of The Capital Prison opened, revealing a crimes, was pushed to the background. In the sick old man. As he made his way through the minds of most everyone, the guilty verdict was courtyard to the scaffold, the crowd exploded rendered even before the trial began. Wirz had with excitement, for this was the moment for to fight an overwhelmingly biased public which they had longed. The man, so hated for opinion and an unforgiving political climate. his involvement in the Andersonville prison Furthermore, he fell victim to a prejudiced jury camp, stood in stern silence as the charges were and a crafty prosecutor. With this as the read. "Remember Andersonville!" pierced the backdrop for the trial, the actual testimony and morning air, reaching nearly deafening levels. evidence became arbitrary, making irrelevant This moment was the culmination of a long the question of whether Wirz really was simply fight against a spiteful nation and a bruising following orders. This context provides the political climate, and it was probably a relief to explanations for the unjust manner in which the tired exosoldier. Moments before the noose Wirz was arrested, comYicted, and hung. was adjusted around his neck, the major Had he known the odds he was to face, it is directing the execution apologized for the way it doubtful that Wlrz ever would have accepted was being carried out, explaining that he was his assignment to take up the command at only following orders. The weak old man Andersonville Prison. The prison, in Sumpter looked up at the guard and responded, "I know County, Georgia, was built in an effort to what orders are Major. I am being hung for alleviate some of the overcrowding at other following them."1 prison camps. Construction began in December Soon after Captain Henry Wirz spoke these 1863, and the first prisoners arrived in late words, the trap door was sprung and he was February 1864. Initially, conditions at the camp executed for "conspiracy to commit murder, by were good, but as the prison's population grew allowing the conditions at Andersonville [prison and the Confederacy's position in the war camp] to exist," and for actual murder at the worsened, the prison conditions deteriorated. camp.2 These charges were rendered in Though the prison was built to accommodate response to the atrocities that occurred in only ten thousand men, the number of prisoners Andersonville, a Civil War prison camp for reached almost twenty thousand by early June. Union soldiers. V lrz commanded the camp for Rations became scarce, disease became about one year beginning in April 1864, and common, and the daily death rate exploded. In nearly 13,000 men died in the camp's fifteen- August of 1864, the prison population rose to month existence. Amazingly, Wirz was the thirty-three thousand men, only adding to the only man to shoulder the blame for what horrendous conditions. As the number of men happened there,s However, what may be even on the inside of the prison increased, so did the more amazing, is the way tire legal system of number of men on the outside. Sust outside the the United States convicted this man in a trial gates, heap of dead, rotting men became more full of injustices that, by today's standards, layered every day. The problem grewworse would have been outrageous. In fact, the trial when General Grant, in a letter to Secretary of :2 ° The Wittenberg History Journal

War Edwin Stanton, requested that the prisoner guilty."7 With this as the trial setting, things did exchanges between the North and South cease, not look good for Wirz, and his attorneys knew proclaiming that the "exchanges simply it. In fact, after Wirz's lawyers were denied reinforce the enemy at once."4 Without any relief from a charge on what they felt was relief from overcrowding, food supplies double jeopardy, some of his legal team just dwindled causing disease to pervade throughout quit. Hence, Wirz began his defense already in a the camp. James Madison Page, a former hole that only got deeper as the trial wore on. prisoner at Andersonvilie, touched on the Although Wirz was found guilty, it is clear conditions, saying, "Scurvy is now fearfully that equity and fairness did not dictate the order prevalent. Hundreds are dying daily. It is of the court. The most convincing evidence caused by not having proper food a change of comes for the actual trial records themselves.8 food is absolutely necessary to relieve scurvy."5 The records unabashedly reveal a trial full of Unbelievably, these horrendous conditions were inconclusive and contradictory evidence, attributed to a sole man--Henry Wirz. hearsay, and sometimes, downright lies. The Born in Zurich Switzerland in 1822, Wirz first charge leveled against Wirz claimed that he earned an M.D. degree from the University of allowed the conditions of the camp to decline Zurich• Penniless, he immigrated to Boston in enough to purposely cause soldiers' deaths. 1849 and moved to Kentucky in 1854, where he However, testimony from the trial uncovers that married for a second time. Wirz set up shop as a many things were out of Wirz's control. For physician in Kentucky, but he moved to example, a 5 July 1864 letter by Colonel D.T. Louisiana shortly afterward because of pressure Chandler, the Confederate adjutant and from other doctors. He fell in love with the inspector, discusses the conditions of the prison South, and upon the opening of the Civil War, this way: "There is no medical attendance enlisted in the Confederacy. After serving in the provided within the stockade .... The sanitary battle of Manassas, in which a bullet rendered condition of the prison is as wretched as can be. his right arm useless, Wirz was commissioned as • .. f beg leave to recommend that no more a captain. He quickiy moved up the ranks of the prisoners be sent to this already overcrowded Confederate army, and in late 1863, he was sen: prison.. 2' Not only does Chandler refuse to to Europe to carry special dispatches for blame Wirz for the conditions, he commends Jefferson Davis.6 Upon his return, in April 1864, him for the job he is doing. In the same letter, Wirz was ordered to take charge of the interior Chandler explains Wirz's attempts to sanitize of Andersonville Prison. This order would prove the stream running through the camp, asserting, fatal. "An effort is being made by Captain Wirz, Wirz's job at the prison was to oversee commanding the prison, to fill up the marsh and routine operations, maintain order, and uphold construct a sluice...,,9 From this letter, it seems the general condition of the prison. These quite clear that Wirz was doing what he could. responsibilities, according to Wirz's arrest Also in the Official Records,letters written by warrant, were abused in ways that deliberately Wirz to his superiors repeatedly demonstrate caused soldiers to die. Thus, in May 1865, that there was an effort to alleviate the Henry Wirz was arrested, and he stood trial on miserable condition of the prison. They show the.twenty-first of August. A judge advocate, that he was neither oblivious nor apathetic Norton Chipman, and a military commission about the deteriorating conditions. In a letter to were assigned by Edwin Stanton to govern the Captain R. D. Chapman, acting adjutant of the trial• Chipman acted as the prosecutor in a trial post of Andersonville, Wirz wrote: "The bread that was one-sided from the outset. All of the which is issued to the prisoners is of such men of the military commission (essentially the inferior quality,.., that it is almost unfit for use, jury) were former Union soldiers. "It would and is increasing dysentery and other bowel seem that the commission was top heavy with complaints... Hoping that you will give this men too heavily involved in their home states to your attention as soon as possible...,10 risk jeopardizing their, hoped for, postwar In addition to the documents from the political career by finding Henry Wirz not Official Records,letters from Wirz's supporters, Context Under Pressure: The Henry Wirz Trial • 3 some of who are Union soldiers, plead that the cursing .... ,,12 Portraying Wirz as a mean and conditions may have been inevitable. In a letter crazy maniac, the prosecution found it easy to to the editor of the New York Daily News a pin the label murderer on him as well. Of the former Andersonville prisoner explained that it thirteen specifications in the second charge, did not seem fit to blame Wirz for the conditions. eleven were for specific acts of murder by Wirz Upon hearing of Wirz's arrest, he permed: including shooting, stamping, and beating The mortality at Andersonville resulted, prisoners to death• But, again, examining the mainly, from the following causes; First, want of trial records, it seems that the prosecution was proper food; second, from want of shelter; third, painting this picture from rather inconclusive want of medical attention; fourth, testimony that was sensationalized into faulty causes of a purely local nature, coupled with the conclusions about Wirz. moral degradation exhibited by the The records are full of testimony by Union prisoners themselves .... I have no personal soldiers who said that they never saw or heard interest or object in making this statement, of Wirz killing anyone• One such statement .. Love of justice and an utter disbelief in the came from Robert Kelly, who testified: "I was a total depravity of man alone impel me. prisoner at Andersonville .... I was in the And, above all, for the credit of our country, stockade from May 3 till September 10, 1864. let it never be said that an American soldier, During the time I was there, I cannot say that I whether Northern or Southern, could knew or heard of Captain Wirz's kicking, deliberately assassinate thirteen thousand striking, or shooting a prisoner, so that he died.. defenseless men, trusting to him alone for • .,113 However, statements like these seem to protection.11 have been disregarded by the commission. Despite Wirz's letters and the letters of his Instead, the more skewed testimony of some of supporters, the military commission still felt the Union soldiers seems to have won the day in compelled to convict. The prosecution was not court. One of these rather vague testimonies finished, though, as they argued that Wirz was came from Prescot Tracey who stated, "I never also a barbarous tyrant, guilty of murder• saw him commit act of cruelty.., but I saw him As stated earlier, Wirz's responsibilities give orders to do it, to shoot a man. I could not included maintaining order• He knew that give the day exactly;.., that is all I know."14 keeping order in the prison entailed a certain The one witness who did the most damage system of obeying rules and following orders, in to Wirz was Felix de la Baume, who held the which he needed to be strong and stern• crowd spellbound with his masterful oratory. Without a strict system the prison would Baume descriptively testified that he saw Wirz become dangerous. However, as his conviction shoot and kill many soldiers on many different demonstrates, Wirz was thought to have occasions. However, a few weeks after the trial, overstepped his command• During the trial, some German soldiers recognized Baume as a prisoners griped about the way Wirz treated fraud. After admitting that his real name was them, explaining that he was a mean-spirited Felix de la Baume Oesser, he also admitted to despot. In particular, soldiers testified about the perjury. Incidentally, Baume may not have been brutality of some of Wirz's tactics such as the the only soldier to lie under oath. Many of "dead line." The "dead line," a rail of logs that Wirz's defenders argue that, given the ran parallel to the inside wails, was created to resentment of Wirz, it is quite possible that • 15 aid in escape prevention. Anyone who crossed many other witnesses lied. the line was to be shot by the guards. If Numerous other injustices marred the trial as prisoners were able to make it past the line, well; the reports from the prison doctors were Wirz would employ dogs to track escaped mutilated, Union soldiers in defense of Wirz prisoners• These tactics came under fire as the were not allowed to take the stand, and the prosecution painted a terrifying portrait of Wirz. priests and some of the Confederate guards that According to the prosecution, Wirz was "a man worked at Andersonville were not permitted to filled with venomous profanities.., runmng give a testimony. Regardless, Wirz was sent to around with a drawn pistol, screaming and the gallows in a trial that the major northern 4 • The Wittenberg History Journal newspapers had the audacity to label fair and coverage for many days in a row. Front-page appropriate. So, why wouid a nation tolerate titleslike "AN INCARNATEFIEND--HOW such outright injustice? To shed light on the CAPTAINWERTZ[sic] MURDERED OUR answer, the political climate and public opinion PRISONERS," appeared in big bold print almost must be factored into the equation. These daily.18 Wirz's lawyers recognized how powerful and penetrating forces are strong influential the papers could be, and thus they enough to warrant claims that they, in fact, are wrote to the Times expressing their concern. the reasons for the wrongful trial and conviction. "We have seen in your paper an article in In the post-Civil War period, the nation was relation to the approaching trial of Captain still very much divided. Though the end of the Wertz[sic], which we think, in connection with war in 1865 was supposed to heal the nation's others of a like nature, requires notice at our wounds, it could not erase the resentment of hands .... We appeal to the newspaper press those involved. Despite winning the war, not to bring its powerful influence to bear to Northern public opinion remained hostile prejudice the public mind against Captain towards the South not only for the secession, Wirz."19 This statement, though, did not deter but for the assassination of Abraham Lincoln. newspapers from printing accounts of Northerners demanded revenge, jumping at any Andersonville and Wirz that further infuriated chance for it. This was obviously not a climate the North. In his book, The True Story of that Henry Wirz would have benefited from, for AndersonvilIePrison, James M. Page explains this he was trampled by it. sentiment best, remarking, "At the close of the The Northern newspapers played a key role war, the feeling was so intense in the North on in the stampede by opening the public's eyes to account of the suffering and mortality among the atrocities at Andersonville. The papers the prisoners of war at AndersonvilIe that enraged the already hostile public with biased something had to be done to satisfy the popular articles and drawings. Feeding the people with demand for the punishment of those supposed many stories and photographs, the papers to be responsible for that suffering and the loss depicted Wirz (and the South) as inhumane. of life among these prisoners, and Major Wirz Edward Roberts, author of a recent history on was doomed before he was tried, as the party Andersonville writes, "Harper's Weekly carried for these results."20 Unfortunately for Wirz, he the first illustrations made from photographs not only had to battle this incensed public taken of the released prisoners. The whole opinion, he also faced a political climate that nation was shocked at what they saw."is What when mixed with the public demand, combined they saw were photographs of men with bones to form a potent and deadly formula. poking through their skin, sores all over their One reason for the unfavorable pnlitical emaciated bodies, and many times, bloody climate was the personal agenda of Secretary of stumps where their feet once were. Harper's War Edwin Stanton. Edward Roberts,'author of accompaEded these pictures with biased AndersonvilIe Journey, sees Edwin Stanton as coverage about Wirz. On 12 August 1865, before having considerable influence on the trial. the trial even began, one article stated, "Of his Roberts attributes a large portion of a chapter to guilt, there is no doubt, unless there be doubt discussing Stanton's role in the trial. According whether there were an Andersonville Prison and to Roberts, "Stanton worried that what had been whether he were the keeper--points which are Won on the battlefield, would now be lost in the not denied." 17 In other attempts to sway the post-war peace. He feared that in the euphoria public, Harper's ran sketches that seemed to of peace, the former leaders of the defeated demonize Wirz. This type of propaganda was Confederacy would simply return to their not only common to Harper's; many northern positions of power.., just as if the Civil War newspapers including the New York Times,the had never occurred."21 Stanton felt that the WashingtonPost, and the New York Tribunealso former Confederacy leaders should be punished covered the trial. and Jefferson Davis was at the top the list. The New York Times covered the trial Stanton had Davis arrested on 10 May 1865 for intensely, with almost exclusive front-page treason against the United States. This charge, Context Under Pressure: The Henry Wirz Trial • 5 though, did not satisfy Stanton because he was restoration into the Union."2s Perhaps a little convinced that Davis had a hand in the optimistic, Wirz saw some hope in the new assassination of Abraham Lincoln. After months president. In the days leading up to his of investigation, however, Stanton still had not execution, Wirz seemed to recognize that he gathered enough incriminating evidence; so had been bullied by a misguided public demand Salmon Chase, Chief Justice of the Supreme and unfavorable political climate, but he hoped Court, wrote Stanton requesting that Davis be that his luck would change if Johnson knew of released. Though this embarrassed Stanton, he his predicament. So Wirz, praying that Johnson still felt he could punish Davis--enter Henry would not be blinded by public demand, wrote Wirz. Stanton bet that Wirz would plea that he this letter to the president: was following orders, which could provide a link to Davis. Wirz surprisingly pleaded that he too With a trembling hand, with a heart filled with most conflicting emotions, and was a prisoner of war and that "the vagueness of with a spirit hopeful one moment and time, place, and manner of the offenses made the despairing the next, I have taken the liberty charges valueless."22 Regardless, it is rumored of addressing you .... by thousands I am that even on the scaffold before the execution, considered a monster of cruelty, a wretch Stanton reportedly offered Wirz clemency if he that ought not pollute the earth any longer•. would just implicate Davis.23 Wirz refused the •. I doubt that I am the Captain Wirz spoken of .... there speaks a small but unmistakable offer, but as a result, he sealed his fate. Thus, voice within me that says: 'Console Thyself, Wirz again takes on the role as a victim of thou knowest thy innocence .... The pangs circumstance. of death are short, and therefore I humbly Though Stanton came up empty in his case pray that you will pass your sentence against Davis, he still managed to save face by without delay. Give me liberty or death. The one I do not fear; the other I crave.2 hanging Wirz. In the eyes of the pubic, someone still had to pay for the atrocities at This letter reveals much about Wirz's Andersonvilie, and Wirz was a perfect candidate. character. Appealing to religion, patriotism, and Stanton was not immune from this tremendous justice, Wirz wrote in the hope that, in the end, public opinion, for he was "the recipient of a equity would prevail. He appears confident of good deal of steady pressure from Northern Press his innocence, yet he seems somewhat and governors...,,24 Though he may have understanding of the circumstances that doomed thought he failed because he could not nab him. It is difficult not to feel compassion for Davis, he probably gained some political support Wirz, yet, Johnson somehow managed this task. by executing Wirz. For Stanton, this was a Johnson's lack of response, though, is hardly victory, in that he won public approval. As if surprising in light of the way Wirz was treated battling Stanton's political goals was not trying all along. Wirz's lead attorney, Louis Schade, enough, yet another aspect of the political also wrote to Johnson highlighting the travesties climate seems to have suffocated justice. Wirz of the trial, and again, pleading for heip.27 also faced a nation in the midst of rebuilding that Neither letter, though, elicited any response did not appear to want to deal with any more of from Johnson, which in itself, demonstrates that the lingering effects of the Civil War. Johnson probably was more concerned with Andrew Johnson took office on April 15, other matters. 1865, following Abraham Lincoln's assassination. It is conceivable that Johnson simply Johnson too had an agenda--one that entailed asked himself this question: Was saving one unifying and reconstructing the nation. He man from injustice worth losing the public's wanted to assimilate the South back into the favor? To a politician, public opinion is national power base, but he wanted, also, to be everything, and Johnson, being a politician careful not to surrender the spoils of victory himself, knew this. Granting Wirz clemency gained by the North. "The president's generous would have probably meant weathering a storm amnesty policies and the moderate background of criticism and rage. Because Johnson had only of his gubernatorial appointees complimented occupied the office for a couple of months, it is the limited demands he outlined for the Southern unlikely he would put his career on the line for a 6 ° The Wittenberg History Journal man that was so hated anyway. Once again, according to law was denied him."2B His Wirz did not catch a break in his battle with conviction raises important questions pertaining political powers. This time, the political powers to the amount of influence outside forces (i.e. delivered the final blow to Wirz. political pressure and public opinion) have on Even to this day, there are many forcing the government's hand to satisfy dissenting opinions about the guilt or innocence political needs. of Henry Wirz. What should not be debated, Undoubtedly, the influence of public and however, is the overwhelming evidence that political pressure has had some effect demonstrates that political and public pressure throughout history, but just how much of an ultimately killed him. Upon his arrest, Wirz effect is largely debatable. However, if the truly had nothing working in his favor. He fell sentiments of a large audience are made into a deadly trap woven by a ruthless public prevalent enough, it seems evident that demand and a submissive political climate. decisions can hinge on those feelings. Factions Perhaps the best conclusions about the trial came opposing a deeply rooted sentiment are liable to from Louis Schade, Wirz's lead defender. In a be squashed; so sometimes the best advice for long letter dated 4 April 1867, and addressed to those who are attempting to fight the popular the American public, Schade reflected on Wirz opinion is never to get into the ring. and the trial. His letter may best be summed up Unfortunately for Henry Wirz, the climate of in one sentence: "He was doomed before he the postbellum period refused to allow this was heard, and even the permission to be heard option.

Notes

1 Harper's Weekly 25 Nov. 1865 Much of the opening 7 Roberts, Andersonville lourney, 111. paragraph is a summary of the scene depicted in this issue of BThere are a couple of sources from which to draw the

Harper's Weekly. official records includingThe War of Rebellion series, The Trial of

2 Edward F. Roberts. Andersonville lourney. Wirz. and The Tragedy of Andersonville.

(Shippensburg,PA: Burd Street Press, 1998), 133. General N.P. Chipman. The Tragedy of Andersonville.

Part of the reason that Wirz shouldered all of the blame (San Francisco, CA: Blair-Murdoch Company, 1911), 66-68. was because he did not flee like some of his superiors. Also, 10The United States War Deparment, Official Records. General John Winder, the commander of all the Southern prisons, 207. died of a heart attack before he could be charged with anything. 11Letter to the Editor,New York Daily News (9 August However, in the first charge against Wirz, there is mention of 1865) cited in S.W. Ashe. The trial and death of Henry Wirz: with conspiracy that indicts Winder and many others. other matters pertaining thereto. (Raleigh, NC: Uzzel, 4 The United States War Deparment. The War of 1908),46,50. Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and 12Roberts, Andersonville lourney. 119. Confederate armies. (Washington D.C.: War Department, 1880-

1901), Series 2, Volume 7, p. 662. 13 Chipman, 222.

5 James Madison Page. The true story of Andersonvilie 14Ibid., 212.

Prison: a defense of Major Henry Wirz. (New is Most of the argument comes from Rutherford's defense York: Neale, 1908), 46. of Wirz.

6 It is unclear exactly why Wirz was chosen and what 16Roberts, Andersonville lourney, 99. these special dispatches entailed. Context Under Pressure: The Henry Wirz Trial • 7

17Harper'sWeekly 12 August 1865 24 Fletcher Pratt. Stanton-Lincoln's Secretary of War. (New York: WW Norton and Company, 1953), 337. 18New York Times 4 August 1865

2s DanT. Carter. When the War Was Over. (Baton l ibid. Rouge, EA: Louisiana Univ. Press, 1985),28.

2o Page, 11. 26 Rutherford, Defense of Wirz, 35.

21 Roberts, _A.ndersonville lourney, 105. 27 Schade's letter can be found in the War Department's

22 Rutherford, Defense of Wirz., 14 OfficialRecords.

2s Though there is no evidence of this, many Wirz =8Rutherford, Defense of Wirz 29. defenders believe this story, in part, due to the letter by Wirz's attorney Louis 8chade in which Schade recalls this event.

Works Cited

Ashe, S.W. The trial and death of Henry Wirz: with other Rutherford, Mildred Lewis. Facts and Figures vs. myths and

matters pertaining thereto. Raleigh, NC: UzzeI, 1908. misrepresentations: HemyWirz and the Andersonville Prison. Athens GA: By the author, 1921. Chipman, General N.P. The Tragedy of Andersonville. San

Francisco, CA: Blair-Murdoch Company 1911. Stevenson, Randolph R. The Southern Side of Andersonville. Baltimore: TumbuU Brothers, 1876. (text-fiche). Carter, DanT. W_hen the War Was Over. BatonRouge, LA:

Louisiana Univ. Press, 1985. Trial of Henry Wirz, 40th Congress, 2nd Session House Document 23, Washington, D.C: 1863. Long, Lessel. Twelve months in Andersonville. Huntington, IN:

T. and M. Butler, 1886. (text-fiche). The United StatesWar Department. The War of the Rebellion: A compilation of the official records of the Union and Page, James Madison. The true stoW of Andersonville Prison: a Confederate armies, lg7Volumes. Washington, D.C., defense of Ma!or Henry Wirz. New York: Neale, 1908. 1880 1901. (text-fiche). Newspapers, Periodicals, Journals Pratt, Fletcher. Stanton-Lincoln's Secretary of War. (New York: Harper's Weekly WW Norton and Comp., 1953. New York Tribune Roberts, Edward F. Andersonville lourney Shippensburg, PA: New York Times

Burd Street Press 1998. Washington Post 8 • The Wittenberg History Journal

Defining the Peasantry Conflicts of 1857: Collective Identity or Collective Action?

By Andrea Brunsvold WittenbergClass of 2000

If you were writing about the 1857 conflict in Dutt creates unique experiences that cause India shortly after it occurred up through the era underlying tension--even among those of classical historiography, you probably would attempting collective action. Also, where Kaye refer to it as the "Indian Mutiny" or "Sepoy and Guha fail to discuss gender roles, Women Rebellion." Today, you might refer to it as the play an important role in Dutt's play. "Indian Rebellion" or Peasant's Insurgency," Those recording the events shortly after terms more indicative of a collective resistance to they occurred were predominantly haunted by tyrannical colonial rule. The discourse one question, "why€" In trying to understand concerning the Indian Mutiny/Rebellion has why the sepoys suddenly turned upon their eroded over the course of the century. I believe British superiors, these authors created that the change in historiography is partly due to conspirators to lead the sepoys astray. Sir John the change in the academic perception of the Kaye's culprits were the Brahman, the members peasantry, or in Marxist terms, the masses. The of India's highest caste, Hindu priests. In short, earliest writers--contemporaries of the events, Kaye argues that the Brahman felt their caste such as Sir John Kaye--gave little, if any, was under attack as the "enlightenment," attention to those who were collectively called brought by the British, crept in upon them. He "sepoys." Current historiography of Marxist writes that the Brahman "saw that, as new subaltemists, such as Ranajit Guha, glorifies the provinces were one after another brought under peasantry and the non-elite within India. The British rule, the new light must diffuse itself power of a unified underclass impresses Guha. more and more, until there would scarcely be a Still, I argue that both Kaye and Guha view place for Hindooism to lurk unmolested."1 And the peasantry more similarly that it appears on as various "abominable practices,"2 such as the surface. Both see the peasantry as a suttee, murdering little children and the elderly, collective identity, rather than a unique group of human sacrificing and random stranglin s were oppressed peopled who span various castes and forbidden by the British, Kaye claims that the classes to overcome these stations and unify Brahman priests began to feel their livelihood themselves for collective action. Kaye sees the threatened. He believes that reason began to Indian peoples as mutineers who challenged replace these superstitions purported by the British colonial rule. Guha flips Kaye's view, Brahman, thereby thwarting their purpose. claiming that the peasantry is a powerful force But when Reason demonstrated their that can cause change within the oppressive absurdity, and struck conviction into the very colonial rule. Utpal Dutt, on the other hand, heart of the nation, there was an end of both the through his play, Mahavidroh, attempts to folly and the crime. The Law might do much, represent the masses as a collective of but Education would assuredly do much more individuals. Dutt correctly identifies the masses to sweep away all these time-honoured as a multi-caste conglomerate trying to defeat superstitions. Education, pure and simple in its the British through a somewhat rough attempt at secularity, was quite enough in itself to hew collective action. Where Kaye and Guha fail to down this dense jungle of Hindooism; but when even attempt representation of these people, it was seen that the function of the English Defining the PeasantryConflicts of 1857: CollectiveIdentity or CollectiveAction? • 9

schoolmaster and of the Christian priest were by such European wonders as the railway and often united in the same person...a fear arose electric wires. These wonders condensed time that even secular education might be the mask unlike anything the Indians had ever seen before of proselytism,s the Western man came. As the Indians see the "Reason," with a capitol "R," stands as the wonders of Western technology, they are more convicting force with the people under inevitably impressed and captivated. Kaye Brahman instruction. Reason, through wonders, "Of what use was it any longer to Education (and Kay claims this education is endeavour to persuade the people that the new "secular") was threatening the superstitions knowledge of the West was only a bundle of used by the Brahman to control Indian people. shams and impostures, when any man might see Note that Kaye is arguing that the Brahman the train come in...?,,10 caste is intimidated not by Christianity, per se, Typical of Kaye is to equate "West" with but by Reason--the product of the "Reason" and "East" with "superstition." Enlightenment. As the masses are educated by Perhaps also implied is that the East is more Westerners, they will see the absurdity of the prone to fanaticism, particularly the Brahman, Brahman teachings and abandon them. This who were the caretakers of the "East" and its eliminates the need for Brahman, and they are, "superstitions." Intimidated by the technology therefore, forced to incite the people against the and rational superiority of the West, the British to preserve their jobs. Kaye even Brahman incite the people against the British. It declares that it is out of love "for truth above is understandable, therefore, that Kaye latches error" and "intelligent progress above ignorant onto stories of conspiracy, such as Chowdeydar stagnation"4 that Lord Dalhonise had cakes and the circulation of chuppatties. The "emanated the annexations which had Brahman having the most to lose, are held distinguished his rule."5 Kaye completely responsible by Kaye for rumors of using ignores evidence to the contrary that suggests Chowdeydar cakes and chupatties to send native rulers disagreed. The Rani of Jhansi, for messages of revolt. example, wrote a letter to Dalhouise herself. Kaye is concerned primarily with two She points out that Dalhouise is not honoring groups: the Brahman, and those led astray by the tradition that allows an adopted son to the Brahman. Commoners are bypassed in claim the throne of her deceased husband. Her Kaye's scholarship. He sees them as little more letter implies that Dalhouise is using the lack of than children who are easily led astray by a biological heir as justification for annexing and charismatic leaders. taking control of her kingdom,s Kaye, Yet, somewhat surprisingly, Kaye does however, views these annexations as Great acknowledge the power the masses have when Britain's attempt to "extend her moral rule, and they are unified. He v f the individual to make those people subject to powers of light energies of the leaders of the revolt had been rather than of darkness."7 He points to commensurate with the power of the masses, "Universities" and the increased expenditure we might have failed to extinguish such a upon native education8 as other threats to the conflagration. But the whole tendency of the Brahman. These institutions, which dispensed English system had been to crush out those European knowledge, made plain to the energies[.]"u Consequently, Kaye's fleeting "guardians of Eastern learning, that what had recognition of the masses' power is similar to been done to unlock the floodgates of the West, that of Ranajit Guha's. would soon appear to be as nothing in Ranajit Guha actually recognizes Kaye's comparison with the great tide of European work in his article, "Not at Home in Empire." civilisation which was bout to be poured out He writes that Kaye's History of the Indian upon them."9 Mutiny is a "truly brilliant work of imperial Along these same lines, Kaye claims that the historiography...[w]ritten in the manner of "encroachments of physical science were grand narratives of war and revolution..."i2 equally distasteful and disquieting" to the However, unlike Kaye's conspiracy theories and Brahmans. He believes they were intimidated exultation of the enlightened West, Guha, 10 • The Wittenberg History Journal founder of SubalternStudies, takes a Marxist their "raison d'etre.'u7 This meant that the state view of the masses. Guha greatly glorifies the had no need to disguise its "partisan character" peasantry's ability to come together and assert which would later be the basis upon which power over the colonizer and native elite. It is Western historiography is built. important to note that he examines several This historiography, Guha points out, is peasant uprisings in colonial India, not just the devoid of the peasantry. He feels that they are events of 1857. He points out that there were not accorded a place in the events of India's over 1101 accounts of peasant uprisings during past, that "the peasant was denied recognition as the British rule, a sign of continuing struggie and a subject of history in his own right even for a discontent on the subaltem's side. One of his project that was all his own."Is main goals in the introduction to his book, The early histories of the Mutiny/Rebellion ElementaryAspects of Peasant Insurgencyin Colonial do not represent the subject and cause of these India, is to combat the idea of the peasant revolt revolts the peasant. The British, striving to as being primitive and "pre-politicai."14 keep a clear distance from the peasants, assumed Guha believes that the early historiography they could understand by merely reviewing was a mechanism of the state. Dipesh events of the past with no subaltern context. Chakrabarty, in her article "Postcoloniality and Guha changes "rebellion" to "insurgency" to the Artifice of History," is upset by these show the peasantry's collective power. He attempts at creating a national history--she writes, "To acknowledge the peasant as the blames the West. She writes: maker of his own rebellion is to attribute, as we "History" as a knowledge system is firmly have done in this work, a consciousness to him. embedded in institutional practices that invoke Hence, the word 'insurgency' has been used in the nation state at ever step...It does not take the title and the text as the name of that much imagination to see that the reason for this consciousness which informs the activity of the lies in what European imperialism and third- rural masses known as Jacquerie...etc."19 world nationalisms Guha is disgusted by "elitist" historiography that have achieved together: the universalization of assumes the revolts are spontaneous or need the the nation state as the most desirable form of "intervention of charismatic leaders." ° political community. Nation states have Underlying these "elitist" histories are three the capacity to enforce their truth games, and assumptions. He points out that "[w]hat is universities, their critical distance not conscious is presumed in this view to be withstanding, are part of the battery of identical with what is organized in the sense institutions complicit in this process,is that it has, first, a 'conscious leadership,' Chakrabarty is implying that the subaltern secondly, some well-defined aim, and thirdly, a have no voice--the Western imperial nations programme specifying the components of the alongside the third-world elite have created latter as particular objectives and the means of 'history' as an instrument of the state. In a need achieving them.'m Guha is claiming that any to understand what caused the revolts, the peasant action without these factors is British state turned to the study of history. assumed--by the elitist school of thought--to Guha also points out that the need to be "pre-political," and quotes Hobsbawm who understand the peasantry's action shows claims that the masses have yet to find "a underlying tensions created by not specific language with Which to express their understanding them: "The tension of this aspirations about the world." relationship required a record for the regime to Guha defends the masses. He is quick to refer to so that it could understand the nature point out that the peasants were a political and motivation of any considerable out break of movement and had political force. He points violence in the light of previous experience and out that there were several power relationships by understanding suppress it. Historiography in the lives of the peasantry that inherently stepped in to provide that vital discourse for the involve politics: the tenant-cultivators, state."16 In fact, Guha goes so far as to say that sharecroppers and agricultural laborers. He also these early accounts exist because of the state: points out that these relationships contain Definingthe PeasantryConflicts of1857: ColIeetiveIdentity orCollective Action? • 11 elements of "dominance" and "subordination."22 of national identity via (mythical) revivals of Guha sees a "triumvirate" ruling the peasantry: India's golden age."2B Utpal Dutt is a Marxist the "landlord, the moneylender and the official" playwright in the "genre of historical drama."29 who "came to form under colonial rule."23 The His Little Theatre Group "became a central site peasants exhibited their colonia! awareness, for staging the struggles of oppressed groups Guha feels, by attempting to destroy these against repressive forces."30 Bhatia explains that relationships and thereby "engaged himself in Dutt recuperates history in an attempt to what was essentially a political task."24 The subvert its "colonialist myths." He advocates peasant was by no means frivolously revolting. and "unveiling of history" that calls into He "risked all by attempting to destroy [these question "bourgeois truths" based upon and relationships] by rebellion." 5 The peasant was distorted by " 'pretensions of impartiality.''31 not "spontaneous" in his revolts, and "knew Dutt feels the need to comment upon the what he was doing. The fact that this was "profound divisions in post-colonial India which designed primarily to destroy the authority of challenge the myth of Indian unity sustained by the superordinate elite and carried no elaborate both alternative and official versions of blueprint for its replacement, does not put it nationalism." He uses his theatre to "engage a outside the realms of politics."26 The peasant, dialectic...and demands to explore its Guha concludes, was aware of his own "project implications for official narratives of nationalism of power." in post-colonial India."32 Much like Throughout Guha's work, however, he Chakrabarty, he questions the "official" state views the peasantry as a collective and they by narratives. He also seems to fill Spivak's request no means are. They span castes that are very for un-generalizing the subaltern, at least distinct from one another: untouchables, according to Bhatia. She argues that Dutt offers farmers, merchants, soldiers, etc. His an "alternative interpretation," to the events that predisposition towards Marxist glorification of restores significance to ordinary people's roles the collective masses eliminates their unique during the Mutiny/Rebellion.s3 Not only does voices. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak complains Dutt represent a collective struggle, but he about Guha's representation of the peasant in exhibits on which "crosses caste and class her article, "Can the Subaltern Speak?": "The lines."34 In this way, he is taking GuM one step terms 'people' and 'subaltern classes' [are] uses further, by illustrating inherent differences in as synonymous.throughout [Guha's definition.] this "coalition."3s Bhatia claims thatDutt's The social groups and elements included in this "project of excavating the past from the category represent the demographicdifference viewpoint of the subaltem populace...performs between the totalIndian populationand all those a dual task...[I]t exposes the limitations of whom we have described as the 'elite'. ,,27 colonialist (mis)interpretations of the first war of Like Kaye, Guha fails to see the peasantry as independence" and "it prevents a premature anything but non-elite. In Kaye's case, the elite celebration" of ideas of Indian unity. "Dutt's were the Brahman, in Guha's the bourgeoisie. play not only rewrites what the colonial rulers Utpal Dutt, on the other hand, uses theatre to called the 'Great Mutiny' into an anticolonial explore the peasantry in more detail. rebellion, it also disrupts the mythical claims of . Despite the fact that the majority of the Indian unity by exposing the ongoing caste and masses are devoid of primary sources for their class conflicts in post-colonial India."36 history, Dutt invents--responsibly a voice for Dutt has an interest in the society as a them. Nandi Bhatia, and Assistant Professor of whole--especially those under both colonial and English at the University of Western Ontario, Indian elite rule. In fact discusses the ways in which Utpal Dutt uses the "Dutt's drama focuses on the popular base of theatre to get across his ideas of historiography the insurgency to bring alive the constitutive concerning the peasantry. She explains that role of the marginalized in the "artists" in India "excavated India's heroic past.. uprising--weavers, women, untouchables, the .to generate a sense of Indian unity, instill urban poor,prostitutes, and peasants--through patriotism among audiences, and foster a sense which the sub-plot of the family drama of three 12 ° The Wittenberg HistoryJournai generations which inserts the history of British chooses to sleep with the enemy so she can aid exploitation into the framework of the her own people...[Dutt] places her as an equal imminent uprising."37 among soldiers." Yet, while Dutt's theatre "constitutes an Another woman who upsets the traditional ideological strategy that counters...imperialist Indian stereotype of 'mother India' is the revisions of the 'mutiny,'" he also "refuses to see protagonist's mother: the simplistic binary logic of colonizer and Placed in a doubly Othered position of a colonized, that heaps indiscriminate attacks on colonial economygoverned by unequal power the colonizer, and displays, as well, the relations on the one hand, and the nationalist complexity of inner dissensions within a equation of the Indian mother as the 'mother community organized of the basis of caste, class, of the nation' on the other, Katsuri's role serves and religious prejudice, and the failure of native as a defiance to these differentiated tropes of leadership to aid in its success."38 Dutt clearly entrapment. Chastising the soldiers in full does not merely blame the colonizers for the emotion rage, she says: 'Tell me, while I am still insurgency--even native Indian rulers oppressed in this world, what son of a bitch guarantees me those under them. Oppression cut across class two meals a day? I want you all to die, so I shall lines as well, and unlike Kaye or Guha, Dutt have a fresh supply of merchandise."4° seeks to draw attention to this. Another Consequently, Dutt is breaking open the responsible step Dutt's theatrical historiography subaltern's collective identity and giving them takes is in its representation of different genders. unique voices, despite the lack of true identities Bhatia points out that "[t]o account for the role available for him to work with. Unlike Kaye of women in this historical moment, Dutt brings and Guha, who view the masses, or at least into the focus the nexus of gender and speak of them, in terms of collective identity, nationalism. However he complicates this Dutt actually breaks them down into nexus by casting one of his female protagonists. complicated interactions among a people who • .in the role of a prostitute" whose over is the are themselves divided by caste and class. In play's protagonist and whose nights are spent this way, the historiography which generalizes gratifying the English.39 By placing a prostitute the masses can be thwarted. A new identity, into his play, one who serves as an inspiration to one which still marvels at the power of the the soldiers, "Dutt creates...neither the masses, can be understood in terms of the many 'respectable' mother or wife, nor a woman who voices that combine in collective action. is socially victimized, but one who voluntarily

Notes

Sir John Kaye, "The War as a Brahmanical Protest ' in z Kaye 28.

Ainslie T. Embree, ed., t857 War in India: Mutiny or War of 8 Kaye 29. Independence? (Boston, DC Heath and Company, 1963), 27. Kaye 29. 2 Kaye 27. 10 Kaye 30. a Kaye 27. 11Sir John Kaye, Historyof theIndian Muthly, Vol I, 4 Kaye 28. (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1971), xii.

5 Kaye 28. 12Ranajit Guha, Not at Home in Empire," CriticalInquiry

6Rani LakshmiBai, Two Letters to the Marquis of 28 (Spring 1997), 485.

Dalhousie 1853, 1854," Barbara Harlow and Mia Cfirter, eds., 12Ranajit Guha, ElementaryAspects of Peasant Insurgency in

Diperialism & Orientalism: A Documentary Sourcebook, (Oxford: ColonialIndia, (Delhi: Oxford UniversityPress, !983), 1.

BlackwellPublishers Ltd, 1999), 175. Defining thePeasantry Conflicts of 1857: CollectiveIdentity or CollectiveAction? ° 13

Guha 6. 8 Nandi Bhatia, 8tagingthe 1857 Mutiny as 'The Great

Rebellion': Colonial History an Post Colonial Interventions in is Dipesh Chakrabarty, Postco!onialltyand the Artifice Utpa[ Dutt's Mahvidroh,"Theatre doutnal, 51:2 (May 1999), 167. of History, in Bill Ashcroft, et ah, eds., The Post Colonial Studies

Reader(London: Routledge, 1995), 384-385. 29 Bhatia 168.

16 Guha 2. 0 Bhatia 168.

17 Guha 3. 1 Bhatia 168-169.

18Guha 3. 2 Bhatia 169.

1 Gufia 4. s3 Bhatia 169.

2o Guha 4. 4 Bhatia 170.

1 Guha 5. 5 Bhatia 170.

22 Guha 6. s Bhatia 170-171.

Guha 8. 37Bhatia 173.

24 Guha 8. sBBhatia 177.

5 Guha 8. 3 Bhatia 178.

26 Guha 9. 40Bhatia 179.

27Gayaa Chakravorty Spivak, Can the Subaltern

Speak?" in Bill Ascroft et aI., eds., The Post Colonial Studies Reader

(London: Routledge, 1995), 6.

Bibliography

Bai, Rani Lakshmi. Two Letters to the Marquis of Dalhousie . NotatHomeinEmpire." CtiticalInquiry23

(1858, 1854)7' ln lmpetialism& Orientalism: (Spring 1997): 482-493.

A Documentary Dourcebook, eds. Barbara Harlow and Kaye, Sir John. History of the Indian Mutiny, Vol. I. Westport: Mia Carter, 173-175. Oxford: Blackwell PublishersLtd, Greenwood Press, 1971. 1999. • The War as a Brahmanical Protest." In Bhatia,Nandi. Stagingthe 1857 Mutiny as 'The Great 485 7 War in lndia:Mutiny or War of Independence? Ed. Rebellion': Colonial History and Post-ColoniaI Ainslle T. Embree, 27-30. Boston: DC Heath and Interventions in UtpaI Dutt's Mahavidrohd Theatre Company, 1963. Journal51:2 (May 1999): 167-184. Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. "Can the Subaltern Speak?" In Chakrabarty,Dipesh. Postcoloniality and the Artifice of The PostColonial Studies Reader, eds. Bill Ashcroft et ah, History." In The Post ColonialStudis Reade6eds. Bill 24 28, London: Routledge, 1995. Ashcroft et ah, 383-388. London: Routledge 1995.

Guha, Ranajit. ElementaryAspects ofPeasanI hlsurgency in ColonialIndia. Delhi: Oxford UrliversityPress, 1983. 14 • The Wittenberg History Journal

The Politics of Misinformation: John F. Kennedy and Failure at the Bay of Pigs

By MelindaScott WittenbergClass of 2001

"I have made a tragic mistake. Not only were Castro if he was elected President. Cuba was a our facts in error, but our policy was wrong point of controversy throughout the 1960 because the premises on which it was built were campaign, earning recognition at each of the four wrong," PresidentJohnF. Kermedytold advisor televised debates between Kennedy and Clark Clifford in late April 1961 following the Republican candidate Richard Nixon. In the failure of a covert operation designed to third debate, Kennedy took the Cuban issue overthrow the Communist dictatorship of FideI right to Nixon, saying, "Mr. Nixon would add a Castro in Cuba. The Bay of Pigs was planned guarantee to islands 5 miles off the coast of the meticulously, but, as expressed by President Republic of China, when he's never really Kennedy, failed miserably. Two major factors protested the Communists seizing Cuba, 90 contributed to the failure of the Bay of Pigs miles off the coast of the United States."3 invasion: the inaccurate information provided to Kennedy believed that Cuba would only be the President Kennedy by his advisors, which led him start of problems in Latin America if nothing to believe that the operation would be a success, was done about the Communist government. In in addition to Kennedy's campaign promise to do the fourth, and final, debate of the campaign, something about Cuba, which led him to approve Kennedy declared, the first plan that crossed his desk. We're going to have to try to provide When John Kennedy officially entered the closer ties to associate ourselves with the 1960 presidential race on 20 January 1960, many great desire of these people for a better life if we're going to prevent Castro's influence doubts were held about his ability to lead the from spreading throughout all of Latin United States in time of Cold War and America. His influence is strong enough Communist influence. Throughout his today to prevent us from gettmg the other Congressional career, Kennedy was thought to be countries of Latin America to join with us in soft on Communism. Cuba was a so-called four- economic quarantine. His influence is growing, mostly because this administration letter word in the 1960s and represented the Cold has ignored Latin America. You yourself War in America's backyard. Americans believed said, Mr. Vice President, a month ago, that if that Communists in Cuba, just ninety miles from we had provided the kind of economic aid 5 the coast of Florida, posed a grave threat to the years ago that we are now providing, we entire hemisphere and pressured Eisenhower, and might never have had Castro. Why didn't we?4 later Kennedy, to act. This campaign rhetoric would later lead to Kennedy felt that the Eisenhower Kennedy's pressure to approve the first Cuban administration had let the Cuban problem fall by plan to cross his desk following his inauguration. the wayside. He said, "if the Eisenhower In the months between his election and administration had given 'the fiery young rebel a inauguration, President-elect Kennedy met with warmer welcome in his hour of triumph, President Dwight Eisenhower and his advisors especially on his trip to this country,' Castro for the traditional changmg of the guard, pre- might not have gone over to the Communists."2 inauguration briefings. It was at this time that Kennedy pledged to do something about the Kennedy first formally learned of the impending Cuba and the Communist influence of Fidel The Politicsof Misinformation:John F. Kennedy and Failureat theBay of Pigs • lS invasion of Cuba, although he had suspected an Kennedy's fabled one hundred days were over. attack had been in the works for some time. The original Cuban D-Day was scheduled for 1 Travelling to the Kennedy compound in Palm March 1961, giving Kennedy just under two Beach, Florida on 18 November 1960, Allen months to make a decision if the invasion were Dulles, Director of the Central Intelligence to proceed.12 The date of invasion was Agency, and Richard Bissell, Assistant Director, postponed several times to allow Kennedy more outlined the impending invasion to the time to gather information and decide what he President-elect. "While... from this moment wanted to do. Kennedy harbored grave doubts regarding the Almost immediately after the inauguration, size, daring, and concealability of the CIA Dulles and Bissell, acting on behalf of the CIA, invasion plan, Kennedy still gave the impression began pressuring the President for a decision on that he generally agreed with it, pending his whether to go forth with the invasion. final official approval."s Kennedy was informed According to one participant, "Allen and Dick of the plan for the invasion to be organized by didn't just brief us on the Cuban operation. the CIA, overseen by the White House and They sold us on it."13 The CIA director and his carried out by Cuban refugees living and assistant outlined the plan for the training in the United States. Dulles and Bissell President, making it as accurate as they could. briefed the President-elect a second time on the However, their version of the story turned out twenty-seventh of November6 and he was to be inherently inaccurate, as they were too formally briefed by President Eisenhower closely connected to the situation and too much himself on the sixth of December7 in favor of its occurrence. Both Kermedy and Eisenhower knew that The CIA...supplied President Kennedy and the presidenthad not given Cuba a high priority his advisers with chosen reports on the in his administration. However, once Castro unreliability of Castro's forces and the extent of was discovered to be Communist, Eisenhower Cuban dissent. The agency did not dwell, and his advisors, in addition to the American however, on its own Board of Estimates's people, felt something must be done about the memoranda that foresaw a continuous red presence in the Western Hemisphere, and reinforcement of Castro's power, nor did it Eisenhower had entrusted the planning of the mention other pessimistic reports from mission to Dulles and BisseI1. Eisenhower independent observers.14 revealed to Kennedy that this invasion had been To put it bluntly, Dulles and Bisseli refused in the planning stages for nearly a year, since to take no for an answer, due to the amount of March 1960, and that he had appropriated time they had put in on the project. Dulles funding of $13 million for the project in August stated: "We had made it very clear to the of that year.8 President Eisenhower advised President that to call off the operation would Kennedy to go ahead vdth the plan, "mak[ing] it have resulted in a very unpleasant situation."15 clear that the project is going very well and that Even knowing that a similar plan had not it is the new administration's responsibility to worked in Guatemala, the CIA and Joint Chiefs do whatever is necessary to bring it to a of Staff pushed ahead to get the President's successful conclusion."9 Eisenhower advocated approval. As a member of the Joint Chiefs his support even if it meant going public with declared, "You couldn't expect us... to say this the invasion. He told Kennedy, "We cannot let plan is no damn good, you ought to call it off; the present government there go on."1° that's not the way you do things in government. Believing that he fully understood what was •.. The CIA were doing their best in the being intended, Kennedy thanked Eisenhower planning, and we were accepting it."!6 In the for the information and prepared to take control end, rather than giving Kennedy several invasion of the highest office in the land. plans to choose from, Dulles and Bissell simply Inauguration Day dawned cold and snowy demanded a yes or no decision from him on the inthe nation's capital that year11 and no one plan they had outlined. Kennedy had no idea knew just how hot it would get for the new that Dulles and Bissell were overestimating the President and his administration before Cuban public's distrust of the Castro regime and 16 • The Wittenberg History Journal

memorandum outlining the legal, moral, and no idea that they were overestimating the political objections to an invasion"is that effectiveness of the Cuban forces being trained Fulbright was invited to the meeting on the in Miami. Not being one to be pushed into a fourth of April. Fulbright was strongly against decision, Kennedy told Dulles and Bissell that he the Bay of Pigs invasion, mostly because of the was going to consult with his advisors before moral repercussions he felt the United States making a decision. This sounds like a good idea would face in its aftermath. "To give this in retrospect, given the now-known inaccuracies activity even covert support is of a piece with in the CIA plan. However, Kennedy's advisors the hypocrisy and cynicism for which the were to let him down as well. United States is constantly denouncing the It was not only the inaccuracies of the Soviet Union in the United Nations and information Kennedy was presented that led elsewhere. The point will not be lost on the rest him to make the decision to go ahead with the of the world - nor on our own consciences."19 invasion. Before approving the proposal, Fulbright predicted that the operation would be Kennedy called a meeting of his closest advisors a resounding failure and by allowing United on 4 April 1961, with the intention of States intervention, "we would.., have making a final decision on whether to carry out assumed the responsibility for public order in the proposed plan. Cuba, and in the circumstances this would Present at the meeting were: Secretary of State, Dean Rusk; Secretary of Defense, unquestionably be an endless can of worms."2° Robert S. McNamara, and Secretary of the He recommended the President use the utmost Treasury, Douglas Dillon; General Lyman L. caution in approving this mission as "the Castro Lenmitzer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of regime is a thorn in the flesh; but it is not a Staff; Allen Dulles, Director of the CIA and dagger in the heart,"2! indicating he thought his Assistant, Richard Bissell; Presidential Cuba was not worth the risk of Cuban lives and Assistant, McGeorge Bundy; Paul Nitze, I Kennedy's specialist on strategic planning at American credibility. Fulbright was the most the Pentagon; Thomas Mann, Assistant vocal, adamant critic against the Bay of Pigs Secretary of State on Latin-American Affairs; invasion in President Kennedy's inner circle and Adolf A. Berle, Jr., Arthur M. ScFflesinger,Jr., his warnings were equally as adamantly and Richard Goodwin, three Kennedy ignored, for no one wanted to believe that the specialists on Latin America, and one outsider, Senator William Fulbright, plan would fail. Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Under Secretary of State Chester Bowles, Committee...17 upon reviewing the information for himself, also While there was overwhelming support at the came out against the proposed invasion. He meeting for going ahead with the invasion, two drafted a memo to the President and delivered individuals present expressed extreme concern the memo to his boss, Secretary of State Dean about the invasion: Dean Rusk and William Rusk. In the memo, Bowles stated: "A great Fulbright. In addition, Under Secretary of State deal of time and money has been spent and Chester Bowles, who had not been included in many individuals have been involved in its [the the meeting, was steadfastly against the project's] success. We should not, however, invasion. Kennedy was unfortunate in not proceed with this adventure simply because we taking the advice of these three men into careful are wound up and cannot stop."22 However, consideration when he made his final decision. President Kennedy never saw the memo; Rusk It was also quite unfortunate that the President absorbed the information and integrated many failed to consult his United Nations ambassador, of Bowles's opinions into his own. In addition, Adlai Stevenson, who was kept in the dark Rusk knew that "he [Kennedy]didn't like having throughout the invasion's planning. a bunch of memos shoved at him."23 As Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Therefore, one of the most eloquently worded Committee, William Fulbright's opinion should objections to the operation never reached the have been one of the most weighty in President Commander-in-Chief. Kennedy's decision-making. However, it was From the time he learned of the impending only after he presented the President with "a invasion, Secretary of State Dean Rusk had The Politicsof Misinformation: John F. Kennedy and Failureat the Bay of Pigs ° 17 grave doubts about the overall feasibility of the After consulting nearly every available operation. Upon reviewing Bowles's memo, source, excluding Ambassador Stevenson, these feelings became even more insistent. President Kennedy grudgingly made the "Personally I was skeptical about the Bay of Pigs decision to go ahead with the invasion, but plan from the beginning,"24 stated Rusk in his reserved the right to cancel the invasion at any memoirs. However, believing that the rest of point. He also installed the stipulation that "in the administration was in favor of the operation, no circumstances whatsoever were United Rusk kept his opinions to himself during cabinet States forces to become involved in the meetings on the subject. However, he was not landing."2 This cancelled out the possibility of complete silent on the matter; "although I U.S. air cover for the invading forces, dooming expressed my opposition privately to President the invasion in the eyes of many government Kennedy, I should have made my opposition officials. Kennedy did not realize what he had clear in the meetings themselves because he was done to the effectiveness of the operation and under pressure from those who wanted to was not informed of the problems this would proceed."25 This pressure came from members cause for the invading troops. The invasion of Kennedy's cabinet, but most stringently from began on the seventeenth of April, with more Dulles, Bissell, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff. than fourteen hundred Cuban refugees3° Upon reflection, Rusk believed that he could landing at the Bay of Pigs. When the men left have prevented the whole predicament if he had Guatemala, their training ground and base of just made his feelings well known in the cabinet operations, everything seemed favorable for the meetings. "If I had mounted a campaign within invasion; when they reached Cuba they found the administration and pulled together Secretary something significantly different. The of Defense Robert McNamara and the Joint individuals participating in the invasion were Chiefs and others, I might have blocked the not told of the absence of American air support. invasion."26 However, due to Rusk's quiet As they arrived at this supposedly deserted nature, Americans will never know if one vocal stretch of beach, they found resort houses built individual could have prevented the entire along the waterfront. Instead of white sandy disaster. beaches, they found sharp reefs along the United Nations ambassador Adlai Stevenson coastline, causing many of the ships to sink as was the most notable advisor the President they crashed into the reefs. By the time the failed to consult. Stevenson later characterized invasion concluded on the nineteenth of April, this ignorance as "the most 'humiliating over eleven hundred of the troops had been • experience' of his years of public service. ,,27 captured and over two hundred idled. Even Stevenson was not even informed of the though President Kennedy had compromised planned invasion and was made to look like a and allowed one hour of United States air complete fool in front of the Soviet ambassador support, it proved to be too little, too late. when questioned about the invasion on the Once it was apparent that the invasion was United Nations floor on the day it occurred. going to fail, Kennedy again turned to Even in the face of this humiliation, Stevenson Eisenhower for advice, asking him to come to supported the President and tried to cover up the the Presidential retreat at Camp David, American presence, stating, "If this was a United Maryland for a meeting. At this meeting, States military operation, do you think it would Kennedy briefed his predecessor on what had succeed or fail? How long do you think Cuba happened and asked Eisenhower for his opinion. could resist the military power of the United When Eisenhower asked Kennedy why he had States?"28 This would have been true if the refused air support, the President replied, "we mission had been backed with the full power of thought that if it was learned that,we were the United States military. Kennedy missed out really doing this rather than these rebels on a significant advisor and made the United themselves, the Soviets would be very apt to States look disorganized and secretive by not cause trouble in Berlin,"31 which Eisenhower keeping Stevenson abreast of the developments thought was a preposterous notion. At the end in the Cuban invasion. of their meeting, Eisenhower warned the 18 • The Wittenberg History Journal

President that "the American people will never addition, he wanted to prove his strength to approve direct military intervention, by their leaders around the world who felt he had own forces, except under provocations against neither the age nor the experience to lead the us so clear and so serious that everybody will most powerful nation in the world. understand the need for the move."32 This In a press conference following the Bay of ominous warning would have a particular Figs, Kennedy outlined three lessons he learned significance later in Kennedy's administration. from the failure of the invasion: Even after consulting numerous sources, the First, it is clear that the forces of ultimate decision on the Bay of Pigs belonged to communism are not to be underestimated, in Cuba or anywhere else in the world .... one man: President John Fitzgerald Kennedy. Second, it is clear that this Nation, in concert As Commander-in-Chief, it was only Kennedy with all the free nations of this hemisphere, who could have cancelled the operation. must take an ever closer and more realistic Looking back, one will never understand why he look at the menace of external Communist went through with the invasion. In fact, in the intervention and domination in Cuba .... Third, and finally, it is clearer than ever that days after the invasion, Kennedy himself asked, we face a relentless struggle in every corner "How could I have been so stupid to let them go oE the globe that goes far beyond the clash of ahead?"s3 Even so, the decision had been his, armies or even nuclear armaments,s4 and his alone. It was Kennedy who interpreted Even after the fact, Kennedy missed out on the information given to him by Alien Dulles the inaccuracies in the information he was and Richard Bisseli and who missed the fact that presented and the political purposes for these this information was inaccurate. It was inaccuracies. The Bay of Pigs invasion was the Kennedy who ignored the recommendations of single greatest blunder the Kennedy trusted advisors William Fulbright and Dean administration committed during their thousand Rusk and forgot to consult Ambassador Adlai days in office. However, it did not have the Stevenson. It was Kennedy who refused to be impact many expected it to; Dean Rusk burdened by paperwork and therefore missed surprisingly admitted, "I have always marveled out on the written objections presented by that the Bay of Pigs fiasco did not inflict greater Chester Bowles. Many factors may have damage upon the Kennedy administration than influenced Kennedy's decision. Not wanting to it did. We survived that episode better than we be seen reneging on a campaign promise just had any right to expect."ss The Bay of Figs three months after his inauguration, Kennedy invasion was doomed from the outset, due to was quick to do something about Castro. He the inaccuracies in the reports presented to strongly desired to avoid domestic criticism on President Kennedy and JFK's strong desire to do Communism and this type of invasion would something about Communism in the Western show his strength in dealing with the red Hemisphere. presence in the Western Hemisphere. In The Politicsof Misinformation:John P. Kennedy and Failureat the Bay of Pigs ° 49

Notes

1Trumbull Higgins, A PerfectFailure: Kennedy, Eisenhower, 10 Ibid., 477• and the CIA at the Bay of Pigs, New York: W.W. Norton & Go., 17 Smith, 43 GreatestMistakes, 82. 1887, 154• Is Vandenbroucke, =Anatomyf 483. 2 Ibid•, 58. 19Wyden, Bay of Pigs,122 3. a John F. Kennedy, ThirdPresidemiaIDebate [database on 2o Ibid•, 123. line] (Boston: John F. Kennedy Library 1960, accessed 10 April

1999); availablefrom http://www.cs.umb.edu/jfkBbrary/60- 2 Ibid., 123.

3rd.htm; Internet. 22 Ibid., 121.

4 John F. Kennedy, Poun'h Presidemia! Debate [database on- 2 Dean Rusk, As I Saw it, New York: W.W. Norton & line] (Boston: John F. Kennedy Library, 1960, accessed 10 April Co., 1990, 209. 1999); availablefrom http://www.cs.umb.edu/j dibrary/60 =4 Ibid., 209. 4th.htm; Internet.

=5Ibid., 210. s Higgins, Peq'ea Failure, 67.

6 Peter Wyden, Bay of Pigs: The UntoldStory, New York: 26Ibid. 211.

Simon and Schuster, 1979, 68. 27Wyden, Bay of Pigs,152.

z Peter Kombluh, TheBay of PigsDedassifiedNew York: 8 Adali Stevenson, The Bay of pigs in TheAnnals of

The New Press, 1998, 278. America Volume 18, 31.

8 Wyden, Bay o[Pigs, 30. 29 Smith, 43 GreatestMistakes, 84.

9 Kornbluh Declassified,283-4. 30 Thomas G. Paterson, ed., Kennedy's Quest for Victory: AmericanPoreign Policy, 1964-t963, Oxford: Oxford University 10 Ibid., 284. Press, 1989, 131. 11Edward Klein, All Too Human: TheLove Story of Jack and 1 Stephen E. Ambrose, Eisenhower: Soldier and President, JackieKennedy, New York: Pocket Books, 1996, 268. New York: Simon & Schuster,1990, 553.

22Malcolm E. Smith, John F. Kennedy's 43 Greatest Mistakes 32 Ibid., 554. in the WhiteHouse, Smithtown, NY: Suffolk House, 1980, 81. 83 Vandenbroucke, Anatomyf 491. 1 Lucien S. Vandenbroueke, "Anatomy of a Failure: The

Decision to Land at the Bay of Pigs" PoliticalScience Quarterly 99 34John F. Kennedy, PublicPapers ofithe Presidents: January (Fall1984): 481. 20 to December 34, 4964, Washington D.C.: United States Government PrintingOffice 1962 305-6. 4 Ibid., 476. 35 Rusk, I Saw It, 216. 15 Ibid., 476. 20 • The Wittenberg History Journal

Works Cited

Klein, Edward. All TooHumam TheLove Story ofJark andjackie Aguilar, Luis. Operation Zapata: The "Uhtasensitive" Report and Kennedy. NewYork: PocketBooks, 1996. Testimonyof theBoard of Inquiryon theBay of Pigs.

Frederick, MD: University Publications of America," 1981. Kornbluh, Peter. TheBay of PigsDeclassified. New York: The

Ambrose Stephen E. Eisenhower: Soldier and President. New York: New Press 1998.

Simon and Schuster, 1990. TheNew York Times. April 17 - 19, 1961.

Blight,James G. and Peter Kornbluh. PoliticsoflBusion: TheBay of Paterson, Thomas G., ed. Kennedy's Quest for Victory: American

Pigs Invasion Reexamined. Boulder, CO: Lyrme Rienner ForeignPolicy, t96t-t963. Oxford: Oxford University

Publishers, Inc., 1998. Press, 1989.

Eisenhower, Dwight D. The Eisenhower Diaries. New York: Rusk, Dean. As I Saw It. New York: W.W. Norton 8 Co., 1990.

W.W. Norton 8z Go., 1981. Smith, Malcolm E. John F. Kennedy's 43 Great Mistakes in the White

Higgins, Trumbull. The perfectFailure: Kennedy, Eisenhowerand House. Smithtown, NY: SuffolkHouse, 1980. the CIA at theBay of Pigs. New York: W.W. Norton and Stevenson, Adlai. "The Bay of Pigs. The Annals of America. Co., 1987. Volume 18. Hilsman, Roger. To Move a Nation: ThePolitics of ForeignPolicy in Vandenbroucke, Lucien S. "Anatomy of a Failure: The Decision theAdministration of JohnF. Kennedy. Garden City NY: to Land at the Bay of Pigs. PoliticalScience Quarterly 99 Doubleday & Co., 1967. (Fall1984): 471-91. Kennedy, John F. Speeches of John F. Kennedy. Boston: John F. Wyden, Peter. Bay of Pigs: The UntoldStoty. New York: Simon Kennedy Libraly 1960. Database on-line. Available from and Schuster, 1979. http://www.cs .umb.edu/jfklibrary/s pe eches.htm.

--. public Papers of the Presidems: Januaty 20 to Deeemb r 31,

496t, Washington D.C.: United States Government

PrintingOffice, 1962.

. To Tunt the Tide. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1962. RULES OF WITTENBERGCOLLEGE!

1. The College bel! will ring every mortifng at 6 o'clock, al wblch tinre every student is expected to rise. 2. At 6 1/2 o'clock the bell will ring, when the studellts will assemble for worship. 3. At 7 o'clock, the breakfast bellwill ring. 4. At quarter past 7, every student is expected to have his bed made aild rooul swept. 5. At 9 o'eiock, tbe bell will annomlee tire conmxencemehi of study hours. 6. At 12 o'clock tile dhiner bell will ring. 7. At quarter past 5 the supper bell. 8. At 7 P.M., the bell wilI ring for evelllarg worslfip. 9. The recreation hours will be from breakfast until hall past 8 A.M., from 12 until 2 P.M., and from 5 until 7 P.M., at all other hours each s tullent will be expected to be in Iris own room, so that all vlalt hig must be done iir recreation hours and AT NO OTHER TIME, 10. Every student shall keep hi his room a bucket to receive the waste water mid all rubbish, wkfich must be carried out of the house, so fllat nothing of fl e kind be tkrown out of the windows, Every one violating this rule will subject lfimseK to a tine of 25 cents for every offense. 11. Every student using tobacco, will be expected to keep a spittoon inlds room, and no smoking will be permitted in arty of the hails or passages, or around the building, ai/d no chewing in any of file recitation rooms. 12. Every student, dttring the wirder session, must have Ms stove laced upon a sheet of zine alld must remove the ashes from it at FeJast once a week, and carry flreal out of the house in the iron buckets brovided for flrat purpose. 13. No student shall play at hand or foot ball or any game of amusement hi the house. 14. No student shall play at billiards, ears, dice, or mtEtyother unlawful game; or at any game for a wager; or keep cards hi his roolll, 15. No profane, obscene, or disrespectful languatge will be permitted. AI1 violations of tiffs rule, if detected, will meet with severe disalpli te. 16. No student shall play on ally musical instrument, or sing, or make any other noise durhiLg study hours, or in any other way h terfere with the comfort of lffs room-mate, or ot let students in fl e btdlding. 17. If m y student shall be vexatious to his room-mate or shall dama e m d deface the .room assigned him, the faet lty may deprive him o ins room, or millet such pmushment as the ctreumsta1 ces of the case require. 18. No student oceupyin a room in college, shall board in his won room without express pernussion from the faculty. 19. It is enjohied upon the students to observe, as ar asposalble, the same order al d neatness in their rooms, as are pracllcedin well regulated families, refraining from all acts which may injure or deface the building, or any portion thereof. 20. All dmalages done to anty room Will be charged to the students occupying it, and all damage done to the recitation rooms, or ally other part of the buildhig, will be charged to the person or persons who have done, or caused ll/e damage to be done. 21. No student shall bep*ernfftted, by cuttinot writing, or hi any other way to deface the walls, cupola, or any ler, part of Ihe buildi tg. The violation of this rule will be regarded as a high nffsdemeallor. 22. No student will be permitted o keep fife axms fire crackers, or deadly weapons, about his room or person. 23 No student shall be permitted to roonr or board out of llle building, without special permission from the faculty. 24, Every studeat will be re uired to be present at every recitation of his class, aJ d no excuse willqo e regarded as vafid, tufless presented by such student inperson, either before or at the tinle of recttafion, or in case of alckness,by his room-mate. 25. All students are expected to be in bed at 10 o'clock P.M. at which time all lights hi fl e building must be exthiguished.

The following Fapers are Hartje Award finalists... 22 ° The Wittenberg History Journal The Japanese Success and its Roots in the Meiji Restoration * 23

The Japanese Success and its Roots in the Meiji Restoration

ByJohn Bodin WittenbergClass of 2000 Hartje Award Finalist

The country of Japan has achieved a level of 1889, were truly revolutionary in scope and economic and political success that is magnitude. These changes needed to be of such unparalleled throughout the non-western world. a dramatic nature, considering the purpose for Along with Germany, it is the United States which the Meiji Restoration was undertaken. only real economic competitor. To many This purpose, was the importation of western developing countries, Japan serves as a role institutions, finance, and technology necessary model on how to succeed through western-style for the establishment of a strong industrialized modernization yet at the same time be able to economy capable of keeping foreigners at bay. retain its own unique cultural heritage. The This was achieved first through political Japanese have shown that being European does centralization, which resulted in the abolition of not have to be a prerequisite for success in the feudal domains and the end of administrative modem world. Although the causes behind iocalism. It was believed by the reformers that Japan's success is are too complex and varied to only through the establishment of an absolutist be examined by this paper, a major component and centralized state could they avoid the social of that success would undoubtedly be the Meiji upheaval that such rapid modernization might Restoration of 1868. The Meiji Restoration made bring. Probably the most significant reform was Japan the first and most successful self- the establishment of a centrally commanded modernized non-Western country. conscript army and the subsequent abolition of Rutherford Alcock, a British diplomat the samurai as a class.2 With the end of the writing in 1863 after spending three years in samurai's monopoly on warfare came the Japan, described Japan in terms of Europe's destruction of the samurai's basis for power medieval ages. Feudalism, he said, was found in which removed the threat of opposition from Japan "with sufficient identity and analogy in all the old feudal order. The ultimate Meiji goals its leading features to make the coincidence were reached when the Meiji leaders managed striking."1 Indeed, members of the Japanese to begin the industrialization process by a series ruling class, the samurai, remained bound to of government initiatives. Just as the present each other by ties of vassalage and extracted Japanese government, the Meiji leaders saw from the landed peasantry a portion of their economic development in nationalist terms. crop as feudal dues. This all radically changed, Japan pursued a policy of state capitalism, by when in 1868 a group of samurai reformers which the government served as the principal seized control of the country from the unstable manager and financier of modern industry. The Tokugawa shogunate. They wanted their government took on a number of plant regime to be known as the "Meiji Restoration," operations, buying whole factories overseas, which purportedly "restored" the imperial assembling them in Japan, and bringing in family to its proper role after years of de facto foreign technicians and workers to get them rule by shoguns. started.3 The political and economic changes that As an island nation, Japan's fundamental were instituted in the 21 years between 1868 predicament is that it is vulnerable to foreigners and the acceptance of the Meiji Constitution in who might ovel±ly or subtly force their ways on 24 ° The Wittenberg History Journal

Japan. In this predicament Japan had two triumphed over a major European power. Japan choices. Either to wall itself off from the had established itself as a peer of the other outside world as it did during the isolationist Western powers. period of the Tokugawa era, or to attempt to Japan stands today as the world's only non- control the surrounding environment so it will white first world country. It has done this, not not be able to spring any surprises on the just through vigorous western adaptation, but Japanese. Thus, Meiji Japan underwent a radical also by the use of its unique cultural strengths transformation not only from handicrafts to such as its enormous drive and emphasis on modern industry but also from reclusive community. As any visitor to Japan can easily feudalism to expansionism. This new testify, it has remained true to its own cultural expansionism is seen through Japan's opening of identity. It has shown us that in this highly Korea through the Treaty of Kangha, the Sino- polarized world of poverty and power, there is Japanese war and the Russo-Japanese war. The alternatives to the white, western model of victory over Russia was especially significant success. since it was the first time an Asian country

Notes

1PaulAkamatsu, Meiji 1868 (London: Ruskin House, 1972)142.

2 W.G. Beasley, The Rise o[ Modern lapan (New York: St.

Martin's Press, 1998) 61.

Beasley, 66. NazirSoviet Pact: The Better of Two Deals * 25

The Nazi-Soviet Pact: The Better of Two Deals

by Andrea Brunsvold WittenbergClass of SO00 HartjeAward Finalist

On 11 August 1939 an Anglo-French not even the assurance of Polish complicity,s delegation arrived in Moscow to discuss a Legitimately, the Soviets were reluctant to possible tripartite agreement. It was hoped an accept a deal requiring them to enter Polish agreement with the Soviet's would deter Nazi territory if Germany invaded. The Red Army Germany from invading Poland. Twelve days would have to face Polish hostility while trying later, however, on 23 August, a Nazi-Soviet to defend them from the Germans. D.C. Watt non-aggression pact was signed between asks a crucial question: "How could the Soviet Joachim yon Ribbentrop, Germany's Foreign Union, lacking a common frontier with Minister, and Jozef Stalin's regime. The Soviet Germany, make any serious plans for action Union had guaranteed Germany she would not virthout knowing whether they were allowed to get involved if Poland was invaded. The parties operate in Poland[.]"4 Another deterrent was then dispersed and returned home to prepare simple geography. Britain and France were able for war. to sustain a war from behind defenses, using A tempting question to ask is, quite simply, blockade and air warfare. The Soviets, however, why? Why did the Soviet Union agree to would not be in a position to utilize a navy, nor Ribbentrop's offer of noninvolvement when her had Soviet airmen any experience with carrying support could conceivably have stopped Hitler war to the enemy's industrial strongholds. The in the early stages of World War II--if not Red Army would need to enter Polish territory-- prevented him from invading Poland? A clue to where they were not welcome--and engage in the answer is evident in a question Marshal the bulk of the fighting with no reimbursement Voroshilov, the Soviet Commissar of Defense, for their efforts.5 One can hardly blame Marshal asked the Anglo-French delegation on i4 August Voroshilov and Stalin for their half-hearted, 1939: "Do the French and British General Staffs dawdling interest in the delegation's offer. think that the Soviet land forces will be The arrival of Joachim von Ribbentrop, admitted to Polish territory in order to make however, re-ignited Soviet interest in the affairs direct contact with the enemy in case Poland is of Western Europe. Bell points out that attacked?"1 The delegation had no adequate "[i]nstead of risk a war, [Germany] could offer reply. Poland, when consulted, informed the certain neutrality. In terms of territory and beseeching French that Soviet troops were spheres of influence, they came bearing gifts, absolutely not allowed on Polish territory. • ready to carve up Poland and to yield at once They resisted French pressure, according to P. when Stalin asked for the whole of Latvia." H. M. Bell by "explaining simply that if the Red The Anglo-French delegation was severely Army entered Polish territory it would stay restricted in what they could offer the Soviets, as there."2 Despite their fears, the British and they respected Poland's autonomy in her French respected Poland's autonomous decision, decision not to admit Soviet troops if Germany and assured them they would fight Germany attacked. Ribbentrop, however, had no qualms without Soviet assistance. Meanwhile, the about dismissing Poland's apprehension. Hitler delegation had nothing to offer the Soviets that was intent on destroying her, and the Soviet's would make their participation worthwhile-- were welcome to help. In fact, as far as 26 ° The Wittenberg History Journal

Germany was concerned, the Soviets could share did the Soviets accept Ribbentrop's offer of in the spoils when Poland was conquered.7 Poland and noninvolvement?" is simply: "It was James L. Stokesbury also suggests that "[Stalin] better." The Anglo-French delegation could not could make a deal with Hitler, they could divide even guarantee Poland's cooperation with the Poland between them, Hitler would (probably) Red Army. If Stalin had any hopes of remaining turn west, and Germany, France, and Britain in Poland after assisting her, they were not would fight it out, after which Stalin would sufficient enough to form an alliance with France move in and pick up the pieces."s and Britain. The drawbacks far outweighed any It is difficult to blame Stalin for accepting beneficial outcome for the Soviets. Ribbentrop's offer. He offered what the Anglo- Consequently, Ribbentrop's offer appeared the French delegation could not: Poland and non- better of the two, and the Soviet's seized the involvement. The answer to the question, "Why Pact while Ribbentrop seized the day.

Notes

i Anthony P. Adamthwaite, TheMaking o[the Second 4 Watt, 456.

WorldWar (London: Routledge, Chapman and Hall, Inc., 1992), : Watt, 451 2. 218. Bel!, 296. 2 P.M.H. Bell, The Originsof theSecond World War in 7 Watt, 457 Europe, 2nd ed. Origins of Modern Wars (London: Addison

Wesley Longman Limited, 1997), 292. 8 JamesL. Stokesbury,A ShorlHistory of WorldWar II (New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc., 1980), 65. 3 Donald Cameron Watt, How War Came: The Immediate

Originsof the SecondWorld War, 4938-t939 (New York: Pantheon

Books, 1989), 463

Works Cited

Adamthwaite, Anthony P. TheMaking of the SecondWorld War. StokesbuIy, JamesL. A ShortHistory of Wodd WarII. New York:

London: Routledge, Chapman and Hail, Inc., 1992. Wi!liam Morrow and Company, Inc., 1980.

Bell, P. M.H. The Originsof theSecond World War in Europe, Watt, Donald Cameron. How War Came: The Immediate Origins of lhe Second World War, f938-t939. New York: Pantheon 2nded. Origins o[ ModernWars. London:Addison

Wesley Longman, 1997. Books, 1989. Survivingthe Torrent:Victor Heiser and the Great Flood ofJohnstown, Pennsylvania • 27

Surviving the Torrent: Victor Heiser and the Great Flood of Johnstown, Pennsylvania

by Sarah Lanzel WittenbergClass of 2000 Hartje Award Winner Thunder echoed through the valley. The the sections above water and somehow peopie heard the rumble of the waters without managed to stay on top. As the stable was seeing the thirty-six foot high wave as it thrown into the neighbor's house, he leapt into descended upon their city.1 It was May thirty- the air and miraculously landed on the roof. first 1889, and the South Fork Dam, a Unfortunately for Victor, the walls of the notoriously unstable earthen structure, had burst housed collapsed under the pressure and he was unleashing millions of gallons of water upon the dropped onto yet another home. This time he population of the valley below. The water- dangled precariously from the eaves, but logged population of Johnstown had already couldn't hold on any longer and fell into empty been enduring yet another annual flood fourteen space. Victor had landed on the bam roof upon miles down the valley, and citizens worked to which he had originally sought shelter. The save merchandise and possessions from the screams of injured and dying people as well as ever-rising water of the storm. the splintering of building surrounded him and On Washington street, George Heiser blended with the roar of the rushing waters. contemplated the safety of his beloved carriage Nearly everyone who was swept away by the horses tied in their stalls in the stable. In the flood had some piece of clothing torn away end, he sent his son Victor out to untie the from their body, and some were left completely horses and lead them to dry ground.2 This naked. From the barn roof, Victor observed errand surreptitiously saved his life. people passing by him clinging to life on various As he untied his father's fine horses, he too objects, s He recognized some of the people heard the coming of the waters of the South drifting by. Victor recalled that "'I saw the Fork Reservoir as the wall of water and debris Italian fruit dealer Mussante, " lth his wife and encroached upon his home. Victor emerged two children, racing along on what seemed to be from the stable and saw his father motioning for their old barn floor'.Suddenly the whole mass of him to climb onto the stable roof, which he did wreckage heaved up and crushed them out of hastily. Later on in life he remembered watching existence."6 the flood waters advance upon his home. He Victor continued to ride the crest of the recalled that "... It was not recognizable as wave clinging to the roof of the barn for dear water; it was a dark mass in which seethed life. He noticed that he was being propelled houses, freight cars, trees, and animals. As this toward a jam of houses and debris that had wail struck Washington Street broadside, my collected between a two-story building and a boyhood home was crushed like an eggshell stone church. Once again, he was tossed from before my eyes, and I saw it disappear."4 He the barn roof. He had to jump over the girders never saw his parents alive again. and trees the force of the water pitched at him, A few moments after the floodwaters and after each jump miraculously landed on the crushed his home they struck the barn upon barn roof. Finally, it seemed as if he was going which he was perched. The structure was ripped to die; a freight car descended toward him. Just from its foundations and rolled over and over before he was crushed by it, the brick building like a barrel. Victor desperately scrambled along gave way and released the pent-up water 28 • The Wittenberg History Journa!

pressure. Victor's barn roof, upon which he had The debris at the stone bridge lit up the sky, once again landed, shot out from underneath the and the screams of the dying echoed through freight car and continued along the relatively the night air. By dawn it had stopped raining, peaceful crest of the water. 7 and the survivors of the Johnstown flood Like many other victims, Victor drifted emerged to survey the wreckage of their city. helplessly along the top of the flood waters, and Victor, like the others, set out .to find his parents waited to see where he would be deposited. He and friends. The following days and nights were gazed around at the others struggling to stay spent recovering survivors and corpses as well as afloat, and recognized more people whom he reclaiming the leveled city. One out of every ten could not help. An Aftican-American man people in the city of Johnstown, over 2,200 prayed on the detached roof of his employer's people, died in the flood. house as he floated past Heiser. Victor noticed Many of the survivors stayed to rebuild. the flood was sweeping him toward the stone Others, like Victor Heiser, had lost everything bridge where debris was accumulating. In fact, and everyone near and dear to them. Theses the debris was thrown against the bridge with men and women gradually, if not immediately, such force that it shortly became a funeral pyre moved on and created new lives for themselves that incinerated people and animals, alive and elsewhere. Heiser himself eventually became a dead. It continued to burn long after the doctor. Mercifully, the dam itself was never floodwaters had receded. Fortunately, Heiser rebuild, and the site it occupied became a was swept toward the hills in the backwash, historical landmark. Today, drivers on route 219 and eventually jumped onto the roof of a can observe pristine white tombstones building when the momentum of the water stretching as far as the eye can see against the slowed.8 kelly green grass of Grandview Cemetery, memorializing the victims of an unparalleled tragedy in PennsyDania's history.

Notes

1 David G. McCuliough, The Johnstown Flood (New 5 Ibid., 4 5.

York: Simon and Schuster, 1968), 145,147. 6 Ibid., 5.

2 Richard O'Connor, Johnstown: The Day the Dam Broke 7 Ibid. (London: Alvin Redman Ltd., 1959), 99. 8 Ibid,, 5 6. 3 Ibid.

4 Victor HeiseI, M.D., An American Doctor's Odyssey:

Adeventures in Forty-Five Countries (New York: W.W. Norton &

Co. Inc. Publishers, 1936), 4. Surviving the Torrent: Victor Heiser and the Great Flood of Johnstown, Pennsylvania ° 29

Bibliography

"Driver o1 Old Horse-Drawn Streetcar Tells Experiencef Fetrikin, Albert Barns, "Reminicence[sic.] of the Great Flood on

Johnstnwn Daily Tribune 31 May 1939, ?. May 31st 1889, date of account unknownf photocopy of

typed version of handwritten original. Courtesy o1 Dvorchak, Bob. "Flood City Doesn't Try to Deny its History', Cambria County Historical Society, Bbensburg, PA. Johnstown Tribune Democrat 29 May 1985, 30.

Heiser, Victor M.D. An American Doctor's Odyssey: Adventures Rice, Robert G. "Hell on Earth:South Fork Man RecallsTragedyf in Forty-Five Countries. New York: W. W. Norton 8 Co. The Tribune-Democrat 2 June 1959, ?. Inc. Publishers, 1936. Waiters, Phil. Johnstown, My Uncle, and the Flood: A Fresh and

McCullough, David G. The Johnstown Flood. New York: Simon Eyewitness Narrative of a Community as its Destiny

and Schuster, 1968. Unfolds. Ligonier, PA: Cliffwood Publishing,1989.

O'Connor, Richard. Johnstown: The Day the Dam Broke. **NOTE: The eyewitness account and newspaper articles were London: Alvin Redman Ltd., 1959. sent to me from the Cambria County Historical Society in

Ebensburg, Pennsylvania. Some of these sources did not have all

o£ the bibliographic information, and one article did not have

enough information available to use for citation. I CONTRIBUTORS• 30 CONTRIBUTORS

John Bodin is a two-year captain on the Wittenberg men's lacrosse team and is .vice president of the Student Athlete Advisory Committee. Next year, he plans to continue his education at University of Toledo Law School.

Andrea Brunsvold is a senior English and History double major at Wittenberg, and a member of Phi Alpha Theta, Gamma Zeta Chapter. She hails from Torrington, Wyoming. After graduation she will move to St. Louis and work towards her master's degree in exegetical theology. She loves cats, owns a snake and hasn't pulled her hair out - yet.

Josh Guerrieri is a junior at Wittenberg University and is a history and economics double major. He is involved in the Phi Alpha Theta History Honorary, the economics honorary Tau Pi Phi, and works as a tutor in the Math Workshop. Josh is also a member of the Wittenberg University track and field team and was the North Coast Athletic Conference champion in the decathlon last year. A native of Avon, Ohio, Josh is considering attending law school after graduation.

Sarah Lanzel is a senior History major who transferred to Wittenberg as a junior. This year she is a co- editor of the History Journal and active in both History Club and Phi Alpha Theta. She was inspired to write Surviving the Torrent:Victor Heiser and the Great Flood of JohnstownPennsylvania as a result of her experiences working at a summer camp in Stoystown, Pennsylvania. She drove past the cemetery in which the victims were buried on her trips into Johnstown with co-workers on weekends and was told about the disaster. Her nomination for the Hattie award was a good excuse to research the history of the event. Sarah also won both the Hattie and Ermarth History Awards in 2000.

Melinda Scott is a junior at Wittenberg University, double majoring in elementary education and history. She is active in the Phi Alpha Theta History Honorary, the Wittenberg Education Department Honorary, the History Journal, and the Student Democrats. She is employed in the Office of Sports Information and is a member of the statistical crew for football and men's and women's basketball. Melinda is originally from London, Ohio and plans to teach at the elementary level following graduation in May of 2001.